English: It is certainly partly that - I don't disagree with you that the policies that have been pursued by the UK Government for the last decade or so have been absolutely destructive and have caused a level of chaos that we haven't seen in recent history. But let me say this: we, all too often, focus in on incarceration, the process of incarceration - of sending somebody into a secure estate, to send them to prison, in order to serve a sentence or whatever. That is actually a relatively small part of what a criminal justice system should be doing, and the reason for the failure of the current system is that all the services that should support and sustain somebody, not in the system, but through the system and out of the system, are already devolved. And it is a standing indictment, to use your word, of a system, which has been delivered over the centuries, that has not delivered a single facility for women, or, up until two or three years ago, a single serious facility outside of the M4 corridor. So, we have had a criminal justice system that has not been run for the benefit of the people of Wales, has not been run to meet the needs of the people of Wales, but has been run out of Whitehall and Westminster to meet their needs at their convenience. And the people who pay the price tend not to be people who are sitting in places like this, but they're the people we represent. And I believe, if we're serious about doing this, we need to take this step and to do so with a level of urgency. I look at how we administer not simply the laws we pass here, but also the way in which we enforce those. Mark Isherwood makes an interesting point, but absolutely wrong. We're not, here, talking about the detection of crime, or, as you put it, the devolution of criminal activity. I think we don't need to do that. What we are looking at here is how the police are able to engage with the devolved services, and speaking to police commissioners - . I spoke to all of the police commissioners as a Minister here, and there have been changes to chief constables now, but, for most of my time in office, both the commissioners and the chief constables, and most senior officers, strongly supported the devolution of the service, because they recognised that they needed to work more closely with the devolved services and they needed to be far more closely linked with the devolved services than they were and they are at present. It is not credible to argue otherwise. And I think the work that's been done by the commission has ensured that we have both the principle and the practice of a policy. In principle - creating a more stable settlement - I'm very, very encouraged to hear within the Labour Party that the leadership candidates are all looking, I think, now towards a federal solution, or a confederal solution, in the United Kingdom; I think that's an important step forward. The devolution of the criminal justice system has to be a fundamental part of that. A federal system can't exist without that. And what we need to be able to do, as the former First Minister put it himself, is to create the circumstances for that to happen, because - and I'll finish on this point, Presiding Officer - at the moment, we are failing people who are in prison because of their mental health, or because of substance abuse. We're not providing them with the education they require. What we're doing is locking the door and forgetting about them. That might be the approach the Brexit Party and the Conservatives wish to take, but I do not believe that that is the approach that this Parliament can or should take.
