techiaith/cofnodycynulliad_en-cy huggingface dataset:
English: I think the game was given away by the leader of UKIP when he said that immigration is something that we suffer. I have to say to him that the proportion of EU citizens in Wales is very, very low - well below 5 per cent of the population. It is the case that people work in Wales; that's true. But he needs to speak to businesses, who will tell him that they need to be able to recruit people in many, many different jobs, some of them highly skilled, some of them not so skilled, but those people are needed. What I say to him is that we should suffer immigration, as he would put it, on the level that is appropriate to the needs of our economy. I have to say to him: he talks about a low-wage economy; he is complicit in driving down wages. Did he support the minimum wage? No, he didn't support the minimum wage. Of course he didn't. Is he supportive of ways of enforcing the minimum wage to stop anybody being exploited, regardless of where they are from? No, I doubt that is the case. He cannot, on the one hand, complain about the driving down of wages when his own record shows that he was against the minimum wage and therefore happy to see wages driven down when he was in another place.
Welsh: Rwy'n credu bod arweinydd UKIP wedi datgelu'r gwirionedd pan ddywedodd fod mewnfudo yn rhywbeth yr ydym ni'n ei ddioddef. Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud wrtho bod cyfran dinasyddion yr UE yng Nghymru yn isel dros ben - llawer is na 5 y cant o'r boblogaeth. Mae'n wir bod pobl yn gweithio yng Nghymru; mae hynny'n wir. Ond mae angen iddo siarad â busnesau, a fydd yn dweud wrtho bod angen iddyn nhw allu recriwtio pobl mewn llawer iawn o wahanol swyddi, rhai ohonynt yn fedrus iawn, rhai ohonynt ddim mor fedrus, ond mae angen y bobl hynny. Yr hyn yr wyf yn ei ddweud wrtho yw y dylem ni ddioddef mewnfudo, fel y byddai'n ei ddweud, ar y lefel sy'n briodol i anghenion ein heconomi. Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud wrtho: mae'n sôn am economi cyflog isel; mae ef yn rhan o'r broses o leihau cyflogau. A wnaeth ef gefnogi'r isafswm cyflog? Naddo, ni wnaeth ef gefnogi'r isafswm cyflog. Wrth gwrs na wnaeth ef. A yw'n gefnogol o ffyrdd o orfodi'r isafswm cyflog i rwystro unrhyw un sy'n dioddef camfanteisio, ni waeth o ble y maen nhw'n dod? Nac ydy, rwy'n amau a yw hynny'n wir. Ni all, ar y naill law, achwyn am leihau cyflogau pan fo'i hanes ei hun yn dangos ei fod yn erbyn yr isafswm cyflog ac felly'n hapus i weld cyflogau'n cael eu gyrru at i lawr pan yr oedd mewn man arall.
English: The First Minister knows that the policy of my party was in favour of the minimum wage. In the days when I was a member of the Conservative Party, the Conservative Party was against the introduction of a minimum wage, but UKIP has always supported the introduction of a minimum wage, and, of course, there hasn't been a single prosecution in Wales for breach of minimum wage legislation, even though we know that this is occurring. So, the Welsh Government, for all the protestations of the First Minister, does absolutely nothing to make its own policy work. When I used the word 'suffer' in terms of immigration policy, what I meant there was that the scale and speed of this immigration is imposing massive strains and stresses upon not just public services, but also on the incomes of those who are at the bottom end of the income scale. At the moment, we are in a period of economic growth, but of course the problems really become apparent when the economic cycle is on a downswing. There's a wealth of academic studies, some of which are referred to in this document, which shows - . Such as the study of the Bank of England, for example - it showed that a 10 per cent increase in the proportion of migrants working in particular jobs in particular regions leads to a 2 per cent fall in wages. This is a serious matter in an economy where the average earnings in Wales are only 75 per cent of the UK's.
