techiaith/cofnodycynulliad_en-cy huggingface dataset:
English: No. Ron, of course, had the opportunity to shape the direction of the National Assembly, but we know, of course, his unfortunate story. I'm proud of what we've achieved over the past 20 years. When I look back at what Wales was like in the 1990s: a country lacking confidence, where young people wanted to leave, a country that really had no strong profile abroad - that wasn't happening. And the one thing that strikes me is that it was accepted as normal that unemployment should be substantially higher in Wales than in the rest of the UK. That was seen as something that was inevitable. That's no longer the case; unemployment's either at the UK average, or below the UK average. I could go on, of course, and she might expect me to do that, but I pick out certain comparisons there with the 1990s, in the way that Wales has changed for the better in the 20 years since the referendum.
Welsh: Nac ydw. Cafodd Ron, wrth gwrs, y cyfle i lywio cyfeiriad y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol, ond rydym ni'n gwybod, wrth gwrs, am ei stori anffodus. Rwy'n falch o'r hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei gyflawni dros yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf. Pan fyddaf yn edrych yn ôl ar sut le oedd Cymru yn y 1990au: gwlad â diffyg hyder, lle'r oedd pobl ifanc eisiau gadael, gwlad nad oedd ganddi broffil cryf dramor - nid oedd hynny'n digwydd. A'r un peth sy'n fy nharo i yw ei bod yn cael ei dderbyn fel normal bryd hynny y dylai diweithdra fod yn sylweddol uwch yng Nghymru nag yng ngweddill y DU. Ystyriwyd bod hynny'n rhywbeth a oedd yn anochel. Nid dyna'r achos mwyach; mae diweithdra naill ai ar gyfartaledd y DU, neu'n is na chyfartaledd y DU. Gallwn barhau, wrth gwrs, ac efallai y byddai hi'n disgwyl i mi wneud hynny, ond rwy'n dewis cymariaethau penodol yn y fan yma â'r 1990au, yn y ffordd y mae Cymru wedi newid er gwell yn yr 20 mlynedd ers y refferendwm.
English: Well, people are still leaving, First Minister, as you well know. And, last year, you said that Labour is halfway through a decade of delivery. But, for many people, the current performance of devolved Government is mediocre to say the least, and has been seen as making no difference to their lives or the quality of public services. And those aren't my words, but the findings of research on attitudes to devolution, which you will have read yesterday. If we are halfway through a decade of delivery, why is it that our health and education outcomes are consistently worse than those in Scotland? Why is our GCSE pass rate this year worse than the Scottish equivalent? Why are waiting lists longer on average? And that's without even mentioning comparisons to England or to other western European countries. What is the explanation for your Government not delivering on the outcomes that people both expect and deserve?
Welsh: Wel, mae pobl yn dal i adael, Prif Weinidog, fel y gwyddoch yn iawn. Ac, y llynedd, dywedasoch fod Llafur hanner ffordd trwy ddegawd o gyflawni. Ond, i lawer o bobl, gweddol yw perfformiad presennol y Llywodraeth ddatganoledig a dweud y lleiaf, ac nid yw pobl wedi gweld ei bod wedi gwneud unrhyw wahaniaeth i'w bywydau nac i ansawdd gwasanaethau cyhoeddus. Ac nid fy ngeiriau i yw'r rhain, ond canfyddiadau ymchwil i agweddau at ddatganoli, y byddwch chi wedi eu darllen ddoe. Os ydym ni hanner ffordd trwy ddegawd o gyflawni, pam mae ein canlyniadau iechyd ac addysg yn gyson waeth na'r rhai yn yr Alban? Pam mae ein cyfradd pasio TGAU eleni yn waeth na chymwysterau cyfatebol yr Alban? Pam mae rhestrau aros yn hwy ar gyfartaledd? Ac mae hynny heb hyd yn oed sôn am gymariaethau â Lloegr neu â gwledydd eraill gorllewin Ewrop. Beth yw'r esboniad nad yw eich Llywodraeth yn cyflawni'r canlyniadau y mae pobl yn eu disgwyl ac yn eu haeddu?
