techiaith/cofnodycynulliad_en-cy huggingface dataset:
English: No, happy to note the comprehensive report that we've just heard.
Welsh: Na, hapus i nodi'r adroddiad cynhwysfawr yna, fel dŷn ni newydd glywed.
English: No, nothing to add.
Welsh: Na, dim byd yn ychwanegol.
English: No, happy.
Welsh: Na, hapus.
English: No, I agree with that. Thank you.
Welsh: Na, cytuno efo hynna. Diolch.
English: Thank you very much, Chair. Good morning, Counsel General. On that same topic, because we do like to discuss technical issues on this committee, may I further ask you whether you can explain when, during the process, you agreed that the decision by the UK Parliament to proceed with the EU withdrawal agreement Act should be ring-fenced as a special case? When in that process did you agree on that? And further to that, what did you mean in your statement on 25 February when you said that the Welsh Government needed to build on the decision to ring-fence the Act as a special case? Because Welsh Parliament refused to give its consent, and yet you say that the Welsh Government needs to build on being ignored by the UK Parliament, so what will happen?
Welsh: Diolch, Cadeirydd. Bore da, Gweinidog. Ar yr un trywydd, a dweud y gwir, achos dŷn ni'n licio manion technegol yn y pwyllgor yma, allaf i bellach ofyn i chi: allwch chi egluro pryd yn ystod y broses gwnaethoch chi gytunio y dylai penderfyniad gan Senedd y Deyrnas Unedig i fwrw ymlaen efo'r Ddeddf cytundeb ymadael â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd gael ei neilltuo fel achos arbennig? Pryd yn ystod y broses yna gwnaethoch chi gytuno â hynny? Ac ymhellach i hynny, beth oeddech chi'n ei olygu yn eich datganiad ar 25 Chwefror pan ddywedoch chi bod angen i Lywodraeth Cymru adeiladu ar y penderfyniad i neilltuo'r Ddeddf fel achos arbennig? Achos, yn naturiol, gwrthododd Senedd Cymru roi cydsyniad, ac eto rydych chi'n dweud bod angen i Lywodraeth Cymru adeiladu ar gael ei hanwybyddu gan Senedd y Deyrnas Unedig, felly beth fydd yn digwydd?
English: Just to be clear on the first point, it was the decision of the UK Government to decide that this wasn't a normal situation - that is, that it was not normal - it wasn't a decision made by the Welsh Government. So, there was no question of us being involved in agreement on the decision. But you asked what the thinking was behind the decision to describe this as a special case. Well - . As I said earlier, there was potential for this to develop into a wider issue than it would have been, and it wouldn't have been in the interest of Wales for that to happen. And on the basis of the fact that Ministers in the UK Government had written to describe, from their stance, that there was a limited basis for the actions - that is, that this was a very particular situation in their opinion - that struck us as a Government as important, therefore, to ensure that that principle operated, and that there was a very limited basis to the convention. And it was in that context that I described it as a special case - that is, that it was an exceptional case, therefore, that the action had been taken. We didn't want - and I think that most of us would agree with this - the fact that the Government had recommended that in Westminster, despite the fact there was no consent here in Wales, to become a wider operating principle. That, of course, wouldn't have been acceptable to us. So, it was an attempt to ensure that there would be a limited impact with regard to the decision.