Welsh: Mae'r Prif Weinidog yn gwybod bod polisi fy mhlaid i o blaid yr isafswm cyflog. Yn y dyddiau pan oeddwn i'n aelod o'r Blaid Geidwadol, roedd y Blaid Geidwadol yn erbyn cyflwyno isafswm cyflog, ond mae UKIP wedi cefnogi cyflwyno isafswm cyflog erioed, ac, wrth gwrs, ni fu'r un erlyniad yng Nghymru am dorri'r ddeddfwriaeth isafswm cyflog, er ein bod ni'n gwybod bod hyn yn digwydd. Felly, nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru, er gwaethaf holl brotestiadau'r Prif Weinidog, yn gwneud dim i wneud i'w pholisi ei hun weithio. Pan ddefnyddiais y gair 'dioddef' o ran polisi mewnfudo, yr hyn yr oeddwn i'n ei olygu oedd bod graddfa a chyflymder y mewnfudo hwn yn rhoi straen enfawr ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus, ond hefyd ar incwm y rheini sydd ar waelod y raddfa incwm. Ar hyn o bryd, rydym ni mewn cyfnod o dwf economaidd, ond wrth gwrs mae'r problemau wir yn dod yn amlwg pan fydd y cylch economaidd yn gostwng. Ceir cyfoeth o astudiaethau academaidd, y cyfeirir at rai ohonynt yn y ddogfen hon, sy'n dangos - . Fel astudiaeth Banc Lloegr, er enghraifft - dangosodd fod cynnydd o 10 y cant i gyfran y mewnfudwyr sy'n gweithio mewn swyddi penodol mewn rhanbarthau penodol yn arwain at ostyngiad o 2 y cant i gyflogau. Mae hwn yn fater difrifol mewn economi lle mae enillion cyfartalog yng Nghymru ddim ond 75 y cant o rai'r DU.
English: First of all, I am surprised to hear him say that he did not stand as a Conservative candidate in 1997 on a manifesto commitment not to oppose a minimum wage. I seem to remember that that was the case at that time, conveniently forgotten now. Secondly, as he knows full well - or is being mischievous - the Welsh Government is not the prosecuting authority when it comes to minimum wage legislation. It's not devolved. It's a matter for the UK Government to target resources towards the appropriate authority in order for those prosecutions to take place. He talks of evidence that shows that wages are being driven down. Where is that evidence? I see no evidence that that is the case. I see evidence of wages being driven down by some employers who are unscrupulous. I see wages being driven down by people who are working on casual contracts in the private sector. I see wages being driven down by the policies of the UK Government removing things such as tax credits that help the low paid while, of course, putting in place tax cuts for the highest paid. None of use wants to see low pay; I understand that. But can I suggest that he targets his guns at the true problem here, which is the policy that was put in place by the current UK Government?
Welsh: Yn gyntaf oll , rwy'n synnu o'i glywed yn dweud na wnaeth sefyll fel ymgeisydd Ceidwadol ym 1997 ar sail ymrwymiad maniffesto i beidio â gwrthwynebu isafswm cyflog. Rwy'n cofio mai dyna'r achos bryd hynny, sydd wedi ei anghofio'n gyfleus nawr. Yn ail, fel y mae'n gwybod yn iawn - neu mae'n bod yn ddrygionus - nid Llywodraeth Cymru yw'r awdurdod erlyn pan ddaw i ddeddfwriaeth isafswm cyflog. Nid yw wedi'i datganoli. Mater i Lywodraeth y DU yw targedu adnoddau i'r awdurdod priodol fel y gall yr erlyniadau hynny ddigwydd. Mae'n sôn am dystiolaeth sy'n dangos bod cyflogau'n cael eu gyrru at i lawr. Ble mae'r dystiolaeth honno? Ni welaf unrhyw dystiolaeth bod hynny'n wir. Rwy'n gweld tystiolaeth o gyflogau yn cael eu gyrru at i lawr gan rai cyflogwyr sy'n ddiegwyddor. Rwy'n gweld cyflogau'n cael eu gyrru at i lawr gan bobl sy'n gweithio ar gontractau achlysurol yn y sector preifat. Rwy'n gweld cyflogau yn cael eu gyrru at i lawr gan bolisïau Llywodraeth y DU o gael gwared ar bethau fel credydau treth sy'n helpu'r rheini ar gyflogau isel, wrth gwrs, gan gyflwyno toriadau treth i'r rhai sy'n cael y cyflogau mwyaf. Nid oes yr un ohonom ni eisiau gweld cyflogau isel; rwy'n deall hynny. Ond a gaf i awgrymu iddo dargedu ei ynnau at y broblem wirioneddol yn y fan yma, sef y polisi a roddwyd ar waith gan Lywodraeth bresennol y DU?
English: They have not wished to have any discussions, though we have sent them the document.
Welsh: Nid ydynt wedi dymuno cael unrhyw drafodaethau, er ein bod ni wedi anfon y ddogfen atynt.