English: Well, far from it - I don't think Scotland is the Shangri-La that is portrayed. There have been real problems in the Scottish education system. There are still issues over the attainment gap, which we have closed and they have not. If we look at health, and we look at the 1990s, it was normal in the 1990s, in the days of a Tory Government, for people to wait two years for an operation. That was normal. People accept that no more - no more. We know that waiting times have been reduced substantially despite having an enormous cut in our budget in that time. We've just seen the best GCSE results ever. Scotland has its own education system. You can't compare their qualification system with ours because it's so different. We are building schools across the whole of Wales; in England, nothing is being built. We're proud of that fact. If we look at the economy, our unemployment rate is 4.3 per cent. That would have been undreamt of in the 1990s. We are still attracting excellent investment into Wales - the best foreign direct investment figures for the past 30 years - and that's because we have a Government that is able to go out and sell Wales. Whatever the politics of that Government, the profile that Ministers have is far, far greater than was the case in the 1990s, and that's why we've been so successful in bringing jobs into Wales.
Welsh: Wel, yn wahanol iawn i hynny - nid wyf yn credu bod yr Alban y Shangri-La a bortreadir. Bu problemau gwirioneddol yn system addysg yr Alban. Ceir problemau o hyd ynghylch y bwlch cyrhaeddiad, yr ydym ni wedi ei gau ac nad ydyn nhw. Os edrychwn ni ar iechyd, a'n bod yn edrych ar y 1990au, roedd yn normal yn y 1990au, yn nyddiau'r Llywodraeth Dorïaidd, i bobl aros dwy flynedd am lawdriniaeth. Roedd hynny'n normal. Nid yw pobl yn derbyn hynny ddim mwy - dim mwy. Gwyddom fod amseroedd aros wedi gostwng yn sylweddol er gwaethaf y ffaith y bu toriad enfawr i'n cyllideb yn y cyfnod hwnnw. Rydym ni newydd weld y canlyniadau TGAU gorau erioed. Mae gan yr Alban ei system addysg ei hun. Allwch chi ddim cymharu eu system gymwysterau nhw â'n system ni gan ei bod mor wahanol. Rydym ni'n adeiladu ysgolion ledled Cymru gyfan; yn Lloegr, nid oes unrhyw beth yn cael ei adeiladu. Rydym ni'n falch o'r ffaith honno. Os edrychwn ni ar yr economi, 4.3 y cant yw ein cyfradd ddiweithdra. Ni ellid bod wedi breuddwydio am hynny yn y 1990au. Rydym ni'n dal i ddenu buddsoddiad rhagorol i Gymru - y ffigurau buddsoddi uniongyrchol tramor gorau ers 30 mlynedd - ac mae hynny oherwydd bod gennym ni Lywodraeth sy'n gallu mynd allan a gwerthu Cymru. Beth bynnag yw gwleidyddiaeth y Llywodraeth honno, mae'r proffil sydd gan Weinidogion yn llawer iawn mwy na'r hyn a welwyd yn y 1990au, a dyna pam yr ydym ni wedi bod mor llwyddiannus o ran dod â swyddi i Gymru.
English: You sound complacent, First Minister, and your answers here this afternoon seem to suggest that things are already going so well, that this is as good as it gets. Not so much a decade of delivery, but it's a decade of complacency. We need, First Minister, a country where there is a premium on self-Government. Making our own decisions is an essential first step, and Plaid Cymru is proud that this country has taken that step. But the next step is realising that premium. Being a Welsh citizen should mean that there's a public service bonus: a devolution dividend, then, if you like. So, I'll make one challenge to you today, as we mark 20 years since that 'yes' vote: by the end of this Assembly term, will the Labour Government have closed the gap with Scotland on health, education and the economy? And if we approach the end of this term and there seems to be no sign of a closing of that gap, will you then accept and admit that Wales needs a new Government?
Welsh: Rydych chi'n swnio'n hunanfodlon, Prif Weinidog, ac mae'n ymddangos bod eich atebion yma y prynhawn yma'n awgrymu bod pethau eisoes yn mynd mor dda, bod hyn mor dda ag y gall hi fod. Nid degawd o gyflawni, ond yn hytrach degawd o hunanfodlonrwydd. Rydym ni angen, Prif Weinidog, gwlad lle mae premiwm ar hunanlywodraeth. Mae gwneud ein penderfyniadau ein hunain yn gam cyntaf hanfodol, ac mae Plaid Cymru yn falch fod y wlad hon wedi cymryd y cam hwnnw. Ond y cam nesaf yw gwireddu'r premiwm hwnnw. Dylai bod yn ddinesydd Cymru olygu bod bonws gwasanaeth cyhoeddus: difidend datganoli, wedyn, os mynnwch chi. Felly, rhof un her i chi heddiw, wrth i ni nodi 20 mlynedd ers y bleidlais 'ie' honno: erbyn diwedd y tymor Cynulliad hwn, a fydd y Llywodraeth Lafur wedi cau'r bwlch gyda'r Alban o ran iechyd, addysg a'r economi? Ac os byddwn ni'n dod i ddiwedd y tymor hwn a'i bod yn ymddangos nad oes unrhyw arwydd o gau'r bwlch hwnnw, a wnewch chi dderbyn a chyfaddef wedyn bod angen Llywodraeth newydd ar Gymru?