Welsh: Yn sicr, mae'n ymwneud â hynny'n rhannol - nid wyf yn anghytuno â chi bod y polisïau y mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi bod yn eu dilyn ers degawd neu fwy wedi bod yn gwbl ddinistriol ac wedi achosi lefel o anhrefn nad ydym ni wedi'i gweld yn ystod y cyfnod diweddar. Ond gadewch i mi ddweud hyn: rydym ni, yn rhy aml, yn canolbwyntio ar garcharu, y broses o garcharu - o anfon rhywun i ystad ddiogel, eu hanfon i'r carchar, er mwyn cyflawni dedfryd neu beth bynnag. Mae hynny mewn gwirionedd yn rhan gymharol fach o'r hyn y dylai system cyfiawnder troseddol fod yn ei wneud, a'r rheswm dros fethiant y system bresennol yw bod yr holl wasanaethau a ddylai gefnogi a chynnal rhywun, nid yn y system, ond drwy'r system ac allan o'r system, eisoes wedi'u datganoli. Ac mae'n gondemniad parhaol, i ddefnyddio'ch gair chi, o system sydd wedi'i chyflwyno dros y canrifoedd, nad yw wedi darparu'r un cyfleuster i fenywod, nac ychwaith, hyd at ddwy neu dair blynedd yn ôl, yr un cyfleuster difrifol y tu allan i goridor yr M4. Felly, rydym ni wedi cael system cyfiawnder troseddol nad yw wedi cael ei chynnal er budd pobl Cymru, nad yw wedi cael ei chynnal i ddiwallu anghenion pobl Cymru, ond sydd wedi cael ei chynnal allan o Whitehall a San Steffan i gwrdd â'u hanghenion pan fo hynny'n gyfleus iddyn nhw. Ac nid yw'r bobl sy'n talu'r pris yn dueddol o fod yn bobl sy'n eistedd mewn mannau fel hyn, ond nhw yw'r bobl yr ydym ni'n eu cynrychioli. Ac rwy'n credu, os ydym ni o ddifrif ynglŷn â gwneud hyn, bod angen i ni gymryd y cam hwn a gwneud hynny ar frys. Rwy'n edrych ar sut yr ydym ni'n gweinyddu nid yn unig y deddfau yr ydym ni'n eu pasio yma, ond hefyd y ffordd yr ydym ni'n gorfodi'r rheini. Mae Mark Isherwood yn gwneud pwynt diddorol, ond un hollol anghywir. Nid ydym ni, yma, yn sôn am ganfod troseddau, neu, fel yr oeddech chi wedi'i ddweud, datganoli gweithgarwch troseddol. Nid oes angen i ni wneud hynny, yn fy marn i. Yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei ystyried yma yw sut y gall yr heddlu ymgysylltu â'r gwasanaethau sydd wedi'u datganoli, a siarad â chomisiynwyr yr heddlu - . Fel Gweinidog yma, siaradais â phob un o gomisiynwyr yr heddlu, ac mae newidiadau wedi bod i'r prif gwnstabliaid nawr, ond, dros y rhan fwyaf o fy nghyfnod yn y swydd, roedd y comisiynwyr a'r prif gwnstabliaid, a'r rhan fwyaf o'r uwch swyddogion, yn cefnogi datganoli'r gwasanaeth yn gryf, oherwydd eu bod yn cydnabod bod angen iddyn nhw weithio'n agosach gyda'r gwasanaethau sydd wedi'u datganoli a bod angen iddyn nhw fod â chysylltiad agosach o lawer â'r gwasanaethau sydd wedi'u datganoli nag yr oedden nhw, nag y maen nhw ar hyn o bryd. Nid yw'n gredadwy i ddadlau fel arall. Ac rwy'n credu bod y gwaith sydd wedi'i wneud gan y comisiwn wedi sicrhau bod gennym ni'r egwyddor a'r arfer o bolisi. Mewn egwyddor - creu setliad mwy sefydlog - rwy'n cael fy nghalonogi'n fawr o glywed o fewn y Blaid Lafur bod yr ymgeiswyr am arweinyddiaeth i gyd yn edrych, rwy'n credu, am ateb ffederal, neu ateb cydffederal, yn y Deyrnas Unedig; rwy'n credu bod hwnnw'n gam pwysig ymlaen. Mae'n rhaid i ddatganoli'r system cyfiawnder troseddol fod yn rhan sylfaenol o hynny. Ni all system ffederal fodoli heb hynny. A'r hyn y mae angen inni allu ei wneud, fel y dywedodd y cyn-Brif Weinidog ei hun, yw creu'r amgylchiadau i hynny ddigwydd, oherwydd - ac fe wnaf orffen ar y pwynt hwn, Llywydd - ar hyn o bryd, rydym ni'n esgeuluso pobl sydd yn y carchar oherwydd eu hiechyd meddwl, neu oherwydd camddefnyddio sylweddau. Nid ydym ni'n darparu'r addysg sydd ei hangen arnyn nhw. Yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei wneud yw cloi'r drws ac anghofio amdanyn nhw. Efallai mai dyna'r ymagwedd y mae'r Blaid Brexit a'r Ceidwadwyr eisiau ei chymryd, ond ni chredaf mai dyna'r ymagwedd y gall neu y dylai'r Senedd hon ei chymryd.