English: The First Minister has, though, it seems, had discussions with the First Minister of Scotland and development of joint strategy and approach with the Scottish Government. Does the First Minister not appreciate that Wales voted 'leave' in the referendum? He said himself that had a lot to do with free movement of people, yet his document here is supporting free movement of people in all but name. Instead of continuing to import people to run our NHS, should we not be training up people here in Wales, and why, after 20 years of Labour-led Government, does this document say that substantial work is still needed to do that?
Welsh: Fodd bynnag, ymddengys fod y Prif Weinidog wedi trafod gyda Phrif Weinidog yr Alban a datblygu strategaeth a dull ar y cyd â Llywodraeth yr Alban. Onid yw'r Prif Weinidog yn sylweddoli bod Cymru wedi pleidleisio 'gadael' yn y refferendwm? Dywedodd ei hun fod gan hynny lawer i'w wneud â symudiad rhydd pobl, ac eto mae ei ddogfen yma yn cefnogi symudiad rhydd pobl ym mhopeth ond enw. Yn hytrach na pharhau i fewnforio pobl i redeg ein GIG, oni ddylem ni fod yn hyfforddi pobl yma yng Nghymru, a pham, ar ôl 20 mlynedd o Lywodraeth dan arweiniad Llafur, mae'r ddogfen hon yn dweud bod angen gwneud gwaith sylweddol o hyd i gyflawni hynny?
English: Why have we got foreigners in our NHS? That's what he's saying, in effect, isn't it? That's what this is about. The national health service, like the health service of any other country in the developed world, always relies on doctors from other countries. I don't care where doctors are from as long as they're good and they deliver services for our people. That's what counts at the end of the day. I'm not interested in where they were born; I'm interested in their medical skills. That's what I have to say to him. Yes, I've spoken to the First Minister of Scotland on this issue. Again, I say to him the interpretation that he and his former party put on the vote last year is not an interpretation I share. All we know is that people voted to leave the EU. They did not vote for a hard Brexit. They were given the opportunity to vote for a hard Brexit in June; they did not vote for a hard Brexit, and so it falls on all of us in this Chamber to try to interpret the viewpoint that people had on that. But I have to say nobody said to me on the doorstep - not one person, even people who were the hardest supporters of Brexit imaginable - 'What we need are fewer doctors from abroad in this country'. Nobody said that. And so, this is, in this document, an attempt to put forward a viewpoint on how migration can be made to work in the future. We've heard nothing from his current party or his former party to add to that debate.
Welsh: Pam mae gennym ni dramorwyr yn ein GIG? Onid dyna'r hyn y mae'n ei ddweud, mewn gwirionedd? Dyna beth yw hyn. Mae'r gwasanaeth iechyd gwladol, fel gwasanaeth iechyd unrhyw wlad arall yn y byd datblygedig, bob amser yn dibynnu ar feddygon o wledydd eraill. Nid wyf i'n poeni o ble mae meddygon yn dod cyn belled â'u bod yn dda a'u bod yn darparu gwasanaethau ar gyfer ein pobl. Dyna sy'n cyfrif yn y pen draw. Nid oes gennyf ddiddordeb mewn gwybod ble y cawsant eu geni; mae gen i ddiddordeb yn eu sgiliau meddygol. Dyna beth sydd gen i i'w ddweud wrtho. Ydw, rwyf i wedi siarad â Phrif Weinidog yr Alban am y mater hwn. Unwaith eto, dywedaf wrtho nad yw'r dehongliad y rhoddodd ef a'i gyn-blaid ar y bleidlais y llynedd yn ddehongliad yr wyf i'n ei rannu. Y cwbl yr ydym ni'n ei wybod yw bod pobl wedi pleidleisio i adael yr UE. Ni wnaethant bleidleisio dros Brexit caled. Rhoddwyd y cyfle iddynt bleidleisio dros Brexit caled ym mis Mehefin; ni wnaethant bleidleisio dros Brexit caled, ac felly mae'n gyfrifoldeb i bob un ohonom ni yn y Siambr hon geisio dehongli'r safbwynt yr oedd gan bobl ar hynny. Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud na ddywedodd neb wrthyf i ar garreg y drws - dim un person, hyd yn oed pobl a oedd yn gefnogwyr mwyaf brwd Brexit y gallwch chi eu dychmygu - 'Yr hyn sydd ei angen arnom yw llai o feddygon o dramor yn y wlad hon'. Ni ddywedodd neb hynny. Ac felly, ymgais yw hon, yn y ddogfen hon, i gyflwyno safbwynt ar sut y gellir gwneud i fudo weithio yn y dyfodol. Nid ydym wedi clywed dim gan ei blaid bresennol na'i blaid flaenorol i ychwanegu at y ddadl honno.