English: Well, it's not me she wants to convince; it's the electorate, and she's not convinced them of that. There's no point complaining to me about the lack of success of her own party. I do not accept there's a gap between us and Scotland. I don't accept that there's a gap between us and Scotland in education. Scotland's unemployment rate is regularly higher than ours. It's not as if Scotland, economically, is doing fantastically well, and from our perspective I'm proud of what we've achieved over the past 20 years. The electors of Wales have recognised that. They've seen that in election after election, and there will be no sign of complacency from us. We know that it gets harder and harder to convince people to vote for us the longer that we are in Government, and we will work harder and harder to ensure that people continue to give us their support.
Welsh: Wel, nid fi y mae eisiau iddi ei argyhoeddi, ond yr etholwyr, ac nid yw hi wedi eu hargyhoeddi nhw o hynny. Nid oes unrhyw bwynt achwyn i mi am ddiffyg llwyddiant ei phlaid ei hun. Nid wyf i'n derbyn bod bwlch rhyngom ni a'r Alban. Nid wyf i'n derbyn bod bwlch rhyngom ni a'r Alban o ran addysg. Mae cyfradd ddiweithdra'r Alban yn gyson uwch na'n cyfradd ni. Nid fel pe byddai'r Alban, yn economaidd, yn gwneud yn hynod o dda, ac o'n safbwynt ni rwy'n falch o'r hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei gyflawni dros yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf. Mae etholwyr Cymru wedi cydnabod hynny. Maen nhw wedi gweld hynny mewn etholiad ar ôl etholiad, ac ni fydd unrhyw arwydd o hunanfodlonrwydd gennym ni. Gwyddom ei bod yn mynd yn fwy a mwy anodd i argyhoeddi pobl i bleidleisio drosom yr hwyaf yr ydym ni mewn Llywodraeth, a byddwn yn gweithio'n fwy a mwy caled i sicrhau bod pobl yn parhau i roi eu cefnogaeth i ni.
English: Thank you, Presiding Officer. First Minister, in August, the report about Kris Wade was published from the Abertawe Bro Morgannwg University Local Health Board. This was a desktop review into the employment by that health board of Kris Wade, a man who is currently serving a 21-year sentence for the sexually motivated killing of 65-year-old Christine James. In the years leading up to Ms James's murder, Kris Wade was the subject of no fewer than three separate allegations of sexual abuse amongst vulnerable patients. At the time of the desktop review publication, my party criticised the report for its lack of independence. It is our belief it can never be acceptable for a health board to investigate serious concerns about itself. Following several calls from my party, and indeed the BMA and others in this Chamber, your Government announced Healthcare Inspectorate Wales's role in reviewing the desktop report that the health board undertook. How on earth can it be acceptable for a health board to investigate such serious accusations of its own failing?
Welsh: Diolch, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, ym mis Awst, cyhoeddwyd yr adroddiad am Kris Wade o Fwrdd Iechyd Lleol Prifysgol Abertawe Bro Morgannwg. Adolygiad bwrdd gwaith oedd hwn o'r bwrdd iechyd hwnnw yn cyflogi Kris Wade, gŵr sy'n bwrw cyfnod o 21 mlynedd yn y carchar ar hyn o bryd am laddiad ag ysgogiad rhywiol y wraig 65 oed, Christine James. Yn ystod y blynyddoedd yn arwain at lofruddiaeth Ms James, roedd Kris Wade yn destun dim llai na thri honiad ar wahân o gam-drin rhywiol ymhlith cleifion agored i niwed. Ar adeg cyhoeddi'r adolygiad bwrdd gwaith, beirniadwyd yr adroddiad gan fy mhlaid i am ei ddiffyg annibyniaeth. Rydym ni o'r farn na all fyth fod yn dderbyniol i fwrdd iechyd ymchwilio i bryderon difrifol amdano'i hun. Yn dilyn sawl galwad gan fy mhlaid i, a chan y BMA ac eraill yn y Siambr hon yn wir, cyhoeddodd eich Llywodraeth swyddogaeth Arolygiaeth Gofal Iechyd Cymru o ran adolygu'r adroddiad bwrdd gwaith a gyflawnwyd gan y bwrdd iechyd. Sut ar y ddaear y gall hi fod yn dderbyniol i fwrdd iechyd ymchwilio i gyhuddiadau mor ddifrifol o'i fethiant ei hun?
