English: Can I thank you for that interesting supplementary question and statement? You've very selectively chosen from the Law Commission report, because there is far more detail about the issues of complexity, about the complexity of law and the confusion of law since the privatisation of the coal industry and all the consequences since then, from the National Coal Board to British Coal, through the 1994 Act and then through to the Coal Authority now. Perhaps in answer to that, I should take you back to your actual question, which was a question about the advice that's given with regard to responsibility for higher-risk coal tips. And, of course, the term 'responsibility' has a very broad understanding. There are various forms of responsibility, and I believe the UK Government has a responsibility - an ethical responsibility. I think it has a moral responsibility, and I believe it has a political and potentially a legal responsibility in the coal tips that exist. And I live in a constituency that has quite a number of these particular coal tips. Can I say, I think it is an absolute disgrace that the UK Government continues not to accept that this issue of coal tip legacy is a pre-devolution issue aggravated by climate change? And I hear the sort of weasel words from the UK Government about this, and that you are repeating today, and I have to say to you, what message do you think you are giving to the people of the Valleys of south Wales, the people where these coal tips exist in those communities, with the total abrogation of any liability - ethical, moral or political - in respect of that? Now, the First Minister mentioned yesterday that this was one of key two issues that he raised with the Prime Minister. And I have to say, instead of this highly sensitive matter being a subject of contention, it ought to be a defining example of how the UK Government can work with us to develop effective benefits from inter-governmental working, particularly so in the context of the UK hosting COP26. If the UK Government does not agree to a funding programme, we are going to have to find £600 million from budgets over the next 10 to 15 years - money that has come to us to build hospitals, to build roads, to build schools, and to do many other things. And I have to say to you, if there was ever an opportunity for a UK Government to be able to demonstrate to the people of Wales the dividend that comes with being in the United Kingdom, joint working with us on coal tips would surely be it. That is the test, I think, you should be taking back to your Government in Westminster, and, I think, the people of south Wales, the people who live in the communities where these coal tips are, will be listening very, very carefully to the response that comes from the UK Government on this moral, ethical and political issue.
Welsh: A gaf fi ddiolch i chi am y cwestiwn atodol a'r datganiad diddorol hwnnw? Rydych wedi dewis yn ddetholus iawn o adroddiad Comisiwn y Gyfraith, oherwydd ceir llawer mwy o fanylion ynglŷn â chymhlethdod y gyfraith a dryswch cyfreithiol ers preifateiddio'r diwydiant glo a'r holl ganlyniadau ers hynny, o'r Bwrdd Glo Cenedlaethol i Glo Prydain, Deddf 1994 ac ymlaen wedyn at yr Awdurdod Glo yn awr. I ateb hynny, efallai y dylwn fynd â chi'n ôl at eich cwestiwn gwreiddiol, a oedd yn gwestiwn am y cyngor a roddir ynglŷn â chyfrifoldeb am domenni glo risg uwch. Ac wrth gwrs, gellir deall y term 'cyfrifoldeb' mewn sawl ffordd. Ceir gwahanol fathau o gyfrifoldeb, a chredaf fod gan Lywodraeth y DU gyfrifoldeb - cyfrifoldeb moesegol. Credaf fod ganddi gyfrifoldeb moesol, a chredaf fod ganddi gyfrifoldeb gwleidyddol a chyfrifoldeb cyfreithiol o bosibl am y tomenni glo sy'n bodoli. Ac rwy'n byw mewn etholaeth sydd â chryn dipyn o'r tomenni glo hyn. Os caf ddweud, rwy'n credu ei bod yn warth llwyr fod Llywodraeth y DU yn parhau i beidio â derbyn bod etifeddiaeth y tomenni glo yn fater sy'n deillio o'r cyfnod cyn datganoli a waethygir gan newid hinsawdd? A chlywaf y math o eiriau camarweiniol gan Lywodraeth y DU am hyn, geiriau rydych yn eu hailadrodd heddiw, a rhaid i mi ofyn pa neges y credwch eich bod yn ei rhoi i bobl Cymoedd de Cymru, y bobl y mae'r tomenni glo hyn yn bodoli yn eu cymunedau, gan osgoi unrhyw atebolrwydd yn llwyr - atebolrwydd moesegol, moesol neu wleidyddol - mewn perthynas â hynny? Nawr, soniodd y Prif Weinidog ddoe fod hwn yn un o ddau fater allweddol y bu iddo eu dwyn i sylw Prif Weinidog y DU. A rhaid imi ddweud, yn hytrach na bod y mater hynod sensitif hwn yn destun dadl, dylai fod yn enghraifft ddiffiniol o sut y gall Llywodraeth y DU weithio gyda ni i ddatblygu manteision effeithiol o weithio'n rhynglywodraethol, yn enwedig felly yng nghyd-destun y ffaith bod y COP26 yn cael ei gynnal yn y DU. Os nad yw Llywodraeth y DU yn cytuno i gael rhaglen ariannu, bydd yn rhaid inni ddod o hyd i £600 miliwn o gyllidebau dros y 10 i 15 mlynedd nesaf - arian sydd wedi dod ar gyfer adeiladu ysbytai, adeiladu ffyrdd, adeiladu ysgolion, ac i wneud llawer o bethau eraill. A rhaid imi ddweud wrthych, pe bai cyfle byth i Lywodraeth y DU allu dangos i bobl Cymru y difidend a ddaw yn sgil bod yn rhan o'r Deyrnas Unedig, mae'n sicr mai cydweithio gyda ni ar domenni glo fyddai hynny. Dyna'r prawf y dylech fynd ag ef yn ôl at eich Llywodraeth yn San Steffan yn fy marn i, ac rwy'n meddwl y bydd pobl de Cymru, y bobl sy'n byw yn y cymunedau lle mae'r tomenni glo hyn, yn gwrando'n ofalus iawn ar yr ymateb a ddaw gan Lywodraeth y DU ar y mater moesol, moesegol a gwleidyddol hwn.