English: There are only a few points I want to add, and those really aren't to do with the pros and cons of what's happening, but actually the state of the constitutional crisis that we're in and I think having an understanding of how serious that crisis is. We have a Government that doesn't have a majority, it no longer has a mandate, and as I've said before, it really doesn't have any legitimacy and that is the crux of it. Because the honourable thing to do - the honourable thing that I think all parties would, in the past, have done, when they had such major defeats in Westminster, would've been to go to the people to seek a new mandate. And that, ultimately, is the real way forward - to actually seek a mandate from the people - and that's what our constitution actually requires. But when you have a situation where you've got a Government that is so obsessed with its own internal politics rather than the interests of the country, you end up with a situation of constitutional paralysis and that's where we are now. And that's why you end up with a position, within our unique constitution that is a combination of prerogative convention and procedures - you end up with a situation where someone who is potentially the next leader of the Conservative Party - Rees-Mogg - is talking about the Queen exercising her prerogative and proroguing Parliament. That is sheer - [ Interruption.] That is sheer insanity. But what a crisis that you've actually got a potential leader of the Conservative Party seeing the way out to revert to the tactics of the English civil war some 300 years earlier. Is that what you've actually become? What, for me, is perhaps one of the most serious issues that emerges at the moment is the fact that there are still something like 600 statutory instruments that have to be passed through Parliament before the end of March, otherwise we will end up with whole gaps in legislation that are just not working. We will leave the EU and we will not have a viable and lawful legal basis on which we can operate in so many areas. That is why - and I put this to the Counsel General - the issue really, one of the most immediate issues, is actually an extension of article 50, because any rational assessment of where we are is that whatever view we take we cannot resolve the paralysis we are in without more time, and we desperately need that time. One of the most immediate issues is that we've got to have, and apply to the EU for, an extension of article 50. Do you agree?
Welsh: Hoffwn ychwanegu ychydig o bwyntiau'n unig, ac nid ydynt yn ymwneud mewn gwirionedd â manteision ac anfanteision yr hyn sy'n digwydd, ond â'r argyfwng cyfansoddiadol rydym ynddo yn awr a'r angen i ddeall pa mor ddifrifol yw'r argyfwng hwnnw. Mae gennym Lywodraeth heb fwyafrif, nid oes ganddi fandad mwyach, ac fel y dywedais o'r blaen, nid oes ganddi unrhyw gyfreithlondeb a dyna graidd y mater. Oherwydd y peth anrhydeddus i'w wneud - y peth anrhydeddus y credaf y byddai pob plaid wedi ei wneud yn y gorffennol ar ôl wynebu crasfa mor fawr yn San Steffan, fyddai mynd at y bobl i geisio cael mandad newydd. A dyna yw'r ffordd go iawn ymlaen yn y pen draw - ceisio mandad gan y bobl - a dyna y mae ein cyfansoddiad yn galw amdano mewn gwirionedd. Ond pan fydd gennych sefyllfa lle mae gennych Lywodraeth sydd â chymaint o obsesiwn â'i gwleidyddiaeth fewnol ei hun yn hytrach na buddiannau'r wlad, yr hyn a gewch yw sefyllfa o barlys cyfansoddiadol, a dyna lle rydym yn awr. A dyna pam y bydd gennych sefyllfa, o fewn ein cyfansoddiad unigryw sy'n gyfuniad o gonfensiwn uchelfreiniol a gweithdrefnau - lle bydd gennych rywun a allai fod yn arweinydd nesaf y Blaid Geidwadol - Rees-Mogg - yn siarad am y Frenhines yn arfer ei hawl i ragderfynu'r Senedd. Mae hynny'n wallgofrwydd llwyr - [ T orri ar draws.] Gwallgofrwydd pur. Ond am argyfwng, fod gennych arweinydd posibl y Blaid Geidwadol yn gweld ffordd o droi'n ôl at dactegau rhyfel cartref Lloegr 300 mlynedd yn gynharach. Ai i hynny y daethoch mewn gwirionedd? I mi, un o'r pethau mwyaf difrifol o bosibl sy'n dod i'r amlwg ar hyn o bryd yw'r ffaith bod rhywbeth tebyg i 600 o offerynnau statudol yn dal i fod heb eu pasio drwy'r Senedd cyn diwedd mis Mawrth, fel arall bydd gennym fylchau mawr yn y ddeddfwriaeth nad ydynt yn gweithio. Byddwn yn gadael yr UE ac ni fydd gennym sail gyfreithiol ddilys a chyfreithlon y gallwn weithredu arni mewn cynifer o feysydd. Dyna pam - a dywedais hyn wrth y Cwnsler Cyffredinol - mai'r mater sy'n codi mewn gwirionedd, un o'r pethau mwyaf uniongyrchol sy'n codi, yw ymestyn erthygl 50, oherwydd bydd unrhyw asesiad rhesymol o ble'r ydym yn dangos na allwn ddatrys y parlys rydym ynddo, beth bynnag fo'n barn, heb fwy o amser ac mae taer angen yr amser hwnnw arnom. Un o'r materion mwyaf uniongyrchol yw bod yn rhaid inni gael, a gofyn i'r UE am estyniad i erthygl 50. A ydych yn cytuno?