English: The Minister referred to these rates as applying to Welsh residents. Just a very slight correction: I think it's Wales's residents plus Neil Hamilton. The bravery we referred to just now - . It would have been brave if Members, particularly on the Conservative and Labour benches, had stood for election on the basis of a clear manifesto - 'If you vote for us, we're going to devolve these rates and allow people in Wales to have different tax from people in England' - but they did not. In the 2015 Westminster election, Labour made no mention of income tax devolution and the Conservatives said it would only happen once the Labour Government in Wales triggered a referendum. Then, in the 2016 Assembly election, Labour just said 'when' they're devolved, even though the law still specified there needed to be a referendum, and the Conservatives had some sort of vague fudge in their manifesto, not making the situation clear, and then in a debate said the law said there had to be a referendum but didn't say anything about how they were removing that referendum requirement. That only came in the month after the Assembly election, when they published what became the Wales Act 2017. In 2014, I was in the Commons when the Wales Act of that year was debated. I remember, I think, the Second Reading in March, and we then had, I think - finally, by that stage, I was a UKIP MP - on 10 December 2014, debates on Lords amendments, when the lockstep was removed. And actually, as a Westminster MP, most of the impression of what all those debates were about was that they were about the lockstep and about dual candidacy. But actually, I supported that legislation, on the basis that there was going to be a referendum before it came in; yet, that requirement was removed. At the end of the debate, I think Stephen Crabb was then the Minister, he referred in 2014, in the final comments on that Act, that the Labour Party had put so many high hurdles in the way of devolution of income tax that he felt they were inspired by Cardiff's Colin Jackson. So, that's where my impression about where Labour were has come from. But the reality is you haven't stood for election on this. So, that's why I'm objecting to our setting these rates of income tax, because the people of Wales were promised in a referendum - on the ballot paper - that these would not be devolved unless there was a referendum, and you've all gone back on your word.
Welsh: Fe gyfeiriodd y Gweinidog at y cyfraddau hyn fel rhai sy'n berthnasol i drigolion Cymru. Dim ond cywiriad bach iawn: rwy'n credu bod hynny'n golygu trigolion Cymru a Neil Hamilton. Y dewrder y cyfeiriwyd ato gynnau - . Byddai wedi bod yn ddewr pe byddai Aelodau, yn arbennig ar feinciau'r Ceidwadwyr a'r Blaid Lafur, wedi sefyll i gael eu hethol ar sail datganiad clir yn y maniffesto - 'Os pleidleisiwch chi drosom ni, fe fyddwn ni'n datganoli'r cyfraddau hyn ac yn caniatáu i bobl yng Nghymru gael treth wahanol i bobl yn Lloegr' - ond ni wnaethant hynny. Yn etholiad San Steffan 2015, ni ddywedodd Llafur air am ddatganoli treth incwm, ac fe ddywedodd y Ceidwadwyr y byddai hynny'n digwydd dim ond pe byddai'r Llywodraeth Lafur yng Nghymru yn cynnal refferendwm. Yna, yn etholiad y Cynulliad 2016, fe ddywedodd Llafur 'pan' maen nhw wedi cael eu datganoli, er bod y gyfraith yn parhau i nodi bod angen cynnal refferendwm. Roedd gan y Ceidwadwyr ryw fath o amwysedd yn eu maniffesto nhw, nad oedd yn egluro'r sefyllfa, ac yna fe ddywedon nhw mewn dadl bod y gyfraith yn dweud ei bod yn rhaid cael refferendwm ond ni ddywedwyd dim am sut yr oedden nhw'n bwriadu dileu'r gofyniad hwnnw am refferendwm. Ac ni ddaeth hynny ond yn y mis wedi etholiad y Cynulliad, pan gyhoeddwyd yr hyn a ddaeth yn Ddeddf Cymru 2017. Yn 2014, roeddwn i yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin pan drafodwyd Deddf Cymru y flwyddyn honno. Rwy'n cofio, rwy'n credu, yr Ail Ddarlleniad ym mis Mawrth, ac wedyn fe gawsom ni, rwy'n credu - yn y diwedd, erbyn hynny, roeddwn i'n AS UKIP - ar 10 Rhagfyr 2014, ddadleuon ar welliannau'r Arglwyddi, pan ddiddymwyd y cam clo. Ac mewn gwirionedd, fel AS yn San Steffan, yr argraff fwyaf a gefais i o ystyr yr holl ddadleuon hynny oedd eu bod nhw'n ymwneud â'r cam clo ac ymgeisyddiaeth ddeuol. Ond mewn gwirionedd, roeddwn i'n cefnogi'r ddeddfwriaeth honno, ar y sail y byddai refferendwm cyn i hynny gael ei gyflwyno; eto i gyd, fe ddilëwyd y gofyniad hwnnw. Ar ddiwedd y ddadl, Stephen Crabb oedd y Gweinidog ar y pryd, rwy'n credu, ac fe gyfeiriodd ef yn 2014, yn y sylwadau olaf ar y Ddeddf honno, fod y Blaid Lafur wedi rhoi cymaint o glwydi uchel yn ffordd datganoli treth incwm fel ei fod yn teimlo ei bod wedi ei hysbrydoli gan Colin Jackson o Gaerdydd . Felly, dyna fy argraff i o gyfeiriad taith Llafur i'r fan hon. Ond y realiti yw nad ydych chi wedi sefyll etholiad ar y mater hwn. Felly, dyna pam rwyf i'n gwrthwynebu pennu'r cyfraddau treth incwm hyn, oherwydd rhoddwyd addewid i bobl Cymru mewn refferendwm - ar y papur pleidleisio - na fyddai'r rhain yn cael eu datganoli oni bai fod yna refferendwm, ac rydych chi i gyd wedi torri eich gair.