techiaith/cofnodycynulliad_en-cy huggingface dataset:
English: If I could, perhaps, return then to the actual debate, which is over a referendum - it's not about remain or leave today. I've had plenty of views on that issue; I don't propose to repeat them. What I can say, though, is that, quite rightly, Darren Millar earlier on in this Chamber drew attention to the seventy-fifth anniversary of D-day tomorrow, when 12 nations united to defeat Nazism and fascism. I think what they will have seen today, and what they will see of our politics generally across Britain, would not have found their favour. This is not what they fought for. There is a duty on all of us in this Chamber to think carefully about where we go next as a society. What we can agree is that, in 2016, people voted to leave the EU. That is clear. We know that. We can see that from the result. But the problem is, as Llyr Gruffydd has said, there was no plan, there was no document, there was no guidance. When we had our referendums in 1997 and 2011, if people wanted to, they could look at a document that would tell them exactly what would happen, and therein lies the problem.
Welsh: Os caf ddychwelyd, efallai, at y ddadl ei hun, sy'n ymwneud â refferendwm - nid yw'n ymwneud ag aros na gadael heddiw. Rwyf wedi cael digon o safbwyntiau ar y mater hwnnw; nid wyf yn bwriadu eu hailadrodd. Yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud, serch hynny, yw bod Darren Millar yn gynharach yn y Siambr hon wedi tynnu sylw'n gwbl briodol at y ffaith y bydd hi'n 75 mlynedd ers D-day yfory, pan unodd 12 o wledydd i drechu Natsïaeth a ffasgaeth. Rwy'n credu na fyddai'r hyn y byddant wedi ei weld heddiw, a'r hyn y byddant yn ei weld o'n gwleidyddiaeth yn gyffredinol ar draws Prydain, wedi eu plesio. Nid dyma y brwydrasant drosto. Mae dyletswydd ar bob un ohonom yn y Siambr hon i feddwl yn ofalus ynglŷn â ble rydym yn mynd nesaf fel cymdeithas. Yr hyn y gallwn gytuno yn ei gylch yw fod pobl wedi pleidleisio yn 2016 dros adael yr UE. Mae hynny'n glir. Rydym yn gwybod hynny. Gallwn weld hynny o'r canlyniad. Ond fel y dywedodd Llyr Gruffydd, y broblem oedd nad oedd cynllun, na dogfen, nac arweiniad. Pan gawsom ein refferenda yn 1997 a 2011, pe bai pobl yn dymuno gwneud hynny, gallent edrych ar ddogfen a fyddai'n dweud wrthynt beth yn union a fyddai'n digwydd, a dyna lle mae'r broblem.
English: I heard the argument that was posited by Llyr Gruffydd, and he's quite right, there are all sorts of different forms of Brexit, but one thing that the people have rejected is to remain. That was on the ballot paper and it was rejected. Why do you want to put remain on a ballot paper again in a future referendum?
Welsh: Clywais y ddadl a gyflwynwyd gan Llyr Gruffydd, ac mae'n hollol iawn, ceir pob math o wahanol ffurfiau ar Brexit, ond un peth y mae'r bobl wedi ei wrthod yw aros yn yr UE. Roedd hynny ar y papur pleidleisio ac fe'i gwrthodwyd. Pam rydych chi am roi aros ar bapur pleidleisio eto mewn refferendwm yn y dyfodol?
English: I call on the Counsel General and Brexit Minister, Jeremy Miles.
Welsh: Galwaf ar y Cwnsler Cyffredinol a'r Gweinidog Brexit, Jeremy Miles.
English: Llywydd, three years have passed since the result of the referendum, and it appears that we are further away than ever from coming to any sort of decision. The European elections demonstrate clearly that our nation is as divided as ever on the key issue of our relationship with the European Union. The Westminster Parliament has failed to agree, and now we will waste even more valuable time as the Conservatives start a campaign to elect a new leader. I'm grateful to Plaid Cymru for the opportunity, through this motion, to discuss the way forward, as the political landscape is changed following the announcement of the UK Prime Minister that she is to step aside.
