English: There's been some very interesting contributions here this afternoon, and I've listened to most of them, some, I have to say, with interest, and others with disbelief, and I'm not going to make any further comments on which are which. But one thing I will say is that this is a joint budget, it has been agreed between Labour and Plaid, and Plaid have come to the table and put forward things that we could agree with so that we could produce a budget today, whereas others have just simply sniped from the sidelines. I think that what we really need to do when we're looking at a budget for the foreseeable future is actually marry-up those things or join together policies that will make a difference. I have to congratulate the Tory Government that they have produced a growth industry in two areas: one is food banks and the other is homelessness, because their policies have produced, for the first time in my living memory, a massive increase in food banks. I'm sure that some of you will know that I've been on this planet for quite some time, and I have never seen anything quite like the appeals that are everywhere you turn, whether it's in a supermarket or the local press, on Facebook or Twitter, for donations to help feed people, not people who are out of work, but people who are in work. That's the cost of austerity, and I think it's absolutely disgraceful. And let's be clear about what austerity really is: it's a political choice to reduce funding in the public sector. When they talk about ideology - they very often do talk about ideology - then we also have to talk about the ideological choice that has been made by a Tory Government in Westminster to cut the expenditure in the public sphere. So what does that mean and how should we link that together? Well, it's fairly obvious that if you reduce public spending in areas like Pembrokeshire, where 25 per cent of the population are actually employed in the public sector, you're also going to reduce the capacity to regenerate that area through local spend. It is a fact that, if people aren't working, or if their wages are suppressed because there's been a pay cap, that area will grow and grow in being poor, yet it is the case that the Conservative representatives will come here time and time again asking us to spend more money that we haven't got in those areas. The other thing that is fairly clear is that, if you bring in universal credit in such a way that people end up owing huge amounts in rent arrears, it will also impact on the ability of those housing providers when they want to borrow money - they become a higher risk. I don't know whether, Cabinet Secretary, you have anything to say on that, but it is the case that the higher the risk that you become to a lender, the higher the cost of borrowing against it. So, when we hear the Conservatives actually saying to us, 'You must build more houses' or 'You must ensure that the housing stock is increased' - if universal credit, which they seem to support, because I haven't heard many of them talk against it, produces a negative impact on those policy areas that they consistently ask us to do something about, then they need to start joining things up. Because the budget doesn't stand in isolation, and Wales is impacted by the austerity that is coming thick and fast from the Westminster Government. When we talk about protecting things, Cabinet Secretary, I'd also ask you, as other people have mentioned here today - when we look at the Supporting People fund, and the fact that I understand that you have quite clearly said that you're going to put all of the money down to local government to make local determinations to save money on red tape, I also ask that you will monitor the spend around Supporting People, particularly in the area of ending violence against women and girls, so that those in most need don't end up not being provided for.
