English: I've listened to the contributions. I think they've been thoughtful and entertaining and fanciful. I'm not going to pin the actual description on each speaker. But I do think in any new system of Government, you need to look at the institutions, and the Government is an important institution but the legislature is at least as important. In fact, from the legislature the Executive draws its authority. In a review of what we've done in the last 20 years, I just want to mention what I consider to be some of the things we've led on in the UK. Nearly all - in fact, all of these had cross-party support, as far as I recall. The children's commissioner. That was our response to the report, 'Lost in Care'. We're still seeing the ripples 20 years later about a very different view about what children's rights are and those in the care of the state. It's been copied by all the other jurisdictions in the UK. The foundation phase - does anyone ever remember that - that followed the Cambridge review, a UK, or an England and Wales Government review - a UK Government review for England and Wales? The Cambridge review was soundly rejected by, I think, it was just the Blair's Government's final days; it may have been Mr Brown. In fairness, the Labour Party here took it forward. Now, as far as I know, early years learning, based on play, is accepted throughout the UK, and I accepted it back then. I was probably the only Conservative, but I may have had other allies then. The mental health Measure was mentioned by Darren and proposed by Jonathan Morgan. The active travel Act - one of the greatest pieces to - . Although it was taken over by the Government, it did emerge from the civic sector, led by my great friend Lee Waters and Sustrans at the time. The human tissue Act, or presumed consent, which, incidentally, I disagreed with, but anyone watching the way the health Minister, who is now our First Minister, took that legislation through its stages, with all the tact and sensitivity that generous hearts could have very different views on it, you could show that in any seminar around the world about how a legislature should operate. And then, another one - the well-being of future generations Act. I think the great mark of that success is it's doing more to hold the Government that passed it to account than I think they probably realised at the time. But perhaps you'll allow me that slightly barbed remark. The question is: has Welsh political autonomy become the settled will? Well, however you cut it and dice it, and you've got to work quite hard, you can get about 20 per cent of the population to say they want the Assembly abolished. Now, trying to add to that figure the 25 per cent that now believe in independence I do think is a slight of hand, because I think you have to say that at least 80 per cent of the people want political autonomy, and some want it so full that it would amount to independence. The polling consistently indicates this. Now, there is some truth that we've had to work at this. I have said in some speeches I've made in the past, particularly to students from abroad, that we've had a long political convention, because we started with a very strange model. In fairness, it may have been the only model in 1997 that could have passed a referendum. I have no criticism for the Labour Government's pragmatic view then. But we had a sort of 101 version of political autonomy, and we had to work at it. And the result was the remarkable success of the referendum in 2011. And I played a very small part in explaining to David Cameron what it would mean if this place, under the 2006 Act, voted