English: Our discussion today on the draft budget is taking place in exceptional circumstances, circumstances that call for radical and ambitious action, the likes of which haven't been seen before, if we as a nation are to ensure an economic and social recovery that is fair and effective. Yes, the pandemic has placed unprecedented pressure on public spending in Wales, and the cost-of-living crisis that is impacting our communities is intensifying that pressure, especially as the Westminster Government is determined to squeeze households through the cruel decision to cut the universal credit uplift, through increasing national insurance levels. And now, in the face of the astonishing increase in energy prices, they have proposed entirely inadequate measures to support families that are already struggling to keep their heads above water. But the situation before COVID in terms of social and economic inequality and the level and impact of poverty was shameful, partly caused by a decade, of course, of Conservative ideology that doesn't care a jot about Wales and ordinary people. All too often, rather than being able to plan ahead progressively to transform our future as a nation and to prevent the poverty and inequality that were a problem long before COVID, and to achieve a vision, the Welsh Government's budget has become a shield, forced to defend the people of Wales as much as possible against the merciless steps taken by the Conservatives in London and their desire to safeguard their own interests. But we must underline too the Welsh Government's lack of action in taking the vital policy steps over 20 years and beyond to ensure a fair and vibrant Wales. Although it is, therefore, very difficult for the Welsh Government and us as a Senedd today within an unequal union and an unfair funding system to achieve our aspirations and the fundamental need to plan ahead in the longer term, I am pleased that the co-operation agreement with Plaid Cymru has succeeded in pushing the programme of government in a more radical direction, as Llyr Gruffydd mentioned, which is quite a feat bearing in mind the current challenges and the Senedd's limited powers. In this debate last year, Plaid Cymru took the opportunity to outline our plans for free school meals for all children, and I look forward to forthcoming budget debates over coming years to ensure that those plans become a reality. Even though the co-operation agreement is in place, it isn't a Plaid Cymru draft budget that is being debated today, of course - this is the Labour Government's budget, and we are of the view that there are several opportunities being lost to prioritise preventing more families in Wales from falling into poverty and from some of the destructive effects of the cost-of-living crisis. Under the circumstances, I believe that there is a strong case for considering maintaining flexibility in the discretionary assistance fund, for lowering the rent increase cap on social housing to no more than the rate of inflation on a permanent basis, and preventing an increase in train ticket prices. The increased allocation to local authorities in the budget is to be welcomed, but what discussions have taken place with these authorities in terms of having a debt bonfire for those with council tax arrears, for example - something that would make a major difference to the thousands of households that are already in debt and the thousands more currently being pushed into debt? And what about ensuring that the winter fuel allowance scheme is extended so that everyone who lives in fuel poverty receives it, not just those in receipt of means-tested benefits? I know from my work on the Equality and Social Justice Committee that scrutiny has been very difficult, bearing in mind the short window of time we had to assess the budget, a window that has been gradually narrowing, as we've already heard, over the past three years. I hope that this multi-year budget means that there will be more of an opportunity for the Senedd and others outwith the Senedd to be able to undertake more thorough scrutiny in years to come. The committee has also recommended that the budget impact assessments should be reviewed, and I hope that measuring and carefully monitoring the impacts of the cost-of-living crisis could be a part of that review. This is vital if the Government is to achieve its programme for government aim of creating an equal Wales. Yes, every fiscal decision is currently being made at a particularly difficult time, I recognise that, but it must be emphasised that it is the Government's responsibility to mitigate the appalling impact of the cost-of-living disaster. I hope and believe that there will come a time when we can leave behind Westminster's neglect and this unequal union. And as we emerge from the rubble of Brexit and the COVID crisis, we can get to a position where we can be more ambitious and progressive in terms of what we want to achieve as a nation, for our people, so that genuine change happens, and so that the people of Wales receive the economic and social justice they deserve. Thank you.
