English: I will be voting for this budget, despite having very serious concerns about it. If the Senedd was unable to set a budget, there's no shortage of members of the Westminster Government who would be only too happy to say, 'Devolution does not work. We can set the budget for them because they're incapable of doing it themselves.' On raising income tax, as suggested by Plaid Cymru, while intellectually in favour of raising the rate of income tax on the top two bands, there are practical difficulties if we do it alone, including people registering as taxpayers in England. There are a lot of ways for high earners to avoid income tax, but the easiest and simplest is to be paid in dividends, as dividend income is taxed at a lower rate. This is, unfortunately, outside of the Senedd's control, but needs to be addressed by the next Westminster Government. Adding 1p to the basic rate would mean that basic rate taxpayers would pay an extra £5 for every £100 currently paid. This equates to, as my constituents would be able to tell you and I can tell you, a large loaf of bread, half a pound of butter and a large bottle of milk. At a time when people are facing a huge cost-of-living crisis, a tax increase that takes money out of the pockets of ordinary people is not a progressive move. Where can the Welsh Government get extra money from? I have some suggestions. First, cap basic farm payments. This is supported by the farmers unions in Wales. This is a Brexit dividend, we are out of the common agricultural policy, so these payments are no longer needed to be paid. The average farm payment in Wales is £15,000, and I'm calling for that to be the level at which it is capped. I am unable to get a Welsh figure, but from published sources, over £100,000 is paid to many farmers in Britain, many in Britain who were not necessarily active farmers. How many farm businesses that involve current or former Senedd Members have received over £1 million since the Senedd was set up? The second is not to give additional rate relief to large companies: fast food operators, coffee chains, hotel chains, pub chains and out-of-town shopping centres. Business rates are one of two taxes strongly disliked by businesses. You cannot avoid them, whilst corporation tax has become effectively a voluntary contribution by large businesses. Another way to save money would be to only introduce legislation that didn't cost the Welsh Government-funded public services money. Finally, end enterprise zones. Central Cardiff and Deeside did not need the additional funding to attract investment, and the last figures I saw from the others showed very few jobs created and even fewer not from relocation. Having released this money, the priority should be poverty, housing and education. Education is the best economic development tool that we have. It is investing in our children and young people. Expenditure on schools and further and higher education brings more economic reward than any other expenditure on economic development. Why do those areas that have highly qualified individuals attract inward investment and start-up businesses? By providing skilled and highly paid employment without having to bribe companies to bring their branch factories, which are then fairly regularly closed after time runs out. Gilestone Farm raises the further question: should the Welsh Government spend scarce resources on supporting events that do not benefit the Welsh economy, where the majority of contractors are not Welsh, or should the Welsh Government be using money at all to support tourist attractions? If people want a tourist attraction, they go to the bank, they borrow and they run it as a business. Far too often, the Welsh definition of capitalism is, 'How much money can we get out of the Welsh Government?' Housing used to be under health in the immediate postwar period. Attlee and the 1945-51 Labour Government understood the importance of housing to health. Is it any surprise that people living in cold, damp conditions are more likely to suffer health problems? Building council housing, using transactions capital to support registered social landlords, will increase the quantity of good-quality housing for rent and improve the overall health of the people living here. Finally, on poverty, a large number of people in Wales live in relative poverty and use food banks regularly, along with cutting back on heat and surviving on cold food. The Welsh Government has not got enough levers to deal with poverty, but there are things that can be done. As was said by Peredur Owen Griffiths earlier, increasing EMA in line with inflation would help children from the poorest families continue with education. Providing free school meals to all children whose parents are on benefits would help both health and education. And whilst not a budget matter, the Welsh Government need to continue to press for ending standing charges on days when no energy is used. This is something that even The Observer now has taken an interest in. Diolch.
