techiaith/cofnodycynulliad_en-cy huggingface dataset:
English: That brings us to our next item, which is a debate on the second anniversary of the EU referendum. I call on the First Minister.
Welsh: Mae hynny'n dod â ni at yr eitem nesaf, sef y ddadl ar ddwy flynedd ers refferendwm yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Rydw i'n galw ar y Prif Weinidog.
English: Llywydd, I welcome this opportunity to open this Government debate, bearing in mind that two years have passed since the referendum and the vote to leave the European Union. I think it's true to say that 23 June 2016 is considered an extremely important date in the history of this nation. That, of course, is when the decision was made to change our relationship with the European Union.
Welsh: Llywydd, rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle hwn i agor y ddadl yn enw'r Llywodraeth, wrth gofio'r ffaith fod dwy flynedd wedi mynd heibio ers inni weld y refferendwm a'r ganlyniad i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Rwy'n credu ei fod yn wir i ddweud bod 23 Mehefin 2016 yn cael ei ystyried fel dyddiad pwysig iawn yn hanes y wlad hon. Dyna, wrth gwrs, pryd gafodd y penderfyniad ei wneud i newid y berthynas rhyngom ni a'r Undeb Ewropeaidd.
English: We are not in this Chamber, Llywydd, this afternoon to debate that decision. As I've always said, it's our responsibility to focus our efforts to deliver the right form of Brexit, not to argue over the fact of Brexit. So, this afternoon, Llywydd, I want to open this debate by discussing the right form of Brexit for Wales. We've spent a lot of time in this Chamber and in detailed inter-governmental negotiations discussing constitutional issues to make sure the withdrawal Bill genuinely recognises shared governance and respects devolution. Although that was vitally important, this perhaps is not the Brexit issue the people we represent expected us to focus on. While constitutional issues fascinate many, the majority of people will want us to concentrate on bread and butter issues. People in Wales are concerned about whether companies in Wales will take similar decisions to that taken by Jaguar Land Rover and move production from the UK amid the uncertainty created by the UK Government on Brexit. What matters most is that securing the right form of Brexit safeguards the economy, the jobs and well-being of the people of Wales and, indeed, the whole of the UK. Llywydd, all the evidence suggests that in the short to medium term, securing the right Brexit to achieve this requires continued close integration with the economies of our EU neighbours.
Welsh: Nid ydym ni yn y Siambr hon, Llywydd, y prynhawn yma i drafod y penderfyniad hwnnw. Fel yr wyf i wedi dweud bob amser, ein cyfrifoldeb ni yw canolbwyntio ein hymdrechion ar ddarparu'r math cywir o Brexit, nid ar ddadlau dros y ffaith bod Brexit yn bodoli. Felly, y prynhawn yma, Llywydd, hoffwn agor y ddadl hon drwy drafod y math cywir o Brexit ar gyfer Cymru. Rydym wedi treulio llawer o amser yn y Siambr hon ac mewn negodiadau rhynglywodraethol manwl yn trafod materion cyfansoddiadol i wneud yn siŵr bod y Bil mewn gwirionedd yn cydnabod cyd-lywodraethu ac yn parchu datganoli. Er y bu hynny'n hanfodol bwysig, efallai nad hwn oedd y mater Brexit yr oedd y bobl a gynrychiolwn yn disgwyl inni ganolbwyntio arno. Er bod materion cyfansoddiadol yn cyfareddu llawer o bobl, bydd y rhan fwyaf o bobl eisiau inni ganolbwyntio ar faterion bara menyn. Mae pobl yng Nghymru yn bryderus ynghylch a fydd cwmnïau yng Nghymru yn gwneud penderfyniadau tebyg i'r rhai a wnaeth Jaguar a Land Rover a symud cynhyrchu o'r DU yng nghanol yr ansicrwydd a grëwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU ynglŷn â Brexit. Yr hyn sydd bwysicaf yw bod sicrhau y math cywir o Brexit yn diogelu economi, swyddi a lles pobl Cymru ac, yn wir, y DU gyfan. Llywydd, mae'r holl dystiolaeth yn awgrymu yn y tymor byr i'r tymor canolig, bod sicrhau'r math cywir o Brexit i gyflawni hyn yn gofyn am integreiddio agos parhaus gydag economïau ein cymdogion yn yr UE.
English: I have selected the four amendments to the motion. If amendment 1 is agreed, amendment 2 will be deselected. I call on Mark Isherwood to move amendment 1, tabled in the name of Paul Davies. Mark Isherwood.
Welsh: Rwyf wedi dethol y pedwar gwelliant i'r cynnig. Os derbynnir gwelliant 1, caiff gwelliant 2 ei ddad-ddethol. Galwaf ar Mark Isherwood i gynnig gwelliant 1, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Paul Davies. Mark Isherwood.
