English: I assumed the debate would turn out like this this afternoon, actually. Perhaps I should have thought differently about it. When you consider what's been going on both before and after the referendum, ironically I think it's the Luxembourg Prime Minister, Xavier Bettel, that I feel most sympathy for, when he said, 'Before, they were in and they had many opt-outs; now they want to be out with many opt-ins.' I think unwittingly there he summed up the drift, dishonesty and confusion in United Kingdom Government policy over and before this period. I'm used to, and I've got a lot of sympathy with, the Conservatives' wish to thump their drums this afternoon, and let them do it. But what you can't do is to build a politics and build a policy on dishonesty. Darren Millar was absolutely right. He came here in December and said, 'Boris Johnson has delivered a deal with the European Union that you said' - pointing to the Welsh Government - 'he could never do'. And you were absolutely right to say that, because the Welsh Government, of course, made the mistake of taking Boris Johnson at his word. What Boris Johnson did in order to secure that deal, of course, was to essentially transfer Northern Ireland to the administration and the jurisdiction of the European Union. That is what happened; 288 European law measures are force of law today in Northern Ireland, and that is an absolute fact. A border was driven down the Irish sea. The European Union said that they wanted to have a solution, and Boris Johnson told the tabloids that he was going to go fight off and fight for Blighty, and he got there, and he caved in, he gave in, he let down the people of Northern Ireland and he lied to the British Parliament. And that is absolutely clear. And, do you know, that level of drift and dishonesty has been the fundamental guiding strain of UK Government policy throughout this period - say one thing, do another. And we've seen a consequence of that in Ireland today. Of course, we've seen in the last few years a growth of 60 per cent in cross-border business between the Republic and Northern Ireland because, of course, you've now created what Sinn Fein has failed to do, actually, and Boris Johnson has succeeded in doing - creating an all-Ireland economy for the first time since partition, quite a way to celebrate his belief in the union. And he's also done something different, something very different, and Liz Truss spoke about this in The Times on Saturday. Again, the Conservatives speak about the trade deals that they've done in different parts of the world, but what impact does that have on this country? What impact does it have on Wales? We talk about the potential trade deal with the Pacific countries, but what they don't tell you is that the uplift in gross domestic product according to their own numbers is 0.08 per cent. Zero point zero eight per cent. Global Britain couldn't even pay for its own yacht. [Laughter.] And the reality is that that doesn't even pay for the cost of leaving the single market, and the jobs and the opportunities that are lost as a consequence of it. So, it's fundamentally dishonest. And the other thing she said on Saturday that I thought was quite interesting was that global Britain, she said, is not going to pursue EU-style imperialism in trade. And what that means, of course, is that - and she said it herself - we're not going to tell people in other countries how to run their farms. That's what they said. So, what they're going to do is to reduce tariffs as the only objective of policy, and it doesn't matter what impact that