English: Well, of course, I was one of those who campaigned to remain, but, when we had lost, I accepted the result. I, at the time, was working for a youth work charity and I experienced directly the distress and anger of many, many young people at the result. At that time, we worked with them, advocating acceptance, trying to deal with their emotional distress and attempting to work to influence the nature of what Brexit might look like - for example, retaining the UK's place in the Erasmus programme that's been so important. It isn't very often in this place that I admit to naivety, Llywydd, but I have to say that I thought there was a plan. Now, given the people who were advocating Brexit, I should have known better, because there clearly wasn't one. I assumed that the people who wanted this to happen would know the nature of it, and my colleague Llyr Gruffydd has just told us of the multicoloured Brexit nonsense that we've had ever since. So, I did accept the result of this referendum because I think, in principle, that was the right thing to do, but I thought by this time - [ Interruption.] And please, can I just say this? I am quite happy to accept interventions, but I find it difficult to speak properly when I have people making comments from the floor. So, if any Member who disagrees with me or indeed agrees with me would like to make an intervention, I'm very open to doing that, but, please, the way we treat each other in this place ought to be with respect, and so let's listen to one another, even when we disagree. So, I was prepared to accept it, assuming that there would be some kind of plan, that there would be things we could put in place perhaps to mitigate some of the worst effects, and three years on, everything is completely different. There is no plan, or there is a wide range of different plans, and other colleagues have already pointed out some of the consequences that have come to light. Now, colleagues here have said that we don't know why people voted the way they did. Well, in fact, that isn't true. There's been extensive academic research looking into why people voted 'yes' and why people voted 'no', and we know, as other colleagues have said, that that powerful message about taking back control was one that very understandably resonated sometimes with people in communities who felt that their lives were out of control. Of course, what we've seen since is the absolute opposite of any kind of control, with the people advocating Brexit unable to tell us what it ought to look like, unprepared, perhaps, to be honest. And many colleagues, as I've said, have highlighted the huge potential risks and the current threat that has come to light again this week to our health service - what was offered as the golden deal. The trade deal with the NHS is just one of dozens and dozens of examples that we could cite. So, we do know that people had good reasons for voting the way that they did, and we also know, because there's ongoing extensive research, that many of them have changed their minds. One group of the population that hasn't changed its mind is young people. Three years ago, 18 to 24-year-olds voted 71 per cent to remain and 29 per cent to leave. Now, it is their future - many of us won't be here to see the long-term consequences of particularly what a 'no deal' Brexit would mean, but it is their future that is hanging in the balance. I think today of all days it's also very important to remember the other group of the population that voted overwhelmingly to remain, and that was those of our fellow citizens who remembered the second world war, who remembered the genesis of the European Community - whatever its faults, and there are none of us here who think that institution as it is, I'm sure, is perfect - but that generation, our parents' generation, who knew what that conflict was like stood with the young people and voted roughly 70 per cent to 30 per cent to remain. Now -
