English: Thank you for your comments. All of the issues that I have mentioned are being discussed between Governments within the United Kingdom. So, there is a constructive conversation taking place, but I think it's important to set out the range of risks that do exist before we reach a final deal. And on the issues that I have mentioned thus far, none of them have been bottomed out in terms of post transition; that's the challenge. In particular, for example, you mention longer-term residency; there's an agreement up to the transition, but there isn't an agreement after that. So, I think it's entirely proper to raise that these are matters that do need to be resolved in any final deal and have not been resolved to date. This is not a matter of mischief making; I think we just need to be honest about the range of risks that we carry if we don't have a good deal and information that people are not commonly aware of on the detail of each of these areas. You asked a question about a bad deal - no deal or a bad deal. The problem is that the worst possible deal is no deal. That is the worst possible deal, and so there is a challenge here about being honest with each other about that, and the difficulties we have with the position being taken in negotiations. For example, the role of the European Court of Justice is a red line at present for the UK Government. That's problematic because of the range of issues that we talked about where there is co-operation across Europe, currently overseen by the ECJ. Now, other countries that have arrangements with the European Union sign up to formally agree how that oversight operates. If there's to be no oversight, then the default position is that we'll fall outside the arrangements that I know that you value, and, actually, I think the UK department for health values as well. So, the challenge is whether we can inject a dose of reality into the discussion, the debate and the negotiations. From my point of view, when you talk also about things that aren't finalised, like the equivalence of qualifications, well, that isn't finalised. There is absolutely not a finalised position on that, and the points that I have made today are underscored, supported by and amplified by a range of other commentators within the field of health and social care, not party politicians. I'll give you some examples: the NHS Confederation working together with social care partners, the Academy of Medical Royal Colleges, the Royal College of Nursing and, indeed, the BMA as well. So, this is not an area where there is mischief making; this is an area of real, clear and present concern that has to be managed not just between health departments within the UK agreeing what we think matters, but actually it's for the UK Government to deliver a deal on Brexit and not to make sure that people who voted to leave or to remain are subjected to wholly unacceptable risks to their health that nobody voted for two years ago.
Welsh: Diolch i chi am eich sylwadau. Mae pob un o'r materion a grybwyllais yn cael eu trafod rhwng y Llywodraethau yn y Deyrnas Unedig. Felly, mae trafodaeth adeiladol yn digwydd, ond rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig amlinellu'r ystod o risgiau sy'n bodoli cyn inni gyrraedd bargen derfynol. Ac o ran y materion a grybwyllwyd gennyf hyd yn hyn, nid oes yr un ohonyn nhw wedi eu cadarnhau ar gyfer y cyfnod ar ôl y cyfnod pontio; dyna'r her. Yn benodol, er enghraifft, rydych chi'n sôn am breswylio mwy hirdymor; mae cytundeb hyd at y cyfnod pontio, ond nid oes cytundeb ar ôl hynny. Felly, credaf ei bod hi'n gwbl briodol dweud bod y rhain yn faterion y mae angen eu datrys mewn unrhyw fargen derfynol ac nad ydyn nhw wedi eu datrys hyd yma. Nid yw hyn yn fater o greu helynt; rwy'n credu bod angen inni fod yn onest am yr ystod o risgiau fydd yn ein hwynebu os nad oes gennym ni fargen dda a gwybodaeth nad yw pobl yn aml yn ymwybodol ohoni o ran manylion pob un o'r meysydd hyn. Fe wnaethoch chi ofyn cwestiwn am fargen wael - dim bargen neu fargen wael. Y broblem yw bod y fargen waethaf bosib yn gyfystyr â dim bargen. Dyna yw'r fargen waethaf bosib, ac felly ceir her yma ynglŷn â bod yn onest â'n gilydd am hynny, a'r anawsterau sydd gennym ni gyda'r safbwynt a arddelir yn y trafodaethau. Er enghraifft, mae swyddogaeth Llys Cyfiawnder Ewrop yn faen tramgwydd ar hyn o bryd i Lywodraeth y DU. Mae hynny'n peri problem oherwydd yr amrywiaeth o faterion y buom yn siarad amdanyn nhw ble ceir cydweithredu ar draws Ewrop, a gaiff ei oruchwylio ar hyn o bryd gan Lys Cyfiawnder Ewrop. Nawr, mae gwledydd eraill sydd â threfniadau gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd yn ymrwymo i gytuno'n ffurfiol sut mae'r oruchwyliaeth honno yn gweithredu. Os nad oes unrhyw oruchwylio, yna y sefyllfa anorfod yw y byddwn wedi ein heithrio o'r trefniadau rwy'n gwybod eich bod yn eu gwerthfawrogi, ac, mewn gwirionedd, y credaf fod adran iechyd y DU yn eu gwerthfawrogi hefyd. Felly, yr her yw p'un a allwn ni ddod ag ychydig o realiti i'r drafodaeth, y ddadl a'r negodiadau. O'm rhan i, pan rydych chi'n sôn hefyd am bethau sydd ddim yn derfynol, fel cywerthedd cymwysterau, wel, nid yw hynny'n derfynol. Nid oes safbwynt terfynol o gwbl ynglŷn â hynny, ac mae'r sylwadau a wneuthum heddiw wedi eu pwysleisio, eu hategu a'u hymhelaethu arnynt gan amryw o sylwebyddion eraill yn y maes iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, nid gwleidyddion pleidiau. Fe rof i rai enghreifftiau i chi: Cydffederasiwn y GIG yn cydweithio â phartneriaid gofal cymdeithasol, Academi'r Colegau Meddygol Brenhinol, Y Coleg Nyrsio Brenhinol ac, yn wir, Cymdeithas Feddygol Prydain hefyd. Felly, nid yw hwn yn faes be mae pobl yn codi stŵr; mae hwn yn faes sy'n peri pryder gwirioneddol ac amlwg ar hyn o bryd y mae'n rhaid ei reoli nid yn unig o ran adrannau iechyd yn y DU yn cytuno ar yr hyn y credwn ni sy'n bwysig, ond mewn gwirionedd mae a wnelo hynny â Llywodraeth y DU yn sicrhau bargen ar gyfer Brexit ac nid gwneud yn siŵr fod pobl a bleidleisiodd i adael neu aros yn wynebu risgiau cwbl annerbyniol i'w hiechyd na bleidleisiodd neb drostynt ddwy flynedd yn ôl.