English: Can I just say 'well done' to all the people who signed both of these petitions? My group will not only be noting these today but supporting what the petitioners are asking for. Petitions themselves are a part of our history, and in particular they were encouraged by that great Plaid favourite, Edward I. Monarchs and Governments had for decades been routinely dismissing prayers for aid or justice made by the aggrieved, and it was Edward who encouraged them to bring forward their business directly to Parliament to influence the Government and the King. Whether that was about being a good king to his people or simply a public relations stunt to improve his reputation, who knows? But the decision was the beginning of an evolution of the concept of Parliament into a place where the voice of people, all people, is heard and respected. I'd just like to pick out an issue from each of the petitions, and the first is from the first petition. What's in and what's out? What goes into this? Who still cares about Edward I, for example, and why? It's over 700 years ago since he was part of our story, and that's a long time to hold a grudge, so why even mention him? And if the compulsory teaching of Welsh history means that our children only ever hear of him as the villain who battered Wales and sneaked a changeling into the role of Prince of Wales, then they're going to get short-changed anyway. If, however, he's presented to Welsh pupils as a real case study about what motivates powerful figures of history and the ripple effects of their decisions, then he's a really interesting example. Was he just a violent narcissist? Was he a creature hyperconscious of his divine duty? Was he immersed in contemporary expectations of leadership? In judging who he was and what he did, what do we learn by comparing him to Stalin or Mao Tse-tung, for example, by applying modern mores? What was his effect on the everyday life of everyday people and how does that compare with our relationship with people in power these days? There's a school term's worth of history lesson right there, and every bit of it will count as Welsh history. Welsh history is not just about what happened in Wales, but how events and decisions elsewhere affected Wales. What if the mine owners and merchants of South America 300 years ago had decided to get their copper smelted on the river mouths in south-west England? Who would be living in Swansea today? So where on earth do you start if you're a school leader committed to your pupils receiving a good experience of learning about Welsh history when this tiny fragment could spark such a chain of discussion? And I think it's important to highlight that this petition calls for a common corpus of Welsh history to be taught in all schools, but it's not asking to influence how it's taught. Nevertheless, it points to a deep desire that all our children should grow up knowing more about how the nation in which they are being raised got to be that way. And perhaps this is a good moment to introduce the evidence presented to the Children, Young People and Education Committee by these very children. They have told us that they want to be learning the same things as their peers, and that's not just history. And so I don't think this undermines the freedom of the new curriculum. The design of this curriculum, in part, is to be informed by what pupils want to learn, so here is a clear instruction that they want at least some common ground across Wales. My second point is about the local curriculum and this involves the second petition. There will be communities in Wales who might think that black and ethnic minorities have no more relevance to their local curriculum than Edward I. Now, that is an incorrect conclusion, as the petition itself reveals. And history is a bit like the universe - we can only see about 4 per cent of it, but the other 96 per cent is no less real and no less part of the explanation of why we are, who we are and where we are. And while there will be other overlooked contributors to the history of Wales, the least they can do is start looking, and start looking at black and ethnic minorities who have been here for centuries, just as we look at how events and decisions made about people of colour in other parts of the world have affected our domestic story. I suppose the story of the Chartists will make the cut in whatever finds its way into any common syllabus. They, of course, are some of our most celebrated petitioners in UK history, let alone Wales. Events didn't turn out quite as they expected, but little did they know that Edward I could claim a tiny little bit of their story, or, indeed, the stories of MI5. As of 2010, their ranks boasted more medieval history majors than holders of any other degree. Valued for their skills in working with minimal and unreliable information, history is always useful, and that is one hell of a ripple effect. Thank you.
