English: No, I don't agree. I accept the first part of the Member's statement, particularly with reference to Theresa May's Government and the way it acted. It's not for me to defend Theresa May's Government, but I would note that it was also the behaviour of the Labour Party in the Commons that led to the situation we had. And I'm afraid I doubt the sincerity of many of those MPs who were effectively seeking to block Brexit by voting against any deal, intending to vote against any deal - even when they were given everything they'd been asking for, including a customs union, they demanded more. And they gambled on trying to block Brexit, elect a Corbyn Government, and then have a second referendum and win, and it be remain, so we stay in the EU. Now, we can judge how sensible or otherwise that gamble was, and I think that was the reference to the bankrupt gamblers that you heard - [ Interruption.] - that you heard earlier. But - but - in the spirit of magnanimity, I would like to accept the sincerity of what you said today, David, because I think it's in the interests of all of us that we seek to move on and to make the best of Brexit wherever we individually came. And I accept that those who - . I think five sixths of the Chamber voted remain compared to the one sixth of us who voted to leave. I do not denigrate the patriotism of those who made a different assessment as to the advantages than I did, and we shall now seek to move forward together and get the best we can for Wales and for the United Kingdom. On which note, I move to Dai Lloyd's speech. I thought it was very revealing, the exchange that he had with Andrew R.T. Davies. He didn't actually object and say the UK was taking more powers than the EU; it was the fact that it was the UK Government rather than the EU that he objected to. And I take a pragmatic approach on this and support 4c of this motion, 'establishing a new approach to regional investment', because it's important to recognise that that money, whether it's specifically for regional development funds or whether it's to fill that £15 billion fiscal gap that we have in Wales, comes from the rest of the United Kingdom and primarily from England. And the aim of regional development is to try and lever up areas that are at the time they're receiving that money less well off. And I think there is a role for the UK Government, and also a very full role for the Welsh Government. And those roles will be different than they were within the EU structures. And, overall, I would be happy to see something where the relative powers and influence of the UK Government on the spending of regional development money coming from the UK in Wales is no greater than that that was taken by the EU, but I think we should have a pragmatic approach to try and make that work. Dai refers to the 2011 referendum and to the 2016 referendum, and I think one issue that we have is, because of the last three and a half years and how this Assembly has acted, and the motion after motion after motion to expressly, or, in effect, block Brexit, when Wales voted to leave, for many voters, that has reduced their assessment of this place and their attachment to our National Assembly. And I think we need to recognise that. And that's happened again. Whatever the rationale that was given at the vote, voting against that LCM and then saying how terrible is the UK Government's pressing ahead despite all three devolved legislatures voting, or administrations voting - being - against it, ignores the fact that Wales voted to leave the European Union. That is the deal. It's not particularly a deal that my party thinks is a great deal, but it's the deal that's there. It's a lot better than Theresa May's deal. We're coming out, we're going to have Brexit -
