English: It's true, over the time period involved. Yes, 139,000. In the same - [Interruption.] In the same period, the number of houses or flats that are rented privately has risen by 110,000. So, the market changes and there is a housing crisis for the reason that David Melding pointed out. We have a perfect storm in a sense because we have very significant restrictions on building through the planning legislation, on the one hand, and we know that, with the immigration figures, there's tremendous pressure on demand, as well as for the reasons of splitting up households and single occupation. There is an increased demand for property, and we know that, despite all the talk of austerity that we constantly hear in this Chamber, the vast increase in the amount of money in circulation through quantitative easing has actually fed largely into asset prices, and there's been a ripple effect that has worked outwards from London and the south-east. So, if we want to solve the housing problem - and, of course, we all do - then we have to look elsewhere than this measure to achieve that result. But what I find so extraordinary about this is that this has been a great liberating policy over the years for hundreds of thousands of people who wanted to own their own houses. The fact that they were in council ownership or social housing ownership didn't mean that they would be moving out to exercise their desire to own their own property and then making their properties available to others who needed them. Properties are locked up for generations, often, by people who live in local authority housing or social housing. That doesn't in any way mean that you are going to be able to satisfy the social objectives that we all agree about. I was in favour of a property-owning democracy, and I still am, and I'm in favour, as Neil McEvoy pointed out, of aspirational working-class people being able to participate in it.
Welsh: Mae'n wir, yn ystod y cyfnod o amser dan sylw. Ie, 139,000. Yn yr un - [Torri ar draws.] Yn yr un cyfnod, mae nifer y tai neu fflatiau sy'n cael eu rhentu'n breifat wedi cynyddu gan 110,000. Felly, mae'r farchnad yn newid ac mae yna argyfwng tai am y rheswm a nododd David Melding. Mae gennym sefyllfa ofnadwy mewn gwirionedd, gan fod gennym gyfyngiadau sylweddol ar adeiladu drwy'r ddeddfwriaeth gynllunio, ar y naill law, ac rydym yn gwybod, gyda'r ffigurau mewnfudo, bod pwysau aruthrol o ran y galw, yn ogystal ag oherwydd rhannu aelwydydd a meddiannaeth unigol. Mae mwy o alw am eiddo, ac rydym yn gwybod, er gwaethaf yr holl sôn am gyni a glywir yn gyson yn y Siambr hon, bod y cynnydd enfawr yn y swm o arian mewn cylchrediad trwy leddfu meintiol mewn gwirionedd wedi cyfranu i raddau helaeth at brisiau asedau, ac mae effaith hyn wedi dechrau yn Llundain a de-ddwyrain Lloegr ac yn llifo tuag allan. Felly, os ydym ni am ddatrys y broblem tai - ac, wrth gwrs, rydym ni i gyd eisiau gwneud hynny - yna mae'n rhaid i ni edrych yn rhywle arall yn hytrach na'r mesur hwn i gyflawni'r canlyniad hwnnw. Ond yr hyn yr wyf i'n ei ganfod mor rhyfeddol am hyn yw bod hwn wedi bod yn bolisi rhyddhau mawr dros y blynyddoedd i gannoedd o filoedd o bobl a oedd yn dymuno bod yn berchen ar eu tai eu hunain. Nid oedd y ffaith eu bod yn eiddo cyngor neu'n eiddo tai cymdeithasol yn golygu eu bod yn symud allan i wireddu eu dymuniad i fod yn berchen ar eu heiddo eu hunain, a bod eu heiddo wedyn ar gael i bobl eraill a oedd eu hangen. Caiff eiddo eu clymu i fyny am genedlaethau, yn aml, gan bobl sy'n byw mewn tai awdurdod lleol neu dai cymdeithasol. Nid yw hynny'n mewn unrhyw ffordd yn golygu eich bod yn mynd i allu bodloni'r amcanion cymdeithasol yr ydym ni i gyd yn cytuno arnynt. Roeddwn o blaid democratiaeth perchenogaeth eiddo, ac rwy'n dal i fod, ac rwyf o blaid, fel y dywedodd Neil McEvoy, fod pobl dosbarth gweithiol sy'n dyheu am fywyd gwell yn gallu bod yn rhan o hynny.