English: Well, because it's not only me saying them, Darren. In fact, it's not me - if it was me, I'd dismiss it entirely out of hand; I'm just the Member of Senedd for Ogmore. But, actually, the Equality and Human Rights Commission itself have looked at it, and they haven't said complete opposition, but what they have said is - and this is a quote from them; you've had this as well - there is no compelling case for reform of the Act. It's working well. Its provisions maintain a high degree of parliamentary sovereignty. Instead, the UK Government's focus, they say, should be on improving public understanding of human rights and the HRA, strengthening access to justice and for human rights breaches, and improving human rights practice. They go on to say that any substantial change to the HRA should be the product - including the devolved administrations - of an inclusive and in-depth consultation. They go on further to say that it should reflect the views and needs of all interested groups, including disabled people and so on. And it flags up - the Equality and Human Rights Commission flags up, not me, Darren, not me - that changes to the Act risk having significant implications for devolution settlements across the UK, as it forms a core pillar of each. But even now, we turn to the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022, which has now Royal Assent; it is now law. Now, they also raise, Darren, their significant concerns about that, which they've raised all the way through the process, the amendments that were ignored by the UK Government, with every voice turned against them, but they went ahead with it. It's now on the statute book. I honestly wonder, Darren, would the Greenham Common protesters have been able to continue in the way that they did? Would other protest groups be able to do it? So, that's why it's not me but it's other informed observers. And of course, within this Senedd as well, we have had multiple rehearsals of the argument about the impact of this on minority groups, including Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities - their right to assemble and so on. So, all of these things, Darren, mean that it's not me actually raising this; it is others, who are very well informed. Let me just turn to one other, then, to try and answer your question. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, in terms of the third piece that I want to turn to of this particular jigsaw, the Nationality and Borders Act, the UNHCR itself, has said that this Act undermines the refugee convention that the UK helped to draft itself in the wake of the second world war. So, it's not me, Darren, raising these concerns. So, I am very interested, Counsel General, in the fact that you've laid out not just an ambition now to go further here in Wales, but to really embed deeply within the way that we do this in Wales and protect human rights, in what may well be a diminishing - . And I say this, Darren, quite honestly: Governments should be rightly fearful of the human rights legislation and the principles that underpin it. It should make them tremble because of its ability to put power in the hands of others who would otherwise be powerless. We should not in any way seek to weaken in this in any way, and I welcome the approach of the Welsh Government in saying that we will strengthen it. We will make sure that it bites in Wales, regardless of what is happening across other parts of the UK.
