English: But I can now turn to the committee's recommendations. On recommendation 1, I agree that it is vital that the UK Government's migration policy does not create unhelpful and unnecessary barriers to the universities' ability to attract EU students and faculty to come to Wales, and in particular, that it does not have a differential impact on Wales that puts our institutions at a particular disadvantage. I have to agree with the comments made by Hefin David - this point is well understood. It was well understood by Jo Johnson, it was well understood by Sam Gyimah, it is now well understood by Chris Skidmore, but of course they have to run the gauntlet of the Home Office and the Prime Minister, and the Prime Minister's record on this is one that Hefin outlined. So, although they understand the challenges, I'm afraid I sometimes feel for them and the battles that they're trying to win at a Westminster level. What we do know as well is that some decisions that have been made have been particularly unhelpful, and don't recognise the reality of HE provision. So, for instance, part-time courses, four-year courses, and don't get me started on the post-work visa scenario where Wales's needs were ignored initially completely by Westminster. On recommendation 2, I agree that it's important for universities to understand what attracts or deters students from studying in Wales, but I do feel that recruitment is a matter for them, but we will continue to work with HEFCW and the sector on these matters, and will assist where we can. As regards recommendations 4, 5 and 6 on Global Wales II, the committee made a number of recommendations on the detailed implementation, monitoring and evaluation of Global Wales II, and asked for more detailed information to be provided, which was included in my written response last week to the committee's follow-up letter. The issues raised by the committee are being pursued by my officials in discussion with HEFCW, which is managing our financial contribution to Global Wales II on behalf of the Welsh Government, and I hope some of that extra detail about the nature of when payments will be made and the evidence that will be required for payments to be made, has provided some reassurance to the Minister. On recommendation 7, in relation to participants in future Erasmus projects proposed for later than 2019, our concern about the UK Government's handling of its proposed underwrite guarantee, as again mentioned by Hefin David, has been shared by the House of Lords, who recommended last month that the moneys that would have covered the underwrite guarantee should be used to put in place a UK replacement arrangement, and we continue to press UK Ministers to deliver on this. The EU's proposals in relation to UK participation in the EU's 2019 budget would seem to offer an opportunity to resolve this and to provide reassurance on access to Erasmus funding for students going abroad in autumn 2019. But disappointingly, once again, the UK Government has yet to say what its position is on this proposed solution. And I think it's important to note that it's not just university students or indeed FE students that benefit from Erasmus+ projects; Welsh schools have been particularly successful in accessing this money and providing opportunities for their students. As I said, I absolutely do not want to let the Westminster Government off the hook here, but I can assure Members that we continue to work on contingency plans for a Welsh solution if absolutely necessary. But it is the Westminster Government that should pick up the financial tag. I have to say: we have been proactive in supplying information to the UK Government about the importance of this scheme, but once again, that information disappears into the Treasury and we do not have any feedback from them. But in terms of value for money, sometimes it's about knowing the cost of everything and the value of nothing. Even a UK replacement scheme, I believe, would not bring us the advantages that we currently enjoy as participants in the Erasmus+ programme. On recommendation 8, regarding the evaluation of the overseas mobility pilot, this will