English: Diolch, Llywydd. I am moving my amendments today for the Abolish the Welsh Assembly Party. These are amendments 6 and 7, just to clarify for the benefit of the, doubtless, many Members who may want to vote for them at the end of this debate. Now, I broadly support the United Kingdom Internal Market Bill in that it does represent another step towards carrying out what the Welsh people actually voted for in 2016, which was for the UK to leave the European Union. We've had a lot of debates, of course, about Brexit over the past four years. This debate we are having today, though, touches on other important matters, such as what kind of UK emerges after Brexit. If I can presume to summarise the arguments of the main parties as I see them, Labour and Plaid Cymru seem fixated on the constitutional powers of the Welsh Government and this Parliament. They appear to be obsessed with any perceived attempt by the UK Government to undermine the devolution settlement - obsessed, I would say, almost to the point of paranoia - while the Conservatives appear to be more interested in ensuring smooth, unhindered trade for Welsh businesses across the UK after Brexit. Now, I wonder which of those positions would the majority of ordinary people in Wales be more likely to sympathise with. We have heard some anguished speeches about this Bill from the left, and, of course, they are entitled to their opinions. But can we have an injection of reality here? The vast majority of people in Wales are not interested in the constitutional niceties of the devolution settlement, they just want a better quality of life. They don't care if disputes are settled by an office of the internal market or some other body. They don't care if clause 46 of some agreement or other is in danger of being breached, because, to be honest, they don't even know what clause 46 is. Apart from David Melding, who does? But people in Wales will care if Welsh jobs are lost because trade is disrupted because, for instance, the Welsh Government wants to veto an international trade treaty that the UK Prime Minister wants to sign. People in Wales will care if business is lost by Welsh companies because they can't trade unhindered across the border with English companies. Can I point out, backing that point that was just made by Neil Hamilton - [ Inaudible.]. This is the economic reality? If Jenny Rathbone, as we heard yesterday, wants to have tougher regulations in Wales on plastics than they have in England, then that is up to her, but is she willing to sacrifice Welsh business and Welsh jobs and the quality of life of people in Wales for that principle? Obviously, plastic is a problem, but it's not just a problem in Wales, is it? How different does she think regulations are going to be in England in any case? Most sensible people who do not have a constitutional fetish about these things would probably agree that the most sensible way forward after Brexit would be one common set of regulations throughout the UK, not four different ones. So, a message to Welsh Labour: stop being a bunch of political anoraks and wake up to the reality of what will affect normal people. Welsh Labour and Plaid are also incensed that the UK Government may interfere in areas like health and education. This is rather laughable, since we have a health service that is shot to pieces and an education system that is plummeting downwards through the world rankings. This is hardly a sound basis for clamouring for more powers to come to this place. The reality is that more and more people see that devolution is failing Wales. More and more want an end to the real constitutional catastrophe, which is devolution itself. More and more people are expressing their desire to abolish the Welsh Parliament. My party wants to do that, too, although of course we want the democratic consent of the people of Wales in order to do so. In short, we want a referendum on whether or not devolution is still wanted by the people of Wales in a post-Brexit world, which is why I'm moving today's amendments. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Welsh: Diolch, Lywydd. Rwy'n cynnig fy ngwelliannau heddiw ar ran Plaid Diddymu Cynulliad Cymru. Gwelliannau 6 a 7 yw'r rhain, er eglurder i'r nifer fawr o Aelodau, yn ddiau, a allai fod yn awyddus i bleidleisio drostynt ar ddiwedd y ddadl hon. Nawr, rwy'n cefnogi Bil Marchnad Fewnol y Deyrnas Unedig at ei gilydd gan ei fod yn gam arall tuag at gyflawni'r hyn y pleidleisiodd pobl Cymru drosto yn 2016, sef i'r DU adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Wrth gwrs, rydym wedi cael llawer o ddadleuon am Brexit dros y pedair blynedd diwethaf. Fodd bynnag, mae'r ddadl hon rydym yn ei chael heddiw yn cyffwrdd ar faterion pwysig eraill, megis pa fath o DU a ddaw i'r amlwg ar ôl Brexit. Os gallaf fentro crynhoi dadleuon y prif bleidiau fel y gwelaf fi hwy, mae'n ymddangos bod gan Lafur a Phlaid Cymru obsesiwn ynghylch pwerau cyfansoddiadol Llywodraeth Cymru a'r Senedd hon. Ymddengys bod ganddynt obsesiwn ag unrhyw ymgais ymddangosiadol gan Lywodraeth y DU i danseilio'r setliad datganoli - obsesiwn, byddwn yn dweud, hyd at baranoia bron - tra bo'n ymddangos bod gan y Ceidwadwyr fwy o ddiddordeb mewn sicrhau masnach ddilyffethair, ddirwystr i fusnesau Cymru ledled y DU ar ôl Brexit. Nawr, tybed pa rai o'r safbwyntiau hynny y byddai'r rhan fwyaf o bobl gyffredin yng Nghymru yn fwy tebygol o gydymdeimlo â hwy. Rydym wedi clywed areithiau gofidus am y Bil hwn gan y chwith, ac wrth gwrs, mae ganddynt hawl i'w barn. Ond a gawn ni chwistrelliad o realiti yma? Nid oes gan y mwyafrif helaeth o bobl yng Nghymru ddiddordeb ym manylion cyfansoddiadol y setliad datganoli, y cyfan y maent hwy ei eisiau yw ansawdd bywyd gwell. Nid ydynt yn poeni os caiff anghydfodau eu setlo gan un o swyddogion y farchnad fewnol neu ryw gorff arall. Nid ydynt yn poeni os yw cymal 46 rhyw gytundeb neu'i gilydd mewn perygl o gael ei dorri, oherwydd, a bod yn onest, nid ydynt hyd yn oed yn gwybod beth yw cymal 46. Ar wahân i David Melding, pwy sydd? Ond bydd pobl yng Nghymru'n malio os collir swyddi yng Nghymru oherwydd bod tarfu ar fasnach am fod Llywodraeth Cymru, er enghraifft, am roi feto ar gytuniad masnach rhyngwladol y mae Prif Weinidog y DU am ei lofnodi. Bydd pobl yng Nghymru'n malio os bydd cwmnïau o Gymru'n colli busnes am na allant fasnachu'n ddirwystr dros y ffin â chwmnïau o Loegr. A gaf fi ategu'r pwynt a wnaeth Neil Hamilton - [ Anghlywadwy.]. Dyma'r realiti economaidd? Os yw Jenny Rathbone, fel y clywsom ddoe, am gael rheoliadau llymach yng Nghymru ar blastigion na'r hyn sydd ganddynt yn Lloegr, mater iddi hi yw hynny, ond a yw'n fodlon aberthu busnesau Cymru a swyddi yng Nghymru ac ansawdd bywyd pobl yng Nghymru er mwyn yr egwyddor honno? Yn amlwg, mae plastig yn broblem, ond nid problem yng Nghymru yn unig yw hi. Pa mor wahanol y mae hi'n credu y bydd y rheoliadau yn Lloegr beth bynnag? Mae'n debyg y byddai'r rhan fwyaf o bobl synhwyrol nad oes ganddynt ffetish cyfansoddiadol ynglŷn â'r pethau hyn yn cytuno mai'r ffordd fwyaf synhwyrol ymlaen ar ôl Brexit fyddai un set gyffredin o reoliadau ledled y DU, nid pedair set wahanol. Felly, neges i Lafur Cymru: rhowch y gorau i fod yn griw o anoraciau gwleidyddol a deffro i realiti'r hyn a fydd yn effeithio ar bobl normal. Mae Llafur Cymru a Phlaid Cymru wedi'u cythruddo hefyd y gall Llywodraeth y DU ymyrryd mewn meysydd fel iechyd ac addysg. Mae hyn braidd yn chwerthinllyd, gan fod gennym wasanaeth iechyd sydd ar chwâl a system addysg sy'n disgyn i lawr y gynghrair fyd-eang. Prin fod hon yn sylfaen gadarn ar gyfer gweiddi am fwy o bwerau i'r lle hwn. Y gwir amdani yw bod mwy a mwy o bobl yn gweld bod datganoli'n gwneud cam â Chymru. Mae mwy a mwy o bobl am weld diwedd ar y trychineb cyfansoddiadol go iawn, sef datganoli ei hun. Mae mwy a mwy o bobl yn mynegi eu hawydd i ddiddymu Senedd Cymru. Mae fy mhlaid am wneud hynny hefyd, er ein bod, wrth gwrs, am gael cydsyniad democrataidd pobl Cymru i wneud hynny. Yn fyr, rydym am gael refferendwm i weld a yw pobl Cymru yn dal i fod eisiau datganoli mewn byd ôl-Brexit, a dyna pam rwy'n cynnig y gwelliannau heddiw. Diolch yn fawr iawn.