English: Oh dear, oh dear, oh dear. Well, let's just examine that. As I've said - [ Interruption.] As I've said - [ Interruption.] I mean, you've got to admire his brass neck. You've got to admire his brass neck more than anything else, and his ability to ignore the chaos that his party has created in London, and the fact that Cabinet Government as we know it doesn't exist, actually, in Whitehall under his party. He asked the question: what's our view? Our view has always been, and I've said this many, many times in the Chamber, that any deal should be approved by the Parliaments - plural - of the UK. That's the situation. If that doesn't happen, well, it could well be there's another election. There would have to be another election. If there is then an inconclusive result, there'd have to be some way of settling it, but we're some way away from that. So, our view as a Government is quite simply this: let the Parliaments of the UK decide as to whether the final deal is a good one or not. I come back again to his point. There's an element of incredible double standards in the Tory party, and let me say why. I don't advocate a second referendum on Brexit. I don't advocate that, because I remember his party saying in 1997 that the result of the devolution referendum was too close that there needed to be another referendum, and they stood on that manifesto commitment in a general election. And now they say, 'Well, of course, that was then, this is now.' I don't have that double standard; I argued against a second referendum then, I argue against a second referendum now on the issue of Brexit. When he wants to lecture us about our position, he needs to take a long hard look at his own party and the mess that the leader of the UK is in, the complete lack of planning, the complete lack of unity and the complete lack of a Government.
Welsh: O diar, o diar, o diar. Wel, gadewch i ni ystyried hynny. Fel y dywedais - [ Torri ar draws.] Fel y dywedais - [ Torri ar draws.] Hynny yw, mae'n rhaid i chi edmygu ei ddigywilydd-dra. Mae'n rhaid i chi edmygu ei ddigywilydd-dra mwy nag unrhyw beth arall, a'i allu i anwybyddu'r anhrefn y mae ei blaid ei hun wedi ei chreu yn Llundain, a'r ffaith nad yw Llywodraeth Cabinet fel yr ydym ni'n ei hadnabod yn bodoli, mewn gwirionedd, yn Whitehall o dan ei blaid ef. Gofynnodd y cwestiwn: beth yw ein safbwynt ni? Ein safbwynt ni erioed, ac rwyf i wedi dweud hyn lawer iawn o weithiau yn y Siambr, yw y dylai unrhyw gytundeb gael ei gymeradwyo gan Seneddau - lluosog - y DU. Dyna'r sefyllfa. Os na fydd hynny'n digwydd, wel, mae'n bosibl iawn y bydd etholiad arall. Byddai'n rhaid cael etholiad arall. Os bydd canlyniad amhendant wedyn, byddai'n rhaid cael rhyw ffordd o'i setlo, ond rydym ni'n bell i ffwrdd o hynny. Felly, yn syml iawn, ein barn ni fel Llywodraeth yw hyn: gadewch i Seneddau'r DU benderfynu ar ba un a yw'r cytundeb terfynol yn un da ai peidio. Dychwelaf at ei bwynt eto. Ceir elfen o safonau dwbl anhygoel yn y blaid Geidwadol, a gadewch i mi ddweud pam. Nid wyf i'n dadlau o blaid ail refferendwm ar Brexit. Nid wyf i'n dadlau o blaid hynny, gan fy mod i'n cofio ei blaid ef yn dweud ym 1997 bod canlyniad y refferendwm ar ddatganoli yn rhy agos bod angen refferendwm arall, ac fe wnaethant sefyll ar sail yr ymrwymiad maniffesto hwnnw mewn etholiad cyffredinol. Ac nawr maen nhw'n dweud, 'Wel, wrth gwrs, roedd hynny bryd hynny, mae hyn nawr.' Nid yw'r safon ddwbl honno gen i. dadleuais yn erbyn ail refferendwm bryd hynny, ac rwy'n dadlau yn erbyn ail refferendwm nawr ar y mater o Brexit. Pan fydd ef eisiau pregethu wrthym ni am ein safbwynt, mae angen iddo edrych yn ofalus iawn ar ei blaid ei hun a'r llanastr y mae arweinydd y DU ynddo, y diffyg cynllunio llwyr, y diffyg undod llwyr a'r diffyg Llywodraeth llwyr.