English: The First Minister started his statement by saying: 'This legislative statement sets out the Government's plans for the Bills we will introduce over the remainder of this Assembly term.' I think it was about halfway through the statement before we got on to that. We heard before about what had happened or what others were doing or why you wouldn't be doing various things, and on those, you said, we've 'been able to assess whether we are now in a position to bring forward a Welsh agriculture Bill and an environmental principles and governance Bill in this term'. I'm clear from your statement and, indeed, the pre-briefing of it - I'm not making a complaint about that - but just it is clear that the Welsh agriculture Bill is not going forward. You say, though, on environmental principles and governance: 'this remains a complex matter and we are in ongoing dialogue with the UK Government and the other administrations about the best way to achieve this.' Does that mean 'no'? Is that Bill definitely not happening? On the agricultural Bill, you talk about looking at 'issues such as the rights of tenant farmers.' But this Bill is not going to come in until the next Assembly, and I thought, from your exchanges with Neil McEvoy previously, that you were already taking action in this area. Could you clarify? On the climate change issues, we had Paul Davies making, I thought, very fair complaints about the way they'd been handled in Wales - an item of any other business after a press statement that had already been issued. But he didn't say anything about the way it had been handled at Westminster, where the UK Conservative Government gave 90 minutes of parliamentary time to a statutory instrument that wasn't even voted on, and on that basis, changing a target of 80 per cent reduction by 2050, which was coming some way to getting public buy-in and a degree of consensus, at least, relative to where we were, to something that I fear will not have that. And the Treasury and others in the UK Government have estimated costs of between £50 billion and £70 billion a year. They weren't even debated in Westminster, let alone voted on, and when we mention here that, for Welsh Government, they calculate that the cost will be £1 billion or thereabouts to the Welsh Government budget, you all just throw up your hands and say, 'You can't possibly do that,' while claiming it's such a priority. I mean, which is it? I just wonder whether, with this statement, we have some movement. You talk about 'paying farmers for the actions they can take to respond to the climate emergency, reducing emissions and capturing carbon.' So, the Welsh Government likes to say that it gets Wales £680 million a year - I think it's the figure you used - from the European Union. A lot of that goes to agriculture. Are you saying that a portion, and if so, how large a portion of that money is going to be changed from giving it to farmers on the basis of their land ownership, as long as they're actively farming to a degree, to saying they're only going to get it to compensate them for things that will cost them, such as climate storage or other actions on that? Is there a change of policy there and how much further how we got to go to find this £1 billion that we need to tackle the climate emergency that's been declared? Where is that money going to be found from? You mentioned on childcare: 'we have continued to legislate for important domestic matters, securing the administrative framework for our childcare offer to provide much-needed support to working families'. You don't go beyond the legislation. You've actually achieved this early. You had it in the Labour manifesto, and in this area, you've been as good as your word. You said there was going to be a focused rather than a universal childcare offer to working parents, and you've gone on and delivered it, and you've done it early. Before, the childcare system in Wales was relatively skewed towards the public sector, at least compared to England. Yet this scheme, I mean, it's not allowed top-ups, but it is in essence a voucher scheme, where the money goes to the parent to choose what childcare provider to use, and there's equality between the public and the private sectors. That's something you've actually delivered on, and I, at least, would like to commend you on that. The GP indemnity Bill, again, I know GPs have been pushing very hard for this and were concerned that there hadn't been movement on it. There now is, and I think the Government's right to move in this area. On the public transport Bill, we on these benches are