English: First Minister, when I recently met with farmers in Rhymney - yes, there are farmers in Rhymney - we discussed many issues relating to Brexit and its potential impact on the rural economy, and, contrary to the implications in Neil Hamilton's question earlier, one particular concern that they had was their inability to be able to recruit labour locally - casual labour, seasonal labour - resulting in their reliance on a steady stream of EU migrant labour. Would you agree with me that the availability of regulated seasonal labour from the EU is necessary in any agreement on the movement of people post Brexit?
Welsh: Prif Weinidog, pan gefais i gyfarfod â ffermwyr yn Rhymni yn ddiweddar - oes, mae ffermwyr yn Rhymni - fe wnaethom drafod nifer o faterion yn ymwneud â Brexit, a'i effaith bosibl ar yr economi wledig, ac yn groes i'r awgrymiadau yng nghwestiwn Neil Hamilton yn gynharach, un pryder a oedd ganddynt oedd eu hanallu i allu recriwtio llafur yn lleol - llafur achlysurol, llafur tymhorol - gan arwain at eu dibyniaeth ar ffrwd gyson o lafur mudol yr UE. A fyddech chi'n cytuno â mi fod angen i lafur tymhorol o'r UE wedi'i reoleiddio fod ar gael mewn unrhyw gytundeb ar symudiad pobl ar ôl Brexit?
English: Well, it is hugely important. We know, otherwise, that there will be serious labour shortages in the agricultural industry, and that is something that has not yet been properly addressed by the UK Government. It comes back to this point again: we need an immigration policy that's sensible, that's fair, that's balanced, and we believe, in the document that we've produced on Brexit and migration, that we've done just that. I don't accept that people voted to leave the EU and then decided to build a metaphorical or real fence around the UK while at the same time, of course, incidentally, keeping the open border with the EU in the Republic of Ireland, which is something that has never been resolved. So, this is a way forward that we believe is sensible, fair, and meets, of course, the wishes of the people of Wales that were expressed in the referendum last year.
Welsh: Wel, mae'n hynod bwysig. Gwyddom, fel arall, y bydd prinder llafur difrifol yn y diwydiant amaethyddol, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth nad yw Llywodraeth y DU wedi mynd i'r afael ag ef yn briodol eto. Mae'n dod yn ôl i'r pwynt yma eto: rydym ni angen polisi mewnfudo sy'n synhwyrol, sy'n deg, sy'n gytbwys, ac rydym ni'n credu, yn y ddogfen yr ydym ni wedi ei llunio ar Brexit a mewnfudo, ein bod ni wedi gwneud yn union hynny. Nid wyf yn derbyn bod pobl wedi pleidleisio i adael yr UE ac yna penderfynu adeiladu ffens ddychmygol na gwirioneddol o gwmpas y DU gan ar yr un pryd, wrth gwrs, gyda llaw, cadw'r ffin agored gyda'r UE yng Ngweriniaeth Iwerddon, sy'n rhywbeth nad yw wedi ei ddatrys. Felly, mae hon yn ffordd ymlaen yr ydym ni'n credu sy'n synhwyrol, yn deg, ac yn bodloni dymuniadau pobl Cymru a fynegwyd yn y refferendwm y llynedd.
English: Does the First Minister not see that perhaps the reasons we seem to be reliant on migrant workers are twofold? Firstly, there's little incentive to train local people for jobs when they can simply import ready-made, qualified workers. And, secondly, pay and conditions are so poor that it's often only a migrant worker from a country with living standards that are worse than ours who is prepared to be exploited in this way. What are you going to do to reverse the reliance on EU workers and migrant workers?
Welsh: Onid yw'r Prif Weinidog yn gweld efallai bod y rhesymau pam mae'n ymddangos ein bod ni'n ddibynnol ar weithwyr mudol yn ddeublyg? Yn gyntaf, prin yw'r cymhelliad i hyfforddi pobl leol ar gyfer swyddi pan ei bod yn hawdd iddyn nhw fewnforio gweithwyr parod a chymwysedig. Ac, yn ail, mae tâl ac amodau mor wael mai dim ond gweithiwr mudol o wlad sydd â safonau byw sy'n waeth na'n rhai ni sy'n barod i ddioddef camfanteisio fel hyn. Beth ydych chi'n mynd i'w wneud i wrthdroi'r ddibyniaeth ar weithwyr yr UE a gweithwyr mudol?