Welsh: Llywydd, mae tair blynedd wedi pasio nawr ers canlyniad y refferendwm, ac mae'n ymddangos ein bod ni'n bellach nag erioed rhag dod i unrhyw fath o benderfyniadau. Mae'r etholiadau Ewropeaidd yn dangos yn glir bod ein gwlad mor rhanedig ag erioed ar fater allweddol ein perthynas â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae'r Senedd yn San Steffan yn methu'n lân â chytuno, a nawr fe fyddwn ni'n gwastraffu mwy fyth o amser gwerthfawr wrth i'r Torïaid fynd ati i gynnal ymgyrch i gael arweinydd newydd. Rwy'n ddiolchgar i Blaid Cymru am y cyfle, drwy'r cynnig hwn, i drafod y ffordd ymlaen, gan fod y dirwedd wleidyddol wedi newid nawr yn dilyn cyhoeddiad Prif Weinidog y Deyrnas Unedig y bydd hi'n camu o'r neilltu.
English: Thank you, Llywydd. I'm pleased for the opportunity to close this debate, and I'm grateful to those who have contributed to the debate, which is another opportunity for us to make an unambiguous statement about the need to seek the consent of the people of Wales for the next step of our relationship with the EU. I respect the vote that happened in June 2016 and the outcome, namely that the population was divided but favoured, by a little, the principle they were asked to pass judgment on, in that context at that time. What I'm not going to accept, in the face of three years of confusion and going nowhere, three years of Wales's needs being ignored by the establishment in Westminster and Whitehall, and three years of realising that much of what was told to the electorate during the referendum was misleading at best, that the vote in June 2016 settled clearly what the will of the people was. How could it settle clearly that, because there was no plan on the table even? Only now can we even think about settling this issue, and a confirmatory referendum is the way to do that.
Welsh: Diolch, Llywydd. Rwy'n ddiolchgar am y cyfle i gael cloi'r ddadl yma. Dwi'n ddiolchgar i'r rheini sydd wedi cyfrannu at y ddadl, sy'n gyfle arall i ni wneud datganiad diamwys ynglŷn â'r angen i fynnu cydsyniad pobl Cymru i'r cam nesaf o ran ein perthynas ni efo'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Dwi'n parchu'r bleidlais ddigwyddodd ym mis Mehefin 2016 a'r canlyniad, sef bod y boblogaeth yn rhanedig, ond yn ffafrio, o ychydig, yr egwyddor gyffredinol y gofynnwyd iddyn nhw basio barn arno fo ar y pryd hwnnw, yn y cyd-destun ar y pryd. Beth dwi ddim yn fodlon ei dderbyn, yn wyneb tair blynedd o ddryswch a mynd i nunlle, tair blynedd o anghenion Cymru'n cael eu hanwybyddu gan y sefydliad yn Westminster a Whitehall, tair blynedd o sylweddoliad bod llawer o sail yr hyn a gyflwynwyd i bobl adeg y refferendwm yn gamarweiniol ar y gorau, ydy bod y bleidlais honno ym Mehefin 2016 yn setlo yn glir beth oedd ewyllys y bobl. Sut allai fo setlo yn glir, achos doedd yna ddim cynllun ar y bwrdd hyd yn oed? Dim ond rŵan allwn ni hyd yn oed feddwl am setlo'r mater, a refferendwm gair olaf ydy'r ffordd i wneud hynny.