Welsh: Na, nid wyf yn cytuno. Rwy'n derbyn rhan gyntaf datganiad yr Aelod, yn enwedig y cyfeiriad at Lywodraeth Theresa May a'r ffordd y gweithredodd. Nid fy lle i yw amddiffyn Llywodraeth Theresa May, ond hoffwn nodi mai ymddygiad y Blaid Lafur yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin a arweiniodd at y sefyllfa a gawsom. Ac rwy'n ofni fy mod yn amau didwylledd llawer o'r ASau a geisiodd rwystro Brexit i bob pwrpas drwy bleidleisio yn erbyn unrhyw gytundeb, gan fwriadu pleidleisio yn erbyn unrhyw gytundeb - hyd yn oed pan gawsant bopeth y gwnaethant ofyn amdano, gan gynnwys undeb tollau, fe wnaethant fynnu mwy. Ac roeddent yn gamblo ar geisio rhwystro Brexit, ethol Llywodraeth Corbyn, a chael ail refferendwm ac ennill, a bod pleidlais dros aros, fel ein bod yn aros yn yr UE. Nawr, gallwn farnu pa mor synhwyrol neu fel arall oedd y gambl, a chredaf mai dyna oedd y cyfeiriad at y gamblwyr a gollodd bopeth y clywsoch amdanynt - [ T orri ar draws.] - yn gynharach. Ond - ond - mewn ysbryd mawrfrydig, hoffwn dderbyn didwylledd yr hyn a ddywedoch chi heddiw, David, oherwydd credaf ei bod o fudd i bob un ohonom geisio symud ymlaen a gwneud y gorau o Brexit o ble bynnag y daethom fel unigolion. Ac rwy'n derbyn fod y rhai - . Rwy'n credu bod pum rhan o chwech o'r Siambr wedi pleidleisio dros aros o gymharu â'r un rhan o chwech ohonom a bleidleisiodd dros adael. Nid wyf yn bychanu gwladgarwch y rhai a wnaeth asesiad gwahanol o'r manteision i'r hyn a wneuthum i, a byddwn yn awr yn ceisio symud ymlaen gyda'n gilydd a chael y gorau a allwn i Gymru ac i'r Deyrnas Unedig. Ar y nodyn hwnnw, symudaf ymlaen at araith Dai Lloyd. Roeddwn yn meddwl ei bod yn ddadlennol iawn, y ddadl a gafodd gydag Andrew R.T. Davies. Ni wnaeth wrthwynebu a dweud bod y DU yn cymryd mwy o bwerau na'r UE; y ffaith mai Llywodraeth y DU yn hytrach na'r UE ydoedd a wrthwynebai. Ac rwy'n mabwysiadu ymagwedd bragmatig ar hyn ac yn cefnogi 4c o'r cynnig hwn, 'sefydlu dull newydd o ymdrin â buddsoddi rhanbarthol', oherwydd mae'n bwysig cydnabod bod yr arian hwnnw, boed yn benodol ar gyfer cronfeydd datblygu rhanbarthol neu i lenwi'r bwlch cyllidol o £15 biliwn sydd gennym yng Nghymru, yn dod o weddill y Deyrnas Unedig ac o Loegr yn bennaf. A nod datblygu rhanbarthol yw ceisio gwella ardaloedd sy'n llai cefnog ar yr adeg pan fyddant yn cael yr arian hwnnw. Ac rwy'n credu bod rôl i Lywodraeth y DU, a rôl lawn iawn i Lywodraeth Cymru hefyd. A bydd y rolau hynny'n wahanol i'r hyn oeddent o fewn strwythurau'r UE. Ac yn gyffredinol, buaswn yn falch o weld rhywbeth lle nad yw pwerau a dylanwad cymharol Llywodraeth y DU ar wario arian datblygu rhanbarthol sy'n dod o'r DU yng Nghymru yn fwy na'r hyn a gymerwyd gan yr UE, ond credaf y dylem gael ymagwedd bragmatig i geisio gwneud i hynny weithio. Cyfeiria Dai at refferendwm 2011 ac at refferendwm 2016, a chredaf mai un mater sy'n codi, oherwydd y tair blynedd a hanner diwethaf a sut y mae'r Cynulliad hwn wedi gweithredu, a'r cynnig ar ôl cynnig ar ôl cynnig, yn benodol neu o ran eu heffaith, i atal Brexit, er bod Cymru wedi pleidleisio dros adael, i lawer o bleidleiswyr mae hynny wedi gostwng eu hasesiad o'r lle hwn a'u hymlyniad i'n Cynulliad Cenedlaethol. Ac rwy'n credu bod angen i ni gydnabod hynny. Ac mae hynny wedi digwydd eto. Beth bynnag fo'r rhesymeg a roddwyd adeg y bleidlais, mae pleidleisio yn erbyn y cynnig cydsyniad deddfwriaethol hwnnw a dweud wedyn pa mor ofnadwy yw Llywodraeth y DU yn bwrw ymlaen er bod y tair deddfwrfa neu weinyddiaeth ddatganoledig wedi pleidleisio yn ei erbyn ac yn ei wrthwynebu, yn anwybyddu'r ffaith bod Cymru wedi pleidleisio dros adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Dyna'r cytundeb. Nid yw'n gytundeb y mae fy mhlaid yn meddwl ei fod yn un arbennig o wych, ond dyna'r cytundeb. Mae'n llawer gwell na chytundeb Theresa May. Rydym yn gadael, rydym yn mynd i gael Brexit -