English: Well, first of all, we all want to see improved pay and conditions, and it's hugely important that we see the introduction of a proper living wage across our economy, in the private sector as well, and important that we have a UK Government that recognises the importance of that. But I am not obsessed with the idea that what we have to do is to chuck out as many foreign workers as possible, which is effectively what she is saying. And that interpretation is not shared by the people of Wales, as shown by the fact that her party - I don't know if she's still in the party or not - received such a low percentage of the vote in the election. Does it not tell you something that the kind of Brexit that you support is not supported by the people of Wales, and we saw that in June?
Welsh: Wel, yn gyntaf oll, rydym ni i gyd eisiau gweld tâl ac amodau gwell, ac mae'n hynod bwysig ein bod ni'n gweld cyflog byw priodol yn cael ei gyflwyno ar draws ein heconomi, yn y sector preifat hefyd, ac mae'n bwysig bod gennym ni Lywodraeth y DU sy'n cydnabod pwysigrwydd hynny. Ond nid oes gen i obsesiwn â'r syniad mai'r hyn y mae'n rhaid i ni ei wneud yw taflu cymaint o weithwyr tramor allan â phosibl, sef yr hyn y mae hi'n ei ddweud i bob pwrpas. Ac nid yw pobl Cymru yn rhannu'r dehongliad hwnnw, fel y dangosir gan y ffaith fod ei phlaid - nid wyf yn gwybod a yw hi'n dal yn y blaid ai peidio - wedi ennill canran mor isel o'r bleidlais yn yr etholiad. Onid yw'n dweud rhywbeth wrthych chi nad yw pobl Cymru yn cefnogi'r math o Brexit yr ydych chi'n ei gefnogi, a'n bod ni wedi gweld hynny ym mis Mehefin?
English: Yes. We're committed to working with police and crime commissioners and partners to tackle slavery, which includes forced labour. In March, we launched our ethical employment in supply chains code of practice to make supply chains transparent and prevent exploitation of workers - a first, indeed, for Wales and for the UK.
Welsh: Gwnaf. Rydym ni wedi ymrwymo i weithio gyda chomisiynwyr yr heddlu a throseddu a phartneriaid i fynd i'r afael â chaethwasiaeth, sy'n cynnwys llafur dan orfod. Ym mis Mawrth, lansiwyd ein cod ymarfer cyflogaeth foesegol mewn cadwyni cyflenwi i wneud cadwyni cyflenwi yn dryloyw ac atal camfanteisio ar weithwyr - sy'n torri tir newydd, yn wir, i Gymru ac i'r DU.
English: I thank you for that answer. The National Crime Agency recently said that modern day slavery or forced labour is now so widespread that ordinary people are likely to come unwittingly into contact with victims every single day, and those victims will be found within the key industries, particularly highlighting agriculture, domestic and social care, fishing, food processing, car washing, and construction. Currently, under the Modern Slavery Act 2015, only companies with an annual turnover of £36 million a year have to declare what steps they have taken to stop slavery within their supply chains. I think you will agree that most companies in Wales do not reach the threshold. So, First Minister, what discussions have you had with the anti-slavery co-ordinator from Wales about his proposals for a code of practice that companies could sign up to voluntarily?
Welsh: Diolchaf i chi am yr ateb yna. Dywedodd yr Asiantaeth Troseddu Cenedlaethol yn ddiweddar bod caethwasiaeth fodern neu lafur dan orfod mor gyffredin erbyn hyn fel bod pobl gyffredin yn debygol o ddod i gysylltiad heb yn wybod â dioddefwyr bob un dydd, a bod y dioddefwyr hynny i'w gweld yn y diwydiannau allweddol, gan dynnu sylw penodol at amaethyddiaeth, gofal cartref a chymdeithasol, pysgota, prosesu bwyd, golchi ceir, ac adeiladu. Ar hyn o bryd, o dan Ddeddf Caethwasiaeth Fodern 2015, dim ond cwmnïau â throsiant blynyddol o £36 miliwn y flwyddyn y mae'n rhaid iddynt ddatgan pa gamau maen nhw wedi eu cymryd i atal caethwasiaeth yn eu cadwyni cyflenwi. Rwy'n credu y byddwch chi'n cytuno nad yw'r rhan fwyaf o gwmnïau yng Nghymru yn cyrraedd y trothwy. Felly, Prif Weinidog, pa drafodaethau ydych chi wedi eu cael gyda chydgysylltydd gwrth-gaethwasiaeth Cymru am ei gynigion ar gyfer cod ymarfer y gallai cwmnïau gytuno i gyd-fynd ag ef yn wirfoddol?