Welsh: Rydym wedi cael rhai cyfraniadau diddorol iawn yma y prynhawn yma, ac rwyf wedi gwrando ar y rhan fwyaf ohonynt; rhai, rhaid imi ddweud, â diddordeb, ac eraill ag anghrediniaeth, ac nid wyf am wneud dim sylwadau pellach ynglŷn â pha rai yw pa rai. Ond un peth a ddywedaf yw bod hon yn gyllideb ar y cyd, mae Llafur a Phlaid Cymru wedi cytuno arni, ac mae Plaid wedi dod at y bwrdd a chyflwyno pethau y gallem ni gytuno â nhw fel y gallem gynhyrchu cyllideb heddiw, yn hytrach na beirniadu o'r ymylon fel eraill. Rwy'n meddwl mai'r hyn y mae gwir angen inni ei wneud wrth edrych ar gyllideb ar gyfer y dyfodol rhagweladwy mewn gwirionedd yw cyfuno'r pethau hynny neu uno polisïau a fydd yn gwneud gwahaniaeth. Rhaid imi longyfarch y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd am gynhyrchu diwydiant twf mewn dau faes: un yw banciau bwyd a'r llall yw digartrefedd, oherwydd mae eu polisïau wedi cynhyrchu, am y tro cyntaf i mi allu ei gofio, cynnydd aruthrol mewn banciau bwyd. Rwy'n siŵr y bydd rhai ohonoch yn gwybod fy mod wedi bod ar y blaned hon ers cryn amser, ac nid wyf erioed wedi gweld dim byd tebyg i'r apeliadau hynny ym mhob man yr ydych chi'n troi, boed hynny mewn archfarchnad neu yn y wasg leol, ar Facebook neu Twitter, am roddion i helpu i fwydo pobl, nid pobl sydd allan o waith, ond pobl sydd mewn gwaith. Dyna gost cyni, ac rwy'n meddwl bod hynny'n hollol warthus. A dewch inni fod yn glir ynghylch beth yw cyni mewn gwirionedd: dewis gwleidyddol i roi llai o arian i'r sector cyhoeddus. Pan maen nhw'n sôn am ideoleg - maen nhw'n aml iawn yn sôn am ideoleg - mae'n rhaid i ninnau sôn am y dewis ideolegol a wnaeth y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd yn San Steffan i dorri gwariant yn y maes cyhoeddus. Felly beth mae hynny'n ei olygu a sut y dylem gysylltu hynny gyda'i gilydd? Wel, mae'n weddol amlwg, os ydych chi'n lleihau gwariant cyhoeddus mewn ardaloedd fel Sir Benfro, lle mae 25 y cant o'r boblogaeth wedi'u cyflogi yn y sector cyhoeddus, rydych chi hefyd yn mynd i leihau'r gallu i adfywio'r ardal honno drwy wariant lleol. Mae'n ffaith, os nad yw pobl yn gweithio, neu os yw eu cyflogau wedi'u ffrwyno oherwydd cap cyflog, y bydd yr ardal honno'n mynd yn fwy a mwy tlawd, ac eto bydd y cynrychiolwyr Ceidwadol yn dod yma dro ar ôl tro i ofyn inni wario mwy o arian nad yw gennym yn yr ardaloedd hynny. Y peth arall sy'n weddol glir yw, os ydych chi'n cyflwyno credyd cynhwysol yn y fath fodd fel bod gan bobl yn y pen draw symiau enfawr o ôl-ddyledion rhent, y bydd hefyd yn effeithio ar allu'r darparwyr tai hynny pan fyddan nhw eisiau benthyca arian - maen nhw'n dod yn fwy o risg. Wn i ddim, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a oes gennych chi unrhyw beth i'w ddweud am hynny, ond mae'n wir mai'r mwyaf o risg yr ydych chi i fenthyciwr, yr uchaf fydd cost benthyca yn ei erbyn. Felly, pan fyddwn yn clywed y Ceidwadwyr yn dweud wrthym, 'Mae'n rhaid ichi adeiladu mwy o dai' neu 'Mae'n rhaid ichi sicrhau bod y stoc tai yn cynyddu' - os yw credyd cynhwysol, rhywbeth y mae'n ymddangos eu bod o'i blaid, oherwydd dydw i heb glywed llawer ohonyn nhw'n siarad yn ei erbyn, yn cynhyrchu effaith negyddol ar y meysydd polisi hynny y maen nhw'n gyson yn gofyn inni wneud rhywbeth amdanynt, bydd angen iddyn nhw ddechrau uno pethau. Oherwydd nid yw'r gyllideb yn sefyll ar wahân, ac mae Cymru'n teimlo effaith y cyni sy'n llifo o Lywodraeth San Steffan. Pan fyddwn yn sôn am ddiogelu pethau, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, byddwn hefyd yn gofyn ichi, fel y mae eraill wedi sôn amdano yma heddiw - pan fyddwn yn edrych ar y gronfa Cefnogi Pobl, a'r ffaith, yn ôl yr hyn a ddeallaf, eich bod wedi dweud yn glir iawn eich bod yn mynd i roi'r arian i gyd i lawr i lywodraeth leol i wneud penderfyniadau lleol i arbed arian ar fiwrocratiaeth, gofynnaf hefyd ichi fonitro'r gwariant o amgylch Cefnogi Pobl, yn enwedig ym maes rhoi terfyn ar drais yn erbyn menywod a merched, i sicrhau ein bod yn darparu ar gyfer y rhai á'r angen mwyaf.