English: Thank you, Deputy Llywydd. First, I start by thanking Siân Gwenllian for bringing forward and instigating this debate - I think a very timely debate. Siân, of course, has a long history of campaigning on these issues, as have quite a number of people within this Chamber, so it was good to see these coming together for this debate today. It isn't my intention, as is sometimes traditional with these, to summarise what everyone has said, because the points have been made so powerfully; the statistics are there. So, I really just thought that it might be an opportunity to reflect, actually, on where we have come from, because certainly those of my generation and anyone brought up in school in the late 1950s and early 1960s will know that, in school, racism, homophobia and antisemitism were part of the culture of schools. The actual changes that have taken place through the 1960s, the 1970s, the 1980s to today are quite phenomenal and I think it's important to recognise them, because in recognising those, we're also able to identify what the current challenges still are. I remember when I was a student, when the National Union of Students Wales was formed, they were one of the bodies that first, actually, went over the barricades in order to take forward the campaign for gay rights then, which was not popular. It was not a welcoming campaign that people approached with open arms. But it was one that I think young people coming up in the 1970s felt was a necessary one that had to be fought; it was part of the change in society. And in Wales, in fact, it was the Welsh national institutions that produced, I think, the first Welsh translation of the campaign - ' ymgyrch hawliau hoyw ' - and distributed badges at the 1976 or 1977 Eisteddfod. And it was very interesting to see all these people going around thinking they were supporting a happy campaign, but it opened the door and it was the first step to confronting the inherent cultural prejudice that existed in so many communities and in those generations. Of course, it's also important to recognise where we came from in respect of the numbers of people who, until the laws were changed, were prosecuted and actually jailed because of their sexual orientation. In 1945, 800 men were prosecuted, because it was regarded as a male offence. In 1955, 2,500 were prosecuted, of whom 700 were jailed. So, the actual significance of what was being done in the 1950s by leaders like Bertrand Russell, Clem Attlee and Isaiah Berlin to actually bring forward the concept of law reform and to challenge those - . It's quite sad within our society sometimes that we end up with correcting so many injustices posthumously. So, Alan Turing, when Gordon Brown actually apologised, supported by David Cameron at the time, for that. So many of these issues are ones that we have to deal with in that posthumous way. And the idea of chemical castration as being part of the norm of a treatment for a criminal offence would be something we would just regard as something that was fascistic. Of course, we lived through the 1980s campaign, the section 28 campaign, where there was a mobilisation of Conservative forces to actually re-establish norms of restriction on gay rights, and a campaign to actually fight against that. And then the action that was taken to lower the age of consent from 21 to 18, which was, in fact, the campaign to lower it to 16, but of course, because of the objections there, it was