has on animal welfare, on forced labour. It doesn't matter what the impact is on the destruction of the environment, because we have a values-free trade policy. We have a trade policy that focuses in on tariffs but doesn't focus in on values and who we are as a country, who we are as a people. And it also doesn't focus in on delivering protection for farmers in this case, we've seen the way they let down the fishing industry, and they will let down every other industry. We saw the same thing in steel in recent days. The only people they will protect are the financiers of the City of London who provide them with their donations. In closing, Presiding Officer, let me say this. It is one of the important matters of all Members here, including Darren Millar, that we protect the rights and privileges that we have as Members of this place, and that means that we do protect the settlement that was voted for on a number of occasions by the people of Wales, and a settlement that was endorsed last month in this election when this party won a majority. And I look forward to seeing you voting to implement the Labour manifesto, let me say. But what we have to do - and I will conclude with this - is to protect the powers and the responsibilities that we have here. There hasn't been a flood of new powers down the M4. We haven't seen that. What we've seen is UK Government Ministers putting up their flags, singing their songs and telling direct lies to the people of this country, to the UK Parliament and to this Parliament as well. And in doing that, Darren, you might have won a level of freedom or independence - call it what you want - but you've debased our politics.
Welsh: Roeddwn wedi tybio mai fel hyn y byddai'r ddadl y prynhawn yma, mewn gwirionedd. Efallai y dylwn fod wedi meddwl yn wahanol amdani. Pan ystyriwch beth a ddigwyddodd cyn ac ar ôl y refferendwm, yn eironig credaf mai gyda Phrif Weinidog Lwcsemourg, Xavier Bettel, rwy'n cydymdeimlo fwyaf, pan ddywedodd, 'O'r blaen, roeddent i mewn ac yn optio allan o lawer o bethau; yn awr maent eisiau bod allan ac optio i mewn i lawer o bethau.' Yn ddiarwybod rwy'n credu ei fod wedi crisialu'r gwyro, yr anonestrwydd a'r dryswch ym mholisi Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig dros y cyfnod hwn a chyn hynny. Rwy'n gynefin â dymuniad y Ceidwadwyr i guro'r drymiau y prynhawn yma, ac mae gennyf lawer o gydymdeimlad â'r awydd hwnnw, ac yn gadael iddynt wneud hynny. Ond yr hyn na allwch ei wneud yw adeiladu gwleidyddiaeth ac adeiladu polisi ar anonestrwydd. Roedd Darren Millar yn llygad ei le. Daeth yma ym mis Rhagfyr a dweud, 'Mae Boris Johnson wedi cyflwyno cytundeb gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd y dywedoch chi' - gan bwyntio at Lywodraeth Cymru - 'na allai byth ei wneud'. Ac roeddech yn llygad eich lle yn dweud hynny, oherwydd gwnaeth Llywodraeth Cymru, wrth gwrs, y camgymeriad o gredu'r hyn a ddywedodd Boris Johnson. Yr hyn a wnaeth Boris Johnson er mwyn sicrhau'r cytundeb, wrth gwrs, oedd trosglwyddo Gogledd Iwerddon i weinyddiaeth ac awdurdodaeth yr Undeb Ewropeaidd i bob pwrpas. Dyna a ddigwyddodd; mae 288 o fesurau cyfraith Ewropeaidd mewn grym yn gyfreithiol heddiw yng Ngogledd Iwerddon, ac mae honno'n ffaith absoliwt. Crëwyd ffin i lawr môr Iwerddon. Dywedodd yr Undeb Ewropeaidd eu bod am gael ateb, a dywedodd Boris Johnson wrth y papurau tabloid ei fod yn mynd i ymladd dros Blighty, ac fe gyrhaeddodd yno, ac fe ildiodd, rhoddodd y ffidil yn y to, gwnaeth gam â phobl Gogledd Iwerddon ac fe ddywedodd gelwydd wrth Senedd Prydain. Ac mae hynny'n gwbl glir. Wyddoch chi, y