Welsh: Wel, wrth gwrs, roeddwn i'n un o'r rhai fu'n ymgyrchu dros aros, ond pan wnaethom golli, fe dderbyniais y canlyniad. Roeddwn i, ar y pryd, yn gweithio i elusen gwaith ieuenctid a phrofais yn uniongyrchol ofid a dicter llawer iawn o bobl ifanc ynglŷn â'r canlyniad. Bryd hynny, buom yn gweithio gyda hwy, yn eu cynghori i dderbyn, ceisio ymdrin â'u trallod emosiynol a gweithio i ddylanwadu ar natur yr hyn y gallai Brexit ei olygu - er enghraifft, cadw lle'r DU yn y rhaglen Erasmus sydd wedi bod mor bwysig. Nid yn aml iawn yn y lle hwn y byddaf yn cyfaddef fy naïfrwydd, Lywydd, ond rhaid i mi ddweud fy mod wedi credu bod yna gynllun. Nawr, o ystyried y bobl a oedd yn dadlau dros Brexit, dylwn fod wedi gwybod yn well, oherwydd yn amlwg nid oedd cynllun yn bodoli. Cymerais yn ganiataol y byddai'r bobl a oedd am i hyn ddigwydd yn gwybod beth oedd ei natur, ac mae fy nghyd-Aelod Llyr Gruffydd newydd ddweud wrthym am y nonsens Brexit amryliw a gawsom byth ers hynny. Felly, dderbyniais ganlyniad y refferendwm oherwydd fy mod yn credu, mewn egwyddor, mai dyna oedd y peth iawn i'w wneud, ond roeddwn yn meddwl erbyn hyn - [ T orri ar draws.] Ac os gwelwch yn dda, a gaf fi ddweud hyn? Rwy'n ddigon bodlon derbyn ymyriadau, ond rwy'n ei chael hi'n anodd siarad yn iawn pan fydd pobl yn gwneud sylwadau o'r llawr. Felly, os oes unrhyw Aelod sy'n anghytuno â mi neu'n wir yn cytuno â mi yn dymuno ymyrryd, rwy'n agored iawn i hynny, ond os gwelwch yn dda, dylem drin ein gilydd â pharch yn y lle hwn, felly gadewch inni wrando ar ein gilydd, hyd yn oed pan fyddwn yn anghytuno. Felly, roeddwn yn barod i'w dderbyn, gan gymryd yn ganiataol y byddai rhyw fath o gynllun yn bodoli, y byddai pethau y gallem eu rhoi ar waith efallai i liniaru rhai o'r effeithiau gwaethaf, a thair blynedd yn ddiweddarach, mae popeth yn gwbl wahanol. Nid oes cynllun, neu mae ystod eang o wahanol gynlluniau, ac mae cyd-Aelodau eraill eisoes wedi tynnu sylw at rai o'r canlyniadau sydd wedi dod i'r amlwg. Nawr, mae cyd-Aelodau yma wedi dweud nad ydym yn gwybod pam fod pobl wedi pleidleisio fel y gwnaethant. Wel, nid yw hynny'n wir mewn gwirionedd. Cafwyd ymchwil academaidd helaeth a ymchwiliai i'r rheswm pam y pleidleisiodd pobl 'ie' a'r rheswm pam y pleidleisiodd pobl 'na', a gwyddom, fel y dywedodd cyd-Aelodau eraill, fod y neges rymus honno am adfer rheolaeth yn un a oedd, yn ddealladwy iawn, yn taro deuddeg gyda phobl weithiau mewn cymunedau a deimlai fod eu bywydau allan o reolaeth. Wrth gwrs, mae'r hyn a welsom ers hynny'n gwbl groes i unrhyw fath o reolaeth, gyda'r bobl sy'n dadlau dros Brexit yn methu dweud wrthym sut beth ddylai Brexit fod a heb baratoi, efallai, ar gyfer bod yn onest. Ac mae llawer o gyd-Aelodau, fel y dywedais, wedi tynnu sylw at y peryglon enfawr posibl a'r bygythiad presennol sydd wedi dod i'r amlwg eto yr wythnos hon i'n gwasanaeth iechyd - yr hyn a gynigiwyd fel y fargen euraid. Un yn unig o ddwsinau ar ddwsinau o enghreifftiau y gallem gyfeirio atynt yw'r cytundeb masnach gyda'r GIG. Felly, gwyddom fod gan bobl resymau da dros bleidleisio fel y gwnaethant, a gwyddom hefyd, gan fod gwaith ymchwil helaeth yn mynd rhagddo, fod llawer ohonynt wedi newid eu meddyliau. Un grŵp o'r boblogaeth sydd heb newid ei feddwl yw pobl ifanc. Dair blynedd yn ôl, pleidleisiodd 71 y cant o bobl ifanc rhwng 18 a 24 oed dros aros a 29 y cant dros adael. Nawr, eu dyfodol hwy ydyw - ni fydd llawer ohonom ni yma i weld canlyniadau hirdymor Brexit 'dim bargen' yn enwedig, ond eu dyfodol hwy sydd yn y fantol. Rwy'n credu heddiw o bob diwrnod ei bod hefyd yn bwysig iawn cofio'r grŵp arall o'r boblogaeth a bleidleisiodd yn unfrydol o blaid aros, sef ein cyd-ddinasyddion a oedd yn cofio'r ail ryfel byd, a gofiai ddechrau'r Gymuned Ewropeaidd - beth bynnag yw ei beiau, ac rwy'n sicr nad oes yr un ohonom yma'n credu bod y sefydliad fel y mae yn berffaith - ond fe safodd y genhedlaeth honno, cenhedlaeth ein rhieni a wyddai beth oedd rhyfel, gyda'r bobl ifanc a phleidleisio 70 y cant i 30 y cant yn fras dros aros. Nawr -