English: Thank you, chair, for identifying me, and I'm grateful to have this time to raise the Brexit Party's first debate in the Welsh Assembly, in which we note that Wales voted to leave the European Union. Now, ideally, that shouldn't be necessary, but we voted to leave the European Union, not if the EU agrees or subject to getting a great deal. These are attempted conditions put in in arrears by remainers who don't want to accept the result of the referendum. Now, we regret that the UK did not leave the EU on 29 March this year, despite repeated promises to do so by the UK Government and 498 MPs who voted to trigger the article 50 process to leave on that date with or without a deal. I also regret the Conservative amendment to our motion, not least that it begins with 'Delete all', and to the extent we're able to communicate these things, I trust that many of their erstwhile supporters will note that that is their intent. The substantive part of what they want to add is, at point 1, it's terribly important we put in the date of June 2016, apparently, and then, in point 2, it's terribly important that we take out the date of 29 March. Whether this is just to give an excuse to amend the motion having deleted all, or whether there's some terrible importance about why we need a date on one and not the other, perhaps we will hear in due course. But what I think is so important about this is that we should leave the EU now on 31 October this year. Of course, that's the third deadline; we were given 12 April as an intervening one as well. It's concerning to see the progress of this Conservative leadership election campaign, because we had one candidate who was very clear - Dominic Raab - that we would leave the EU on 31 October, with or without a deal, come what may. He could not have been clearer on that. But unfortunately, the fact that he got only 30 votes, compared to 37 for Rory Stewart, tells us, I think, much about the state of the Conservative parliamentary party and the relative weights of different factions within it. Now, of course we have as the strong leader of this field Boris Johnson. There has been some suggestion that he also says we must leave on 31 October, or that he would like to, but it's not quite clear that he will. He's done very few interviews. I heard the one he did on The World at One, and when asked about what he was saying about that, he said that he thought it was very important we shouldn't signal at this time that we might not leave on that date. And then last night, in another debate, he was asked would he rule out anything except leaving on that day. He refused to do so, and then he said it was 'eminently feasible' to leave on 31 October. So, I mean, in our party, but, I think more importantly, amongst his European negotiators, it looks as if Boris Johnson isn't that serious about leaving on 31 October, and may well - . [ Interruption.] That may or may not be the case. But may well look to change that date - look for yet another extension. I think the fundamental problem, at least, that the Conservative Party has - and I'll turn to the Labour Party in due course - is that, for 29 March, they were faced with a choice between no deal and no Brexit, and they chose no Brexit. I think they begin to understand the potential electoral consequences of that, but I think, probably, at the end of March, they could have left with no deal if they had a Prime Minister and a Cabinet and, potentially, a parliamentary party, that was sufficiently steeled to do so. Unfortunately, that was not the case, and each time it gets postponed, each time that date gets moved back, it becomes less likely that we will leave, and, of course, that is the intention of so many on the Labour side who don't want us to leave the European Union, campaigned for 'remain', purported after the result to accept and respect the result, but have ever since, and increasingly obviously, agitated to reverse the result of that referendum, to block Brexit and to deny democracy. We also note some of the consequences of leaving without a deal, which isn't our preferred option. However, we have come to a pass where it is increasingly likely because of the failure of the Conservative Government to leave and the success of the Labour Party in blocking our leaving. Were we to leave with no deal, it's important to realise that we would not owe the European Union £39 billion. I get incredibly frustrated about reading so much from the 'remain' tendency about how no-one would ever lend anything to us again and we'd destroy our international credit rating. This is not a sovereign debt. We have no obligation to pay anything beyond what is specified by the article 50 process, the treaty that specifies how a member state may withdraw from the European Union. You remain liable for all your obligations - all the purported benefits of remaining, partially, arguably, offsetting those - for the notice period of two years, but after those two years, absent an agreement, the treaties cease to apply. We will not owe them money. We will save that £39 billion quid. Indeed, we should be saving some of that £39 billion already.