open-minded about what's the best model for bus transport provision. We're not convinced that the deregulation we've seen outside London since the 1980s has been a great success, and we think it's right that we give local authorities the option to try franchising, to try direct provision. Would the First Minister agree with me that it would be advantageous if - ? I think there's a trade-off to be had in terms of encouraging regional working where it's needed, but also, would it be advantageous if we saw some local authorities or some regions, at least, taking a different approach, so we got some further evidence of what works, and seeing what approaches are more successful in dealing with what customers want in this area? It doesn't mention the joint transport authorities, and one area where there was a lot of criticism of the White Paper was around the joint transport authorities, and particularly having regional ones, and then having a national one. And while I think Members were keen to give a following wind to Transport for Wales and understood it being a private company in its operation, what is the point of these regional and national JTAs, and isn't there a danger of duplication? What decision has been made in terms of how we'll legislate in this area? And then we have the curriculum and assessment Bill, and the social partnership. I think a week or two ago we heard from the First Minister his enthusiasm for socialism in one clause through commencing this part of the Equality Act. My concern there is around the assessment element in particular of the education Bill. It talks about freedoms, but will that be schools marking their own homework? What is being removed in terms of assessment and accountability for schools? And is the First Minister saying that, as well as socialism in one clause, if you want to push ahead with trying to implement socialism, perhaps the first thing socialists do is stop measuring things so they can't be seen to fail?
Welsh: Dechreuodd y Prif Weinidog ei ddatganiad drwy ddweud: 'Yn y datganiad deddfwriaethol hwn, byddaf yn amlinellu cynlluniau'r Llywodraeth ar gyfer y Biliau byddwn yn eu cyflwyno yn ystod gweddill y tymor Cynulliad hwn.' Credaf ei fod tua hanner ffordd drwy'r datganiad cyn inni glywed ynghylch hynny. Clywsom o'r blaen am yr hyn a ddigwyddodd neu'r hyn yr oedd eraill yn ei wneud neu pam na fyddech yn gwneud gwahanol bethau, ac ynglŷn â'r rheini, fe wnaethoch chi ddweud ein bod: 'wedi gallu asesu a ydym ni bellach mewn sefyllfa i gyflwyno Bil amaethyddiaeth i Gymru a Bil llywodraethu ac egwyddorion amgylcheddol yn y tymor hwn'. Rwy'n glir o'ch datganiad ac, yn wir, o'r rhagfriff arno - nid wyf yn cwyno am hynny - ond a yw'n amlwg nad yw Bil amaethyddiaeth Cymru yn mynd yn ei flaen. Fodd bynnag, rydych chi'n dweud, o ran egwyddorion amgylcheddol a llywodraethu: 'Mae hwn yn parhau i fod yn fater cymhleth ac rydym ni'n trafod yn barhaus â Llywodraeth y DU a'r gweinyddiaethau eraill ynglŷn â'r ffordd orau o gyflawni hyn'. A yw hynny'n golygu 'na'? A yw hi'n bendant na fydd y Bil hwnnw'n gweld golau dydd? O ran y Bil amaethyddol, rydych chi'n sôn am edrych ar: 'materion megis hawliau ffermwyr tenant'. Ond ni chaiff y Bil hwn mo'i gyflwyno tan y Cynulliad nesaf, a meddyliais, o'ch trafodaethau gyda Neil McEvoy o'r blaen, eich bod eisoes yn gweithredu yn y maes hwn. A allech chi egluro? O ran y materion newid yn yr hinsawdd, gwnaeth Paul Davies, roeddwn yn credu, gwynion teg iawn am y ffordd yr ymdriniwyd â nhw yng Nghymru - eitem o unrhyw fater arall ar ôl datganiad i'r wasg a oedd eisoes wedi'i gyhoeddi. Ond ni ddywedodd unrhyw beth am y ffordd yr ymdriniwyd ag ef yn San Steffan, lle rhoddodd Llywodraeth Geidwadol y DU 90 munud o amser Seneddol i offeryn statudol na chafwyd hyd yn oed bleidlais arno, ac ar y sail honno, newid targed o 80 y cant o leihad erbyn 2050, a oedd yn dod beth ffordd i gael cefnogaeth y cyhoedd a rhywfaint o gonsensws, o leiaf, o'i gymharu â'r sefyllfa yr oeddem ni ynddi, i rywbeth yr ofnaf na fydd yn cynnwys hynny. Ac mae'r Trysorlys ac eraill yn Llywodraeth y DU wedi amcangyfrif costau o rhwng £50 biliwn a £70 biliwn y flwyddyn. Ni chawsant hyd yn oed eu trafod yn San Steffan, heb sôn am bleidleisio arnynt, a phan fyddwn yn sôn yma, ar gyfer Llywodraeth Cymru, maen nhw'n cyfrifo y bydd y gost tua £1 biliwn neu oddeutu hynny i gyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru, rydych chi i gyd yn codi'ch dwylo ac yn dweud, 'does dim posib y gallwch chi wneud hynny,' gan honni ei fod yn gymaint o flaenoriaeth. Wyddoch chi, pa un ydyw? Tybed, gyda'r datganiad