Welsh: Wel, oherwydd nid fi yn unig sy'n eu dweud, Darren. Yn wir, nid fi - os fi oedd yn gyfrifol, byddwn i'n ei ddiystyru'n llwyr; dim ond yr Aelod Seneddol dros Ogwr ydw i. Ond, mewn gwirionedd, mae'r Comisiwn Cydraddoldeb a Hawliau Dynol ei hun wedi edrych arno, ac nid ydyn nhw wedi gwrthwynebu'n llwyr, ond yr hyn y maen nhw wedi'i ddweud yw - ac mae hwn yn ddyfyniad ganddyn nhw; rydych chi wedi cael hwn hefyd - nid oes achos cryf dros ddiwygio'r Ddeddf. Mae'n gweithio'n dda. Mae ei ddarpariaethau'n cynnal lefel uchel o sofraniaeth seneddol. Yn hytrach, dylai Llywodraeth y DU ganolbwyntio, medden nhw, ar wella dealltwriaeth y cyhoedd o hawliau dynol a'r Ddeddf Hawliau Dynol, cryfhau mynediad at gyfiawnder ac ar gyfer achosion o dorri hawliau dynol, a gwella arferion hawliau dynol. Maen nhw'n mynd ymlaen i ddweud y dylai unrhyw newid sylweddol i'r Ddeddf Hawliau Dynol fod yn gynnyrch - gan gynnwys y gweinyddiaethau datganoledig - o ymgynghoriad cynhwysol a manwl. Maen nhw'n mynd ymlaen ymhellach i ddweud y dylai adlewyrchu barn ac anghenion yr holl grwpiau sydd â diddordeb, gan gynnwys pobl anabl ac yn y blaen. Ac mae'n tynnu sylw - mae'r Comisiwn Cydraddoldeb a Hawliau Dynol yn amlygu, nid fi, Darren, nid fi - fod perygl i newidiadau i'r Ddeddf arwain at oblygiadau sylweddol i setliadau datganoli ledled y DU, gan ei fod yn ffurfio un o bileri craidd pob un. Ond hyd yn oed yn awr, rydym ni'n troi at Ddeddf yr Heddlu, Troseddu, Dedfrydu a'r Llysoedd 2022, sydd bellach â Chydsyniad Brenhinol; mae bellach yn gyfraith. Nawr, maen nhw hefyd yn codi, Darren, eu pryderon sylweddol am honno, y maen nhw wedi'u codi yr holl ffordd drwy'r broses, y gwelliannau a anwybyddwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU, gyda phob llais yn troi yn eu herbyn, ond fe wnaethon nhw fynd ymlaen â hi. Mae bellach ar y llyfr statud. Rydw i wir yn meddwl tybed, Darren, a fyddai protestwyr Comin Greenham wedi gallu parhau yn y ffordd y gwnaethon nhw? A fyddai grwpiau protest eraill yn gallu gwneud hynny? Felly, dyna pam, nid fi ond arsylwyr gwybodus eraill. Ac wrth gwrs, yn y Senedd hon hefyd, rydym ni wedi ailadrodd y ddadl sawl gwaith am effaith hyn ar grwpiau lleiafrifol, gan gynnwys cymunedau Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr - eu hawl i ymgynnull ac ati. Felly, mae'r holl bethau hyn, Darren, yn golygu nad fi sy'n codi hyn mewn gwirionedd; ond eraill, sy'n wybodus iawn. Gadewch i mi droi at un arall, felly, i geisio ateb eich cwestiwn. Mae Uchel Gomisiynydd y Cenhedloedd Unedig dros Ffoaduriaid, o ran y trydydd darn yr wyf i eisiau troi ato yn y jig-so penodol hwn, Deddf Cenedligrwydd a Ffiniau, Uchel Gomisiynydd y Cenhedloedd Unedig dros Ffoaduriaid ei hun, wedi dweud bod y Ddeddf hon yn tanseilio'r confensiwn ffoaduriaid a helpodd y DU i'w drafftio ei hun yn sgil yr ail ryfel byd. Felly, nid fi, Darren, sy'n codi'r pryderon hyn. Felly, mae gen i ddiddordeb mawr, Cwnsler Cyffredinol, yn y ffaith eich bod chi wedi gosod nid yn unig uchelgais yn awr i fynd ymhellach yma yng Nghymru, ond i ymwreiddio'n ddwfn iawn yn y ffordd yr ydym ni'n gwneud hyn yng Nghymru a diogelu hawliau dynol, yn yr hyn a allai fod yn lleihau - . Ac rwy'n dweud hyn, Darren, yn onest iawn: dylai Llywodraethau fod yn ofnus iawn o'r ddeddfwriaeth hawliau dynol a'r egwyddorion sy'n sail iddi. Dylai wneud iddyn nhw grynu oherwydd ei gallu i roi grym yn nwylo eraill a fyddai fel arall yn ddi-rym. Ni ddylem geisio gwanhau hyn mewn unrhyw ffordd, ac rwy'n croesawu ymagwedd Llywodraeth Cymru wrth ddweud y byddwn ni'n ei chryfhau. Byddwn yn sicrhau ei bod yn brathu yng Nghymru, ni waeth beth sy'n digwydd ar draws rhannau eraill o'r DU.