Welsh: Mae ein trafodaeth heddiw ar y gyllideb ddrafft yn digwydd o dan amgylchiadau eithriadol iawn, amgylchiadau sy'n galw am weithredu radical ac uchelgais nas gwelwyd ei thebyg, os ydym fel cenedl am sicrhau adferiad sy'n deg ac yn effeithiol. Ydy, mae'r pandemig wedi rhoi pwysau digynsail ar wariant cyhoeddus yng Nghymru, ac mae'r argyfwng costau byw sy'n taro ein cymunedau yn dwysáu'r pwysau hynny, yn enwedig wrth i Lywodraeth San Steffan fynnu gwasgu mor drwm ar ein haelwydydd drwy'r penderfyniad creulon i dorri'r credyd cynhwysol, drwy gynyddu lefelau yswiriant gwladol. A nawr, yn wyneb y cynnydd syfrdanol ym mhris ynni, maent wedi cynnig mesurau cwbl annigonol i gefnogi teuluoedd sydd eisoes yn ei chael hi'n anodd cael dau ben llinyn ynghyd. Ond roedd y sefyllfa cyn COVID o ran anghydraddoldeb cymdeithasol ac economaidd a lefelau ac effaith tlodi yn gywilyddus, yn rhannol wedi ei achosi, wrth gwrs, gan ddegawd o bolisïau llymder Llywodraeth Dorïaidd San Steffan, sy'n poeni dim am Gymru na phobl gyffredin. Yn rhy aml, yn hytrach na medru cynllunio'n flaengar i drawsnewid ein dyfodol fel cenedl, i atal y tlodi a'r anghydraddoldeb a oedd yn broblem ymhell cyn COVID, i wireddu gweledigaeth, mae cyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru yn cael ei throi i mewn i darian, yn gorfod amddiffyn pobl Cymru gymaint ag sy'n bosib rhag camau didostur y Torïaid yn Llundain a'u hawydd gwaelodol i amddiffyn eu buddion eu hunain. Ond rhaid tanlinellu hefyd ddiffyg Llywodraeth Cymru i gymryd y camau polisi breision oedd eu hangen dros 20 mlynedd a mwy i sicrhau bod yna Gymru deg a llewyrchus yn cael ei chreu. Er ei bod hi'n anodd iawn, felly, i Lywodraeth Cymru a ninnau fel Senedd heddiw o fewn undeb anghyfartal a threfn gyllido annheg wireddu ein dymuniad a'n hangen sylfaenol i fedru cynllunio ymlaen i'r tymor hirach, rwy'n falch bod y cytundeb cydweithio â Phlaid Cymru wedi llwyddo i wthio'r rhaglen lywodraethu mewn cyfeiriad mwy radical, fel soniodd Llyr Gruffydd, sy'n dipyn o gamp o ystyried yr heriau presennol a ffiniau pwerau'r Senedd. Yn y ddadl hon y llynedd, fe ddefnyddiodd Plaid Cymru'r cyfle i sôn am ein cynlluniau ar gyfer prydau ysgol am ddim i bob plentyn, ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen at ddadleuon y gyllideb sydd i ddod dros y blynyddoedd nesaf i sicrhau bod hynny'n troi'n realiti. Er bod y cytundeb cydweithio mewn lle, nid ein cyllideb ddrafft ni yw hon, wrth gwrs, sy'n cael ei thrafod heddiw - cyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru yw hi, ac rydym o'r farn bod yna sawl cyfle yn cael ei golli i flaenoriaethu atal mwy o deuluoedd Cymru rhag syrthio i dlodi a rhag effeithiau dinistriol yr argyfwng costau byw. O dan yr amgylchiadau, rwy'n meddwl bod yna achos cryf i ystyried cadw'r hyblygrwydd yn y gronfa cymorth dewisol, gostwng y cap cynnydd rhent ar dai cymdeithasol i ddim mwy na chwyddiant yn barhaol, ac atal prisiau tocynnau trên rhag cynyddu. Rhaid croesawu'r cynnydd i ddyraniad awdurdodau lleol yn y gyllideb ddrafft, ond pa drafodaethau sydd wedi digwydd gyda'r awdurdodau yma o ran cael coelcerth dyledion i'r rhai sydd ag ôl-ddyledion treth cyngor, er enghraifft - rhywbeth a fyddai'n gwneud gwahaniaeth mawr i'r miloedd o aelwydydd sydd eisoes mewn dyled, ac i'r miloedd yn fwy sy'n cael eu gwthio i ddyled ar hyn o bryd? A beth am sicrhau bod y cynllun cymorth tanwydd gaeaf yn cael ei ymestyn fel bod pawb sy'n byw mewn tlodi tanwydd yn ei dderbyn, nid yn unig y rheini sy'n derbyn budd-dal prawf modd? Rwy'n gwybod o'm gwaith ar y Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol fod craffu wedi bod yn anodd iawn o ystyried y ffenestr fer o amser fu gennym i asesu'r gyllideb ddrafft - ffenestr sydd wedi bod yn culhau, fel rŷn ni wedi clywed, yn raddol dros y tair blynedd diwethaf. Gobeithio bydd y setliad aml-flwyddyn hon yn golygu y bydd mwy o gyfle i'r Senedd ac i eraill y tu hwnt i'r Senedd fedru ymgymryd â'r dasg o graffu yn fwy trwyadl mewn blynyddoedd i ddod. Mae'r pwyllgor hefyd wedi argymell bod angen adolygiadau asesiadau effaith y gyllideb, ac rwy'n gobeithio bod mesur a chadw golwg ofalus o effeithiau'r argyfwng costau byw yn gallu bod yn rhan o hynny. Mae hyn yn gwbl hanfodol os yw'r Llywodraeth am wireddu nod ei rhaglen lywodraethu o greu Cymru gyfartal. Ydy, mae pob penderfyniad cyllidebol yn digwydd mewn cyfnod arbennig o anodd ar hyn o bryd, rwy'n cydnabod hynny, ond rhaid pwysleisio cyfrifoldeb y Llywodraeth i liniaru effeithiau erchyll y trychineb costau byw. Rwy'n obeithiol ac yn grediniol bod cyfnod o'n blaenau lle gallwn adael esgeuluster San Steffan a'r undeb anghyfartal y tu ôl i ni. Ac wrth i ni ddod trwy lanast Brexit ac argyfwng COVID, gallwn gyrraedd at fan lle y gallwn fod yn fwy uchelgeisiol a blaengar o ran yr hyn rydym eisiau ei gyflawni fel cenedl, dros ein pobl, fel bod newid gwirioneddol yn digwydd, a bod pobl Cymru yn cael y cyfiawnder economaidd a chymdeithasol y maen nhw'n ei haeddu. Diolch.