Welsh: Wel, jest i fod yn glir am y pwynt cyntaf, penderfyniad Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol oedd penderfynu nad oedd hi'n sefyllfa normal - hynny yw, doedd e ddim yn normal - nid penderfyniad Llywodraeth Cymru. Felly, doedd dim cwestiwn ein bod ni'n ymwneud â'r penderfyniad o'u rhan nhw a bod cytundeb dros hynny. Ond rŷch chi'n gofyn beth oedd y meddylfryd tu ôl i'r penderfyniad i ddisgrifio hwn fel achos arbennig. Wel, yn sgil - . Fel gwnes i ddweud yn gynharach, roedd potensial i hyn ddatblygu yn rhywbeth ehangach na ddylai fe fod ac na fyddai ym muddiannau Cymru iddo fe fod. Ac ar sail y ffaith bod y Gweinidogion yn Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol wedi ysgrifennu i ddisgrifio, o'u safbwynt nhw, mai sail gynnil i'r weithred oedd - hynny yw, bod y sefyllfa yn un arbennig iawn yn eu barn nhw - roedd e'n taro ni fel Llywodraeth ei fod e'n bwysig, felly, i sicrhau mai'r egwyddor honno oedd yn gweithredu, ac mai sail gynnil iawn oedd i'r confensiwn. Ac yn y cyd-destun hwnnw efallai wedyn gwnes i ddisgrifio fe fel achos arbennig - hynny yw, bod y sail yn un eithriadol, felly, i'r cam oedd wedi cael ei gymryd. Doedden ni ddim eisiau - a dwi'n credu y byddai'r rhan fwyaf ohonom ni'n cytuno â hyn - i'r ffaith bod y Llywodraeth wedi argymell hynny yn San Steffan, er gwaethaf bod dim cydsyniad yma yng Nghymru, ddod yn egwyddor weithredol ehangach. Fuasai hynny, wrth gwrs, ddim wedi bod yn dderbyniol inni i gyd. Felly, ymgais oedd e i sicrhau mai impact cynnil fyddai i'r penderfyniad.
English: Thank you for that. Again, in the context of Sewel, because that is what we're focusing on in this section, how do you respond to the comment made by the Secretary of State for Wales that the decision that normal circumstances did not apply to the EU withdrawal agreement Act was made following discussions with Welsh Government in order to keep Sewel intact?
Welsh: Diolch am hynna. Ac eto yng nghyd-destun Sewel, achos dyna ydy'r rhan yma o'r cwestiynau, sut ydych chi'n ymateb i sylw Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru bod y penderfyniad nad oedd amgylchiadau normal yn berthnasol i'r Ddeddf cytundeb ymadael â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd wedi'i wneud yn dilyn trafodaethau efo chi fel Llywodraeth Cymru er mwyn cadw Sewel fel y mae?
English: Well, as I said, there are always discussions in the context of a Bill that has come forward in accordance with the convention. That happens regularly. But it wasn't the case that we were involved in the decision or agreed that it wasn't normal. But discussions always happen between Governments with regard to the convention.
Welsh: Wel, fel gwnes i ddweud, mae trafodaethau wastad yng nghyd-destun Mesur sydd wedi dod ymlaen â'r confensiwn. Mae hynny'n digwydd yn rheolaidd. Ond dyw e ddim - . Nid y sefyllfa oedd ein bod ni'n ymwneud â'r penderfyniad a chytuno gyda nhw doedd y peth ddim yn normal. Ond, wrth gwrs, mae trafodaethau wastad yn digwydd rhwng y Llywodraethau ynglŷn â gweithredu'r confensiwn.
English: Thank you very much, Chair. In terms of inter-governmental agreements, in your letter to us in November, you stated that where inter-governmental agreements are linked to primary legislation for which the Senedd's consent is sought, you would expect this Senedd to consider such agreements as part of its usual legislative scrutiny. So, why hasn't this Senedd been able to consider the inter-governmental agreements associated with the Agriculture Bill and the Fisheries Bill?
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr, Gadeirydd. Yn nhermau cytundebau rhynglywodraethol, yn eich llythyr atom ni fis Tachwedd diwethaf, fe nodwyd gennych pan fo cysylltiad rhwng cytundebau rhynglywodraethol â deddfwriaeth sylfaenol ac mae cydsyniad y Senedd yn cael ei geisio ar ei chyfer, y byddai disgwyl gweld y Senedd yma yn ystyried cytundebau o'r fath fel rhan o'i gwaith craffu deddfwriaethol arferol. Pam felly nad yw'r Senedd yma wedi gallu ystyried y cytundebau rhynglywodraethol sy'n gysylltiedig efo'r Mesur Amaethyddiaeth a'r Mesur Pysgodfeydd?
English: Thank you for that. And more generally, could you set out the Welsh Government's current approach to legislating for Brexit, and confirm whether the Welsh Government will legislate in devolved areas rather than relying on the UK Government to do so?
Welsh: Diolch am hynna. Ac yn fwy cyffredinol, efallai, allwch chi olrhain dull presennol Llywodraeth Cymru o ddeddfu ar gyfer Brexit, a chadarnhau a fydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn deddfu mewn meysydd datganoledig yn hytrach na dibynnu ar Lywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig i wneud hynny?
English: Thank you. I'm aware of the time, so I will pause there. Thank you, Chair.