English: It's a complicated picture, and I understand the grief that the family has faced. There were three allegations; that's correct. No action was taken by the police with regard to those allegations, and so no criminal proceedings were taken. That said, it is highly important that there is an investigation by Healthcare Inspectorate Wales into not just the lessons that can be learned, but the lessons that can be learned in order that we can be assured as a Government that any failings that may have been in the system at that time are corrected, and that the family then can be assured that the health board did all that it could have done to deal with the situation. We won't know the answer to that question until of course we get the findings of the health inspectorate's report.
Welsh: Mae'n ddarlun cymhleth, ac rwy'n deall y galar y mae'r teulu wedi ei wynebu. Roedd tri chyhuddiad; mae hynny'n gywir. Ni chymerwyd unrhyw gamau gan yr heddlu o ran y cyhuddiadau hynny, ac felly ni chyflwynwyd unrhyw achosion troseddol. Wedi dweud hynny, mae'n hynod bwysig bod ymchwiliad gan Arolygiaeth Gofal Iechyd Cymru, nid yn unig i'r gwersi y gellir eu dysgu, ond i'r gwersi y gellir eu dysgu fel y gallwn fod yn sicr fel Llywodraeth bod unrhyw fethiannau a allai fod wedi bodoli yn y system bryd hynny yn cael eu hunioni, ac y gall y teulu gael eu sicrhau wedyn bod y bwrdd iechyd wedi gwneud popeth y gallai fod wedi ei wneud i ymdrin â'r sefyllfa. Ni fyddwn yn gwybod yr ateb i'r cwestiwn hwnnw tan y byddwn yn cael canfyddiadau adroddiad yr arolygiaeth iechyd, wrth gwrs.
English: First Minister, it's my understanding that not one patient, not one medical professional and not one member of staff was asked to give a formal interview in the course of the review. That, surely, is unacceptable. Can you confirm that Healthcare Inspectorate Wales will take evidence from clinicians, from patients and, above all, anyone associated with the investigation that allowed the tragedy to unfold and ultimately ended up in this gentleman being sentenced to 21 years in prison?
Welsh: Prif Weinidog, rwy'n deall na ofynnwyd i'r un claf, yr un gweithiwr proffesiynol meddygol na'r un aelod o staff, roi cyfweliad ffurfiol yn ystod yr adolygiad. Mae hynny, does bosib, yn annerbyniol. A allwch chi gadarnhau y bydd Arolygiaeth Gofal Iechyd Cymru yn cymryd tystiolaeth gan glinigwyr, gan gleifion ac, yn anad dim, gan unrhyw un sy'n gysylltiedig â'r ymchwiliad a ganiataodd i'r trychineb ddatblygu ac a arweiniodd yn y pen draw at y gŵr hwn yn cael ei ddedfrydu i 21 mlynedd yn y carchar?
English: It is absolutely crucial that the investigation is independent. It's not for me then to tell Healthcare Inspectorate Wales what they should and shouldn't do, but I think it's proper for me to say that I would expect them to gain as much evidence as broadly as possible in order for their final findings to be as robust as possible.
Welsh: Mae'n hollbwysig bod yr ymchwiliad yn annibynnol. Nid fy lle i yw dweud wrth Arolygiaeth Gofal Iechyd Cymru beth y dylent ac na ddylent ei wneud, ond rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n briodol i mi ddweud y byddwn yn disgwyl iddyn nhw gael cymaint o dystiolaeth mor eang â phosibl er mwyn i'w canfyddiadau terfynol fod mor gadarn â phosibl.
English: I think most people would say it would be fair for you or your Government, in the shape of the Cabinet Secretary, to set the terms of reference for the Healthcare Inspectorate Wales inquiry report, investigation, call it what you will, because obviously he has asked them to do that. When I found out that not one medical person had been asked, not one patient had been asked, to give evidence to this investigation, that is unbelievable, I have to say. And I do call upon you to make very strict terms of reference for this investigation from Healthcare Inspectorate Wales so that the report that they present to your Government can enjoy the confidence of the Members here, of the wider public, that they are being protected against people like Kris Wade working within our health service. Will you give that commitment that the terms of reference are robust enough from the Healthcare Inspectorate Wales inquiry into this inquiry so that we can have confidence that patients and members of the public are protected from the likes of Kris Wade ever working within the health service here in Wales?