be received by the Government in the summer of 2021 when we will be able to share the results with the committee. As regards recommendations 9 and 10, it is a matter of concern that the UK Government has yet to share its thinking on the future of the regional development funding. We will continue to press them on our priorities as set out in the Welsh Government's policy paper on this issue, and I'm very glad that that position is being wholeheartedly supported by Universities Wales and our Welsh vice-chancellors. On recommendation 11, on changing skill needs, officials are working with our partners to ensure the current plans are being developed to focus on the changing needs of Wales as a result of Brexit-related disruptions, and are developing options for actions that could be taken to address 'no deal' Brexit resilience issues. The financial implications of proposals emerging from this process will need consideration as part of the Welsh Government's wider Brexit resilience work. And I think what's really important to me, as I reflect on why we're in this situation in the first place - it was perhaps previous Governments' inability to respond to industrial change that has led to us and maybe many people in those communities feeling that Brexit was an option for them, and we cannot fail to address those industrial changes and economic changes again, otherwise we will set up more problems for our future. And finally, Deputy Presiding Officer, if I may, on recommendation 12 - implementation of the Reid review - I have made £6.6. million available and Welsh Government are establishing the office in London. The Higher Education Funding Council for Wales are also embedding a member of staff part-time there so that we can draw down our fair share of UKRI money. And I will give the Chamber a commitment that I will work with them, with the sector, to ensure that the real and present risks that Brexit and especially a 'no deal' Brexit faces for the sector - we will continue to do all that we can to support the sector to mitigate them.
Welsh: Ond gallaf droi yn awr at argymhellion y pwyllgor. Ar argymhelliad 1, rwy'n cytuno ei bod yn hanfodol nad yw polisi mewnfudo Llywodraeth y DU yn creu rhwystrau diangen a di-fudd i allu prifysgolion i ddenu myfyrwyr a doniau o'r UE i ddod i Gymru, ac yn benodol, nad oes iddo effaith wahaniaethol ar Gymru sy'n rhoi ein sefydliadau o dan anfantais benodol. Rhaid imi gytuno â'r sylwadau a wnaed gan Hefin David - mae'r pwynt hwn wedi ei ddeall yn dda. Roedd Jo Johnson yn ei ddeall yn dda, roedd Sam Gyimah yn ei ddeall yn dda, mae Chris Skidmore yn ei ddeall yn dda yn awr, ond wrth gwrs mae'n rhaid iddynt fynd drwy felin y Swyddfa Gartref a'r Prif Weinidog, ac amlinellodd Hefin record y Prif Weinidog ar hyn. Felly, er eu bod yn deall yr heriau, mae arnaf ofn fy mod weithiau'n teimlo drostynt a'r brwydrau y maent yn ceisio'u hennill yn San Steffan. Yr hyn a wyddom yn ogystal yw bod rhai penderfyniadau a wnaed wedi bod yn arbennig o annefnyddiol, ac nid ydynt yn cydnabod realiti'r ddarpariaeth addysg uwch. Felly, er enghraifft, cyrsiau rhan-amser, cyrsiau pedair blynedd, a pheidiwch â dechrau sôn am y senario fisa ôl-gwaith lle cafodd anghenion Cymru eu hanwybyddu'n llwyr ar y dechrau gan San Steffan. Ar argymhelliad 2, rwy'n cytuno ei bod hi'n bwysig i brifysgolion ddeall beth sy'n denu neu'n atal myfyrwyr rhag astudio yng Nghymru, ond rwy'n teimlo bod recriwtio'n fater iddynt hwy, ond byddwn yn parhau i weithio gyda CCAUC a'r sector ar y materion hyn, a byddwn yn helpu lle gallwn. Ar argymhellion 4, 5 a 6 ar Cymru Fyd-eang II, gwnaeth y pwyllgor nifer o argymhellion ar weithrediad manwl, monitro a gwerthuso Cymru Fyd-eang II, a gofynnodd am ragor o wybodaeth fanwl, a gynhwyswyd yn fy ymateb ysgrifenedig yr wythnos diwethaf i lythyr dilynol y pwyllgor. Mae fy swyddogion yn mynd ar drywydd y materion a godwyd gan y pwyllgor mewn trafodaethau gyda CCAUC, sy'n rheoli ein cyfraniad ariannol i Cymru Fyd-eang II ar ran Llywodraeth Cymru, ac rwy'n gobeithio bod rhai o'r manylion ychwanegol ynglŷn â pha bryd y gwneir taliadau a'r dystiolaeth y bydd ei hangen er mwyn gwneud taliadau wedi