hwn, a fu unrhyw gynnydd. Rydych chi'n sôn am: 'talu ffermwyr am yr hyn y gallan nhw ei wneud i ymateb i'r argyfwng hinsawdd, lleihau allyriadau a dal carbon'. Felly, mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn hoffi dweud ei bod yn cael £680 miliwn y flwyddyn i Gymru - rwy'n credu mai dyma'r ffigur a roesoch chi - gan yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae llawer o hynny'n mynd i amaethyddiaeth. A ydych chi'n dweud bod cyfran, ac os felly, faint yw'r gyfran o'r arian hwnnw a gaiff ei newid o'i roi i ffermwyr ar sail perchnogaeth eu tir, cyhyd â'u bod yn ffermio'n weithredol i ryw raddau, i ddweud nad ydyn nhw ond yn mynd i'w gael i'w digolledu am y pethau a fydd yn costio iddyn nhw, fel storio hinsoddol neu gamau gweithredu eraill yn hynny o beth? A oes newid polisi yn hynny o beth a pha mor bell ydym ni o gael y £1 biliwn hwn y mae ei angen arnom ni i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng hinsawdd sydd wedi'i ddatgan? O ble geir yr arian hwnnw? Fe wnaethoch chi sôn o ran gofal plant: 'rydym ni wedi parhau i ddeddfu ar gyfer materion domestig pwysig, gan sicrhau'r fframwaith gweinyddol ar gyfer ein cynnig gofal plant i ddarparu cymorth y mae ei ddirfawr angen i deuluoedd sy'n gweithio'. Dydych chi ddim yn mynd y tu hwnt i'r ddeddfwriaeth. Rydych chi wedi cyflawni hyn yn gynnar mewn gwirionedd. Roedd gennych chi hynny yn y maniffesto Llafur, ac yn y maes hwn, rydych chi wedi bod cystal â'ch gair. Fe wnaethoch chi ddweud y byddai cynnig gofal plant penodol yn hytrach nag un cyffredinol ar gael i rieni sy'n gweithio, ac rydych chi wedi mynd ati i'w ddarparu, ac rydych chi wedi gwneud hynny'n gynnar. O'r blaen, roedd y system gofal plant yng Nghymru yn ffafrio, mewn cymhariaeth, y sector cyhoeddus, o leiaf o gymharu â Lloegr. Ac eto, y cynllun hwn, wyddoch chi, nid yw'n caniatáu ychwanegu ato, ond yn ei hanfod mae'n gynllun talebau, lle rhoddir yr arian i'r rhiant ddewis pa ddarparwr gofal plant i'w ddefnyddio, ac mae cydraddoldeb rhwng y sector cyhoeddus a'r sectorau preifat. Mae hynny'n rhywbeth yr ydych chi wedi'i gyflawni mewn gwirionedd, a hoffwn i, o leiaf, eich canmol am hynny. Y Bil indemniad meddygon teulu, unwaith eto, rwy'n gwybod bod meddygon teulu wedi bod yn pwyso'n galed iawn am hyn ac roeddent yn pryderu na fu unrhyw gynnydd yn ei gylch. Mae cynnydd bellach, ac rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n briodol i'r Llywodraeth weithredu yn y maes hwn. O ran y Bil trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, mae gennym ni feddwl agored ar y meinciau hyn ynghylch beth yw'r model gorau ar gyfer darparu cludiant bysiau. Nid ydym ni wedi'n hargyhoeddi bod y dadreoleiddio a welsom ni y tu allan i Lundain ers y 1980au wedi bod yn llwyddiant ysgubol, ac rydym ni'n credu ei bod hi'n briodol ein bod yn rhoi'r dewis i awdurdodau lleol roi cynnig ar fasnachfreinio, i roi cynnig ar ddarparu'n uniongyrchol. A yw'r Prif Weinidog yn cytuno â mi y byddai'n fanteisiol pe bai - ? Rwy'n credu bod modd taro bargen o ran annog gweithio rhanbarthol lle mae ei angen, ond hefyd, a fyddai'n fanteisiol pe baem yn gweld rhai awdurdodau lleol neu rai rhanbarthau, o leiaf, yn mynd ati mewn ffordd wahanol, fel y caem ni rywfaint o dystiolaeth bellach o'r hyn sy'n gweithio, a gweld pa ddulliau sy'n fwy llwyddiannus wrth ymdrin â'r hyn y mae cwsmeriaid ei eisiau yn y maes hwn? Nid yw'n sôn am y cyd-awdurdodau trafnidiaeth, ac un maes lle'r oedd llawer o feirniadu ar y Papur Gwyn oedd ynghylch y cyd-awdurdodau trafnidiaeth, ac yn enwedig cael rhai rhanbarthol, ac yna cael un cenedlaethol. Ac er fy mod i'n credu bod yr Aelodau'n awyddus i roi hwb i Drafnidiaeth Cymru gan ddeall ei fod yn gwmni preifat yn y modd yr oedd yn gweithredu, beth yw diben y cyd-awdurdodau trafnidiaeth ranbarthol a chenedlaethol hyn, ac onid oes perygl o ddyblygu? Pa benderfyniad sydd wedi'i wneud o ran sut y byddwn yn deddfu yn y maes hwn? Ac yna mae gennym ni'r Bil cwricwlwm ac asesu, a'r bartneriaeth gymdeithasol. Credaf wythnos neu ddwy yn ôl y clywsom gan y Prif Weinidog am ei frwdfrydedd dros sosialaeth mewn un cymal drwy gychwyn y rhan hon o'r Ddeddf Cydraddoldeb. Rwy'n pryderu am yr elfen asesu yn benodol yn y Bil Addysg. Mae'n sôn am ryddid, ond ai ystyr hynny fydd na chaiff ysgolion eu dwyn i gyfrif? Beth sy'n cael ei ddileu o ran asesu ac atebolrwydd ar gyfer ysgolion? Ac a yw'r Prif Weinidog yn dweud, yn ogystal â sosialaeth mewn un cymal, os ydych chi eisiau bwrw ati i geisio gweithredu sosialaeth, efallai mai'r peth cyntaf y mae sosialwyr yn ei wneud yw atal mesur pethau fel na ellir eu gweld yn methu?