English: Much of that debate in 2016 focused on the bonanza on its way to the NHS, an NHS that, ironically, would most likely face being sold off if we do leave the European Union, as it turns out. But when it wasn't focusing on that, it was lauded as being a way to take back control. There can, I would argue, be no better way of taking back control than by ensuring that all the way through this debate on our EU membership, it is the electorate that decides the outcome, and that -
Welsh: Canolbwyntiodd llawer o'r ddadl honno yn 2016 ar y ffyniant a oedd ar ei ffordd i'r GIG, GIG a fyddai'n debygol, yn eironig, o gael ei werthu pe baem yn gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, fel mae'n digwydd. Ond pan nad oedd yn canolbwyntio ar hynny, fe'i canmolwyd fel ffordd o adfer rheolaeth. Buaswn yn dadlau na fyddai ffordd well o adfer rheolaeth na thrwy sicrhau'r holl ffordd drwy'r ddadl hon ar ein haelodaeth o'r UE, mai'r etholwyr sy'n penderfynu'r canlyniad, a -
English: The referendum was also, to a large extent, about immigration, and that question has driven the rise of the far right, which I'm sure you share my concerns about, not just here but also in Europe and throughout the world. And do you further share my concern that it is those of us who are raising concerns and worries about the rise of the far right who are subject to fake news and who get harder and more vicious attacks than the far right themselves?
Welsh: Roedd y refferendwm, i raddau helaeth hefyd, yn ymwneud â mewnfudo, ac mae'r cwestiwn hwnnw wedi ysgogi cynnydd yr asgell dde eithafol, ac rwy'n siŵr eich bod yn rhannu fy mhryderon ynglŷn â hynny, nid yn unig yma ond yn Ewrop a ledled y byd hefyd. Ac a rannwch fy mhryder hefyd mai'r rheini ohonom sy'n mynegi pryderon a gofid ynghylch y cynnydd yn y dde eithafol sy'n destun newyddion ffug ac sy'n dioddef ymosodiadau caletach a mwy milain na'r dde eithafol eu hunain?
English: The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [ Objection.] I will defer voting under this item until voting time.
Welsh: Y cwestiwn yw a ddylid derbyn y cynnig heb ei ddiwygio. A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [ Gwrthwynebiad.] Gohiriaf y bleidlais ar yr eitem tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
English: And that brings us to our next item: a Member debate under Standing Order 11.21, and I call on John Griffiths to move the motion.
Welsh: Ac, felly, dyma ni'n cyrraedd yr eitem nesaf, sef dadl Aelodau o dan Reol Sefydlog 11.21, a dwi'n galw ar John Griffiths i wneud y cynnig.
English: Diolch, Llywydd. The picture of poverty in Wales is stark. Wales faces the highest relative poverty rate in the United Kingdom, with almost one in four people living in income poverty today. The issue often comes down to social class. Office for National Statistics figures show that if you're a woman living in a working-class city, you're likely to die seven years earlier than if you were living in an affluent area. If you are a disadvantaged child, you are 27 per cent less likely to achieve five or more GCSEs at A to C grades. If you attend a private school, by the time you are 40, you will be earning 35 per cent more than a state school pupil. If you are homeless as an adult, you were almost certainly poor and working class as a child. Class shapes our nation. For many, it constrains their life chances and derails their aspirations. For others, it confers a life of power and privilege.
Welsh: Diolch, Lywydd. Mae'r darlun o dlodi yng Nghymru yn un llwm. Mae Cymru'n wynebu'r gyfradd tlodi cymharol uchaf yn y Deyrnas Unedig, gyda bron un o bob pedwar o bobl yn byw mewn tlodi incwm heddiw. Mae'r mater yn aml yn ymwneud â dosbarth cymdeithasol. Mae ffigurau'r Swyddfa Ystadegau Gwladol yn dangos, os ydych chi'n fenyw sy'n byw mewn dinas ddosbarth gweithiol, rydych chi'n debygol o farw saith mlynedd yn gynharach na phe baech chi'n byw mewn ardal gefnog. Os ydych yn blentyn difreintiedig, rydych 27 y cant yn llai tebygol o gael graddau A i C mewn pump TGAU neu fwy. Os ydych yn mynychu ysgol breifat, erbyn eich bod yn 40, byddwch yn ennill 35 y cant yn fwy na disgybl o ysgol wladol. Os ydych yn ddigartref fel oedolyn, roeddech bron yn sicr o fod yn dlawd ac yn perthyn i'r dosbarth gweithiol pan oeddech yn blentyn. Dosbarth sy'n siapio ein cenedl. I lawer, mae'n cyfyngu ar eu cyfleoedd mewn bywyd ac yn llesteirio eu dyheadau. I eraill, mae'n cynnig bywyd o rym a braint.