English: Well, we did launch the code of practice on ethical employment and supply chains in March. That was aimed at supporting businesses to make supply chains transparent and to prevent workers from being exploited. As I said, that's a first for both Wales and the UK. I know that the Wales anti-slavery leadership group is raising the issue of slavery through training and awareness raising, because - and I know she is passionate about this - we want to make sure that Wales is hostile to slavery.
Welsh: Wel, lansiwyd y cod ymarfer ar gyflogaeth foesegol a chadwyni cyflenwi gennym ym mis Mawrth. Ei nod oedd cynorthwyo busnesau i wneud cadwyni cyflenwi yn dryloyw ac i atal gweithwyr rhag dioddef camfanteisio. Fel y dywedais, mae hynny'n torri tir newydd i Gymru a'r DU. Gwn fod grŵp arweinyddiaeth gwrth-gaethwasiaeth Cymru yn codi'r broblem o gaethwasiaeth trwy hyfforddiant a chodi ymwybyddiaeth, oherwydd - a gwn ei bod hi'n angerddol ynglŷn â hyn - rydym ni eisiau sicrhau bod Cymru'n elyniaethus i gaethwasiaeth.
English: First Minister, the anti-slavery co-ordinator for Wales, Stephen Chapman, has admitted that there could be cases of modern-day slavery within the Welsh social care sector. He's actually stated that, somewhere down the line, this is going on. Across such a large sector in Wales, problems may well be further down the public supply chain. What action are you taking to ensure that, where services are provided by our public bodies in Wales, there is a distinct and robust measure to prevent any form of modern-day slavery in Wales?
Welsh: Prif Weinidog, mae cydgysylltydd gwrth-gaethwasiaeth Cymru, Stephen Chapman, wedi cyfaddef y gallai fod achosion o gaethwasiaeth fodern yn sector gofal cymdeithasol Cymru. Mae wedi dweud bod hyn yn digwydd yn rhywle. Ar draws sector mor fawr yng Nghymru, mae'n bosibl iawn y gallai problemau fod ymhellach i lawr y gadwyn gyflenwi gyhoeddus. Pa gamau ydych chi'n eu cymryd i sicrhau, lle mae gwasanaethau'n cael eu darparu gan ein cyrff cyhoeddus yng Nghymru, y ceir mesur pendant a chadarn i atal unrhyw fath o gaethwasiaeth fodern yng Nghymru?
English: Well, through the training, of course, that I've already indicated that the leadership group has taken forward, and secondly, of course, through the code of practice itself. I know that the co-ordinator is passionate in terms of ensuring that we drive slavery out, even where it is hidden, of course, in some organisations. She mentions the social care sector. She wasn't claiming to have evidence, in fairness, that that happened, but she was quoting what might be happening in Wales. We work very closely with the co-ordinator to make sure that Wales, as I say, becomes hostile to slavery.
Welsh: Wel, drwy'r hyfforddiant, wrth gwrs, yr wyf i wedi nodi eisoes y mae'r grŵp arweinyddiaeth wedi ei ddatblygu, ac yn ail, wrth gwrs, drwy'r cod ymarfer ei hun. Gwn fod y cydgysylltydd yn angerddol o ran sicrhau ein bod ni'n gyrru caethwasiaeth allan, hyd yn oed lle mae'n gudd, wrth gwrs, mewn rhai sefydliadau. Mae'n sôn am y sector gofal cymdeithasol. Nid oedd yn honni bod ganddi dystiolaeth, er tegwch, bod hynny'n digwydd, ond roedd hi'n dyfynnu'r hyn a allai fod yn digwydd yng Nghymru. Rydym ni'n gweithio'n agos iawn gyda'r cydgysylltydd i sicrhau bod Cymru, fel y dywedais, yn elyniaethus i gaethwasiaeth.