Welsh: Byddaf yn pleidleisio dros y gyllideb hon, er bod gen i bryderon difrifol iawn am y peth. Pe na bai'r Senedd yn gallu gosod cyllideb, does dim prinder aelodau o Lywodraeth San Steffan fyddai ond yn rhy hapus i ddweud, 'Nid yw datganoli'n gweithio. Gallwn ni osod y gyllideb ar eu cyfer nhw oherwydd dydyn nhw ddim gallu ei wneud eu hunain.' O ran codi treth incwm, fel yr awgrymir gan Blaid Cymru, er fy mod yn ddeallusol o blaid codi cyfradd y dreth incwm ar y ddau fand uchaf, mae yna anawsterau ymarferol os ydyn ni'n gwneud hynny ar ein pennau ein hunain, gan gynnwys pobl yn cofrestru fel trethdalwyr yn Lloegr. Mae yna lawer o ffyrdd i bobl sy'n ennill cyflogau uchel osgoi treth incwm, ond y ffordd hawsaf a symlaf yw talu mewn difidendau, gan fod incwm difidend yn cael ei drethu ar gyfradd is. Mae hyn, yn anffodus, y tu hwnt i reolaeth y Senedd, ond mae angen i'r Llywodraeth nesaf yn San Steffan fynd i'r afael â hyn. Byddai ychwanegu 1c at y gyfradd sylfaenol yn golygu y byddai'r trethdalwyr cyfradd sylfaenol yn talu £5 yn ychwanegol am bob £100 maen nhw'n ei dalu ar hyn o bryd. Fel y byddai fy etholwyr yn gallu dweud wrthych chi a gallaf i ddweud wrthych chi, mae hyn yn cyfateb i dorth fawr o fara, hanner pwys o fenyn a photel fawr o laeth. Ar adeg pan fo pobl yn wynebu argyfwng enfawr costau byw, nid yw cynnydd mewn treth sy'n tynnu arian allan o bocedi pobl gyffredin yn gam blaengar. O ble all Llywodraeth Cymru gael arian ychwanegol? Mae gen i rai awgrymiadau. Yn gyntaf, capio taliadau fferm sylfaenol. Mae hyn yn cael ei gefnogi gan yr undebau amaethwyr yng Nghymru. Difidend Brexit yw hwn, rydyn ni allan o'r polisi amaethyddol cyffredin, felly nid oes angen talu'r taliadau hyn mwyach. Y taliad fferm cyfartalog yng Nghymru yw £15,000, ac rwy'n galw am sicrhau mai dyma yw'r lefel y mae'n cael ei chapio arni. Nid wyf yn gallu cael ffigwr a gyfer Cymru, ond o ffynonellau sydd wedi eu cyhoeddi, mae dros £100,000 yn cael ei dalu i lawer o ffermwyr ym Mhrydain, llawer ym Mhrydain nad oedd o reidrwydd yn ffermwyr gweithredol. Faint o fusnesau ffermydd sy'n cynnwys aelodau cyfredol neu gyn-Aelodau o'r Senedd sydd wedi derbyn dros £1 miliwn ers sefydlu'r Senedd? Yr ail yw peidio â rhoi rhyddhad ardrethi ychwanegol i gwmnïau mawr: gweithredwyr bwyd cyflym, cadwyni coffi, cadwyni gwestai, cadwyni tafarndai a chanolfannau siopa y tu allan i'r dref. Mae cyfraddau busnes yn un o ddwy dreth mae busnesau'n eu casáu'n fawr. Ni allwch chi eu hosgoi, tra bod y dreth gorfforaeth wedi dod yn gyfraniad gwirfoddol i bob pwrpas gan fusnesau mawr. Ffordd arall o arbed arian fyddai cyflwyno deddfwriaeth na fyddai'n costio arian i wasanaethau cyhoeddus sy'n cael eu hariannu gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Yn olaf, cael gwared ar barthau menter. Nid oedd angen yr arian ychwanegol ar Ganol Caerdydd a Glannau Dyfrdwy i ddenu buddsoddiad, ac roedd y ffigyrau diwethaf a welais gan y lleill yn dangos mai ychydig iawn o swyddi oedd wedi'u creu a llai fyth heb adleoli. Wedi rhyddhau'r arian yma, tlodi, tai ac addysg ddylai'r flaenoriaeth fod. Addysg yw'r offeryn datblygu economaidd gorau sydd gennym ni. Mae'n buddsoddi yn ein plant a'n pobl ifanc. Mae gwariant ar ysgolion ac addysg bellach ac addysg uwch yn dod â mwy o wobr economaidd nag unrhyw wariant arall ar ddatblygiad economaidd. Pam mae'r ardaloedd hynny sydd ag unigolion cymwys iawn yn denu busnesau o'r tu allan a busnesau newydd? Drwy ddarparu cyflogaeth fedrus a chyflogau uchel heb orfod llwgrwobrwyo cwmnïau i ddod â'u ffatrïoedd cangen, sydd wedyn ar gau yn weddol rheolaidd ar ôl i amser redeg allan. Mae Fferm Gilestone yn codi'r cwestiwn pellach: a ddylai Llywodraeth Cymru wario adnoddau prin ar gefnogi digwyddiadau nad ydynt o fudd i economi Cymru, lle nad yw mwyafrif y contractwyr yn rhai o Gymru, neu a ddylai Llywodraeth Cymru fod yn defnyddio arian o gwbl i gefnogi atyniadau twristiaeth? Os ydy pobl eisiau atyniad i dwristiaid, maen nhw'n mynd i'r banc, maen nhw'n benthyg ac maen nhw'n ei redeg fel busnes. Yn rhy aml o lawer, y diffiniad Cymreig o gyfalafiaeth yw, 'Faint o arian allwn ni ei gael allan o Lywodraeth Cymru?' Roedd tai yn arfer bod o dan iechyd yn y cyfnod yn syth ar ôl y rhyfel. Roedd Attlee a Llywodraeth Lafur 1945-51 yn deall pwysigrwydd tai i iechyd. Ydy hi'n syndod bod pobl sy'n byw mewn cyflyrau oer, llaith yn fwy tebygol o ddioddef problemau iechyd? Bydd adeiladu tai cyngor, gan ddefnyddio cyfalaf trafodion i gefnogi landlordiaid cymdeithasol cofrestredig, yn cynyddu maint y tai o ansawdd da i'w rhentu ac yn gwella iechyd cyffredinol y bobl sy'n byw yma. Yn olaf, ar dlodi, mae nifer fawr o bobl yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi cymharol ac yn defnyddio banciau bwyd yn rheolaidd, ynghyd â thorri nôl ar wres a goroesi ar fwyd oer. Nid oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru ddigon o bŵer i ddelio â thlodi, ond mae yna bethau y gellir eu gwneud. Fel y dywedodd Peredur Owen Griffiths yn gynharach, byddai cynyddu EMA yn unol â chwyddiant yn helpu plant o'r teuluoedd tlotaf i barhau ag addysg. Byddai darparu prydau ysgol am ddim i bob plentyn y mae eu rhieni ar fudd-daliadau yn helpu iechyd ac addysg. Ac er nad yw'n fater cyllideb, mae angen i Lywodraeth Cymru barhau i bwyso am ddod â thaliadau sefydlog i ben ar ddiwrnodau pan nad oes ynni'n cael ei ddefnyddio. Mae hyn yn rhywbeth mae hyd yn oed yr Observer bellach wedi cymryd diddordeb ynddo. Diolch.