English: Diolch, John. In relation to the point you make about the gendered nature of poverty, the Child Poverty Action Group have issued some recommendations today, and in relation to the two-child limit, which is also known as the 'rape clause', they say that 300,000 fewer children - this is a UK figure, by the way - would be in poverty if the two-child limit in universal credit were to be scrapped. Of all the changes modelled in the report, this would lift the most children from poverty per pound of social security spending. So, do you share my regrets about that rape clause, and will you join me in calling for it to be scrapped?
Welsh: Diolch, John. Mewn perthynas â'r pwynt a wnewch am natur tlodi yn seiliedig ar y rhywiau, mae'r Grŵp Gweithredu ar Dlodi Plant wedi cyhoeddi rhai argymhellion heddiw, ac mewn perthynas â'r terfyn dau blentyn, a elwir hefyd yn 'gymal trais', dywedant y byddai 300,000 yn llai o blant - dyma ffigur ar gyfer y DU, gyda llaw - yn byw mewn tlodi pe bai'r terfyn dau blentyn mewn credyd cynhwysol yn cael ei ddileu. O'r holl newidiadau a fodelwyd yn yr adroddiad, dyma fyddai'n tynnu fwyaf o blant allan o dlodi am bob punt o wariant nawdd cymdeithasol. Felly, a ydych yn rhannu fy ngofid am y cymal trais hwnnw, ac a wnewch chi ymuno â mi i alw am gael gwared arno?
English: I'm very happy to join Leanne Wood in calling for that change. I think it's a scandalous policy that is almost trying to impose the state's view of how many children working-class families should have. It's truly shocking.
Welsh: Rwy'n hapus iawn i ymuno â Leanne Wood i alw am y newid hwnnw. Rwy'n credu ei fod yn bolisi gwarthus sydd bron yn ceisio gorfodi safbwynt y wladwriaeth ynglŷn â faint o blant y dylai teuluoedd dosbarth gweithiol eu cael. Mae'n wirioneddol frawychus.
English: Thanks, John.
Welsh: Diolch, John.
English: Dirprwy Lywydd, in effect, women face a double burden of poverty and discrimination, and that needs to be changed and tackled. Food is centre stage in terms of many of these poverty issues today. The surge in the number of people seeking emergency food support in Wales evidences the desperate daily struggle facing many people up and down our country in just having access to basic necessities. Following his visit to the UK, the UN rapporteur highlighted his concern that employment wasn't even a guarantee against people needing to use food banks, with one in six people referred to the Trussell Trust being in work. In 2017 to 2018, 98,350 three-day emergency food supplies were provided to people in Wales. Of these, 35,403 went to children. And, as we know, food poverty has a knock-on impact on the diet of citizens, and, in fact, the Food Foundation has shown that 160,000 children in Wales are living in households for whom a healthy diet is becoming increasingly unaffordable. Given that we are not facing a food shortage in Wales, we need a shift of focus from the provision of food aid to boosting incomes so that there is equitable access to a wholesome and nourishing diet. Without a change of direction, we risk food banks becoming an institutionalised fixture of Welsh society. This cannot be what any of us wants.
