English: Okay, right. Steffan Lewis made the points that he did. He mentioned the issue of the single market. I don't believe that the issue of the single market is reserved. Developing David Melding's points, the UK relinquished control over certain agricultural powers in 1973 to the European Community, then the European Union. It then relinquished all its other agricultural powers to this Assembly. It cannot say, on that basis, that powers coming back over agriculture go back to the Westminster Parliament. The reason why I say that is this: our devolution settlement says quite clearly that agriculture is devolved. There are no caveats. It does not say that powers that are currently held by the European Union would revert to the Westminster Parliament if those powers were to return. Perhaps we shouldn't expect it to; it's silent. On a reserved-powers model, where there is silence, the presumption must be in favour of devolution, and that is the way that I read it. I respect his views hugely, but that is the view that I take on that, with the reserved-powers model in place. In terms of some of the other issues that were raised - . I don't agree with Mark Reckless. He sees the reference to Gibraltar as something that is to do with a move towards qualified majority voting. In fact, I take the exact opposite view. The fact that it's mentioned is a way of trying to provide assurance for Spain in terms of tax competition, in order for Spain to support any future deal. So, I take the exact opposite view to him there on that. Rhun ap Iorwerth raised an issue - . We have before, in this Chamber, talked about the potential loss of trade if it's seen that Northern Ireland is an easier route into the Irish Republic in terms of trade, and what that would mean for Holyhead, Pembroke Dock, and, indeed, Fishguard. He raises the point, quite rightly, that there is trade between Ireland and France. It's a seasonal service, which runs in the summer, into Cherbourg and into Roscoff. But there is a danger there that freight operators going to Ireland will want to avoid Dover at all costs, because of the problems with getting through Dover and then problems with getting through Holyhead and the other Welsh ports into Ireland, therefore losing trade on the French routes as a result of that. David Rowlands, finally - . David, I have to say, the European Union is not an extension of the Third Reich. It contributes £680 million a year to the Welsh economy. Unemployment is not 50 per cent in southern Europe. The UK was desperate to join the European Community - desperate, because the UK's economy was tanking at that time. We need to make sure that doesn't happen in the future. We know the people decided that we should leave the EU. Actually, David, if business had had its way, we'd still be in the EU, because British business wanted us to stay in the EU. And I say to him: it's not businesses - [Interruption.] It's not businesses - [Interruption.] It's not businesses who will decide what the nature of a free trade agreement is; it is Governments. German car manufacturers don't have a seat at the table. They do not determine what their Governments do; their electors do. So, more than anything else, it is hugely important not to give an impression of arrogance, saying, 'The EU needs us more than we need them.' We need each other. We need each other to ensure that we have peace on the continent, we need each other to make sure that we have trade, we need to make sure that we share a common purpose to increase prosperity and equality across this continent, and, whatever happens with Brexit, that is something that this Government will continue to do.
