English: To respond to Dai Lloyd's question, well, clearly, the process of leaving the European Union has thrown some light on just how inappropriate constitutional arrangements are within the UK. At one level, what's clearly happened is that we've moved from a system of a framework of regulations in the context of our membership of the European Union, and in that context, devolution was born. There's a risk that we are moving to a world where rather than having a framework of regulations and rules in place, we have constitutional arrangements that are based on discretion. That's to say what Westminster wishes to see happen, and traditionally, we would have looked at that as sovereignty sitting with Parliament in Westminster, but I do believe that there is a greater risk now that the arrangement as this current Westminster Government wishes to see is based not on the principle of parliamentary sovereignty, but of governmental sovereignty, and that is an entirely novel principle, and we don't accept that as a Government. So, there is a specific risk in that, and we see that with Ministers having powers to change the constitutional settlement, in trade policy, and that is done through prerogative, rather than through the parliamentary systems. We've seen it with the internal market Act and so on and so forth. So, it has had a detrimental impact on the constitutional stability of the UK, I would say. As a Government, we saw this coming. We published the 'Brexit and Devolution' document back in 2017, anticipating some of these challenges and calling for a convention. I am pleased to see that this idea of a convention is now gaining ground, and I'm also pleased to see that this concept of redrawing the UK on a federal basis is also gaining some traction. There are many ways of having an alternative union within the UK, and I do think that we now need to ensure that that happens.
Welsh: I ateb cwestiwn Dai Lloyd, mae'n amlwg bod y broses o adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd wedi taflu goleuni ar ba mor anaddas mae'r trefniadau cyfansoddiadol o fewn y Deyrnas Gyfunol. Ar un lefel, beth sy'n amlwg wedi digwydd yw ein bod ni wedi symud o system o reoliadau, fframwaith o reoliadau, yng nghyd-destun ein haelodaeth o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, ac wrth gwrs, yn y cyd-destun hwnnw, crëwyd datganoli. Mae peryg ein bod ni'n symud i fyd lle yn hytrach na fframwaith o reoliadau a rheolau, mae gyda ni drefniadau cyfansoddiadol sy'n seiliedig ar ddisgresiwn, os hoffech chi; hynny yw, yr hyn y mae San Steffan eisiau gweld, ac yn draddodiadol, mi fuasem ni'n edrych ar hwnna fel sofraniaeth yn San Steffan - hynny yw, y Senedd yn San Steffan - ond dwi'n credu bod risg amlycach nawr, hynny yw, bod y trefniadau fel mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn San Steffan eisiau eu gweld nhw yn seiliedig ar syniad o nid sofraniaeth y Senedd yn San Steffan, ond sofraniaeth y Llywodraeth yn San Steffan, ac mae honno'n egwyddor hollol newydd, a dŷn ni ddim yn derbyn hynny fel Llywodraeth. Felly, mae risg benodol yn hynny; rŷn ni'n gweld hynny mewn Gweinidogion yn cael pwerau i newid y setliad cyfansoddiadol, mewn polisi masnach yn cael ei ddilyn trwy prerogative yn hytrach na system seneddol. Rŷn ni'n gweld enghreifftiau gyda Deddf y farchnad fewnol ac eraill hefyd. Felly, mae e wedi cael effaith andwyol ar sadrwydd cyfansoddiadol y Deyrnas Gyfunol, byddwn i'n dweud. Fel Llywodraeth, mi wnaethon ni weld hyn yn dod. Fel rŷch chi'n gwybod, gwnaethon ni gyhoeddi'r ddogfen 'Brexit and Devolution' nôl yn 2017 yn rhagweld rhai o'r sialensiau yma, ac yn galw am gonfensiwn. Wrth gwrs, rwy'n falch i weld bod y syniad yma o gonfensiwn nawr yn ennill tir, a hefyd yn falch i weld bod y syniad o adfywio ac ail-wneud undeb y Deyrnas Gyfunol ar sail ffederal, bod hynny hefyd yn ennill tir. Mae lot o ffyrdd o gael undeb amgen ar draws y Deyrnas Gyfunol, ac rwy'n credu nawr bod angen sicrhau bod hynny'n digwydd.