Welsh: Ddirprwy Lywydd, i bob pwrpas, mae menywod yn wynebu baich dwbl o dlodi a gwahaniaethu, ac mae angen newid hynny a mynd i'r afael ag ef. Mae bwyd yn ganolbwynt i lawer o'r problemau tlodi hyn heddiw. Mae'r ymchwydd yn nifer y bobl sy'n ceisio cymorth bwyd brys yng Nghymru'n dangos y frwydr feunyddiol ofidus sy'n wynebu llawer o bobl ar hyd a lled ein gwlad o ran cael mynediad at hanfodion sylfaenol yn unig. Yn dilyn ei ymweliad â'r DU, tynnodd rapporteur y Cenhedloedd Unedig sylw at ei bryder nad oedd cyflogaeth hyd yn oed yn gwarantu yn erbyn yr angen i bobl ddefnyddio banciau bwyd, gydag un o bob chwech o bobl a gyfeiriwyd at Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell yn gweithio. Rhwng 2017 a 2018, cafodd 98,350 o gyflenwadau bwyd brys tri diwrnod eu darparu i bobl yng Nghymru. O'r rhain, aeth 35,403 i blant. Ac fel y gwyddom, mae tlodi bwyd yn cael effaith ganlyniadol ar ddeiet dinasyddion, ac yn wir, mae'r Food Foundation wedi dangos bod 160,000 o blant yng Nghymru yn byw mewn cartrefi lle mae deiet iach yn mynd yn fwyfwy anfforddiadwy. O gofio nad ydym yn wynebu prinder bwyd yng Nghymru, mae angen inni newid ffocws o ddarparu cymorth bwyd i hybu incwm er mwyn sicrhau mynediad teg at ddeiet iachus a maethlon. Heb newid cyfeiriad, mae perygl y bydd banciau bwyd yn dod yn rhan sefydliadol o gymdeithas Cymru. Ni all yr un ohonom fod eisiau hynny.
English: In regard to the comments earlier about having a social fabric and being involved in your community, do you think that that is actually possible for somebody that's working two, three, and sometimes four zero-hour contracts?
Welsh: O ran y sylwadau yn gynharach am gael gwead cymdeithasol a bod yn rhan o'ch cymuned, a ydych yn credu bod hynny'n bosibl mewn gwirionedd i rywun sy'n gweithio dau, dri, neu bedwar contract dim oriau weithiau?
English: Well, it's very difficult, because people actually can tend to work, some weeks, 40 or 50 hours. Unfortunately, in other weeks they're working 10 hours. They can't plan anything. Childcare becomes a nightmare; they've got huge problems across the whole of their lives. So, yes, it's very difficult to be involved in helping to run the local football team if you don't know if you're going to be working one hour on a Saturday or 10 hours on a Saturday. According to the Bevan Foundation, recent changes to the benefits system, including the benefit freeze and the roll-out of universal credit, has significantly reduced family income. The cumulative effect and impact of welfare reform has left households with children over £5,000 worse off - [ Interruption.] Yes, certainly. Whilst it has left households with a disabled adult over £3,000 worse off. Mark.
Welsh: Wel, mae'n anodd iawn, oherwydd mae pobl yn tueddu i weithio 40 neu 50 awr ar rai wythnosau. Yn anffodus, ar wythnosau eraill nid ydynt ond yn gweithio 10 awr. Ni allant gynllunio unrhyw beth. Mae gofal plant yn troi'n hunllef; mae ganddynt broblemau enfawr ar draws eu bywydau i gyd. Felly, ydy, mae'n anodd iawn bod yn rhan o helpu i redeg y tîm pêl-droed lleol os nad ydych chi'n gwybod a ydych chi'n mynd i fod yn gweithio awr ddydd Sadwrn neu 10 awr ddydd Sadwrn. Yn ôl Sefydliad Bevan, mae newidiadau diweddar i'r system fudd-daliadau, gan gynnwys rhewi budd-daliadau a chyflwyno credyd cynhwysol, wedi lleihau incwm teuluol yn sylweddol. Mae effaith gronnol ac effaith diwygio lles wedi golygu bod aelwydydd â phlant dros £5,000 yn waeth eu byd - [ Torri ar draws.] Iawn, yn sicr. Ac mae wedi golygu bod cartrefi ag oedolyn anabl dros £3,000 yn waeth eu byd. Mark.
English: Do you acknowledge research, equally worrying, in 2008 by the Bevan Foundation and Save the Children, which found that one in four children in Wales were living in poverty - the relative poverty measure - and that 90,000 in 2008 were living in severe poverty, the highest level in the UK? So, this isn't a new problem, and it's definitely a problem we've got to grasp.
