English: The Department for Work and Pensions estimates that nearly 50,000 households in Wales will be affected by the cap on housing benefits. Paying 30 per cent of local market rents instead of the previous 50 per cent shrinks the options of the poor and also takes into account the size of the property. So people who are forced to downsize as a result of the bedroom tax don't just see the space of their home shrinking, they also see their options shrinking very substantially. They don't even have the option of squeezing into a tiny home to stay near their child's school or their elderly parent, because they'll also be caught by a further cap on different sized properties. So, the smaller the property, the less housing benefit will be paid. The House of Commons Welsh Affairs Committee inquiry into the impact of changes in housing benefit in 2013 warned that efforts to control housing benefit increases quite rightly have to include strategies to manage spiralling rents in the private rented sector, including direct rent controls. I agree, and nearly five years later we need urgent action now. Rents in Cardiff have already outstripped housing benefit caps. For example, a two-bedroomed flat in Admiral House on Newport Road costs £1,200 for two beds, or £950 for one with a single bedroom. This isn't leafy Cyncoed. This is an area challenged by dangerously high levels of air pollution. Indeed, even many housing association rents now exceed housing benefit caps. The lack of rent controls has become a form of social cleansing. People who are poor cannot find anywhere to afford in Cardiff and they either become homeless or they're forced to move away, splitting up families and denying people the support networks that make for cohesive communities. This is a recipe for adverse childhood experiences and mental illness. We need rent controls. We need an end to unfair evictions and a radical overhaul of the housing system to deliver rent stability. The power to regulate rents in the private sector was transferred to the Welsh Government by the UK Parliament in 2006, and the Renting Homes (Wales) Act 2016 introduced a new legal framework for renting a home in Wales. Landlords now have to undergo a minimum training into their rights and responsibilities in order to get registered. The forthcoming Bill to abolish letting agency fees, while important, is not going to be sufficient to deliver a fair deal for tenants. Agencies will unfortunately seek to add the costs onto monthly rents, which are already unaffordable. Fair rents offer a sustainable means of preventing rents spiralling further out of reach to so many of our urban communities. Indeed, even the Welsh Government's annual report on private sector rents recognises that the lowest property at that time, at the end of last year, was £325 a month for a non-self-contained single room or bedsit, and the highest median price was £750. But in Cardiff, that spirals to over £1,000 for the average rent, and in many cases, as I've already suggested, it is much higher. So, there are two ways in which we could introduce rent controls. First, we could protect families from unfair rent rises by giving them the option to challenge unreasonable rent through an independent tribunal system. This could be the Valuation Office Agency, as before, and this would guarantee fairness and predictability for both tenants and landlords. Alternatively, we could give local authorities the opportunity to apply to Welsh Government to create designated rent pressure zones in order to place caps on rent increases in areas that are determined to have been subject to excessive rent increase. The latter is the route being considered by Edinburgh and Glasgow following the Scottish Parliament passing the Private Housing (Tenancies) (Scotland) Act 2016. But we don't have to just look to