English: There are many things that we could all say, those of us who oppose this consent today, about this Bill, and many of them have been said. But I'm going to focus here particularly and speak to the issue at hand, and the issue at hand is about medical examinations and age assessments of unaccompanied minors seeking refugee asylum - children. And I think there's one message that has to be absolutely clear here today: we are talking about children. We are talking about traumatised children, not just children who've arrived and they're going to go nicely into some hideous assessment that all the medical profession who've responded to requests to respond from the Health and Social Care Committee won't validate. They said that there is no evidence to support that these medical assessments are accurate. So, we need to start there. The medical profession themselves, who have responded, say that these assessments don't have any merit. Secondly, and we've heard it said, and more importantly, these are children. They are traumatised children and we're asked to give permission to a process to further traumatise them, a process that they won't be able to object to, because they won't have a voice in that objection. And whatever will be done to them will be pretty traumatic in itself, and it's bound to cause post-traumatic stress, and that's already alluded to here. Not to mention, of course, their mental fragility when they're actually entering the process and it being increased as a consequence of having gone through that process. So, none of it is good news. Should they fail, of course, you will then be putting children into adult facilities, and again with no protection whatsoever, no right to appeal - all taken out of their hands. As you all know, I'm a founding member of the all-party group on trafficking and slavery. I don't think you'd have to use a huge amount of imagination to understand the implications of putting unaccompanied minors in facilities whereby they would become potential victims of trafficking and slavery. There are many, many accounts of that already happening in those facilities as we speak. And, of course, they will be separated in some cases from their families, so they equally won't be able to raise their voices on behalf of the children because somehow this Government is quite happy to throw away the rights of those children, to ignore the basic fundamental humanity that you would expect to exist when you're talking about traumatised children. So, I'm really pleased that it seems that all the people who took evidence are saying, 'No, we will not give consent. We will not give consent to brutalise and traumatise the children who find themselves in this UK.'
Welsh: Mae llawer o bethau y gallem ni i gyd eu dweud, y rheini ohonom sy'n gwrthwynebu'r cydsyniad hwn heddiw, am y Bil hwn, ac mae llawer ohonyn nhw wedi cael eu dweud. Ond rwy'n mynd i ganolbwyntio yma'n arbennig a siarad ar y mater dan sylw, ac mae'r mater dan sylw yn ymwneud ag archwiliadau meddygol ac asesiadau oedran o ffoaduriaid dan oedran ar eu pen eu hunain sy'n ceisio lloches - plant. Ac rwy'n credu bod un neges y mae'n rhaid iddi fod yn gwbl glir yma heddiw: rydym yn sôn am blant. Rydym yn sôn am blant sydd wedi dioddef trawma, nid dim ond plant sydd wedi cyrraedd ac maen nhw'n mynd i fynd i ryw asesiad erchyll na fydd yr holl broffesiwn meddygol sydd wedi ymateb i geisiadau i ymateb gan y Pwyllgor Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol yn ei ddilysu. Maen nhw'n dweud nad oes tystiolaeth i gefnogi bod yr asesiadau meddygol hyn yn gywir. Felly, mae angen i ni ddechrau yn y fan yna. Mae'r proffesiwn meddygol eu hunain, sydd wedi ymateb, yn dweud nad oes gan yr asesiadau hyn unrhyw rinwedd. Yn ail, ac rydym wedi ei glywed yn cael ei ddweud, ac yn bwysicach, plant yw'r rhain. Maen nhw'n blant wedi'u trawmateiddio a gofynnir i ni roi caniatâd i broses i roi trawma pellach iddynt, proses na fyddan nhw'n gallu ei wrthwynebu, oherwydd ni fydd ganddyn nhw lais yn y gwrthwynebiad hwnnw. A bydd beth bynnag a wneir iddyn nhw yn eithaf trawmatig ynddo'i hun, ac mae'n siŵr o achosi straen wedi trawma, ac mae hynny eisoes wedi'i gyfeirio ato yma. Heb sôn, wrth gwrs, am eu breuder meddyliol pan fyddan nhw'n dechrau ar y broses a hwnnw'n cynyddu o ganlyniad i fynd drwy'r broses honno. Felly, nid oes unrhyw ran o hwn yn newyddion da. Os byddan nhw'n methu, wrth gwrs, byddwch wedyn yn rhoi plant mewn cyfleusterau i oedolion, ac eto heb unrhyw amddiffyniad o gwbl, dim hawl i apelio - i gyd wedi'u tynnu allan o'u dwylo. Fel y gwyddoch chi i gyd, rwy'n un o sylfaenwyr y grŵp hollbleidiol ar fasnachu a chaethwasiaeth. Nid wyf yn credu y byddai'n rhaid i chi ddefnyddio llawer iawn o ddychymyg i ddeall goblygiadau rhoi plant ar eu pen eu hunain mewn cyfleusterau lle bydden nhw'n dod yn ddioddefwyr posibl masnachu mewn pobl a chaethwasiaeth. Mae llawer o straeon am hynny eisoes yn digwydd yn y cyfleusterau hynny wrth i ni siarad. Ac, wrth gwrs, byddan nhw'n cael eu gwahanu mewn rhai achosion oddi wrth eu teuluoedd, felly yn yr un modd ni fyddan nhw'n gallu codi eu lleisiau ar ran y plant oherwydd rywsut mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn ddigon bodlon taflu hawliau'r plant hynny, anwybyddu'r ddynoliaeth sylfaenol y byddech yn disgwyl ei chael pan fyddwch yn sôn am blant sydd wedi dioddef trawma. Felly, rwy'n falch iawn ei bod yn ymddangos bod yr holl bobl a gymerodd dystiolaeth yn dweud, 'Na, ni fyddwn yn rhoi caniatâd. Ni fyddwn yn rhoi caniatâd i drin plant sy'n cael eu hunain yn y DU hon yn annynol a'u trawmateiddio.'