English: The cost-of-living crisis is going to do exactly what the COVID crisis did. I've heard so many witnesses to inquiries held by both of the committees of which I'm a member - equalities and social justice and children, young people and education - repeat this, or words to that effect, when referring to the undeniable evidence that not only will the impact of this crisis again be deeper in the most deprived areas of Wales, which, of course, will double the death rates of those with less social deprivation, but it's that same inequality and those same vulnerabilities that the cost-of-living crisis is exacerbating. This is why the cost-of-living crisis, in my opinion, has to be seen in the same terms as the COVID crisis. That is why those most vulnerable to potential harm should also be shielded by Government in this crisis. As with COVID, the worst-affected will be those who already suffer socioeconomic disadvantage and groups of people who already face barriers as regards housing, employment opportunities, income gaps, health inequalities and education. Poverty is affecting young people aged 16 plus in a unique way. Rising food costs, transport costs and equipment costs make education less affordable to those from low-income families. Young people from less affluent backgrounds can't turn to their families for financial support and many are experiencing real hardship: no heating, little to eat, some facing homelessness. How are they meant to focus on study? The needs of this group of young people, of course, in my opinion, should be fully addressed in a comprehensive new child poverty strategy, which we have long called for, with measurable targets and outcomes. The Welsh Government, of course, does not have the power to stop bills soaring and can't ensure that the Tory Westminster Government increases benefits so that no-one has to rely on foodbanks or face cutting down on heat. But this motion speaks to one action it can take to help people who are most at risk of the harms of the cost-of-living crisis: young people from low-income families. Without the support they need, of which the EMA should and could form a part, they will be harmed by the consequences of being denied the chance to fulfil their educational potential, as Mike Hedges rightly illustrated, and the opportunity gap that continues to blight our country will deepen. The Welsh Government's response to the calls of anti-poverty campaigners such as the Bevan Foundation to uprate the EMA, both in terms of the allowance and in terms of the eligibility threshold, has been that it is simply not affordable. What really isn't affordable is to limit the potential of our most disadvantaged young people who already have far fewer opportunities than better-off learners to lead prosperous, healthy and fulfilling lives. I urge Members to support this motion.
Welsh: Mae'r argyfwng costau byw yn mynd i wneud yr union beth a wnaeth argyfwng COVID. Clywais gymaint o dystion i ymchwiliadau a gynhelir gan y ddau bwyllgor rwy'n aelod ohonynt - cydraddoldeb a chyfiawnder cymdeithasol a phlant, pobl ifanc ac addysg - yn ailadrodd hyn, neu eiriau i'r perwyl hwnnw, wrth gyfeirio at y dystiolaeth ddiymwad y bydd effaith yr argyfwng hwn eto'n ddyfnach yn ardaloedd mwyaf difreintiedig Cymru, a fydd, wrth gwrs, yn dyblu cyfraddau marwolaeth y rhai sydd â llai o amddifadedd cymdeithasol, ond mae'r argyfwng costau byw'n gwaethygu yr un anghydraddoldebau a'r un bregusrwydd. Yn fy marn i, dyna pam mae'n rhaid gweld yr argyfwng costau byw yn yr un termau ag argyfwng COVID. Dyna pam y dylai'r rhai sydd fwyaf agored i niwed posibl hefyd gael eu gwarchod gan y Llywodraeth yn yr argyfwng hwn. Fel yn achos COVID, y rhai yr effeithir arnynt waethaf fydd y rhai sydd eisoes yn dioddef anfantais economaidd-gymdeithasol a grwpiau o bobl sydd eisoes yn wynebu rhwystrau mewn perthynas â thai, cyfleoedd cyflogaeth, bylchau incwm, anghydraddoldebau iechyd ac addysg. Mae tlodi'n effeithio ar bobl ifanc 16 oed a hŷn mewn ffordd unigryw. Mae costau bwyd cynyddol, costau trafnidiaeth a chostau offer yn gwneud addysg yn llai fforddiadwy i'r rhai o deuluoedd incwm isel. Nid yw pobl ifanc o gefndiroedd llai cefnog yn gallu troi at eu teuluoedd am gymorth ariannol ac mae nifer yn profi caledi gwirioneddol: dim gwres, fawr ddim i'w fwyta, rhai yn wynebu digartrefedd. Sut mae disgwyl iddynt ganolbwyntio ar astudio? Rwy'n credu y dylid mynd i'r afael yn llawn ag anghenion y grŵp hwn o bobl ifanc mewn strategaeth tlodi plant newydd gynhwysfawr, rhywbeth rydym wedi galw amdani ers amser maith, gyda thargedau a chanlyniadau mesuradwy. Wrth gwrs, nid oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru rym i atal biliau rhag codi'n aruthrol ac ni all sicrhau bod Llywodraeth Dorïaidd San Steffan yn cynyddu budd-daliadau fel nad oes rhaid i unrhyw un ddibynnu ar fanciau bwyd neu orfod cyfyngu ar wresogi. Ond mae'r cynnig hwn yn sôn am un weithred y gall ei chyflawni i helpu'r bobl sydd fwyaf mewn perygl o niwed yn yr argyfwng costau byw: pobl ifanc o deuluoedd incwm isel. Heb y cymorth sydd ei angen arnynt, y dylai ac y gallai'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ffurfio rhan ohono, byddant yn cael eu niweidio gan ganlyniadau cael eu hamddifadu o'r cyfle i gyflawni eu potensial addysgol, fel y dangosodd Mike Hedges yn gywir, a bydd y bwlch cyfle sy'n parhau i blagio ein gwlad yn dyfnhau. Ymateb Llywodraeth Cymru i alwadau ymgyrchwyr gwrthdlodi fel Sefydliad Bevan i gynyddu'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, o ran y lwfans ei hun ac o ran y trothwy cymhwysedd, yw nad yw'n fforddiadwy. Yr hyn na allwn fforddio ei wneud mewn gwirionedd yw cyfyngu ar botensial ein pobl ifanc mwyaf difreintiedig sydd eisoes yn cael llawer llai o gyfleoedd na dysgwyr mwy cefnog i fyw bywydau llewyrchus, iach a boddhaus. Rwy'n annog yr Aelodau i gefnogi'r cynnig hwn.