Welsh: Diolch. Dwi'n ymwybodol o'r amser, so gwnaf aros yn fanna, Cadeirydd. Diolch.
English: Thank you, Chair. Two years ago, a freezer was built, and, in that freezer, there are powers, of course, and every Government has agreed that they're not going to use those powers until there is agreement between the Governments across the United Kingdom. If that situation should arise where there are no agreements with regard to every framework once the transition period comes to an end at the end of this year, what does that mean for the powers in the freezer? Does it mean that it would be easier or more difficult to agree to take some of those powers out?
Welsh: Diolch, Cadeirydd. Ddwy flynedd yn ôl, fe gafodd rhewgell ei hadeiladu. Yn y rhewgell hynny mae yna bwerau, wrth gwrs, ac mae pob Llywodraeth wedi cytuno ddim i ddefnyddio'r pwerau hynny nes bod yna gytundeb rhwng y Llywodraethau yn gyfan gwbl ar draws y Deyrnas Unedig. Os bydd sefyllfa'n digwydd lle does dim cytundebau ynglŷn â phob fframwaith unwaith bydd y cyfnod trawsnewid yn dod i ben ar ddiwedd y flwyddyn, beth mae hwnna'n meddwl i'r pwerau sydd yn y rhewgell? Ydy hwnna'n meddwl bydd e'n rhwyddach neu yn anoddach i gytuno i dynnu rhai o'r pwerau hynny mas?
English: At the moment, of course, the agreement has worked as it should have worked. The reports from the Westminster Government have said that they have no intention to use those regulatory powers. I myself don't see that that is likely to change, even in a situation where the frameworks won't all be in place. We will prioritise those frameworks where there is most potential for dispute to arise, to ensure that they can be dealt with. But I myself don't really see that it is in the United Kingdom Government's interests to use those powers, even after exiting the transition period. My response is based on their attitudes so far.
Welsh: Ar hyn o bryd, wrth gwrs, mae'r cytundeb wedi gweithio fel y dylai weithio. Mae'r adroddiadau oddi wrth Lywodraeth San Steffan wedi dweud yn gyson mor belled nad oes bwriad gyda nhw i ddefnyddio'r pwerau rheoleiddio. Dwi fy hunan ddim yn gweld bod hynny'n debygol o newid, hyd yn oed yn y sefyllfa lle na fydd y fframweithiau i gyd yn eu lle. Rydym ni'n mynd i flaenoriaethu'r fframweithiau lle mae'r mwyaf o botensial i anghytundeb godi, fel ein bod ni'n gallu sicrhau bod y rheini yn cael eu delio gyda nhw. Ond dwi ddim fy hunan yn gweld ei bod rili ym muddiannau Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol i ddefnyddio'r pwerau rhewi hynny, hyd yn oed ar ôl gadael y cyfnod pontio. Rwy'n seilio hynny ar eu hymagwedd nhw mor belled, o leiaf.
English: May I also ask about the internal market? The internal market, of course, hasn't been devolved, and there are implications as a result of that. What's the current situation with regard to the United Kingdom Government standpoint on creating regulations for that internal market, and what kind of input do you have as a Welsh Government to ensure that the voice of Wales and, of course, the voice of the other Governments in the United Kingdom, are heard?
Welsh: Allaf i ofyn ynglŷn â'r farchnad fewnol? Wrth gwrs, mae'r farchnad fewnol yn rhywbeth sydd heb gael ei datganoli, ond mae yna effaith drom ar ddatganoli o achos hynny. Beth yw'r sefyllfa ar hyn o bryd ynghylch safbwynt Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig ynglŷn â chreu rheoliadau i'r farchnad fewnol, a pha fath o fewnbwn sydd gennych chi fel Llywodraeth ynglŷn â sicrhau bod llais Cymru ac, wrth gwrs, lleisiau'r Llywodraethau eraill yn y Deyrnas Unedig, yn cael eu clywed?
