English: Can I thank my friend and Member for the Vale of Glamorgan for her comments? We were promised that we wouldn't lose out on a single penny of funding, and that's a promise we intend to hold the UK Government to. I think one of the lost opportunities here was that the Prime Minister very much took the view before the general election that she was the one who would take this forward and did not see the need to engage the devolved administrations at that point. Now, I think it's probably fair to say that if the Conservative Party had won with a handsome majority of 90 to 100 seats, then I daresay that we wouldn't be in this position where they have to talk to us as they do today. But that's not, of course, what the outcome was. Of course, the lost opportunity was that if the Prime Minister had not painted herself into such a corner, a hard-ish Brexit corner, there might have been the opportunity to work with the UK Government on the kind of Brexit that we would have wanted. We maybe would have been in the position where we could have said, 'Okay, look, we need to leave the EU, people have voted for that, but let's have full and unfettered access to the single market - that's important to us. There is no better alternative to the customs union, so let's stay in the customs union.' Now, if that had been the attitude of the UK Government at the start, that would have been close to our position; we could have been in a position where we could have been supportive, but all that was lost. It's a hypothetical question. And now, what the UK Government finds itself in is a position where nobody is happy. Remainers are not happy, leavers are not happy, we're not happy, the Scottish Government isn't happy, the DUP - well, they're rarely happy, but they're particularly unhappy at this point. And where does that leave us? The problem is that this wasn't handled as it should have been at the beginning, but this situation could have been avoided. I'm not saying that it would have been avoided, but it could have been avoided. But sadly, of course, it was that lack of consultation and engagement that led us to this position, and certainly I hope that in the future lessons are learned by UK Governments that in order to be more effective, they have to talk to us and, of course, have to make sure that we feel that we're not just listened to, but that what we suggest is actually taken up. Because it's happened, of course, with Brexit. They have moved onto our turf - not entirely, but certainly in part - but much of this could have been avoided two years ago if the lines of communication had been more open.
Welsh: A gaf i ddiolch i fy nghyfaill a'r Aelod dros Fro Morgannwg am ei sylwadau? Addawyd inni na fyddem ni'n colli yr un geiniog o arian, ac rydym ni'n bwriadu dwyn Llywodraeth y DU i gyfrif o ran yr addewid yna. Rwy'n credu mai un o'r cyfleoedd a gollwyd yn hyn o beth oedd bod Prif Weinidog y DU i raddau helaeth iawn wedi arddel y safbwynt cyn yr etholiad cyffredinol mai hi oedd yr un a fyddai'n cael y maen i'r wal yn hyn o beth ac nad oedd hi'n gweld yr angen i gynnwys y gweinyddiaethau datganoledig bryd hynny. Nawr, rwy'n credu ei bod hi mae'n debyg yn deg dweud pe byddai'r Blaid Geidwadol wedi ennill mwyafrif teilwng o 90 i 100 o seddi, yna mae'n siŵr na fyddem ni yn y sefyllfa hon lle mae'n rhaid iddyn nhw siarad â ni fel y maen nhw yn ei wneud heddiw. Ond nid dyna, wrth gwrs, oedd y canlyniad. Wrth gwrs, y cyfle a gollwyd oedd os nad oedd Prif Weinidog y DU wedi gwasgu ei hun i gornel o'r fath, cornel Brexit caled, efallai y byddai cyfle i weithio gyda Llywodraeth y DU ar y math o Brexit y byddem ni wedi ei ddymuno. Efallai y byddem ni wedi bod yn y sefyllfa lle gallasem ni fod wedi dweud, 'Iawn, edrychwch, mae angen inni adael yr UE, mae pobl wedi pleidleisio dros hynny, ond gadewch inni gael mynediad llawn a dilyffethair i'r farchnad sengl - mae hynny'n bwysig i ni. Does dim dewis gwell i'r undeb tollau, felly gadewch i ni aros yn yr undeb tollau.' Nawr, os mai dyna oedd agwedd Llywodraeth y DU ar y dechrau, buasai hynny wedi bod yn agos at ein safbwynt ni; fe allem ni fod wedi bod mewn sefyllfa lle byddem ni wedi gallu bod yn gefnogol, ond fe gollwyd hynny i gyd. Mae'n gwestiwn damcaniaethol. A nawr, mae Llywodraeth y DU yn ei chael ei hun mewn sefyllfa lle nad oes neb yn hapus. Nid yw'r bobl sydd eisiau aros yn hapus, nid yw'r rhai sydd eisiau gadael yn hapus, dydym ni ddim yn hapus, dydy Llywodraeth yr Alban ddim yn hapus, y DUP - wel, dydyn nhw bron byth yn hapus, ond maen nhw'n arbennig o anhapus ar hyn o bryd. A lle mae hynny'n ein gadael ni? Y broblem yw na chafodd hyn ei drin fel y dylai fod wedi ei drin yn y lle cyntaf, ond gellid bod wedi osgoi'r sefyllfa hon. Nid wyf yn dweud y byddai wedi ei osgoi, ond y gallai fod wedi ei osgoi. Ond yn anffodus, wrth gwrs, y diffyg ymgynghori ac ymgysylltu a'n harweiniodd at y sefyllfa hon, ac rwy'n sicr yn gobeithio yn y dyfodol y bydd Llywodraeth y DU yn dysgu gwersi, sef er mwyn bod yn fwy effeithiol, bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw siarad â ni ac, wrth gwrs, bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n teimlo nid yn unig y gwrandewir arnom ni, ond y gweithredir ar yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei ddweud. Oherwydd mae hynny wedi digwydd, wrth gwrs, gyda Brexit. Maen nhw wedi troedio ar ein tiriogaeth ni - nid yn gyfan gwbl, ond yn sicr yn rhannol - ond gellid bod wedi osgoi llawer o hyn ddwy flynedd yn ôl pe bai'r llinellau cyfathrebu wedi bod yn fwy agored.