English: Just in terms of your point about enemies causing problems and disruption, can I just remind you it's the Foreign Secretary who has said that these negotiations would be better handled if Donald Trump was in charge? So, he should be directing his ire at his own side, rather than these benches.
Welsh: O ran eich sylw am elynion yn tarfu ac achosi problemau, a gaf i eich atgoffa mai'r Ysgrifennydd Tramor sydd wedi dweud y byddai'r trafodaethau hyn yn cael eu trin yn well pe byddai Donald Trump yn gyfrifol? Felly, dylai yntau fod yn bwrw'i lid ar ei blaid ei hun, yn hytrach na'r meinciau hyn.
English: Was it 79 or 80 Labour MPs that defied the Labour whip in the Commons last week over the withdrawal Bill? It must endure. It must protect people's jobs and security. It must be consistent with the kind of country we want to be as we leave: a modern, open, outward-looking, tolerant, European democracy. And in doing all of these things, it must strengthen our union of nations and our union of people. The EU, itself, of course, has two added incentives: the £39 billion it will receive if it agrees a trade deal, and the importance of access to the UK. For example, the external affairs committee heard that 10 to 15 per cent of the GDP of Germany's 16 states is exposed to the UK market. Labour's position would mean continuing to follow a swathe of EU rules with absolutely no say in them. This breaks Labour's Brexit promises, and does not respect the referendum result. Seventy per cent of Labour UK constituencies voted 'leave', and they want to see the result of the referendum honoured. People outside the Parliaments across the UK are getting a little tired of parliamentary games. They want to know when they're going to get Brexit, when it will be delivered and when it will be done. They don't want to hear the same old stuff, the same old speech from the same old First Minister, month after month, year after year.
Welsh: Ai 79 neu 80 Aelod Seneddol Llafur a aeth yn groes i chwip y Blaid Lafur yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin yr wythnos diwethaf ynglŷn â'r Bil ymadael? Rhaid iddo fod yn hirhoedlog. Rhaid iddo ddiogelu swyddi a chynhaliaeth pobl. Rhaid iddo fod yn gyson â'r math o wlad rydym ni eisiau bod pan rydym yn gadael: democratiaeth fodern, agored, flaengar, oddefgar, Ewropeaidd. Ac wrth wneud y pethau hyn i gyd, rhaid iddo gryfhau'r undeb rhwng ein gwledydd a'n pobl. Mae gan yr UE, ei hun, wrth gwrs, ddau gymhelliad ychwanegol: y £39 biliwn y bydd yn derbyn os yw'n cytuno i fargen fasnach, a'r pwysigrwydd o gael mynediad i'r DU. Er enghraifft, clywodd y pwyllgor materion allanol fod 10 i 15 y cant o gynnyrch domestig gros 16 talaith yr Almaen yn ddibynnol ar farchnad y DU. Byddai safbwynt Llafur yn golygu parhau i ddilyn amrywiaeth o reolau'r UE heb unrhyw lais o gwbl. Mae hyn yn torri addewidion Brexit Llafur, ac nid yw'n parchu canlyniad y refferendwm. Pleidleisiodd saith deg y cant o etholaethau Llafur y DU i adael, ac maen nhw eisiau gweld canlyniad y refferendwm yn cael ei anrhydeddu. Mae pobl y tu allan i'r Seneddau ledled y DU yn dechrau blino ar gemau seneddol. Maen nhw eisiau gwybod pryd y cânt Brexit, pryd y caiff ei gyflawni a phryd y bydd yn digwydd. Nid ydyn nhw eisiau clywed yr un hen gân, yr un hen araith gan yr un hen Brif Weinidog yma yng Nghymru, fis ar ôl mis, flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn.
English: Thank you very much. It's ironic to have you quoting back at us that we're going to end up with the worst of all worlds, because that's exactly what the 'remain' campaign warned would happen, but we were assured by you and Nigel Farage that this would be a cinch - it would sort out all these trade deals within 24 hours. We said this was nonsense. You were the one who sold people that pup, and you are the ones who should be apologising for this con trick.
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr iawn. Mae'n eironig eich bod yn dyfynnu yn ôl i ni ein bod yn mynd i weld y sefyllfa waethaf bosib, oherwydd dyna'n union oedd rhybudd yr ymgyrch 'aros', ond fe'n sicrhawyd gennych chi a Nigel Farage y byddai hyn yn hawdd - y byddid yn datrys yr holl gytundebau masnach hyn o fewn 24 awr. Dywedasom mai ffwlbri oedd hynny. Chi oedd yr un a dwyllodd pobl gyda'r rwdl-mi-ri hwnnw, a chi ddylai fod yn ymddiheuro am y twyll hwn.