lefel honno o wyro ac anonestrwydd yw'r edefyn sylfaenol sydd wedi llywio polisi Llywodraeth y DU drwy gydol y cyfnod hwn - dweud un peth, gwneud rhywbeth arall. Ac rydym wedi gweld canlyniad hynny yn Iwerddon heddiw. Wrth gwrs, yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf rydym wedi gweld cynnydd o 60 y cant mewn busnes trawsffiniol rhwng y Weriniaeth a Gogledd Iwerddon oherwydd, wrth gwrs, rydych chi bellach wedi creu'r hyn y mae Sinn Fein wedi methu ei wneud mewn gwirionedd, ac mae Boris Johnson wedi llwyddo i'w wneud - creu economi Iwerddon gyfan am y tro cyntaf ers yr ymraniad, sy'n ffordd ryfedd o ddathlu ei gred yn yr undeb. Ac mae hefyd wedi gwneud rhywbeth gwahanol, rhywbeth gwahanol iawn, a siaradodd Liz Truss am hyn yn The Times ddydd Sadwrn. Unwaith eto, mae'r Ceidwadwyr yn siarad am y cytundebau masnach y maent wedi'u gwneud mewn gwahanol rannau o'r byd, ond pa effaith y mae hynny'n ei chael ar y wlad hon? Pa effaith y mae'n ei chael ar Gymru? Rydym yn sôn am y cytundeb masnach posibl gyda gwledydd y Môr Tawel, ond yr hyn nad ydynt yn ei ddweud wrthych yw mai 0.08 y cant yw'r cynnydd yn y cynnyrch mewnwladol crynswth yn ôl eu ffigyrau hwy eu hunain. Dim pwynt sero wyth y cant. Ni allai'r Brydain fyd-eang dalu am ei chwch hwyliau ei hun hyd yn oed. [ Chwerthin. ] A'r realiti yw nad yw hynny hyd yn oed yn talu am gost gadael y farchnad sengl, a'r swyddi a'r cyfleoedd a gollir yn sgil hynny. Felly, mae'n sylfaenol anonest. A'r peth arall a ddywedodd ddydd Sadwrn y credwn ei fod yn eithaf diddorol oedd nad yw'r Brydain fyd-eang, meddai, yn mynd i fynd ar drywydd imperialaeth debyg i'r UE mewn masnach. A'r hyn y mae hynny'n ei olygu, wrth gwrs - ac fe'i dywedodd ei hun - yw nad ydym yn mynd i ddweud wrth bobl mewn gwledydd eraill sut i redeg eu ffermydd. Dyna roeddent yn ei ddweud. Felly, yr hyn y maent yn mynd i'w wneud yw lleihau tariffau fel unig nod polisi, ac nid oes ots pa effaith y mae hynny'n ei chael ar les anifeiliaid, ar lafur gorfodol. Nid oes ots beth yw'r effaith ar ddinistrio'r amgylchedd, oherwydd mae gennym bolisi masnach heb werthoedd. Mae gennym bolisi masnach sy'n canolbwyntio ar dariffau ond nid yw'n canolbwyntio ar werthoedd a phwy ydym fel gwlad, pwy ydym fel pobl. Ac nid yw ychwaith yn canolbwyntio ar ddiogelu ffermwyr yn yr achos hwn, rydym wedi gweld y ffordd y maent wedi gwneud cam â'r diwydiant pysgota, a byddant yn gwneud cam â phob diwydiant arall. Gwelsom yr un peth gyda dur yn y dyddiau diwethaf. Yr unig bobl y byddant yn eu diogelu yw arianwyr Dinas Llundain sy'n rhoi eu rhoddion iddynt. Wrth gloi, Lywydd, gadewch imi ddweud hyn. Un o'r pethau pwysig i'r holl Aelodau yma, gan gynnwys Darren Millar, yw ein bod yn diogelu'r hawliau a'r breintiau sydd gennym fel Aelodau o'r lle hwn, ac mae hynny'n golygu ein bod yn diogelu'r setliad y pleidleisiodd pobl Cymru drosto droeon, a setliad a gymeradwywyd y mis diwethaf yn yr etholiad pan enillodd y blaid hon fwyafrif. Ac edrychaf ymlaen at eich gweld yn pleidleisio i weithredu'r maniffesto Llafur, gadewch imi ddweud. Ond yr hyn y mae'n rhaid inni ei wneud - a dof i ben gyda hyn - yw diogelu'r pwerau a'r cyfrifoldebau sydd gennym yma. Ni fu llif o bwerau newydd i lawr yr M4. Nid ydym wedi gweld hynny. Yr hyn a welsom yw Gweinidogion Llywodraeth y DU yn codi eu baneri, yn canu eu caneuon ac yn dweud celwyddau uniongyrchol wrth bobl y wlad hon, wrth Senedd y DU ac wrth y Senedd hon hefyd. A thrwy wneud hynny, Darren, efallai eich bod wedi ennill lefel o ryddid neu annibyniaeth - beth bynnag y dymunwch ei alw - ond rydych wedi iselhau ein gwleidyddiaeth.