English: Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. My debate is about the very important issue of rented housing and why we need rent controls. I've agreed to give a minute of my time to David Melding and nobody else has indicated that they want to speak. Good, affordable housing is the cornerstone of a decent society. Housing is too important to the population's health and well-being to be left to market forces alone. We cannot allow a rampant free market to condemn generation rent to expensive, insecure low-quality housing. Housing is being used as an advancement opportunity, rather than a place for people to live, and this is fuelled by politicians who keep on talking about getting on the housing ladder, as if it is a nirvana we all need to aim for. I've got no problem with people wanting to own their own homes, but it is not, in itself, an essential requirement for happiness and success. It's our job, as legislators, to deliver prosperity for all and to protect those who are less able to protect themselves, and we urgently need firm action to change the dysfunctional housing market, which is condemning generation rent to permanent insecurity and instability, and distorting our economy. Social housing is insufficient to meet demand and new tenancies are now mainly confined to people with protected characteristics. But the first rung on this hypothetical housing ladder is beyond the reach of the majority of my constituents. I accept that the picture in Cardiff is not the same as across the wholes of Wales, where, happily, a mere 15 per cent are in private rented accommodation, but in my demographically young constituency, it is in danger of becoming the dominant position, with all the insecurity and instability that that involves. While local authorities do their bit to close down properties that are not fit for human habitation, there's an almost complete lack of consumer protection for private renters. Complaining about disrepair often leads to eviction and many tenants instead put up with appalling conditions. That doesn't mean that there are not good landlords who maintain their properties promptly and effectively, but the tenant has no right to remain and no reason needs to be given for ending a tenancy. It's that instability of renting that is so damaging for well-being. No roots can be put down, no certainty about schools or jobs that a family can count on. Each tenancy ending means finding at least a month's deposit, more agency fees, unpredictable rent increases and moving costs. It doesn't need to be like this. Before 1989, private rented sector rents were determined by the Valuation Office Agency, and the VOA set a fair level of rent for the property and calculated by how much that amount could increase. This provided certainty for both tenants and landlords, but the Housing Act 1988, at a stroke, moved Britain from one of the most forcefully regulated of private renting in the world to the most de-regulated, uncontrolled system in the developed world. Since 1989, landlords in Britain have been allowed to charge tenants what they think the market will bear. Unfortunately, the only de facto rent control that has been introduced is a cap on housing benefits, which has just given rocket boosters to the already unacceptable levels of instability.
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr iawn, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Mae fy nadl am fater pwysig tai rhent a pham y mae angen inni reoli rhenti. Rwyf wedi cytuno i roi munud o fy amser i David Melding, ac nid oes neb arall wedi nodi eu bod am siarad. Tai fforddiadwy, da yw conglfaen cymdeithas wâr. Mae tai yn rhy bwysig i iechyd a lles y boblogaeth i'w gadael i rymoedd y farchnad yn unig. Ni allwn ganiatáu i farchnad rydd a rhemp gondemnio'r genhedlaeth rent i dai drud ac ansicr o safon isel. Defnyddir tai fel cyfle i gamu ymlaen, yn hytrach na lleoedd i bobl fyw ynddynt, a chaiff hyn ei waethygu gan wleidyddion sy'n sôn o hyd am gael troed ar yr ysgol dai fel pe bai'n wynfyd y mae angen i bawb ohonom anelu tuag ato. Nid oes gennyf unrhyw broblem gyda phobl sydd am fod yn berchen ar eu cartrefi eu hunain, ond ynddo'i hun, nid yw'n ofyniad hanfodol ar gyfer llwyddiant a hapusrwydd. Ein gwaith ni, fel deddfwyr, yw sicrhau ffyniant i bawb ac amddiffyn y rhai sy'n llai abl i amddiffyn eu hunain, ac mae gwir angen camau pendant i newid y farchnad dai gamweithredol, sy'n condemnio'r genhedlaeth rent i ansicrwydd ac ansefydlogrwydd parhaol, ac sy'n ystumio ein heconomi. Mae tai cymdeithasol yn annigonol i ateb y galw a bellach mae tenantiaethau newydd wedi'u cyfyngu'n bennaf i bobl sydd â nodweddion gwarchodedig. Ond mae'r ris gyntaf ar yr ysgol dai ddamcaniaethol hon y tu hwnt i gyrraedd y rhan fwyaf o fy etholwyr. Rwy'n derbyn nad yw'r darlun yng Nghaerdydd yr un fath ag ar draws Cymru gyfan, lle mae'n braf nodi nad oes ond 15 y cant mewn eiddo rhent preifat, ond yn fy etholaeth i sy'n ifanc o ran demograffeg, mae mewn perygl o fod yn y safle uchaf, gyda'r holl ansicrwydd ac ansefydlogrwydd sydd ynghlwm wrth hynny. Er bod awdurdodau lleol yn gwneud eu rhan i gau eiddo nad yw'n addas i bobl fyw ynddynt, nid oes fawr o ddiogelwch i ddefnyddwyr sy'n rhentu'n breifat. Mae cwyno am ddiffyg atgyweirio yn aml yn arwain at gael eich troi allan ac mae llawer o denantiaid yn dygymod ag amodau ofnadwy yn lle hynny. Nid yw hynny'n golygu nad oes landlordiaid da sy'n gwneud gwaith cynnal a chadw ar eu heiddo'n amserol ac yn effeithiol, ond nid oes gan y tenant hawl i aros ac nid oes angen rhoi unrhyw reswm dros ddod â thenantiaeth i ben. Mae ansefydlogrwydd o'r fath mewn perthynas â rhentu mor niweidiol i les. Ni ellir bwrw gwreiddiau, na chael sicrwydd dibynadwy ynglŷn ag ysgolion neu swyddi. Mae diwedd tenantiaeth yn golygu dod o hyd i flaendal o fis o leiaf, mwy o ffioedd asiantaeth, cynnydd anrhagweladwy yn y rhent a chostau symud. Nid oes angen iddi fod fel hyn. Cyn 1989, câi rhenti'r sector rhentu preifat eu pennu gan Asiantaeth y Swyddfa Brisio, a byddai'r Asiantaeth yn gosod lefel deg o rent ar gyfer yr eiddo wedi'i gyfrifo yn ôl faint y gallai'r swm hwnnw gynyddu. Roedd hyn yn rhoi sicrwydd i denantiaid a landlordiaid fel ei gilydd, ond newidiodd Deddf Tai 1988 bethau fel bod Prydain ar amrantiad yn newid o fod yn un o wledydd y byd a gâi ei rheoleiddio'n fwyaf llym mewn perthynas â rhentu preifat i fod y system fwyaf direol ac wedi'i dadreoleiddio fwyaf yn y byd datblygedig. Ers 1989, mae landlordiaid ym Mhrydain wedi cael codi unrhyw dâl y credant y gall y farchnad ei gynnal ar denantiaid. Yn anffodus, yr unig reoli rhenti de facto a gyflwynwyd yw cap ar fudd-daliadau tai, sydd wedi rhoi hwb anferthol i lefelau o ansicrwydd sydd eisoes yn annerbyniol.