English: Well, we expect a Green Paper from the Westminster Government on legislative options with regard to the internal market. We've been clear, as a Government, that it doesn't require a legislative basis, certainly not one that would extend, as they envisage it, beyond EU retained law. So, we don't see that there is a need for that and, of course, this is problematic for us, with regard to devolution, because of this idea of mutual recognition. That means that you could create something that reaches the standard in one of the four nations and every other nation would have to agree to that and receive it in the market. So, if you see that in the context where you have an area such as Northern Ireland, which is subject to the European acquis, and then you have a Government in England, which plans to deregulate, there is a risk then that if that principle is agreed or is legislated upon, something that would go on the market in England perhaps according to different or lower standards in one area would have to be accepted in the rest of the United Kingdom. So, that leaves you in a situation where, even though the powers haven't been transferred, you have the settlement in place. The economic impact of that, of course, is that there is an economic incentive for people to do that, and that, ultimately, is going to replace the principle of devolution in those areas. So, that will be a significant problem if that is legislated upon as a fundamental principles for the internal market.
Welsh: Wel, rŷm ni'n disgwyl Papur Gwyrdd gan y Llywodraeth yn San Steffan ar gyfer opsiynau deddfwriaethol ar gyfer y farchnad fewnol. Rŷn ni wedi bod yn glir, fel Llywodraeth, nad ydydm ni'n gweld bod angen cael sail ddeddfwriaethol iddo, yn benodol un sydd ddim yn ymestyn, fel maen nhw'n bwriadu, rwy'n credu, tu hwnt i EU retained law. Felly, dŷn ni ddim yn gweld bod angen hynny ac, a dweud y gwir, mae hyn yn broblematig i ni o ran safbwynt datganoli oherwydd y syniad yma o mutual recognition. Hynny yw, os ŷch chi'n gallu cynhyrchu rhywbeth i gyrraedd y safon yn un o'r pedair gwlad, mae'n rhaid i bob gwlad dderbyn hynny ar y farchnad. Felly, os ŷch chi'n gweld, mewn cyd-destun, fod gyda chi ran fel Gogledd Iwerddon, sydd yn mynd i fod yn gymwys gyda'r acquis Ewropeaidd, ac ar yr ochr arall y Llywodraeth yn Lloegr, sydd yn bwriadu dadreoleiddio, mae cryn risg gyda ni wedyn, os ydy'r egwyddor honno'n cael ei chytuno neu'n cael ei deddfu, y byddai rhywbeth sy'n mynd ar y farchnad yn Lloegr i safonau gwahanol efallai ac yn is mewn un maes yn gorfod cael ei dderbyn mewn rhannau eraill o'r Deyrnas Gyfunol. Felly, mae hynny'n eich gadael chi mewn sefyllfa lle, er nad yw'r pwerau wedi cael eu trosglwyddo, mae gyda chi'r setliad yn ei le. Yr effaith economaidd i hynny, wrth gwrs, yw bod incentive economaidd i bobl wneud hynny, ac mae hynny, yn y pen draw, yn mynd i ddisodli'r egwyddor o ddatganoli yn y meysydd hynny. Felly, mae hynny'n broblem sylweddol iawn - os bydd yr egwyddor honno yn cael ei deddfu fel egwyddor sy'n sail i'r farchnad fewnol.
English: Thank you, Chair. Specifically, now, with regard to COVID-19, what is your view of what a four-nation approach of collaboration to address the issue of COVID-19 means in practice? Everyone talks about this four-nation approach; we hear it all the time. What does that mean in practical terms? How effective have the current structures been in ensuring that the four-nation approach - whatever that means - is operational? And how has any dispute between the four nations been resolved?
Welsh: Diolch, Gadeirydd. Yn benodol, felly, rŵan, ar COVID-19, beth ydy eich barn chi ar yr hyn mae'r dull pedair gwlad, felly, o gydweithio i fynd i'r afael â COVID-19 yn ei olygu'n ymarferol? Hynny yw, mae pawb yn sôn am y dull pedair gwlad; rŷn ni'n ei glywed e o hyd ac o hyd. Beth mae hynny'n ei feddwl yn ymarferol? Pa mor effeithiol mae'r strwythurau cyfredol wedi bod i sicrhau bod y dull pedair gwlad - beth bynnag yw e - yn weithredol? A sut mae unrhyw anghydfod rhwng y pedair gwlad wedi cael ei ddatrys?
English: Thank you. Following on from that, as regards the four-nation approach, could you see that being extended to other areas, not just COVID-19 and the emergency response to this virus, but, for example, extended to discussions on the future of the EU and the UK's internal preparations for exiting? Do you see this four-nation approach that you've just described being extended, because things are very different when we talk about leaving the European Union?
