English: Oh, certainly it is, yes. I never had any great confidence that the EU would negotiate a deal with us in the first place because - [ Interruption. ] The EU is a political project first and foremost, and we are talking here in terms of an economic relationship with the EU in the years to come. I would much rather leave, as Theresa May used to say, with no deal than a bad deal. I believe that the Chequers proposals don't actually mean leaving the EU at all. It's BRINO - Brexit in name only - because they would preserve us, in effect, as members of the customs union, and how that would play out beyond there is anyone's guess. We would become rule-takers from the EU. We would pledge to accept for an indefinite time the rules that they make, which would entangle our own businesses, and we wouldn't be able to even influence the terms of them, let alone disentangle them afterwards. But, let's get back to the main point of Adam Price's speech here, which was that British people are far too stupid to have been able to make a decision on the basis of enlightenment. It's only people like us who can do that. Extravagant claims were made on both sides, as they are in every single election campaign, whether it's a general election or the Welsh Assembly election. Should we have an election every year on that basis, or every week on that basis? Clearly, this is an absurd proposition. I'm not against having a referendum in the future on whether we should go back into the EU if that's what a substantial number of British people want, and they can get a majority of Members of Parliament to support that. If there were a second referendum now, I'm personally confident of the outcome. I think it would actually confirm the decision of the first referendum. But, that would introduce a further period of uncertainty, which is, of course, the continuing mantra of remainers now. So, this isn't going to solve our problems. In the referendum campaign itself, the Government - the UK Government - at our expense, spent £9 million producing this document. The idea that the British people had no idea of what the consequences of leaving the EU might be on the worst possible scenario - . Just read this document because, on one page, it says that the economic shock: 'would put pressure on the value of the pound, which would risk higher prices of some household goods and damage living standards. Losing our full access to the EU's Single Market would make exporting to Europe harder and increase costs.' Then, on the following page, it says: 'Some argue that we could strike a good deal quickly with the EU because they want to keep access to our market. But the Government's judgement is that it would be much harder than thatNo other country has managed to secure significant access - ' [ Interruption. ] Yes, and in spite of all that, the people still voted to leave the EU. The people knew what they were doing. All that the remainers - the unrepentant, unrelenting remainers - want is to try to reverse the decisions of the British people that were made two years ago. I just want to make one more point as I am out of time already. Let's keep the economic case in perspective - [ Interruption. ] I just want to make one point. The World Trade Organisation's weighted average of EU tariffs is just 2.7 per cent, which translates to £3.9 billion in tariff receipts. The EU's average weighted tariffs for UK imports into the EU is only between 4 per cent and 7 per cent - an aggregate of £5.5 billion to £10 billion. These are trivial figures in the context of the economies that we are talking about. Whatever the outcome of the current negotiations, even if there is no deal, then we can easily cope with disruptions of that kind.
