English: We will be supporting amendments 3 and 4, but we're not able to support Plaid Cymru's amendment 16. It would seem very bizarre to compel the First Minister to explain his reasons for not doing something. This is completely without precedent and not something I believe that anyone, as I said yesterday in a different context, is intentionally calling for. If you believe the election should go ahead, then we do not think the First Minister should be dragged in to the Plenary to explain why he isn't going to interrupt the democratic process, rather than explain, as we believe, why he should if the situation arises. I therefore move amendments 6 and 7 in my name, and having listened to the debate during Stage 2 of this Bill yesterday, our amendment 6 is a compromise that will require the Welsh Government to bring forward regulations through the affirmative procedure to set out the criteria for triggering a request to the Senedd to delay the election within 14 days from the Act receiving Royal Assent. Amendment 7 is also a compromise amendment that would only require the Welsh Government to publish the criteria to be used by the First Minister for determining whether it is necessary or appropriate to postpone the election within 14 days from the Act receiving Royal Assent. I've repeatedly expressed concern that the Welsh Government has not said what situation the pandemic needs to be in before the First Minister formally requests a delay to the Welsh general election. The people of Wales need to have confidence that if their democratic will is to be temporarily delayed, they'll be entitled to know why. Unless this legislation includes a clear, objective, quantifiable threshold for the First Minister to formally request a delay to the Welsh general election due on 6 May, it will be impossible for him to avoid allegations of political opportunism and conflict of interest were he to do so. Diolch.
Welsh: Byddwn yn cefnogi gwelliannau 3 a 4, ond ni allwn gefnogi gwelliant 16 Plaid Cymru. Byddai'n ymddangos yn rhyfedd iawn gorfodi'r Prif Weinidog i egluro ei resymau dros beidio â gwneud rhywbeth. Mae hyn yn gwbl ddigynsail ac nid yw'n rhywbeth y credaf fod neb, fel y dywedais ddoe mewn cyd-destun gwahanol, yn galw amdano'n fwriadol. Os credwch y dylid cynnal yr etholiad, ni chredwn y dylid llusgo'r Prif Weinidog i mewn i'r Cyfarfod Llawn i egluro pam nad yw'n mynd i dorri ar draws y broses ddemocrataidd, yn hytrach nag esbonio, fel y credwn ni, pam y dylai wneud hynny pe bai'r sefyllfa'n codi. Felly, rwy'n cynnig gwelliannau 6 a 7 yn fy enw i, ac ar ôl gwrando ar y ddadl yn ystod Cyfnod 2 y Bil hwn ddoe, mae ein gwelliant 6 yn gyfaddawd a fydd yn ei gwneud yn ofynnol i Lywodraeth Cymru gyflwyno rheoliadau drwy'r weithdrefn gadarnhaol i nodi'r meini prawf ar gyfer sbarduno cais i'r Senedd i ohirio'r etholiad o fewn 14 diwrnod wedi i'r Ddeddf gael Cydsyniad Brenhinol. Mae gwelliant 7 hefyd yn welliant cyfaddawd a fyddai ond yn ei gwneud yn ofynnol i Lywodraeth Cymru gyhoeddi'r meini prawf sydd i'w defnyddio gan y Prif Weinidog ar gyfer penderfynu a yw'n angenrheidiol neu'n briodol gohirio'r etholiad o fewn 14 diwrnod wedi i'r Ddeddf gael Cydsyniad Brenhinol. Rwyf wedi mynegi pryder dro ar ôl tro nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru wedi dweud pa sefyllfa y mae angen i'r pandemig fod ynddi cyn i'r Prif Weinidog ofyn yn ffurfiol am ohirio etholiad cyffredinol Cymru. Os yw eu hewyllys ddemocrataidd i gael ei gohirio dros dro, mae angen i bobl Cymru fod yn hyderus y bydd ganddynt hawl i wybod pam. Oni bai bod y ddeddfwriaeth hon yn cynnwys trothwy clir, gwrthrychol, mesuradwy i'r Prif Weinidog ofyn yn ffurfiol am ohirio etholiad cyffredinol Cymru sydd i'w gynnal ar 6 Mai, bydd yn amhosibl iddo osgoi honiadau o oportiwnistiaeth wleidyddol a gwrthdaro buddiannau pe bai'n gwneud hynny. Diolch.