only 18 at the time. I think everyone was amazed then, again, at the real breakthrough in legislation, which was the Civil Partnership Act 2004, which I think really opened the door. But, we can't ignore that there is a substantial growth of prejudice and bigotry that was perhaps underlying there that now re-emerges within the toxicity that exists within our politics, not just within Wales or the UK, but across Europe and internationally. It is, in part, fuelled by the growth of the far right, and it is, in part, fuelled by inequality. If you look at the situation that gay people face now in Putin's Russia, the actual physical persecution that still exists, and we deal, as Governments, with these people, so the whole issue of how our international ethics need to change to actually combat this, rather than what effectively happens internationally, which is the turning of the blind eye to those unethical events. I was so impressed - I know I can rarely make a speech without mentioning Ukraine because of my background - that they had the Pride demonstration for the first time in Kyiv where there were no events on it and politicians joined it. To see that comparator between what is happening there and then what is happening in Moscow, I think is important, because we live within this global world, yet there are still 73 countries where being gay is still not legal. So, I won't go through the statements on that, but clearly there are major issues within our communities in terms of sex education, training and the role that that actually plays. And I think we all still know that there is an enormous, long way to go, an undercurrent. I not very long ago had a phone call during one of the election campaigns, someone lobbying me to ask me about what we were going to do about the obscenity of homosexuality that was being taught within our schools. The only way I thought I could respond was by saying, 'Well, my son is gay, what do you suggest I say to him?' and the phone was put down. But there is that undercurrent that feels more capable of talking in that particular way, and I think there are links between the forms of prejudice, of racism and bigotry that have emerged. Can I also say - ? In my past role, working as a trade union lawyer, the work that the trade union reps have done and the gay reps have done within our trade unions to actually give voice and representation. I'll never forget one representative who I was talking to and giving advice to on something was telling me that in his capacity as rep, his parents had never spoken to him since he declared that he was gay, and that there were still people like that, who basically don't have those sorts of family connections anymore. We saw recently the attack on Owen Jones, the journalist, which was clearly a provoked gay attack on him, and because of his outspoken positions. So, I very much welcome how far we have come, but it is important to understand how far we still have to go. So, I very much look forward to what Lord Thomas is going to say tomorrow, because the key thing about devolution and the legal system - it's not about law for law's sake, but it's about laws being there to enable policy to actually work, to be implemented and enforced, and it's creating that framework. I welcome all the speeches that have been made today. I'm just going to concentrate on a couple, because I thought Joyce -
