English: Well, that's a complicated story. Obviously, the land costs have to be accounted for, but the point is, if the receipts aren't sufficient to build another home, then you're always going to be having a decreasing supply. In the current situation, where we've got 90,000 people waiting for a home, it would be reckless of us to not suspend the right to buy in the meantime. So, although this was hailed as one of the most important social revolutions of the century, instead it has spawned fractured communities, boosted exploitative landlordism and created a severe lack of social housing that has made 'Cathy Come Home' a twenty-first century reality again. Private rented accommodation is so much more expensive that it condemns many families who fall back into private rented accommodation to stop working and become dependent on housing benefit in order to pay the rent. And then, on top of that, families have to move year on year, never able to put down roots and establish a stake in communities. For children, the burden is even higher, moving school every year - or, even worse, in-year - they are bound to do less well academically than if they'd completed their education in one primary school and one secondary school. The alternative is children have to travel very long distances to remain in the same school, impacting on their well-being and more vehicles on the road. So, after decades of right to buy, and a failure by successive Governments of all stripes - I agree, of all stripes - to address the acute housing shortage, Welsh Labour is absolutely taking the right decision to protect social housing, and I applaud this initiative. It was hailed as one of the most important social revolutions of the century. Instead, 30 years later, it's fractured communities and made for an enormous amount of disconnect. Overall, Wales has lost nearly half of its social housing stock - over 90,000 households on the council waiting list, and we can't afford to lose any more. This disaster has been a slow burn. I agree that, in the 1980s and the 1990s, the numbers living in private rented accommodation were relatively stable, at around 10 per cent of the total, but it's now almost 20 per cent, and, in the 20 to 39 age groups, it's jumped to 50 per cent. So, generation rent is not about to disappear any time soon. If you think that the right to buy has led to the nirvana of a property-owning democracy, think again. Over 40 per cent of those right-to-buy homes - the Tories applaud the ability of people to buy their own home - have actually fallen back into the hands of the private rented sector, where they continue to milk more and more public funds in housing benefit payments. Across the UK, housing benefit has ballooned from £7.5 billion in 1991 to £22 billion 20 years later. We really cannot afford to go on like that. A third of the private rented stock of 4.5 million nationally is part or wholly funded through housing benefit. So, this genius idea of a social revolution has led to an expanded private rented sector in large part subsidised by spiralling rates of housing benefit. It's not sustainable, and it's absolutely right that we suspend the right to buy whilst we build more homes.
Welsh: Wel, mae'n stori gymhleth. Yn amlwg, rhaid cynnwys costau tir, ond y pwynt yw hyn: os nad yw'r derbyniadau'n ddigon i adeiladu cartref arall, yna rydych bob amser yn mynd i gael cyflenwad sy'n lleihau. Yn y sefyllfa bresennol, lle mae gennym 90,000 o bobl yn aros am gartref, byddem yn fyrbwyll pe na baem yn atal yr hawl i brynu yn y cyfamser. Felly, er bod hwn yn cael ei alw'n un o chwyldroadau cymdeithasol pwysicaf y ganrif, yn lle hynny mae wedi esgor ar gymunedau rhanedig, wedi rhoi hwb i landlordiaeth ecsbloetiol ac wedi creu prinder tai cymdeithasol difrifol sydd wedi gwneud 'Cathy Come Home' yn realiti yn yr unfed ganrif ar hugain eto. Mae llety rhent preifat cymaint yn fwy costus nes ei fod yn condemnio llawer o deuluoedd sy'n syrthio'n ôl i lety rhent preifat i roi'r gorau i weithio a dod yn ddibynnol ar fudd-dal tai er mwyn talu'r rhent. Ac yna, ar ben hynny, rhaid i deuluoedd symud o un flwyddyn i'r llall, heb allu magu gwreiddiau a sefydlu rhan iddynt eu hunain mewn cymunedau. I blant, mae'r baich yn oed yn waeth, wrth symud ysgol bob blwyddyn - neu'n waeth byth, ar ganol blwyddyn - maent yn sicr o fethu gwneud cystal yn academaidd na phe baent wedi cwblhau eu haddysg mewn un ysgol gynradd ac un ysgol uwchradd. Y dewis arall yw bod yn rhaid i blant deithio pellteroedd maith i aros yn yr un ysgol, gan effeithio ar eu lles a mwy o gerbydau ar y ffordd. Felly, ar ôl degawdau o hawl i brynu, a methiant Llywodraethau olynol o bob lliw - rwy'n cytuno, o bob lliw - i fynd i'r afael â'r prinder tai difrifol, mae Llafur Cymru yn bendant yn gwneud y penderfyniad cywir i ddiogelu tai cymdeithasol, ac rwy'n cymeradwyo'r cynllun hwn. Cafodd ei ganmol fel un o chwyldroadau cymdeithasol pwysicaf y ganrif. Yn lle hynny, 30 mlynedd yn ddiweddarach, mae wedi hollti cymunedau ac wedi arwain at lawer iawn o ddatgysylltiad. Ar y cyfan, mae Cymru wedi colli bron i hanner ei stoc tai cymdeithasol - dros 90,000 o deuluoedd ar restr aros y cyngor, ac ni allwn fforddio colli rhagor. Mae'r trychineb wedi bod yn mudlosgi. Rwy'n cytuno bod y niferoedd a oedd yn byw mewn llety rhent preifat yn y 1980au a'r 1990au yn gymharol sefydlog, sef tua 10 y cant o'r cyfanswm, ond mae bellach bron yn 20 y cant, ac yn y grwpiau oedran 20 i 39, mae wedi neidio i 50 y cant. Felly, nid yw'r genhedlaeth rent ar fin diflannu ar fyrder. Os ydych yn credu bod yr hawl i brynu wedi arwain at wynfyd democratiaeth sy'n berchen ar eiddo, meddyliwch eto. Mae dros 40 y cant o'r cartrefi hawl i brynu - mae'r Torïaid yn canmol gallu pobl i brynu eu cartref eu hunain - wedi llithro'n ôl i ddwylo'r sector rhentu preifat mewn gwirionedd, lle maent yn parhau i sugno mwy a mwy o arian cyhoeddus ar ffurf budd-daliadau tai. Ar draws y DU, mae budd-dal tai wedi chwyddo o £7.5 biliwn yn 1991 i £22 biliwn 20 mlynedd yn ddiweddarach. Ni allwn fforddio parhau fel hyn. Mae traean o'r stoc rhentu preifat o 4.5 miliwn yn genedlaethol yn cael ei hariannu'n rhannol neu'n gyfan gwbl drwy fudd-dal tai. Felly, mae'r syniad athrylithgar hwn o chwyldro cymdeithasol wedi arwain at sector rhentu preifat sydd wedi ehangu ac sydd, i raddau helaeth, yn cael ei gynnal gan gyfraddau cynyddol o fudd-dal tai. Nid yw'n gynaliadwy, ac mae'n hollol iawn ein bod yn atal yr hawl i brynu wrth i ni adeiladu mwy o gartrefi.