Welsh: Rwy'n credu y byddai'r rhan fwyaf o bobl yn dweud y byddai'n deg i chi neu'ch Llywodraeth, ar ffurf Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, bennu'r cylch gorchwyl ar gyfer adroddiad, ymchwiliad, beth bynnag yr hoffech chi ei alw, Arolygiaeth Gofal Iechyd Cymru, oherwydd mae'n amlwg ei fod ef wedi gofyn iddyn nhw wneud hynny. Pan wnes i ddarganfod na ofynnwyd i'r un unigolyn meddygol, na ofynnwyd i'r un claf, gyflwyno tystiolaeth i'r ymchwiliad hwn, mae hynny'n anhygoel, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud. Ac rwy'n galw arnoch i bennu cylch gorchwyl llym ar gyfer yr ymchwiliad hwn gan Arolygiaeth Gofal Iechyd Cymru fel y gall yr adroddiad y maen nhw'n ei gyflwyno i'ch Llywodraeth fwynhau hyder yr Aelodau yma, y cyhoedd ehangach, eu bod yn cael eu diogelu rhag pobl fel Kris Wade yn gweithio yn ein gwasanaeth iechyd. A wnewch chi roi'r ymrwymiad hwnnw bod y cylch gorchwyl yn ddigon cadarn o ymchwiliad Arolygiaeth Gofal Iechyd Cymru i'r ymchwiliad hwn fel y gallwn ni fod yn hyderus bod cleifion ac aelodau'r cyhoedd yn cael eu diogelu rhag sefyllfa lle nad yw pobl fel Kris Wade byth yn gweithio yn y gwasanaeth iechyd yma yng Nghymru?
English: The answer to the question is 'yes', of course. We want to make sure that the investigation itself is (a) independent and (b) robust. I'm not sure whether he is saying that, in the past, not enough people were interviewed, or whether that's happening now, but whichever way, I'll make sure that that is looked at to make sure that that issue is dealt with. But it is obviously important that the findings are seen to be robust and can be supported by all in this Chamber.
Welsh: Yr ateb i'r cwestiwn yw 'gwnaf', wrth gwrs. Rydym ni eisiau gwneud yn siŵr bod yr ymchwiliad ei hun (a) yn annibynnol a (b) yn gadarn. Nid wyf yn siŵr a yw'n dweud, yn y gorffennol, na chyfwelwyd digon o bobl, neu a yw hynny'n digwydd nawr, ond pa bynnag ffordd, byddaf yn sicrhau bod hynny'n cael ei ystyried i sicrhau bod y mater hwnnw'n cael sylw. Ond mae'n amlwg yn bwysig bod y canfyddiadau'n cael eu hystyried yn gadarn ac y gall pawb yn y Siambr hon eu cefnogi.
English: Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. In the Government's document, 'Brexit and Fair Movement of People', it acknowledges that, in the British social attitudes survey in 2013, 86 per cent of the UK population wanted to see immigration reduced, and yet the policy of the Government here in Cardiff, in this document, is to oppose the introduction of any form of target for a reduction of immigration. The latest figures show a significant reduction on what we've seen in recent years, but even at 0.25 million a year net migration, which we currently have, that would add, if sustained, 8 million to our population by 2032, 21 million by 2064, when the population of the UK would be 85 million. That is just not sustainable. Before the First Minister says that, well, immigration is absolutely vital for economic growth, in 2014, the Office for Budget Responsibility did a study of the effects of immigration at current levels, 0.25 million net a year. That adds 0.4 per cent to GDP but also 0.4 per cent to population, so that GDP per capita wouldn't improve; it's neither here nor there. Isn't it time that the Welsh Government woke up to the realities of life in modern Britain?
