English: There's no barrier to expressing different opinions; I've already done that on many, many occasions, so I can assure the Member that is the case. In terms of the four nations, what isn't possible - certainly the indications show it - is that there is any way in which, for example, Scotland can have a different relationship with the EU whilst being outside it compared to the UK as a whole. The Scottish Government's view is that independence is still in play. There is an argument for saying, if Scotland were to vote for independence within the two-year period following the triggering of article 50, that Scotland would simply continue with the UK's membership. It wouldn't have to reapply nor join the eurozone. I'll leave that to constitutional lawyers, whose company I've enjoyed greatly over the past few years. But as soon as Scotland leaves, the re-entry into the EU, were Scotland to be an independent state, would be on the basis of joining the eurozone - there have been no exceptions. In terms of where we go next, like me he has to accept the result of the referendum. There's no point pretending that the vote went a different way, and I'm fully aware, as he is, that many people said on the doorstep, 'We don't like the free movement of people', and so we have to accept that that is the way people feel at the moment. In the same way, I don't think it would be useful for us to be in a position where we had to implement EU directives without any kind of say over them, which makes it difficult, looking at the EEA model. There are a number of models that we need to explore. We have to bear in mind what people actually said, not what he and I would have hoped that they had said, in order to make sure that we get to a position that's to the benefit of Welsh business.
Welsh: Nid oes unrhyw rwystr i fynegi gwahanol safbwyntiau; rwyf i wedi gwneud hynny eisoes lawer, lawer gwaith, felly gallaf sicrhau'r Aelod bod hynny'n wir. O ran y pedair gwlad, nid yw'n bosibl - yn sicr mae'r arwyddion yn dangos hynny - bod unrhyw ffordd, er enghraifft, y gall yr Alban gael perthynas wahanol â'r UE tra'i bod y tu allan iddo o'i gymharu â'r DU cyfan. Barn Llywodraeth yr Alban yw bod annibyniaeth yn dal i fod yn bosibl. Mae dadl dros ddweud, pe byddai'r Alban yn pleidleisio dros annibyniaeth o fewn y cyfnod o ddwy flynedd yn dilyn sbarduno erthygl 50, y byddai'r Alban, yn syml, yn parhau i fod yn aelod o'r DU. Ni fyddai'n rhaid iddi ailymgeisio nac ymuno ag ardal yr ewro. Byddaf yn gadael hynny i gyfreithwyr cyfansoddiadol, yr wyf wedi mwynhau eu cwmni yn fawr dros yr ychydig flynyddoedd diwethaf. Ond cyn gynted ag y bydd yr Alban yn gadael, byddai ei hail-fynediad i'r UE, pe byddai'r Alban yn wladwriaeth annibynnol, yn golygu ei bod yn ymuno ag ardal yr ewro - nid oes unrhyw eithriadau wedi bod. O ran i ble yr ydym yn mynd nesaf, fel fi, y mae'n rhaid iddo dderbyn canlyniad y refferendwm. Nid oes unrhyw bwynt esgus bod y bleidlais wedi bod yn wahanol, ac rwyf i, fel yntau, yn gwbl ymwybodol bod llawer o bobl wedi dweud ar garreg y drws, 'Nid ydym yn hoffi symudiad rhydd pobl', ac felly mae'n rhaid i ni dderbyn mai dyna'r ffordd y mae pobl yn teimlo ar hyn o bryd. Yn yr un modd, nid wyf yn credu y byddai'n ddefnyddiol i ni fod mewn sefyllfa lle yr oedd yn rhaid i ni weithredu cyfarwyddebau'r UE heb unrhyw fath o hawl i gyfrannu atynt, sy'n ei gwneud yn anodd, gan edrych ar y model Ardal Economaidd Ewropeaidd. Mae nifer o fodelau y mae angen inni eu harchwilio. Mae'n rhaid i ni gadw mewn cof yr hyn a ddywedodd pobl wrthym mewn gwirionedd, nid yr hyn y byddai ef a minnau wedi gobeithio eu bod wedi ei ddweud, er mwyn gwneud yn siŵr ein bod yn cyrraedd sefyllfa sydd er budd busnesau Cymru.