English: Well, firstly, the reason why the committee mentioned it is that I mentioned it to the committee. I was the one who first raised it, this issue of the ports. I discussed it months ago with Leo Varadkar, when he became Taoiseach, and made it clear that we could not support a scenario where there was a more seamless border between Northern Ireland and the Republic than between Wales and the Republic while 70 per cent of trade between GB and Ireland goes through Welsh ports. If there is any incentive to go through the Scottish ports instead, through Northern Ireland, obviously it's bad and the committee identified that - it's bad for Wales. So, there have been discussions with the Irish Government on this. Frankly - I know the Member's views on Brexit, and I appreciate them - I have now seen many documents from the UK Government that say that the issue of border control will be taken forward by way of innovative technology. It doesn't exist. This technology doesn't exist. If it existed we'd have sight of it by now. It talks about having innovative solutions, exploring solutions. That is code for, 'We have no idea how to deal with this.' It's one thing, of course, to have passport-free travel between Wales and Ireland. Customs-free travel is a different thing. There were always random checks in those ports in years gone by, but not every vehicle was checked. There's a greater problem in Dover, because the UK doesn't have the capacity at the moment to put in place border controls in Dover without enormous delays, and the same, I suspect, applies on the French side as well, if I'm honest, in Calais. I do not believe that there is a technological solution to this. If there was one, then by now we'd know from the UK Government what that solution is. One of the solutions that was put to me was that there would be cameras on the border between north and south in Ireland. You put cameras in Northern Ireland and we could open a book as to how long they'd stay there, because they would not. They just wouldn't stay there. It's a physical manifestation of the border. People would see them as a breach of the peace agreement. So it's an intractable problem. It can be resolved. The resolution is that the UK stays in the customs union. Then there's no problem. There's no problem. The UK leaves the customs union and you have to have the same kind of border as exists, for example, between Gibraltar and Spain, because Gibraltar is outside the customs union. That is an extremely hard border. You cannot have a scenario where goods go to two different markets in two different customs unions without any kind of physical checks on crossing a land border. This has always been the problem, to my mind. In the Brexit referendum, nobody thought about Ireland and nobody thought about that border, and it's still an intractable problem. The solution? Stay in the customs union.
Welsh: Wel, yn gyntaf, y rheswm pam y soniodd y pwyllgor amdano yw fy mod i wedi sôn amdano wrth y pwyllgor. Fi oedd yr un â'i gododd yn gyntaf, y mater hwn o'r porthladdoedd. Fe'i trafodais fisoedd yn ôl gyda Leo Varadkar, pan ddaeth yn Taoiseach, a'i gwneud yn eglur na allem ni gefnogi sefyllfa lle'r oedd ffin fwy di-dor rhwng Gogledd Iwerddon a'r Weriniaeth na rhwng Cymru a'r Weriniaeth tra bod 70 y cant o fasnach rhwng Prydain Fawr ac Iwerddon yn mynd trwy borthladdoedd Cymru. Os oes unrhyw gymhelliad i fynd trwy borthladdoedd yr Alban yn hytrach, trwy Ogledd Iwerddon, mae'n amlwg ei fod yn wael a nodwyd hynny gan y pwyllgor - mae'n wael i Gymru. Felly, bu trafodaethau gyda Llywodraeth Iwerddon ar hyn. I fod yn blaen - rwy'n gwybod barn yr Aelod ar Brexit, ac rwy'n eu gwerthfawrogi - rwyf i wedi gweld llawer o ddogfennau gan Lywodraeth y DU erbyn hyn sy'n dweud y bydd y mater o reoli ffiniau yn cael ei ddatblygu trwy dechnoleg arloesol. Nid yw'n bodoli. Nid yw'r dechnoleg hon yn bodoli. Pe byddai'n bodoli, byddem ni wedi ei gweld erbyn hyn. Mae'n sôn am gael atebion arloesol, archwilio atebion. Dyna'r cod ar gyfer, 'Nid oes gennym ni unrhyw syniad sut i ymdrin â hyn.' Mae'n un peth, wrth gwrs, cael teithio di-basbort rhwng Cymru ac Iwerddon. Mae teithio di-doll yn rhywbeth gwahanol. Roedd archwiliadau ar hap yn y porthladdoedd hynny bob amser yn y blynyddoedd a fu, ond nid oedd pob cerbyd yn cael ei archwilio. Ceir problem fwy yn Dover, gan nad oes gan y DU y gallu ar hyn o bryd i gyflwyno rheolaethau ffin yn Dover heb oedi enfawr, ac mae'r un fath, rwy'n amau, yn wir ar ochr Ffrainc hefyd, os ydw i'n onest, yn Calais. Nid wyf yn credu bod ateb technolegol i hyn. Pe byddai un, yna byddem ni'n gwybod erbyn hyn gan Lywodraeth y DU beth yw'r ateb hwnnw. Un o'r atebion a gynigiwyd i mi oedd y byddai camerâu ar y ffin rhwng y gogledd a'r de yn Iwerddon. Os rhowch chi gamerâu yng Ngogledd Iwerddon gallem ni agor llyfr ar ba mor hir y bydden nhw'n aros yno, gan na fyddent. Ni fydden nhw'n aros yno. Mae'n amlygiad ffisegol o'r ffin. Byddai pobl yn eu gweld fel diffyg cydymffurfiad â'r cytundeb heddwch. Felly mae'n broblem anhydrin. Gellir ei datrys. Yr ateb yw bod y DU yn aros yn yr undeb tollau. Yna nid oes unrhyw broblem. Nid oes unrhyw broblem. Os bydd y DU yn gadael yr undeb tollau, bydd yn rhaid i chi gael yr un math o ffin â hwnnw sy'n bodoli, er enghraifft, rhwng Gibraltar a Sbaen, gan fod Gibraltar y tu allan i'r undeb tollau. Mae honno'n ffin hynod o galed. Ni allwch chi gael sefyllfa lle mae nwyddau'n mynd i ddwy wahanol farchnad mewn dau wahanol undeb tollau heb unrhyw fath o archwiliadau ffisegol wrth groesi ffiniau tir. Mae hyn wedi bod yn broblem erioed, yn fy marn i. Ni feddyliodd neb am Iwerddon yn refferendwm Brexit, ac ni feddyliodd neb am y ffin honno, ac mae'n dal i fod yn broblem anhydrin. Yr ateb? Aros yn yr undeb tollau.