darparu rhywfaint o sicrwydd i'r Gweinidog. Ar argymhelliad 7, mewn perthynas â'r rhai sy'n cymryd rhan mewn prosiectau Erasmus arfaethedig yn y dyfodol wedi 2019, mae ein pryder ynghylch y modd y mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi ymdrin â'i gwarant tanysgrifennu arfaethedig, fel y crybwyllwyd eto gan Hefin David, wedi'i rannu â Thŷ'r Arglwyddi, a argymhellodd fis diwethaf y dylid defnyddio'r arian a fyddai wedi mynd tuag at y gwarant tanysgrifennu i roi trefniant newydd ar waith yn y DU, ac rydym yn parhau i bwyso ar Weinidogion y DU i gyflawni hyn. Mae'n ymddangos y byddai argymhellion yr UE mewn perthynas â chyfranogiad y DU yng nghyllideb yr UE ar gyfer 2019 yn cynnig cyfle i ddatrys hyn a rhoi sicrwydd ynghylch mynediad at arian Erasmus i fyfyrwyr sy'n mynd dramor yn hydref 2019. Ond mae'n siomedig, unwaith eto, fod Llywodraeth y DU yn dal heb ddweud beth yw ei safbwynt ar yr ateb arfaethedig hwn. Ac rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig nodi nad myfyrwyr prifysgol yn unig, na myfyrwyr addysg bellach yn wir, sy'n elwa o brosiectau Erasmus+; mae ysgolion Cymru wedi bod yn arbennig o lwyddiannus yn cael gafael ar yr arian hwn a darparu cyfleoedd ar gyfer eu myfyrwyr. Fel y dywedais, nid wyf am achub croen Llywodraeth San Steffan yma mewn unrhyw fodd, ond gallaf sicrhau'r Aelodau ein bod yn parhau i weithio ar gynlluniau wrth gefn ar gyfer ateb Cymreig os byddant yn wirioneddol angenrheidiol. Ond Llywodraeth San Steffan a ddylai dalu'r gost ariannol. Rhaid imi ddweud: rydym wedi bod wrthi'n rhagweithiol yn darparu gwybodaeth i Lywodraeth y DU ynglŷn â phwysigrwydd y cynllun hwn, ond unwaith eto, mae'r wybodaeth honno'n diflannu i mewn i'r Trysorlys ac nid ydym yn cael unrhyw adborth ganddynt. Ond o ran gwerth am arian, weithiau mae'n ymwneud â gwybod cost popeth a gwerth dim. Credaf na fyddai cynllun newydd gan y DU yn rhoi'r manteision a fwynhawn ar hyn o bryd fel cyfranogwyr yn rhaglen Erasmus+. Ar argymhelliad 8, ynghylch y gwerthusiad o'r cynllun treialu symudedd tramor, caiff hwn ei dderbyn gan y Llywodraeth yn ystod haf 2021 pan fyddwn yn gallu rhannu'r canlyniadau gyda'r pwyllgor. Mewn perthynas ag argymhellion 9 a 10, mae'n destun pryder nad yw Llywodraeth y DU wedi rhannu ei syniadau hyd yma am ddyfodol cyllid datblygu rhanbarthol. Byddwn yn parhau i bwysleisio ein blaenoriaethau wrthynt fel y'u nodir ym mhapur polisi Llywodraeth Cymru ar y mater hwn, ac rwy'n falch iawn fod y safbwynt hwnnw'n cael ei gefnogi'n llwyr gan Prifysgolion Cymru a'n his-gangellorion Cymreig. Ar argymhelliad 11, ar anghenion sgiliau sy'n newid, mae swyddogion yn gweithio gyda'n partneriaid i sicrhau y datblygir y cynlluniau presennol i ganolbwyntio ar anghenion sy'n newid yng Nghymru o ganlyniad i aflonyddu'n ymwneud â Brexit, ac yn datblygu opsiynau ar gyfer camau gweithredu y gellid eu rhoi ar waith i fynd i'r afael â phroblemau cydnerthedd yn deillio o Brexit 'dim bargen'. Bydd angen ystyried goblygiadau ariannol cynigion sy'n deillio o'r broses hon fel rhan o waith ehangach Llywodraeth Cymru ar gydnerthedd yn sgil Brexit. A chredaf mai'r hyn sy'n wirioneddol bwysig i mi, wrth i mi ystyried pam rydym yn y sefyllfa hon yn y lle cyntaf - efallai mai anallu Llywodraethau blaenorol i ymateb i newid diwydiannol sydd wedi arwain at wneud i ni a llawer o bobl yn cymunedau hynny efallai i deimlo bod Brexit yn opsiwn iddynt hwy, ac ni allwn fethu mynd i'r afael â'r newidiadau diwydiannol ac economaidd hynny eto, neu fel arall byddwn yn creu mwy o broblemau ar gyfer y dyfodol. Ac yn olaf, Ddirprwy Lywydd, os caf, ar argymhelliad 12 - gweithredu adolygiad Reid - rwyf wedi darparu £6.6. miliwn ac mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn sefydlu'r swyddfa yn Llundain. Mae Cyngor Cyllido Addysg Uwch Cymru hefyd yn lleoli aelod o staff rhan-amser yno fel y gallwn ddefnyddio ein cyfran deg o arian UKRI. A byddaf yn rhoi ymrwymiad i'r Siambr y byddaf yn gweithio gyda hwy, gyda'r sector, i sicrhau bod y risgiau gwirioneddol a phresennol y mae Brexit, a Brexit 'dim bargen' yn enwedig, yn eu creu i'r sector - byddwn yn parhau i wneud popeth a allwn i gynorthwyo'r sector i'w lliniaru.