Scotland for inspiration. Many countries across the world have tightly regulated rental markets. Germany has its rental price break, which limits rents on new tenancies in property hotspots like Berlin, Munich and Dusseldorf to 10 per cent above existing rent benchmarks. It's worth noting that two thirds of people in Berlin rent. Tenants are heavily protected, but landlords are cut some slack, too. Rents can be increased if the property is improved and the break does not apply to newly constructed properties. In New York, rent controls only apply to tenants who've lived there since 1971 and in properties constructed before 1947, but rent stabilisation also applies to nearly half of rented apartments, preventing landlords from hiking the price more than a set guideline for an area, unless, of course, they go for luxury decontrol, which is for properties above $2,500 a month, and, presumably, those people are better able to fight their corner themselves. But it does mean that half, rather than two thirds, of properties in New York are now subject to controls, compared with a lot more than that 40 years ago. Now, Paris recently introduced new rent controls. La loi Alur controls rents in zones of high demand, setting a median rent per square metre for a given area, separating districts' real estate into price bands based on whether it's furnished and the number of rooms. The application of these controls in other cities in France may follow. Perhaps the most interesting example is that in Holland, which I want to look at in the context of our UK macroeconomic situation, which is that in the last year across the UK a record number of buy-to-let landlords are now paying in cash to hoover up more and more properties, according to the UK's biggest mortgage lender, Countrywide. The record £21 billion in cash purchases in bricks and mortar is at an all-time high for the last decade, and some of this cash comes from remortgaging, taking equity out of homes they already own, and a lot of it is heading towards Wales because the overheated London and south-east market is beyond the pockets of many investors. But we have to understand that this £21 billion that's going into bricks and mortar is something that could be going into the productive economy - creating jobs, creating goods and creating exports for our economy. And, meanwhile, the outcome of this deregulation is clear: bulging buy-to-let portfolios for the rich, with profits rising year on year and those not lucky enough to own their own homes are being fleeced. So, I just wanted, lastly, to look at the situation in Holland, which is dominated by - . Three quarters of all homes are owned by housing associations, and the private rented sector in the Netherlands has declined from 17 per cent to 8 per cent. Strong regulation, particularly rent controls, is often seen as one of the reasons for the decline in private renting. But it's important to see that both owner occupation and social rented sectors have benefited from subsidies and tax incentives, while private landlords have been disadvantaged, especially from the 1980s. But, compared with other European countries, the social rented sector is thriving and people are generally content with it. I think that it's time that Welsh Labour really looks at introducing rent controls to fix this broken housing market, and, if necessary, increasing the size of the social housing sector to ensure that everybody can be appropriately housed, with the security that goes with it. So, I look forward to hearing the Government's response.