for a referendum by two thirds, and then Parliament denied that on a simple vote. And he said 'Oh, hold on now, what are we talking about - that we would vote in Parliament to say the Assembly was wrong after a two thirds vote to ask the people of Wales whether they wanted full legislative powers?' And, in fairness to him, he saw the complete nonsense of that. And as he says in his autobiography, he then had a job of work to do to convince some in the political community of that reality. And I'm glad he did it. My own view is that greater federal mechanisms will be necessary. I think, in England, it's frankly up to the English what political institutions they want. There is a danger that if there's an English Government, as England as a whole, it could overpower a British Government. I do think that's a genuine danger, which is why I prefer the sort of super-municipalism that we now seem to be seeing. And let's not forget - there is a devolved institution in England in the London Assembly. So, I think we can look on this record as one of great work, generously done by nearly all parties, anyway, to make political governance in Wales a much more coherent entity. And now all we've got left that's a real absurdity is the legal jurisdiction we don't have, so that laws made in this Parliament extend to England and Wales, but are only applied in Wales. If you can talk any sense around that principle, I'd be glad to hear you. But, Presiding Officer, I think we should remember that there have been great successes. The challenges, the mistakes, they're all there too, but really, devolution has worked.
Welsh: Rwyf wedi gwrando ar y cyfraniadau. Rwy'n credu eu bod yn feddylgar ac yn ddifyr a gwamal. Nid wyf am gynnig disgrifiad o bob siaradwr. Ond rwy'n meddwl mewn unrhyw system newydd o Lywodraeth, fod angen i chi edrych ar y sefydliadau, ac mae'r Llywodraeth yn sefydliad pwysig ond mae'r ddeddfwrfa o leiaf yr un mor bwysig. Mewn gwirionedd, o'r ddeddfwrfa y caiff y Weithrediaeth ei hawdurdod. Mewn adolygiad o'r hyn a wnaethom dros yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf, rwyf am sôn am yr hyn yr ystyriaf eu bod yn rhai o'r pethau rydym wedi arwain arnynt yn y DU. Cafodd bron bob un - yn wir, cafodd pob un o'r rhain gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol, hyd y cofiaf. Y comisiynydd plant. Dyna oedd ein hymateb i'r adroddiad, 'Ar Goll Mewn Gofal'. Rydym yn dal i weld yr effeithiau 20 mlynedd yn ddiweddarach ynghylch safbwynt gwahanol iawn ynglŷn â beth yw hawliau plant a'r rhai sydd yng ngofal y wladwriaeth. Mae pob awdurdodaeth arall yn y DU wedi ei efelychu. Y cyfnod sylfaen - a oes unrhyw un yn ei gofio - a ddilynodd adolygiad Caergrawnt, adolygiad gan Lywodraeth y DU, neu Gymru a Lloegr - adolygiad gan Lywodraeth y DU ar gyfer Cymru a Lloegr? Gwrthodwyd adolygiad Caergrawnt yn gadarn yn nyddiau olaf Llywodraeth Blair, rwy'n credu; efallai mai Mr Brown ydoedd. A bod yn deg, bwriodd y Blaid Lafur yma ymlaen â hyn. Nawr, hyd y gwn, mae addysg blynyddoedd cynnar, sy'n seiliedig ar chwarae, yn cael ei derbyn ledled y DU, ac fe'i derbyniais yn ôl bryd hynny. Mae'n debyg mai fi oedd yr unig Geidwadwr, ond efallai fod gennyf gynghreiriaid eraill bryd hynny. Crybwyllwyd y Mesur iechyd meddwl gan Darren ac fe'i cynigiwyd gan Jonathan Morgan. Mae'r Ddeddf teithio llesol - un o'r darnau gorau i - . Er i'r Llywodraeth ei fabwysiadu, fe ddeilliodd o'r sector dinesig, o dan arweiniad fy nghyfaill mawr Lee Waters a Sustrans ar y pryd. Y Ddeddf meinweoedd dynol, neu ganiatâd tybiedig, yr anghytunais â hi gyda llaw, ond byddai unrhyw un a wyliodd y ffordd yr aeth y Gweinidog