Welsh: A ydych yn cydnabod ymchwil, sydd yr un mor bryderus, yn 2008 gan Sefydliad Bevan ac Achub y Plant, a ganfu fod un o bob pedwar plentyn yng Nghymru'n byw mewn tlodi - y mesur tlodi cymharol - a bod 90,000 yn 2008 yn byw mewn tlodi difrifol, sef y lefel uchaf yn y DU? Felly, nid yw hon yn broblem newydd, ac mae'n sicr yn broblem y mae'n rhaid i ni fynd i'r afael â hi.
English: So, these are some of the complex issues that would be great if we had a really good strategy that we could all be scrutinising. Thank you.
Welsh: Felly, dyma rai o'r materion cymhleth a byddai'n wych pe bai gennym strategaeth dda iawn y gallem i gyd fod yn craffu arni. Diolch.
English: So, therefore, you're confirming today that you have no intention of producing an anti-poverty strategy, and that the Government will not be having an implementation plan around that strategy.
Welsh: Felly, rydych yn cadarnhau heddiw nad oes gennych fwriad o gwbl i gynhyrchu strategaeth wrthdlodi, ac na fydd y Llywodraeth yn cael cynllun gweithredu yn seiliedig ar y strategaeth honno.
English: Well, as the Member is aware, we already have numerous means and ways of tackling poverty.
Welsh: Wel, fel y gŵyr yr Aelod, mae gennym eisoes nifer o ddulliau a ffyrdd o drechu tlodi.
English: That's a yes. That's a yes. There will be no - . So, there won't be a strategy.
Welsh: Rydych chi'n dweud bod hynny'n wir. Ni fydd - . Felly, ni fydd strategaeth.
English: The overriding objective of this Government is to make sure that every person in Wales has an opportunity to work, ensuring that there is a job in every household. That's the best way out of poverty and that's the best way to avoid poverty. But, Dirprwy Lywydd, as Rhianon Passmore clearly said, there is one important actor in this debate that needs to step up to the plate. For nearly a decade now, austerity and welfare cuts have seen the UK Government reaching into the pockets of the poorest and the most vulnerable people to finance an economic dogma. And, to give you a sense of what we have been through, had our budgets in Wales stood still between 2009 and 2019, we would have £800 million more to spend on public services. However, had they grown in line with the economy, we would have had £4 billion more from the UK Government to invest in our country. I'll give way.
Welsh: Prif amcan y Llywodraeth hon yw sicrhau bod pob person yng Nghymru yn cael cyfle i weithio, gan sicrhau bod swydd ym mhob cartref. Dyna'r ffordd orau allan o dlodi a dyna'r ffordd orau o osgoi tlodi. Ond Ddirprwy Lywydd, fel y dywedodd Rhianon Passmore yn glir, mae angen i un elfen bwysig yn y ddadl hon ysgwyddo'i chyfrifoldebau. Ers bron i ddegawd bellach, mae cyni a thoriadau lles wedi golygu bod Llywodraeth y DU yn estyn i bocedi'r bobl dlotaf a mwyaf agored i niwed er mwyn ariannu dogma economaidd. Ac i roi syniad i chi o'r hyn rydym wedi bod drwyddo, pe bai ein cyllidebau yng Nghymru wedi sefyll yn llonydd rhwng 2009 a 2019, byddai gennym £800 miliwn yn fwy i'w wario ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus. Fodd bynnag, pe baent wedi tyfu'n unol â'r economi, byddem wedi cael £4 biliwn yn fwy gan Lywodraeth y DU i'w fuddsoddi yn ein gwlad. Fe ildiaf.
English: Do you recognise that child poverty in Wales started rising in 2004, that it was already at the highest levels in the UK before the credit crunch and that, a decade ago, 90,000 children in Wales were in severe poverty and over one in four were living in relative poverty? This didn't begin in 2010.
Welsh: A ydych yn cydnabod bod tlodi plant yng Nghymru wedi dechrau codi yn 2004, ei fod eisoes ar y lefelau uchaf yn y DU cyn y wasgfa gredyd a bod 90,000 o blant yng Nghymru, ddegawd yn ôl, mewn tlodi difrifol a bod dros un o bob pedwar yn byw mewn tlodi cymharol? Ni ddechreuodd hyn yn 2010.