Welsh: O, yn sicr, ie. Ni fu gennyf erioed fawr o hyder y byddai'r UE yn negodi bargen gyda ni yn y lle cyntaf oherwydd - [ T orri ar draws. ] Prosiect gwleidyddol yn bennaf yw'r UE, ac rydym yn sôn yma am berthynas economaidd gyda'r UE yn y blynyddoedd i ddod. Byddai'n llawer gwell gennyf adael, fel yr arferai Theresa May ei ddweud, heb ddim bargen yn hytrach na bargen wael. Credaf nad yw cynigion Chequers yn golygu gadael yr UE o gwbl. Brexit mewn enw'n unig ydyw oherwydd byddent yn ein cadw, i bob pwrpas, yn aelodau o'r undeb tollau, a sut y byddai hynny'n datblygu y tu hwnt i hynny, dyn a ŵyr. Byddem yn derbyn rheolau gan yr UE. Byddem yn addo derbyn y rheolau a wnânt am gyfnod amhenodol, a byddai hynny'n clymu ein busnesau ni, ac ni fyddem yn gallu dylanwadu ar eu telerau hyd yn oed, heb sôn am eu datglymu wedyn. Ond gadewch inni ddychwelyd at brif bwynt araith Adam Price yma, sef bod pobl Prydain yn llawer rhy dwp i fod wedi gallu gwneud penderfyniad goleuedig. Dim ond pobl fel ni sy'n gallu gwneud hynny. Gwnaed honiadau eithafol ar y ddwy ochr, fel sy'n digwydd ym mhob ymgyrch etholiad, boed yn etholiad cyffredinol neu'n etholiad Cynulliad Cymru. A ddylem gael etholiad bob blwyddyn ar y sail honno, neu bob wythnos ar y sail honno? Yn amlwg, mae'n gynnig absẃrd. Nid wyf yn erbyn cael refferendwm yn y dyfodol i weld a ddylem fynd yn ôl i mewn i'r UE os mai dyna fydd dymuniad nifer sylweddol o bobl Prydain, a'u bod yn gallu cael mwyafrif o Aelodau Seneddol i gefnogi hynny. Pe bai ail refferendwm yn awr, yn bersonol rwy'n ffyddiog o'r canlyniad. Credaf y byddai'n cadarnhau penderfyniad y refferendwm cyntaf. Ond byddai'n creu cyfnod arall o ansicrwydd, sef mantra parhaus y rhai sy'n cefnogi 'aros' yn awr. Felly, nid yw hyn yn mynd i ddatrys ein problemau. Yn ymgyrch y refferendwm ei hun, gwariodd y Llywodraeth - Llywodraeth y DU - £9 miliwn ar ein traul ni yn cynhyrchu'r ddogfen hon. Mae'r syniad nad oedd gan bobl Prydain unrhyw syniad beth fyddai canlyniadau gadael yr UE yn ôl y sefyllfa waethaf bosibl - . Darllenwch y ddogfen hon oherwydd, ar un dudalen, mae'n dweud y byddai'r sioc economaidd: yn rhoi pwysau ar werth y bunt, a fyddai'n creu risg o brisiau uwch am rai nwyddau cartref ac yn niweidio safonau byw. Byddai colli mynediad llawn at Farchnad Sengl yr UE yn gwneud allforio i Ewrop yn anos ac yn cynyddu costau. Yna, ar y dudalen ganlynol, mae'n dweud: Mae rhai'n dadlau y gallem daro bargen dda yn gyflym gyda'r UE oherwydd eu bod am gadw mynediad at ein marchnad. Ond barn y Llywodraeth yw y byddai'n llawer anos na hynny Nid oes unrhyw wlad arall wedi llwyddo i sicrhau mynediad sylweddol - [ Torri ar draws. ] Ie, ac er gwaethaf hynny, fe bleidleisiodd y bobl dros adael yr UE. Roedd y bobl yn gwybod beth roeddent yn ei wneud. Y cyfan y mae'r rhai a oedd o blaid aros ei eisiau - y bobl ddiedifar, ddi-ildio hynny - yw ceisio gwrthdroi'r penderfyniadau a wnaeth pobl Prydain ddwy flynedd yn ôl. Hoffwn wneud un pwynt arall gan fod fy amser ar ben eisoes. Gadewch i ni gadw'r achos economaidd mewn persbectif - [ T orri ar draws. ] Hoffwn wneud un pwynt yn unig. Dim ond 2.7 y cant yw cyfartaledd pwysedig Sefydliad Masnach y Byd o dariffau'r UE, sy'n cyfateb i £3.9 biliwn mewn derbyniadau tariff. Dim ond rhwng 4 a 7 y cant yw cyfartaledd pwysedig tariffau'r UE ar fewnforion y DU i'r UE - cyfanswm o £5.5 biliwn i £10 biliwn. Mae'r rhain yn ffigurau dibwys yng nghyd-destun yr economïau y soniwn amdanynt. Beth bynnag fo canlyniad y negodiadau presennol, hyd yn oed os na cheir cytundeb, gallwn ymdopi'n hawdd ag ymyraethau o'r fath.