Welsh: Diolch. Ar ben hynny, yn naturiol, o ran y dull gweithredu pedair gwlad yma, fyddech chi'n gallu gweld ehangu'r math yna o weithio i feysydd eraill, ddim jest COVID-19 rŵan a mesur argyfyngus y firws bondigrybwyll yna, ond, dywedwch, i'r trafodaethau ar gyfer dyfodol yr Undeb Ewropeaidd a pharatoadau mewnol y Deyrnas Unedig ar gyfer gadael? Ydych chi'n gweld y dull pedair gwlad rydych chi newydd ei ddisgrifio yn cael ei ehangu, achos, yn naturiol, mae pethau'n wahanol iawn pan fyddwn ni'n sôn am adael Ewrop?
English: Well, the collaboration that's happened with regard to the pandemic hasn't happened to the same extent in the context of exiting the EU. I would say that that probably stems from the fact that the UK Government sees this as a crisis - that is, of course, true - and also sees it as a public health issue. They would accept and be culturally comfortable with the fact that that is wholly devolved. If you were to ask them to contrast that with exiting the EU, which is a reserved matter, they would say that the devolved Governments do not have as much of a voice. We would disagree with that, of course, but that is the difference on the ground, as it were. But what applies in both situations is that we need better structures than the JMC.
Welsh: Wel, dyw'r cydweithio sydd wedi digwydd gyda'r pandemig ddim wedi digwydd i'r un lefel yng nghyd-destun gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Buaswn i'n dweud bod hynny, siŵr o fod, yn deillio o'r ffaith bod Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig yn gweld hyn fel argyfwng - wrth gwrs, mae hynny'n wir - a hefyd yn ei weld e fel rhywbeth o ran iechyd cyhoeddus. Buasen nhw'n derbyn ac yn ddiwylliannol gyfforddus, hynny yw, gyda'r ffaith bod hynny'n gwbl ddatganoledig. Efallai, petasech chi'n gofyn iddyn nhw i gyferbynnu hynny gyda gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, sy'n destun wedi'i neilltuo, dyw e ddim yn rhywbeth lle buasen nhw'n dweud bod gan y Llywodraethau datganoledig cymaint o lais. Dŷn ni, wrth gwrs, ddim yn cytuno gyda hynny o gwbl, ond dwi'n credu mai dyna yw'r gwahaniaeth ar lawr gwlad, hynny yw. Ond beth sy'n gymwys i'r ddwy sefyllfa yw bod angen gwell strwythurau na'r JMC ar y ddau beth
English: Thank you very much, Chair. Good morning, Minister. As the Chair has just mentioned, I'm going to move on now to the negotiations with Japan, and you've already mentioned the issue. So, a general question first of all: what's your response to the UK's negotiating objectives for the free trade agreement with Japan?
Welsh: Diolch, Cadeirydd. Bore da, Gweinidog. Fel mae'r Cadeirydd wedi crybwyll, rydw i'n mynd i sôn ychydig bach yn fanylach am negodiadau efo Siapan yn y cyd-destun yma, ac rydych chi wedi crybwyll hwn eisoes. Felly, cwestiwn cyffredinol i ddechrau: beth yw'ch ymateb chi i amcanion negodi y Deyrnas Unedig ar gyfer cytundeb masnach rhydd efo Siapan?
English: Thank you for that. So, you as the Welsh Government have been playing a role in seeking to shape the UK negotiating objectives, but is there any sign that the UK is taking any notice of the Welsh Government's input?
Welsh: Diolch am hynna. Felly, rydych chi fel Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn chwarae rôl wrth geisio llunio amcanion negodi'r Deyrnas Unedig, ond oes yna unrhyw arwydd bod y Deyrnas Unedig yn cymryd unrhyw sylw o fewnbwn Llywodraeth Cymru?
English: Thank you for that response. Just to build on it, you've mentioned a few areas already, but has the Welsh Government identified specific Welsh interests as part of the discussions with the UK Government as part of these negotiations, and also, in addition to what you've just said, sectors that are doing relatively well in Wales, such as the digital sector, for example?