Welsh: A gaf fi ddweud 'da iawn' wrth yr holl bobl a lofnododd y ddwy ddeiseb? Bydd fy ngrŵp nid yn unig yn nodi'r rhain heddiw ond yn cefnogi'r hyn y mae'r deisebwyr yn gofyn amdano. Mae deisebau eu hunain yn rhan o'n hanes, ac anogwyd eu defnydd yn arbennig gan ffefryn mawr Plaid Cymru, Edward I. Roedd brenhinoedd a Llywodraethau ers degawdau wedi bod yn diystyru apeliadau am gymorth neu gyfiawnder gan rai a dramgwyddwyd, ac Edward a'u hanogodd i gyflwyno eu busnes yn uniongyrchol i'r Senedd i ddylanwadu ar y Llywodraeth a'r Brenin. Pa un a oedd hynny'n ymwneud â bod yn frenin da i'w bobl neu'n ddim ond stynt cysylltiadau cyhoeddus i wella ei enw da, pwy a ŵyr? Ond roedd y penderfyniad yn ddechrau ar esblygiad y cysyniad o Senedd fel man lle caiff llais pobl, pawb, ei glywed a'i barchu. Hoffwn dynnu sylw at faterion sy'n codi yn y ddwy ddeiseb, a daw'r cyntaf o'r ddeiseb gyntaf. Beth sydd i mewn a beth sydd allan? Beth sy'n mynd i mewn i hyn? Pwy sy'n dal i boeni am Edward I, er enghraifft, a pham? Mae dros 700 mlynedd ers iddo fod yn rhan o'n stori, ac mae'n amser hir i ddal dig, felly pam sôn amdano hyd yn oed? Ac os yw gwneud addysgu hanes Cymru'n orfodol yn golygu mai'r cyfan y bydd ein plant yn ei glywed amdano yw ei fod yn ddyn drwg a drechodd Gymru a sicrhau bod plentyn cyfnewid yn dod i rôl Tywysog Cymru, ni fyddant yn cael y darlun llawn beth bynnag. Ond os caiff ei gyflwyno i ddisgyblion Cymru fel astudiaeth achos go iawn o'r hyn sy'n cymell ffigurau pwerus mewn hanes a sgil-effeithiau eu penderfyniadau, mae'n enghraifft ddiddorol iawn. Ai dim ond unigolyn narsisaidd treisgar ydoedd? Ai creadur hyperymwybodol o'i ddyletswydd ddwyfol ydoedd? A gafodd ei drochi mewn disgwyliadau cyfoes ynglŷn ag arweinyddiaeth? Wrth farnu pwy ydoedd a beth a wnaeth, beth a ddysgwn drwy ei gymharu â Stalin neu Mao Tse-tung, er enghraifft, drwy ddefnyddio moesau modern? Beth oedd ei effaith ar fywydau bob dydd pobl bob dydd a sut mae hynny'n cymharu â'n perthynas â phobl mewn grym y dyddiau hyn? Dyna dymor ysgol o wersi hanes, a bydd pob rhan ohono'n cyfrif fel hanes Cymru. Mae hanes Cymru'n ymwneud â mwy na'r hyn a ddigwyddodd yng Nghymru yn unig, mae'n ymwneud hefyd â sut yr effeithiodd digwyddiadau a phenderfyniadau mewn mannau eraill ar Gymru. Beth pe bai perchnogion mwynfeydd a masnachwyr De America 300 mlynedd yn ôl wedi penderfynu cael eu copr wedi'i fwyndoddi ar aberoedd afonydd de-orllewin Lloegr? Pwy fyddai'n byw yn Abertawe heddiw? Felly ble ar y ddaear rydych chi'n dechrau os ydych chi'n arweinydd ysgol sydd wedi ymrwymo i roi profiad da o ddysgu am hanes Cymru i'ch disgyblion pan all y dernyn bach hwn sbarduno'r fath gadwyn o drafodaeth? Ac rwy'n credu ei bod yn bwysig nodi bod y ddeiseb hon yn galw am ddysgu corff cyffredin o hanes Cymru ym mhob ysgol, ond nid yw'n gofyn am ddylanwadu ar sut mae'n cael ei addysgu. Serch hynny, mae'n awgrymu awydd dwfn y dylai ein plant i gyd dyfu i fyny'n gwybod mwy ynglŷn â sut y daeth y genedl y maent yn cael eu magu ynddi i fod fel y mae. Ac efallai fod hon yn foment dda i gyflwyno'r dystiolaeth a gyflwynwyd i'r Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg gan yr union blant hyn. Maent wedi dweud wrthym eu bod eisiau dysgu'r un pethau â'u cyfoedion, ac nid hanes yn unig yw hynny. Ac felly nid wyf yn meddwl bod hyn yn tanseilio rhyddid y cwricwlwm newydd. Mae cynllun y cwricwlwm, yn rhannol, i gael ei lywio gan yr hyn y mae disgyblion eisiau ei ddysgu, felly dyma gyfarwyddyd clir eu bod eisiau cael o leiaf rywfaint o dir cyffredin drwy Gymru. Mae fy ail bwynt yn ymwneud â'r cwricwlwm lleol ac mae hyn yn berthnasol i'r ail ddeiseb. Efallai y bydd rhai cymunedau yng Nghymru'n meddwl na fydd lleiafrifoedd du ac ethnig fawr mwy perthnasol i'w cwricwlwm lleol nag Edward I. Nawr, mae hwnnw'n gasgliad anghywir, fel y mae'r ddeiseb ei hun yn datgelu. Ac mae hanes yn debyg i'r bydysawd - ni allwn weld mwy nag oddeutu 4 y cant ohono, ond nid yw'r 96 y cant arall yn llai real nac yn llai o ran o'r esboniad ynglŷn â pham ein bod yn bodoli, pwy ydym ni a ble rydym. Ac er y bydd cyfranwyr eraill i hanes Cymru'n cael eu hesgeuluso, y peth lleiaf y gallant ei wneud yw dechrau edrych, a dechrau edrych ar leiafrifoedd du ac ethnig sydd wedi bod yma ers canrifoedd, yn union fel yr edrychwn ar sut mae digwyddiadau a phenderfyniadau a wneir am bobl liw mewn rhannau eraill o'r byd wedi effeithio ar ein stori ni yma yng Nghymru. Mae'n debyg y bydd stori'r Siartwyr yn cael ei chynnwys mewn unrhyw faes llafur cyffredin. Hwy, wrth gwrs, yw rhai o'n deisebwyr mwyaf enwog yn hanes y DU, heb sôn am Gymru. Ni ddigwyddodd pethau yn union fel roeddent yn ei ddisgwyl, ond ychydig a wyddent y gallai Edward I hawlio ychydig bach iawn o'u stori, neu straeon MI5 yn wir. Yn 2010, roedd mwy o raddedigion hanes canoloesol yn eu rhengoedd na graddedigion mewn unrhyw bwnc arall. Mae gwerth i'w sgiliau yn gweithio gydag ond ychydig o wybodaeth annibynadwy, sy'n dangos bod hanes bob amser yn ddefnyddiol, ac mae honno'n sgil-effaith eithriadol iawn. Diolch.