Welsh: Mae'r Adran Gwaith a Phensiynau yn amcangyfrif y bydd bron i 50,000 o gartrefi yng Nghymru yn cael eu heffeithio gan y cap ar fudd-daliadau tai. Mae talu 30 y cant o renti'r farchnad lleol yn lle'r 50 y cant blaenorol yn crebachu opsiynau pobl dlawd a hefyd yn cyfrif maint yr eiddo. Felly nid yn unig y bydd pobl sy'n cael eu gorfodi i symud i gartref llai o faint o ganlyniad i'r dreth ystafell wely yn gweld gofod eu cartref yn crebachu, byddant hefyd yn gweld eu hopsiynau'n crebachu'n sylweddol iawn. Nid oes ganddynt opsiwn hyd yn oed i wasgu i mewn i gartref bach er mwyn aros yn agos at ysgol eu plentyn neu at eu rhiant oedrannus, oherwydd cânt eu dal hefyd gan gap pellach ar eiddo o wahanol faint. Felly, po leiaf yr eiddo, y lleiaf o fudd-dal tai a delir. Rhybuddiodd ymchwiliad Pwyllgor Materion Cymreig Tŷ'r Cyffredin i effaith newidiadau i fudd-daliadau yn 2013 fod ymdrechion i reoli codiadau mewn budd-daliadau tai yn gwbl briodol yn gorfod cynnwys strategaethau i reoli rhenti cynyddol yn y sector rhentu preifat, gan gynnwys mesurau i reoli rhenti'n uniongyrchol. Rwy'n cytuno, a bron bum mlynedd yn ddiweddarach mae angen inni weld gweithredu'n digwydd ar frys bellach. Mae rhenti yng Nghaerdydd eisoes yn uwch na chapiau ar fudd-daliadau rhent. Er enghraifft, mae fflat dwy ystafell wely yn Admiral House ar Ffordd Casnewydd yn costio £1,200 am ddwy ystafell wely, neu £950 am un ystafell wely sengl. Nid sôn am strydoedd deiliog Cyncoed yr ydym. Dyma ardal sy'n cael ei herio gan lefelau perygus o uchel o lygredd aer. Yn wir, mae rhenti cymdeithasau tai hyd yn oed yn uwch na'r cap ar fudd-daliadau tai bellach. Mae diffyg rheolaeth ar renti wedi dod yn fath o lanhau cymdeithasol. Ni all pobl sy'n dlawd ddod o hyd i unrhyw le y gallant ei fforddio yng Nghaerdydd ac maent naill ai'n mynd yn ddigartref neu cânt eu gorfodi i symud, gan hollti teuluoedd ac amddifadu pobl o'r rhwydweithiau cymorth sy'n creu cymunedau cydlynus. Dyma rysáit ar gyfer profiadau niweidiol yn ystod plentyndod a salwch meddwl. Mae arnom angen mesurau rheoli rhenti. Mae angen rhoi diwedd ar droi pobl allan yn annheg ac ailwampio'r system dai yn sylfaenol er mwyn darparu sefydlogrwydd rhent. Trosglwyddwyd y pŵer i reoleiddio rhenti yn y sector preifat i Lywodraeth Cymru gan Senedd y DU yn 2006, a chyflwynodd Deddf Rhentu Cartrefi (Cymru) 2016 fframwaith cyfreithiol newydd ar gyfer rhentu cartref yng Nghymru. Erbyn hyn mae'n rhaid i landlordiaid gael hyfforddiant gofynnol ar eu hawliau a'u cyfrifoldebau er mwyn cael cofrestru. Er ei fod yn bwysig, nid yw'r Bil sydd ar y ffordd i ddiddymu ffioedd asiantaethau gosod tai yn mynd i fod yn ddigon i sicrhau bargen deg i denantiaid. Yn anffodus, bydd asiantaethau'n ceisio ychwanegu'r costau at renti misol, sydd eisoes yn anfforddiadwy. Mae rhenti teg yn cynnig ffordd gynaliadwy o atal rhenti rhag codi ymhellach o gyrraedd mewn cynifer o'n cymunedau trefol. Yn wir, mae hyd yn oed adroddiad blynyddol Llywodraeth Cymru ar renti'r sector preifat yn cydnabod bod yr eiddo isaf ei bris ar y pryd, ddiwedd y llynedd, yn £325 y mis am ystafell sengl neu fflat un ystafell nad yw'n hunangynhwysol, a'r pris canolrifol uchaf oedd £750. Ond yng Nghaerdydd, mae hynny'n codi i dros £1,000 am rent cyfartalog, ac mewn llawer o achosion, fel yr awgrymais eisoes, mae'n uwch o lawer. Felly, mae yna ddwy ffordd y gallem gyflwyno mesurau rheoli rhent. Yn gyntaf, gallem warchod teuluoedd rhag codiadau rhent annheg drwy roi opsiwn iddynt herio rhent afresymol drwy system tribiwnlys annibynnol. Gallai olygu Asiantaeth y Swyddfa Brisio, fel o'r blaen, a byddai'n sicrhau tegwch a rhagweladwyedd i denantiaid a landlordiaid. Fel arall, gallem roi cyfle i awdurdodau lleol wneud cais i Lywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer creu parthau pwysau rhent dynodedig er mwyn gosod cap ar godiadau rhent mewn ardaloedd y pennir eu bod yn ddarostyngedig i godiadau rhent gormodol. Yr ail lwybr yw'r un sydd dan ystyriaeth gan Gaeredin a Glasgow wedi i Senedd yr Alban basio Deddf Tai Preitaf (Tenantiaethau) (Yr Alban) 2016. Ond nid oes raid inni edrych tua'r Alban yn unig am ysbrydoliaeth. Mae