Welsh: Diolch am fy ngalw, gadeirydd, ac rwy'n ddiolchgar am yr amser hwn i gyflwyno dadl gyntaf Plaid Brexit yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol, lle rydym yn nodi bod Cymru wedi pleidleisio dros adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Nawr, yn ddelfrydol, ni ddylai hynny fod yn angenrheidiol, ond fe wnaethom bleidleisio dros adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, nid os yw'r UE yn cytuno neu'n amodol ar gael cytundeb gwych. Mae'r rhain yn amodau y ceisir eu gosod yn ôl-weithredol gan y rhai sydd eisiau aros ac sydd ddim eisiau derbyn canlyniad y refferendwm. Nawr, rydym yn gresynu na wnaeth y DU adael yr UE ar 29 Mawrth eleni, er gwaethaf addewidion dro ar ôl tro gan Lywodraeth y DU y byddent yn gwneud hynny a'r 498 AS a bleidleisiodd dros sbarduno proses erthygl 50 i adael ar y dyddiad hwnnw gyda neu heb gytundeb. Rwy'n gresynu hefyd at welliant y Ceidwadwyr i'n cynnig, yn enwedig gan ei fod yn dechrau gyda 'Dileu popeth', ac i'r graddau y gallwn gyfleu'r pethau hyn, hyderaf y bydd llawer o'u cefnogwyr yn y gorffennol yn nodi mai dyna eu bwriad. Prif ran yr hyn y maent am ei ychwanegu yw, ar bwynt 1, ei bod hi'n bwysig iawn ein bod yn rhoi dyddiad Mehefin 2016 i mewn, mae'n debyg, ac yna ym mhwynt 2, mae'n hynod o bwysig ein bod yn tynnu'r dyddiad 29 Mawrth allan. Cawn glywed maes o law efallai pa un a yw hyn ond er mwyn rhoi esgus i ddiwygio'r cynnig ar ôl dileu'r cyfan neu am fod rhyw reswm ofnadwy o bwysig pam fod angen dyddiad arnom ar un ac nid y llall. Ond yr hyn y credaf sydd mor bwysig am hyn yw y dylem adael yr UE ar 31 Hydref eleni. Wrth gwrs, dyna'r trydydd dyddiad gadael; cawsom 12 Ebrill fel un yn y cyfamser hefyd. Mae'n ofid gweld yr ymgyrch etholiadol hon am arweinyddiaeth y Ceidwadwyr yn mynd rhagddi, oherwydd roedd gennym un ymgeisydd a oedd yn dweud yn glir iawn - Dominic Raab - y byddem yn gadael yr UE ar 31 Hydref, gyda neu heb gytundeb, doed a ddelo. Ni allai fod wedi bod yn gliriach ar hynny. Ond yn anffodus, mae'r ffaith na chafodd ond 30 o bleidleisiau, o'i gymharu â 37 i Rory Stewart, yn dweud llawer wrthym, rwy'n meddwl, am gyflwr y blaid seneddol Geidwadol a phwysau cymharol gwahanol garfanau o'i mewn. Nawr, wrth gwrs, mae Boris Johnson ymhell o flaen y gweddill. Cafwyd awgrym ei fod ef hefyd yn dweud bod yn rhaid i ni adael ar 31 Hydref, neu y byddai'n hoffi gwneud hynny, ond nid yw'n gwbl glir y bydd yn gwneud hynny. Ychydig iawn o gyfweliadau a wnaeth. Clywais yr un a wnaeth ar The World at One, a phan ofynnwyd iddo beth oedd ganddo i'w ddweud am hynny, dywedodd ei fod yn credu ei bod yn bwysig iawn na ddylem ddynodi ar hyn o bryd efallai na fyddem yn gadael ar y dyddiad hwnnw. Ac yna neithiwr, mewn dadl arall, gofynnwyd iddo a fyddai'n diystyru unrhyw beth heblaw gadael ar y diwrnod hwnnw. Gwrthododd wneud hynny, ac yna dywedodd ei bod yn 'eithriadol o ddichonadwy' y gallem adael ar 31 Hydref. Felly, hynny yw, yn ein plaid ni, ond yn bwysicach fyth, yn fy marn i, ymhlith ei negodwyr Ewropeaidd, mae'n ymddangos nad yw Boris Johnson mor ddifrifol â hynny ynglŷn â gadael ar 31 Hydref, ac mae'n ddigon posibl - . [ Torri ar draws. ] Gall hynny fod yn wir neu beidio. Ond gallai'n hawdd ystyried newid y dyddiad hwnnw - edrych am estyniad arall. Credaf mai'r broblem sylfaenol, o leiaf, yw fod y Blaid Geidwadol wedi - ac fe drof at y Blaid Lafur maes o law - ar gyfer 29 Mawrth, roeddent yn wynebu dewis rhwng dim cytundeb a dim Brexit, ac fe wnaethant ddewis dim Brexit. Credaf eu bod yn dechrau deall canlyniadau etholiadol posibl hynny, ond rwy'n credu, ar ddiwedd mis Mawrth yn ôl pob tebyg, y gallent fod wedi gadael heb gytundeb pe bai ganddynt Brif Weinidog a Chabinet, a phlaid seneddol o bosibl, a oedd yn ddigon cryf i wneud hynny. Yn anffodus, ni ddigwyddodd hynny, a phob tro y caiff ei ohirio, bob tro y caiff y dyddiad hwnnw ei ymestyn, mae'n dod yn llai tebygol y byddwn yn gadael, ac wrth gwrs dyna yw bwriad cynifer ar ochr Llafur nad ydynt eisiau inni adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, y rhai a ymgyrchodd dros 'aros', a honni ar ôl y canlyniad eu bod yn derbyn a pharchu'r canlyniad, ond sydd byth ers hynny, ac yn fwyfwy amlwg, wedi ymgyrchu dros wrthdroi canlyniad y refferendwm hwnnw, rhwystro Brexit a gwadu democratiaeth. Rydym hefyd yn nodi rhai o ganlyniadau gadael heb gytundeb, nad yw'n opsiwn a ffefrir gennym. Fodd bynnag, rydym wedi dod i fan lle mae'n fwyfwy tebygol, oherwydd methiant y Llywodraeth Geidwadol i adael a llwyddiant y Blaid Lafur i'n rhwystro rhag gadael. Pe baem yn gadael heb gytundeb, mae'n bwysig sylweddoli na fyddai arnom £39 biliwn i'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Rwy'n teimlo'n rhwystredig iawn wrth ddarllen cymaint gan y rhai sydd o blaid 'aros' ynglŷn â sut na fyddai neb byth yn benthyg unrhyw beth i ni eto ac y byddem yn dinistrio ein statws credyd rhyngwladol. Nid dyled sofran yw hon. Nid oes rhwymedigaeth arnom i dalu unrhyw beth y tu hwnt i'r hyn a bennir gan broses erthygl 50, y cytuniad sy'n nodi sut y gall aelod-wladwriaeth adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Rydych yn parhau i fod yn atebol am eich holl rwymedigaethau - gyda'r holl fanteision tybiedig o aros, yn rhannol, gellid dadlau, yn gwrthbwyso'r rheini - am y cyfnod rhybudd o ddwy flynedd, ond ar ôl y ddwy flynedd hynny, heb gytundeb, mae'r cytundebau'n peidio â bod yn gymwys. Ni fydd arnom arian iddynt. Byddwn yn arbed y £39 biliwn. Yn wir, dylem fod yn arbed rhywfaint o'r £39 biliwn hwnnw eisoes.