Welsh: Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Yn gyntaf, rwyf am ddechrau drwy ddiolch i Siân Gwenllian am gyflwyno ac am agor y ddadl hon - rwy'n credu ei bod yn ddadl amserol iawn. Mae gan Siân, wrth gwrs, hanes hir o ymgyrchu ar y materion hyn, fel cryn dipyn o bobl yn y Siambr hon, felly roedd yn braf gweld y rhain yn dod at ei gilydd ar gyfer y ddadl hon heddiw. Nid wyf yn bwriadu crynhoi'r hyn y mae pawb wedi'i ddweud, fel sydd weithiau'n draddodiadol gyda'r rhain, oherwydd mae'r pwyntiau wedi cael eu gwneud mor rymus; mae'r ystadegau yno. Felly, roeddwn yn meddwl y gallai fod yn gyfle i feddwl o ble rydym wedi dod mewn gwirionedd, oherwydd yn sicr bydd y rheini o fy nghenhedlaeth i, ac unrhyw un a fynychodd yr ysgol ar ddiwedd y 1950au a dechrau'r 1960au, yn gwybod fod hiliaeth, homoffobia a gwrthsemitiaeth yn rhan o ddiwylliant ysgolion. Mae'r newidiadau gwirioneddol sydd wedi digwydd drwy'r 1960au, yr 1970au, y 1980au hyd heddiw yn eithaf syfrdanol ac rwy'n credu ei bod yn bwysig eu cydnabod, oherwydd wrth gydnabod y rheini, rydym hefyd yn gallu nodi beth yw'r heriau sy'n dal i fodoli. Cofiaf pan oeddwn yn fyfyriwr, pan ffurfiwyd Undeb Cenedlaethol Myfyrwyr Cymru, roeddent yn un o'r cyrff a aeth dros y baricedau gyntaf, mewn gwirionedd, er mwyn bwrw iddi â'r ymgyrch dros hawliau hoywon bryd hynny, rhywbeth nad oedd yn boblogaidd. Nid oedd yn ymgyrch gysurus y byddai pobl yn bwrw iddi gyda breichiau agored. Ond credaf fod pobl ifanc a oedd yn tyfu i fyny yn y 1970au yn teimlo ei bod yn ymgyrch angenrheidiol roedd yn rhaid ei hymladd; roedd yn rhan o'r newid yn y gymdeithas. Ac yng Nghymru, a dweud y gwir, y sefydliadau cenedlaethol Cymreig a gynhyrchodd, rwy'n credu, y cyfieithiad Cymraeg cyntaf o'r ymgyrch - ' ymgyrch hawliau hoyw ' - gan ddosbarthu bathodynnau yn Eisteddfod 1976 neu 1977. Ac roedd yn ddiddorol iawn gweld yr holl bobl hyn yn mynd o gwmpas yn credu eu bod yn cefnogi ymgyrch hapus, ond fe agorodd y drws ac roedd yn gam cyntaf i wynebu'r rhagfarn ddiwylliannol gynhenid a fodolai mewn cymaint o gymunedau ac yn y cenedlaethau hynny. Wrth gwrs, mae hefyd yn bwysig cydnabod o ble rydym wedi dod o ran nifer y bobl a gafodd eu herlyn a'u carcharu mewn gwirionedd, oherwydd eu cyfeiriadedd rhywiol cyn i'r cyfreithiau gael eu newid. Yn 1945, erlynwyd 800 o ddynion, oherwydd câi ei ystyried yn drosedd wrywaidd. Yn 1955, erlynwyd 2,500, ac fe gafodd 700 eu carcharu. Felly, arwyddocâd gwirioneddol yr hyn a gâi ei wneud yn y 1950au gan arweinwyr fel Bertrand Russell, Clem Attlee ac Isaiah Berlin i gyflwyno'r cysyniad o ddiwygio'r gyfraith, mewn gwirionedd, ac i herio'r rheini - . Mae'n eithaf trist ein bod weithiau'n gorfod gwneud iawn am gynifer o anghyfiawnderau yn ein cymdeithas ar ôl marw'r rhai a gafodd gam. Felly yn achos Alan Turing, pan wnaeth Gordon Brown ymddiheuro am hynny, gyda chefnogaeth David Cameron ar y pryd. Mae cynifer o'r materion hyn yn rhai y mae'n rhaid inni ymdrin â hwy yn y ffordd honno, ar ôl i bobl farw. A byddai'r syniad o sbaddu cemegol fel triniaeth arferol ar gyfer trosedd yn rhywbeth y byddem yn ei ystyried yn ffasgaidd. Wrth gwrs, rydym wedi byw drwy ymgyrch yr 1980au, ymgyrch adran 28, lle cafodd grymoedd Ceidwadol eu cynnull i ailsefydlu'r normau o gyfyngu ar hawliau hoyw, ac ymgyrch i frwydro yn erbyn y rheini mewn gwirionedd. Ac yna'r camau i ostwng yr oedran cydsynio o 21 i 18, sef, mewn gwirionedd, yr ymgyrch i'w ostwng i 16, ond wrth gwrs, oherwydd y gwrthwynebiadau, 18 oed yn unig ydoedd ar y pryd. Rwy'n credu bod pawb wedi