iechyd, sef ein Prif Weinidog bellach, â'r ddeddfwriaeth honno drwy ei chyfnodau, gyda'r holl ddoethineb a sensitifrwydd y gallai calonnau hael fod â safbwyntiau gwahanol iawn yn ei chylch, gallech ddangos hynny mewn unrhyw seminar o gwmpas y byd ynglŷn â sut y dylai deddfwrfa weithredu. Wedyn, un arall - Deddf llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol. Rwy'n credu mai nodwedd fawr o lwyddiant honno yw ei bod yn gwneud mwy i ddal y Llywodraeth a'i pasiodd i gyfrif nag y credaf eu bod wedi sylweddoli ar y pryd, mae'n debyg. Ond efallai y gwnewch chi ganiatáu imi wneud y sylw braidd yn bigog hwnnw. Y cwestiwn yw: a yw ymreolaeth wleidyddol Gymreig wedi dod yn ewyllys sefydlog? Wel, sut bynnag y gwnewch ei gyflwyno, ac mae'n rhaid i chi weithio'n eithaf caled, gallwch gael tua 20 y cant o'r boblogaeth i ddweud eu bod am i'r Cynulliad gael ei ddiddymu. Nawr, mae ceisio ychwanegu at y ffigur hwnnw y 25 y cant sydd bellach yn credu mewn annibyniaeth braidd yn dwyllodrus yn fy marn i, oherwydd credaf fod yn rhaid ichi ddweud bod o leiaf 80 y cant o'r bobl am gael ymreolaeth wleidyddol, ac mae rhai am ei gweld i'r fath raddau fel y byddai'n gyfystyr ag annibyniaeth. Mae'r arolygon barn yn nodi hyn yn gyson. Nawr, mae rhywfaint o wirionedd ein bod wedi gorfod gweithio ar hyn. Rwyf wedi dweud mewn rhai areithiau a wneuthum yn y gorffennol, yn enwedig i fyfyrwyr o dramor, fod gennym gonfensiwn gwleidyddol hir, oherwydd ein bod wedi dechrau gyda model rhyfedd iawn. A bod yn deg, efallai mai dyna oedd yr unig fodel yn 1997 a allai fod wedi pasio mewn refferendwm. Nid wyf yn beirniadu barn bragmatig y Llywodraeth Lafur bryd hynny. Ond cawsom ryw fath o fersiwn 101 o ymreolaeth wleidyddol, a bu'n rhaid inni weithio arno. A'r canlyniad oedd llwyddiant hynod y refferendwm yn 2011. A chwaraeais ran fach iawn yn egluro wrth David Cameron beth y byddai'n ei olygu pe bai dwy ran o dair o'r lle hwn, o dan Ddeddf 2006, yn pleidleisio o blaid refferendwm, a bod y Senedd wedyn yn gwadu hynny drwy bleidlais syml. A dywedodd 'O, un funud fach, am beth rydym yn sôn - y byddem yn pleidleisio yn y Senedd i ddweud bod y Cynulliad yn anghywir ar ôl pleidlais o ddwy ran o dair i ofyn i bobl Cymru a oeddent am gael pwerau deddfu llawn?' Ac er tegwch iddo, gwelodd gymaint o nonsens oedd hynny. Ac fel y dywed yn ei hunangofiant, roedd ganddo waith i'w wneud wedyn i argyhoeddi rhai yn y gymuned wleidyddol o'r realiti hwnnw. Ac rwy'n falch ei fod wedi gwneud hynny. Yn fy marn i, bydd angen mwy o fecanweithiau ffederal. Rwy'n credu, yn Lloegr, mai mater i'r Saeson yw pa sefydliadau gwleidyddol y maent am eu cael. Mae perygl, os ceir Llywodraeth Seisnig, fel Lloegr gyfan, gallai fod yn drech na Llywodraeth Brydeinig. Rwy'n credu bod hwnnw'n berygl gwirioneddol, a dyna pam y mae'n well gennyf y math o uwch-ddinasoliaeth rydym yn ei weld bellach. A gadewch i ni beidio ag anghofio - mae gan Loegr sefydliad datganoledig, sef Cynulliad Llundain. Felly, rwy'n credu y gallwn edrych ar y cyflawniad hwn fel un gwych, wedi'i wneud yn hael gan bron bob plaid, beth bynnag, i wneud llywodraethu gwleidyddol yng Nghymru yn endid llawer mwy cydlynol. Ac yn awr y cyfan sydd gennym ar ôl sy'n hurtrwydd go iawn yw'r awdurdodaeth gyfreithiol nad ydym yn meddu arni, fel bod deddfau a wneir yn y Senedd hon yn ymestyn i gynnwys Cymru a Lloegr, ond yng Nghymru yn unig y cânt eu cymhwyso. Os gallwch siarad unrhyw synnwyr ynghylch yr egwyddor honno, buaswn yn falch o'ch clywed. Ond Lywydd, rwy'n credu y dylem gofio bod llwyddiannau mawr wedi bod. Yr heriau, y camgymeriadau, maent i gyd yno hefyd, ond mewn gwirionedd, mae datganoli wedi gweithio.