Welsh: Diolch am yr ateb yna hefyd. Jest i adeiladu ar yr ateb yna, rydych chi wedi crybwyll cwpwl o feysydd eisoes, ond a ydy Llywodraeth Cymru yn pennu buddiannau penodol i Gymru yn rhan o'r trafodaethau efo Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig fel rhan o'r negodiadau yma, a hefyd, ar ben beth rydych chi wedi'i ddweud, sectorau sydd yn gwneud yn reit dda yng Nghymru fel y sector ddigidol, er enghraifft?
English: Thank you for that; a very comprehensive response. You will know that there is already an economic partnership agreement between the EU and Japan. Now, bearing that in mind and given the ongoing negotiations with Japan, in addition to what you've already said, has the Welsh Government identified any specific areas that could be enhanced in order to benefit businesses in Wales as compared to what's happening between the EU and Japan at the moment?
Welsh: Diolch am hynna; ateb llawn iawn. Mi fyddwch chi'n gwybod, yn naturiol, fod yna gytundeb partneriaeth economaidd eisoes rhwng yr Undeb Ewropeaidd a Siapan. Felly, o gofio hynna a'r negodiadau rŵan efo Siapan, a ydy Llywodraeth Cymru, ar ben popeth rydych chi wedi ei ddweud eisoes, wedi pennu unrhyw feysydd penodol y gellir gwella arnyn nhw er mwyn elwa busnesau yng Nghymru o gymharu â beth sy'n digwydd rhwng yr Undeb Ewropeaidd a Siapan ar hyn o bryd?
English: I think what's important is that we recognise - . For me, this is, in a way, the most important agreement, because we will be moving back from where we are at the moment. If we have an agreement with the US, it will build, but here we would be losing the access that we currently have through the EU, and that's crucially important for us here in Wales. Huw Irranca will be aware that Sony in his constituency is an important part of the Welsh economy, and there are many other plants that have come from Japan, and therefore it's very important for our economy. But there are ways of making progress. I think that the area that would help us most is red meat exports. They have already opened up in terms of lamb exports. And then just getting rid of some of those barriers that are in place would be a huge assistance. And also, as I said, the cyber security and services sector - that would be a huge help to us.
Welsh: Dwi'n meddwl beth sy'n bwysig yw ein bod ni'n cydnabod - . I fi, hwn yw'r cytundeb mwyaf pwysig, mewn ffordd, achos byddem ni'n mynd yn ôl o ble rydym ni ar hyn o bryd. Os ydym ni'n cael cytundeb gyda'r Unol Daleithiau, byddai'n adeiladu, ond fan hyn byddem ni'n colli yr access sydd gyda ni trwy'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, ac mae hwnna'n hollbwysig i ni yma yng Nghymru. Mae Huw Irranca yn ymwybodol bod Sony yn ei etholaeth e yn rhan bwysig o economi Cymru, ac mae yna lot mawr o ffatrïoedd eraill sydd wedi dod o Siapan, ac felly mae e'n bwysig i'n heconomi ni. Ond mae yna ffyrdd o fynd ymhellach, fel dwi'n ei ddweud; dwi'n meddwl mai'r ardal fyddai'n ein helpu ni yw allforion cig eidion - cig coch. Maen nhw wedi agor lan nawr yn barod am gig oen. Ac felly, mae jest cael gwared â rhai o'r barriers yna sydd mewn lle, byddai hwnna'n help aruthrol, a hefyd, fel dwi'n ei ddweud, y sector cyber security a gwasanaethau - byddai hwnna'n help aruthrol i ni.
English: Thank you very much. And a final question from me now, and an opportunity for you just to emphasise the main points here perhaps. We know that the UK Government is seeking what they call ambitious commitments from Japan regarding trade in services, and you've already mentioned that. So can I ask you what sector-specific non-tariff barriers should the UK be seeking to remove, in order to support Wales's service exporters?
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr. A'r cwestiwn olaf gen i rŵan, a chyfle i chi jest i bwysleisio'r prif bwyntiau. Wrth gwrs, dŷn ni'n gwybod bod Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig yn gofyn am beth maen nhw'n ei alw yn ymrwymiadau uchelgeisiol gan Siapan, o ran masnachu gwasanaethau - dŷch chi wedi cyfeirio at hynny eisoes. Allaf i jest gofyn i chi, i orffen, pa rwystrau di-dariff penodol i sectorau penodol ddylai'r Deyrnas Unedig fod yn ceisio cael gwared â nhw i gefnogi allforwyr gwasanaethau Cymru?