English: The first case is one from the Rhondda that came to may attention last year. A 14-year-old girl was sexually assaulted. The perpetrator pleaded guilty and last September received a sentence of 24 months imprisonment, suspended for two years. A sexual harm prevention order was made for 10 years and he was also registered as a sex offender for 10 years. The suspended sentence has resulted in this convicted paedophile being allowed to return to his home, which is less than 300 feet away from the family home of this teenage survivor. His continued presence is making the whole family, but in particular this vulnerable teenage girl, feel intimidated, unsafe and unable to move on. The whole family are undertaking counselling and are receiving mental health support to come to terms with what has happened, but the ongoing daily traumatic reminders mean recovery is nigh on impossible. This is not justice; this is an outrage. Incidences of sexual assault and rape are based on wielding power, and that is a characteristic common to most hate crimes. I've been told by the Welsh Government that the management and assessment of risk post-sentence falls to the probation service, and so is part of the non-devolved justice system. However, I simply cannot accept that nothing can been done in a case like this. How does it, for example, fit with the wording in the Government's motion about increasing victims' confidence or ensuring that victims receive dedicated advice and care? It's because of cases like this that I want to see the criminal justice system devolved. Would we not put victim protection, child safeguarding and public safety at the heart of a Welsh-run criminal justice system? As things stand, the system is cruel and is causing more harm. The Thomas commission says it all: 'With legislative devolution of justice, the Welsh Government and the Assembly should make significant reforms which would make a material contribution to Wales being a just, equal, diverse and prosperous nation.' The second case I wish to raise is that of Christopher Kapessa, a 13-year-old black boy whose body was found in the river Cynon, near Fernhill, last year. We don't know if this was a hate crime, but Christopher was pushed into the river and he drowned. The police only interviewed four of the 14 people who were at the scene. Christopher's mother has accused South Wales Police and the Crown Prosecution Service of institutional racism over a failure to prosecute anyone in relation to her son's death, despite there being, 'sufficient evidence to support a charge of unlawful act of manslaughter'. Again, I cannot accept that the Welsh Government can do nothing in this case. Now, I'm aware that a meeting will be held soon about this and I urge the Government to get involved. Please, don't be a bystander. All the people need to be safe living here, and in the light of this case many people of colour in our communities simply do not. As many of us are acutely aware, the far right are emboldened in the present time. Although all minorities are at risk, there are certain groups of people who are particularly vulnerable from their attacks. Muslim women, and particularly women of a Muslim faith who choose to cover or wear a veil, and trans people, especially trans women, seem to me to be on the front line of the so-called culture wars. Trump's America should be a warning to us. Intolerances there will travel here. In November, the FBI reported that violent hate crimes in the US reached their highest levels in 16 years, with a surge of attacks seen against Muslims, Latinos, Sikhs, people with disabilities and transgender people. Brian Levin, the director for the Centre for the Study of Hate and Extremism said, 'The more we have these derisive stereotypes broadcasted into the ether, the more people are going to inhale that toxin.' The domino effect of this widespread hatred is clear, and rights thought to be well-enshrined are endangered; rights such as abortion rights, citizenship rights. It's critical that we recognise that hate crime against some of us is a hate crime against all of us; it cannot be tolerated at any cost. This famous poem by Martin Niemöller reminds me why we must all stand together against all hate crime in all its forms: First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out - / Because I was not a socialist. / Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out - / Because I was not a trade unionist. / Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out - / Because I was not a Jew. / Then they came for me - and there was no one left to speak for me. We have to learn from this.