Welsh: Iawn, iawn. Gwnaeth Steffan Lewis ei bwyntiau. Soniodd am fater y farchnad sengl. Nid wyf yn credu bod mater y farchnad sengl yn un a gedwir. I ddatblygu pwyntiau David Melding, ildiodd y DU reolaeth dros rai pwerau amaethyddol penodol yn 1973 i'r Gymuned Ewropeaidd, yna i'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Yna, ildiodd ei holl bwerau amaethyddol eraill i'r Cynulliad hwn. Ni all ddweud, ar sail hynny, bod pwerau sy'n dod yn ôl dros amaethyddiaeth yn mynd yn ôl i Senedd San Steffan. Y rheswm pam yr wyf yn dweud hynny yw hyn: mae ein setliad datganoli yn dweud yn eithaf clir bod amaethyddiaeth wedi'i ddatganoli. Nid oes unrhyw gafeatau. Nid yw'n dweud y byddai pwerau sy'n perthyn ar hyn o bryd i'r Undeb Ewropeaidd yn mynd yn ôl i Senedd San Steffan pe byddai'r pwerau hynny'n dychwelyd. Efallai na ddylem ddisgwyl iddo wneud hynny; mae'n dawel. Ar fodel cadw pwerau, lle mae tawelwch, mae'n rhaid i'r rhagdybiaeth fod o blaid datganoli, a dyna sut yr wyf fi'n ei weld. Rwy'n parchu ei farn yn fawr iawn, ond dyna fy marn i am hynny, â'r model cadw pwerau wedi'i sefydlu. O ran rhai o'r materion eraill a godwyd - . Nid wyf yn cytuno â Mark Reckless. Mae ef yn gweld y cyfeiriad at Gibraltar fel rhywbeth sy'n ymwneud â symudiad tuag at bleidleisio mwyafrif cymwysedig. Mewn gwirionedd, mae fy marn i i'r gwrthwyneb yn llwyr. Mae'r ffaith ei fod wedi cael ei grybwyll yn ffordd o geisio rhoi sicrwydd i Sbaen o ran cystadleuaeth dreth, er mwyn i Sbaen gefnogi unrhyw gytundeb yn y dyfodol. Felly, mae fy marn i'r gwrthwyneb llwyr i'w un ef am hynny. Soniodd Rhun ap Iorwerth am - . Rydym wedi sôn o'r blaen, yn y Siambr hon, am y posibilrwydd o golli masnach os gwelir bod Gogledd Iwerddon yn llwybr haws i mewn i Weriniaeth Iwerddon o ran masnach, a beth fyddai hynny'n ei olygu i Gaergybi, Doc Penfro, ac, yn wir, Abergwaun. Mae'n codi'r pwynt, yn gwbl briodol, bod masnach yn digwydd rhwng Iwerddon a Ffrainc. Mae'n wasanaeth tymhorol, a gynhelir yn yr haf, i mewn i Cherbourg ac i mewn i Roscoff. Ond mae yna berygl y bydd gweithredwyr cludo nwyddau sy'n mynd i Iwerddon eisiau osgoi Dover ar bob cyfrif, oherwydd y problemau gyda mynd drwy Dover ac yna problemau gyda mynd drwy Gaergybi a phorthladdoedd eraill Cymru i mewn i Iwerddon, a cholli masnach felly ar y llwybrau i Ffrainc o ganlyniad i hynny. David Rowlands, yn olaf - . David, mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, nid yw'r Undeb Ewropeaidd yn estyniad o'r Drydedd Reich. Mae'n cyfrannu £680 miliwn y flwyddyn at economi Cymru. Nid yw diweithdra yn 50 y cant yn ne Ewrop. Roedd y DU yn ysu i ymuno â'r Gymuned Ewropeaidd - yn ysu, gan fod economi'r DU yn methu ar y pryd. Mae angen inni wneud yn siŵr nad yw hynny'n digwydd yn y dyfodol. Rydym yn gwybod bod y bobl wedi penderfynu y dylem adael yr UE. A dweud y gwir, David, pe byddai busnes wedi cael ei ffordd, byddem yn dal i fod yn yr UE, oherwydd roedd busnesau Prydain yn dymuno i ni aros yn yr UE. Ac rwy'n dweud wrtho: nid busnesau - [Torri ar draws.] Nid busnesau - [Torri ar draws.] Nid busnesau a fydd yn penderfynu beth yw natur cytundeb masnach rydd; ond Llywodraethau. Nid oes gan weithgynhyrchwyr ceir yr Almaen sedd wrth y bwrdd. Nid nhw sy'n penderfynu beth mae eu Llywodraethau yn ei wneud; eu hetholwyr sy'n gwneud hynny. Felly, yn anad dim byd arall, mae'n hynod o bwysig peidio â rhoi argraff o haerllugrwydd, a dweud, 'Mae ar yr UE fwy o'n hangen ni nag y mae eu hangen nhw arnom ni.' Mae arnom angen ein gilydd. Mae arnom angen ein gilydd i sicrhau bod gennym heddwch ar y cyfandir, mae arnom angen ein gilydd i wneud yn siŵr bod gennym fasnach, mae angen inni wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn rhannu diben cyffredin i gynyddu ffyniant a chydraddoldeb ar draws y cyfandir hwn, a, beth bynnag sy'n digwydd gyda Brexit, mae hynny'n rhywbeth y bydd y Llywodraeth hon yn parhau i'w wneud.