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Yn nogfen y Llywodraeth, 'Brexit a Thegwch o ran Symudiad Pobl', mae'n cydnabod, yn yr arolwg agweddau cymdeithasol Prydain yn 2013, bod 86 y cant o boblogaeth y DU eisiau gweld llai o fewnfudo, ac eto polisi'r Llywodraeth yma yng Nghaerdydd, yn y ddogfen hon, yw gwrthwynebu cyflwyno unrhyw fath o darged ar gyfer lleihau mewnfudo. Mae'r ffigurau diweddaraf yn dangos gostyngiad sylweddol i'r hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei weld yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf, ond hyd yn oed ar y lefel mewnfudiad net o 0.25 miliwn y flwyddyn, sydd gennym ni ar hyn o bryd, byddai hynny'n ychwanegu, pe byddai'n parhau, 8 miliwn at ein poblogaeth erbyn 2032, 21 miliwn erbyn 2064, pan fyddai poblogaeth y DU yn 85 miliwn. Yn syml, nid yw hynny'n gynaliadwy. Cyn i'r Prif Weinidog ddweud, wel, mae mewnfudo'n hollbwysig ar gyfer twf economaidd, yn 2014, cynhaliodd y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol astudiaeth ar effeithiau mewnfudo ar lefelau cyfredol, 0.25 miliwn net y flwyddyn. Mae hynny'n ychwanegu 0.4 y cant at CMC ond hefyd 0.4 y cant at y boblogaeth, fel na fyddai CMC fesul pen yn gwella; does fawr ddim gwahaniaeth. Onid yw'n bryd i Lywodraeth Cymru ddeffro i realiti bywyd yn y Brydain fodern?
English: Immigration should be tailored according to the needs of the UK. Targets - . It is artificial. What is the point of targets? Let's examine that situation. Let's say, for example, we wished to recruit more doctors to the Welsh NHS but were told, 'Sorry, we've reached the quota for this year'. That's nonsensical. Why on earth would that be a sensible policy for any Government to adopt? So, we have offered a view on migration. We don't know what the UK Government's view is yet. This is our offer in terms of what we think the system should look like, but it's absolutely crucial, of course, that policy is tailored to what the UK actually needs, not an artificial target.
Welsh: Dylid teilwra mewnfudo yn ôl anghenion y DU. Targedau - . Mae'n artiffisial. Beth yw pwynt targedau? Gadewch i ni archwilio'r sefyllfa honno. Dywedwch, er enghraifft, ein bod ni'n dymuno recriwtio mwy o feddygon i GIG Cymru ond y dywedwyd wrthym, 'Mae'n ddrwg gennym, rydym ni wedi cyrraedd y cwota ar gyfer eleni'. Nid yw hynny'n gwneud dim synnwyr. Pam ar y ddaear fyddai hynny'n bolisi synhwyrol i unrhyw Lywodraeth ei fabwysiadu? Felly, rydym ni wedi cynnig barn ar fudo. Nid ydym yn gwybod beth yw barn Llywodraeth y DU eto. Dyma ein cynnig ni o ran sut yr ydym ni'n credu y dylai'r system edrych, ond mae'n hollbwysig, wrth gwrs, bod y polisi hwnnw'n cael ei deilwra i'r hyn sydd ei angen mewn gwirionedd ar y DU, nid targed artiffisial.
English: The First Minister knows that that is not the only way in which targets can work. In particular, the problems that we have for the levels of immigration that we currently suffer are not in the field of professionals, like doctors and nurses, where they will always be able to qualify for whatever the skills needs of the country are. But at the bottom end of the income scale, in particular, for those who are on low skills or unskilled, there are very significant factors at work that push down the levels of income that people are likely to get. Given that Wales is a low-wage economy, and we're at the bottom of the income scale for the nations and regions of the UK, shouldn't we be more concerned to reduce the inflow of unskilled and low-skilled migration in order to protect those who are most vulnerable in Welsh society?
Welsh: Mae'r Prif Weinidog yn gwybod nad dyna'r unig ffordd y gall targedau weithio. Yn arbennig, nid yw'r problemau sydd gennym ni ar gyfer y lefelau mewnfudo yr ydym ni'n eu dioddef ar hyn o bryd ym meysydd gweithwyr proffesiynol, fel meddygon a nyrsys, lle byddant bob amser yn gallu cymhwyso ar gyfer beth bynnag yw anghenion sgiliau'r wlad. Ond ar waelod y raddfa incwm, yn arbennig, i'r rhai â sgiliau isel neu sydd heb sgiliau, mae ffactorau sylweddol iawn ar waith sy'n gwthio'r lefelau incwm y mae pobl yn debygol o'i gael i lawr. O gofio bod Cymru'n economi cyflog isel, a'n bod ni ar waelod y raddfa incwm ar gyfer gwledydd a rhanbarthau'r DU, oni ddylem ni fod yn fwy pryderus ynghylch lleihau'r mewnlifiad o fewnfudiad pobl heb sgiliau neu â sgiliau isel er mwyn amddiffyn y rheini sydd fwyaf agored i niwed yng nghymdeithas Cymru?