rhyfeddu bryd hynny, eto, at y cam mawr ymlaen o ran deddfwriaeth, sef Deddf Partneriaeth Sifil 2004, a agorodd y drws go iawn yn fy marn i. Ond ni allwn anwybyddu'r ffaith bod rhagfarn a chasineb yn cynyddu'n sylweddol, rhagfarn a oedd efallai o dan yr wyneb ac sydd bellach yn ailymddangos gyda'r gwenwyn sy'n bodoli yn ein gwleidyddiaeth, nid yn unig yng Nghymru neu'r DU, ond ar draws Ewrop ac yn rhyngwladol. Caiff ei hybu'n rhannol gan dwf yr asgell dde eithafol, ac yn rhannol gan anghydraddoldeb. Os edrychwch ar y sefyllfa y mae pobl hoyw yn ei hwynebu yn Rwsia Putin yn awr, yr erledigaeth gorfforol go iawn sy'n dal i fodoli, ac fel Llywodraethau, rydym yn ymdrin â'r bobl hyn, felly mae angen i'n moeseg ryngwladol newid i fynd i'r afael â hyn o ddifrif, yn hytrach na'r hyn sy'n digwydd yn rhyngwladol i bob pwrpas, sef troi llygad dall i'r digwyddiadau anfoesegol hynny. Cefais fy nghalonogi - gwn mai anaml y gallaf wneud araith heb sôn am Ukrain oherwydd fy nghefndir - wrth weld eu bod wedi cynnal gorymdaith Pride am y tro cyntaf yn Kyiv, lle na chafwyd unrhyw ddigwyddiadau ac ymunodd gwleidyddion â hi. Credaf ei bod yn bwysig cymharu'r hyn sy'n digwydd yno â'r hyn sy'n digwydd ym Moscow, oherwydd rydym yn byw yn y byd global hwn, ond eto ceir 73 o wledydd lle mae bod yn hoyw yn anghyfreithlon o hyd. Felly, ni fyddaf yn mynd drwy'r datganiadau ar hynny, ond mae'n amlwg fod problemau mawr yn ein cymunedau o ran addysg rhyw, hyfforddiant a'r rôl y mae hynny'n ei chwarae mewn gwirionedd. Ac rwy'n credu ein bod i gyd yn dal i wybod bod yna ffordd eithriadol o bell i fynd, ac isgerrynt. Ychydig yn ôl, yn ystod un o'r ymgyrchoedd etholiadol, cefais alwad ffôn gan rywun yn fy lobïo i ofyn beth oeddem yn bwriadu ei wneud am anlladrwydd cyfunrhywiaeth a oedd yn cael ei ddysgu yn ein hysgolion. Yr unig ffordd y credwn y gallwn ymateb oedd drwy ddweud, 'Wel, mae fy mab yn hoyw, beth ydych chi'n awgrymu y dylwn ei ddweud wrtho?' a rhoddodd y ffôn i lawr. Ond mae yna isgerrynt sy'n gwneud i bobl deimlo'n fwy parod i siarad yn y ffordd honno, ac rwy'n credu bod cysylltiadau rhwng y mathau o ragfarn a hiliaeth a chasineb sydd wedi dod i'r amlwg. A gaf fi ddweud hefyd - ? Yn fy hen swydd, yn gweithio fel cyfreithiwr i undeb llafur, gwnaeth cynrychiolwyr undebau llafur a chynrychiolwyr pobl hoyw yn ein hundebau llafur lawer o waith i roi llais a chynrychiolaeth. Ni wnaf byth anghofio un cynrychiolydd roeddwn yn siarad ag ef ac yn rhoi cyngor iddo ar rywbeth yn dweud wrthyf yn rhinwedd ei swydd fel cynrychiolydd nad oedd ei rieni wedi siarad ag ef ers iddo ddatgan ei fod yn hoyw, ac mae yna bobl felly yn bodoli o hyd, pobl nad oes ganddynt y mathau hynny o gysylltiadau teuluol mwyach. Yn ddiweddar, clywsom am yr ymosodiad ar Owen Jones, y newyddiadurwr, a oedd yn amlwg yn ymosodiad heb ei gymell arno am ei fod yn hoyw, ac oherwydd ei safbwyntiau agored. Felly, rwy'n croesawu'n fawr pa mor bell rydym wedi dod, ond mae'n bwysig deall pa mor bell sydd gennym i fynd o hyd. Felly, rwy'n edrych ymlaen yn fawr at yr hyn y bydd yr Arglwydd Thomas yn ei ddweud yfory, oherwydd y peth allweddol am ddatganoli a'r system gyfreithiol - nid yw'n ymwneud â chyfraith er mwyn y gyfraith, mae'n ymwneud â sicrhau bod cyfreithiau yno i alluogi polisi i weithio, i gael ei weithredu a'i orfodi, ac mae'n ymwneud â chreu'r fframwaith hwnnw. Rwy'n croesawu'r holl areithiau a wnaed heddiw. Rwyf am ganolbwyntio ar gwpl ohonynt, oherwydd roeddwn yn credu bod Joyce -