llawer o wledydd ar draws y byd yn rheoleiddio marchnadoedd rhent yn dynn. Mae gan yr Almaen ei doriad pris rhent, sy'n cyfyngu rhenti ar denantiaethau newydd mewn mannau poblogaidd o ran eiddo fel Berlin, Munich a Dusseldorf i 10 y cant yn uwch na'r meincnodau rhenti presennol. Mae'n werth nodi bod dwy ran o dair o bobl Berlin yn rhentu. Caiff tenantiaid eu diogelu'n dda, ond mae cyfleoedd i landlordiaid hefyd. Gellir codi'r rhent os caiff yr eiddo ei wella ac os nad yw'r toriad yn gymwys ar gyfer eiddo a adeiladwyd o'r newydd. Yn Efrog Newydd, nid yw mesurau rheoli rhenti ond yn berthnasol i denantiaid sydd wedi byw yno ers 1971 ac mewn eiddo a adeiladwyd cyn 1947, ond mae mesurau sefydlogi rhent hefyd yn gymwys ar gyfer bron hanner y fflatiau ar rent, gan atal landlordiaid rhag gwthio'r pris yn uwch na chanllaw gosodedig ar gyfer ardal, oni bai, wrth gwrs, eu bod yn mynd am eiddo moethus heb reolaeth ar y rhenti, sef eiddo dros $2,500 y mis, ac yn ôl pob tebyg, gall y bobl hynny ymladd eu brwydrau eu hunain yn well. Ond mae'n golygu bod hanner, yn hytrach na dwy ran o dair, o'r eiddo yn Efrog Newydd bellach yn ddarostyngedig i fesurau rheoli, o gymharu â llawer mwy na hynny 40 mlynedd yn ôl. Nawr, cyflwynodd Paris fesurau rheoli rhenti newydd yn ddiweddar. Mae la loi Alur yn rheoli rhenti mewn parthau lle mae'r galw'n uchel, gan osod rhent canolrifol fesul metr sgwâr ar gyfer ardal benodol, gan wahanu eiddo tirol dosbarthau'n fandiau pris yn seiliedig ar ba un a yw'n eiddo wedi'i ddodrefnu a nifer yr ystafelloedd. Mae'n bosibl y caiff y rheolaethau hyn eu gosod mewn dinasoedd eraill yn Ffrainc. Efallai mai'r enghraifft fwyaf diddorol yw'r un yn yr Iseldiroedd, ac rwyf am edrych arni yng nghyd-destun ein sefyllfa facroeconomaidd yn y DU, sef, yn y flwyddyn ddiwethaf ar draws y DU, fod y nifer uchaf erioed o landlordiaid prynu i osod bellach yn talu mewn arian parod i fachu mwy a mwy o eiddo, yn ôl benthyciwr morgeisi mwyaf y DU, Countrywide. Mae'r lefel o £21 biliwn mewn pryniannau arian parod am frics a morter yn uwch nag y bu ers degawd, a daw rhywfaint o'r arian parod hwn o ailforgeisio, tynnu ecwiti allan o gartrefi y maent eisoes yn berchen arnynt, ac mae llawer ohono'n anelu tuag at Gymru oherwydd bod marchnad orgynnes Llundain a de-ddwyrain Lloegr y tu hwnt i bocedi llawer o fuddsoddwyr. Ond rhaid inni ddeall bod y £21 biliwn sy'n mynd i mewn i frics a morter yn rhywbeth a allai fod yn mynd i mewn i'r economi gynhyrchiol - gan greu swyddi, creu nwyddau a chreu allforion ar gyfer ein heconomi. Ac yn y cyfamser, mae canlyniad y dadreoleiddio'n glir: portffolios prynu i osod enfawr ar gyfer y cyfoethog, gyda'r elw'n cynyddu flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn a'r rhai nad ydynt eto'n ddigon lwcus i fod yn berchen ar eu cartrefi eu hunain yn cael eu blingo. Felly, yn olaf, roeddwn am edrych ar y sefyllfa yn yr Iseldiroedd, sydd wedi'i dominyddu gan - . Mae tri chwarter yr holl gartrefi'n eiddo i gymdeithasau tai, ac mae'r sector rhentu preifat yn yr Iseldiroedd wedi gostwng o 17 y cant i 8 y cant. Yn aml gwelir rheoleiddio cryf, yn arbennig rheoli rhenti, fel un o'r rhesymau dros y dirywiad mewn rhentu preifat. Ond mae'n bwysig gweld bod y sector perchen-feddiannaeth a'r sector rhentu cymdeithasol wedi elwa o gymorthdaliadau a chymhellion treth, tra bo landlordiaid preifat wedi bod dan anfantais, yn enwedig o'r 1980au. Ond o'i gymharu â gwledydd eraill yn Ewrop, mae'r sector rhentu cymdeithasol yn ffynnu ac mae pobl yn gyffredinol yn fodlon ag ef. Credaf ei bod yn bryd i Lafur Cymru edrych o ddifrif ar gyflwyno mesurau rheoli rhenti i atgyweirio'r farchnad dai doredig, ac os oes angen, cynyddu maint y sector tai cymdeithasol er mwyn sicrhau y gall pawb gael cartref priodol, gyda'r diogelwch a ddaw gyda hynny. Felly, edrychaf ymlaen at glywed ymateb y Llywodraeth.