Welsh: Mae'r achos cyntaf yn un o'r Rhondda a ddaeth i fy sylw y llynedd. Ymosodwyd yn rhywiol ar ferch 14 oed. Plediodd y troseddwr yn euog a chafodd ddedfryd o 24 mis o garchar wedi ei gohirio am ddwy flynedd fis Medi diwethaf. Gwnaed gorchymyn atal niwed rhywiol am 10 mlynedd a chafodd ei gofrestru hefyd yn droseddwr rhyw am 10 mlynedd. O ganlyniad i'r ddedfryd ohiriedig, mae'r pedoffilydd hwn sydd wedi ei euogfarnu, wedi cael dychwelyd i'w gartref, sy'n llai na 300 troedfedd i ffwrdd o gartref teuluol y goroeswraig hon yn ei harddegau. Mae ei bresenoldeb parhaus yn gwneud i'r teulu cyfan, ond yn enwedig y ferch ifanc yn ei harddegau sy'n agored i niwed, deimlo ofn, yn anniogel ac yn methu â symud ymlaen. Mae'r teulu cyfan yn derbyn gwasanaeth cwnsela ac yn cael cymorth iechyd meddwl i ddod i delerau â'r hyn sydd wedi digwydd, ond mae'r atgoffa trawmatig dyddiol parhaus yn golygu ei bod bron yn amhosibl gwella. Nid cyfiawnder yw hyn; mae hyn yn warth. Mae achosion o ymosod rhywiol a threisio wedi eu seilio ar bŵer, ac mae honno'n nodwedd sy'n gyffredin i'r rhan fwyaf o droseddau casineb. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi dweud wrthyf fod rheoli ac asesu risg ar ôl dedfryd yn gyfrifoldeb y gwasanaeth prawf, ac felly mae'n rhan o'r system gyfiawnder nad yw wedi ei datganoli. Fodd bynnag, ni allaf i dderbyn nad oes dim y gellir ei wneud mewn achos fel hwn. Sut y mae hyn yn cyd-fynd, er enghraifft, â'r geiriau yng nghynnig y Llywodraeth ynglŷn â chynyddu hyder dioddefwyr neu sicrhau bod dioddefwyr yn cael cyngor a gofal pwrpasol? Oherwydd achosion fel hyn yr wyf i'n awyddus i weld y system cyfiawnder troseddol yn cael ei datganoli. Oni fyddem ni'n rhoi diogelu'r dioddefwr, diogelu plant a diogelwch y cyhoedd yn ganolog i system cyfiawnder troseddol a gaiff ei rhedeg yng Nghymru? Fel y mae pethau ar hyn o bryd, mae'r system yn greulon ac yn achosi mwy o niwed. Mae Comisiwn Thomas yn dweud y cyfan: 'Yn sgil datganoli cyfiawnder yn ddeddfwriaethol, dylai Llywodraeth Cymru a'r Cynulliad gyflwyno diwygiadau sylweddol a fyddai'n gwneud cyfraniad pwysig at greu Cymru gyfiawn, gyfartal, amrywiol a llewyrchus.' Yr ail achos yr hoffwn i ei godi yw achos Christopher Kapessa, bachgen du 13 oed y cafwyd hyd i'w gorff yn afon Cynon, ger Fernhill, y llynedd. Nid ydym yn gwybod a oedd hon yn drosedd casineb, ond cafodd Christopher ei wthio i'r afon ac fe foddodd. Dim ond pedwar o'r 14 o bobl a oedd yn y lleoliad y cyfwelodd yr heddlu â nhw. Mae mam Christopher wedi cyhuddo Heddlu De Cymru a Gwasanaeth Erlyn y Goron o hiliaeth sefydliadol dros fethiant i erlyn unrhyw un mewn cysylltiad â marwolaeth ei mab, er bod: digon o dystiolaeth i gefnogi cyhuddiad o ddynladdiad anghyfreithlon. Unwaith eto, ni allaf dderbyn na all Llywodraeth Cymru wneud dim yn yr achos hwn. Nawr, rwy'n ymwybodol y bydd cyfarfod yn cael ei gynnal yn fuan ynglŷn â hyn ac rwy'n annog y Llywodraeth i gymryd rhan. Os gwelwch yn dda, peidiwch â sefyll o'r neilltu a gwylio. Mae angen i'r holl bobl sy'n byw yma fod yn ddiogel, ac yng ngoleuni'r achos hwn nid yw hyn yn wir i lawer o bobl groenddu yn ein cymunedau. Fel y mae llawer ohonom yn ymwybodol iawn, mae'r adain dde eithafol wedi magu cryn hyder ar hyn o bryd. Er bod pob lleiafrif mewn perygl, mae grwpiau penodol o bobl sy'n arbennig o agored i niwed yn sgil eu hymosodiadau. Mae'n ymddangos i mi fod menywod Mwslimaidd, ac yn enwedig menywod o'r ffydd Fwslimaidd sy'n dewis gorchuddio eu hunain yn llwyr neu wisgo fêl, a phobl draws, yn enwedig menywod traws, ar reng flaen y rhyfeloedd diwylliant honedig. Dylai America Trump fod yn rhybudd i ni. Bydd yr anoddefiaeth sydd yn y fan yna yn teithio i'r fan yma. Ym mis Tachwedd, adroddodd yr FBI fod troseddau casineb treisgar yn yr Unol Daleithiau wedi cyrraedd eu lefelau uchaf mewn 16 mlynedd, ac y bu cynnydd yn nifer yr ymosodiadau a welwyd yn erbyn Mwslimiaid, Latinos, Sikhiaid, pobl ag anableddau a phobl drawsryweddol. Dywedodd Brian Levin, cyfarwyddwr y Ganolfan Astudio Casineb ac Eithafiaeth: Po fwyaf y cawn ni'r ystrydebau niweidiol hyn yn cael eu darlledu i'r ether, y mwyaf o bobl sy'n mynd i anadlu'r gwenwyn hwnnw. Mae effaith ddomino y casineb eang hwn yn glir, ac mae hawliau y tybiwyd eu bod wedi eu hymgorffori'n dda yn cael eu peryglu; hawliau fel hawliau erthylu, hawliau dinasyddiaeth. Mae'n hollbwysig ein bod yn cydnabod bod trosedd casineb yn erbyn rhai ohonom ni yn drosedd casineb yn erbyn pob un ohonom ni; ni ellir ei oddef ar unrhyw gost. Mae'r gerdd enwog hon gan Martin Niemöller yn fy atgoffa pam mae'n rhaid i ni gyd sefyll gyda'n gilydd yn erbyn pob trosedd casineb yn ei holl ffurfiau: First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out - / Because I was not a socialist. / Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out - / Because I was not a trade unionist. / Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out - / Because I was not a Jew. / Then they came for me - and there was no one left to speak for me. Mae'n rhaid i ni ddysgu o hyn.