English: The Government's claim that they remain committed to the White Paper is a claim that they've made again today, and I want to remind them of the exact wording. On page 20, the White Paper says any attempt to claw back powers will be 'firmly resisted'. When we agreed to co-author this paper, we did not consider firm resistance to amount to an agreement with the Conservative Westminster Government that sees powers in 24 to 26 policy areas clawed back, and herein lies the problem. The wording of the White Paper remains something that I am committed to. The Welsh Government, however, has pursued policies that are not reflective of it. Let's take Labour's position on the single market. As reflected in the second Plaid Cymru amendment, the majority of Labour MPs chose to abstain on a key amendment to the EU withdrawal Bill that would have kept Wales in the single market. Now, I accept that the First Minister may say that he is committed to a future where Wales participates in the single market -
Welsh: Mae honiad y Llywodraeth eu bod yn parhau'n ymrwymedig i'r Papur Gwyn yn honiad y maen nhw wedi ei wneud eto heddiw, a hoffwn eu hatgoffa o'r union eiriad. Ar dudalen 20, dywed y Papur Gwyn y caiff unrhyw ymgais i gipio pwerau'n ôl ei ymwrthod yn gadarn. Pan gytunwyd i lunio'r papur hwnnw ar y cyd, nid oeddem yn ystyried y byddai gwrthwynebiad cadarn yn golygu cytundeb gyda Llywodraeth Geidwadol San Steffan a gweld adfachu pwerau ym meysydd polisi 24 i 26, a dyma'r broblem. Mae geiriad y Papur Gwyn yn rhywbeth yr wyf yn parhau i fod yn ymrwymedig iddo. Fodd bynnag, mae Llywodraeth Cymru, wedi mynd ar drywydd polisïau nad ydynt yn adlewyrchu hynny. Gadewch i ni ystyried safbwynt Llafur ar y farchnad sengl. Fel yr adlewyrchir yn ail welliant Plaid Cymru, dewisodd y rhan fwyaf o Aelodau Seneddol Llafur ymatal ar welliant allweddol Bil ymadael yr UE a fyddai wedi cadw Cymru yn y farchnad sengl. Nawr, rwy'n derbyn bod y Prif Weinidog efallai yn dweud ei fod yn ymrwymedig i ddyfodol lle mae Cymru yn cymryd rhan yn y farchnad sengl -
English: - but the actions of his party do not reflect that. He says one thing and does another, and, for this reason, Plaid Cymru will be pressing both of our amendments to a vote, and we will be doing that to reflect the fact that, although we remain supportive of the White Paper, the actions of the Labour Party indicate that they are not. So, I therefore formally move both the Plaid Cymru amendments, 3 and 4. Diolch yn fawr.
Welsh: - ond nid yw gweithredoedd ei blaid yn adlewyrchu hynny. Mae'n dweud un peth ac yn gwneud peth arall, ac, am y rheswm hwn, bydd Plaid Cymru yn pwyso am bleidlais ar y ddau welliant. Byddwn yn gwneud hynny i adlewyrchu'r ffaith, er ein bod yn parhau i fod yn gefnogol i'r Papur Gwyn, mae gweithredoedd y Blaid Lafur yn dangos nad ydyn nhw. O ganlyniad, rwyf felly'n cynnig yn ffurfiol ddau welliant Plaid Cymru, 3 a 4. Diolch yn fawr.
English: The last two years have not produced a solution that is going to give the people of Wales who voted to leave what they wanted, which was control of their own destiny. The White Paper that was published two years ago was the most comprehensive strategy laid out to indicate what was needed, but clearly we don't have the powers that we would like to control what the UK Government has got up to. So, we're now in the situation where we are mere months away from what looks like an inevitable departure from the EU.
Welsh: Nid yw'r ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf wedi esgor ar ateb sy'n mynd i roi i bobl Cymru a bleidleisiodd i adael yr hyn a fynnent, sef rheoli eu tynged eu hunain. Y Papur Gwyn a gyhoeddwyd ddwy flynedd yn ôl oedd y strategaeth fwyaf cynhwysfawr a gyflwynwyd i ddangos beth oedd ei angen, ond mae'n amlwg nad oes gennym ni'r pwerau y byddem yn eu hoffi i reoli'r hyn y mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi bod yn ei wneud. Felly, rydym yn awr mewn sefyllfa lle rydym ni fisoedd o'r hyn sy'n edrych fel ymadawiad anochel o'r UE.
English: When you vote for something as disruptive as Brexit, you have to be careful what you wish for. I don't think many of us expected that a Brexit vote would end up with a Prime Minister, under the title of 'Taking back control', appearing on The Andrew Marr Show and saying, 'Parliament can't tell the Government what to do', which is precisely what Parliaments are supposed to tell Government and has been since 1688 and has been since we had what the English like to call 'the glorious revolution', but I'm sure the Irish don't. But we have to bear in mind that this - [ Interruption.] In a second, if I may. We have to bear in mind as well this line that we are strengthening the union. How do you strengthen the union - which, of course, Plaid Cymru is not necessarily in favour of, anyway, but, nevertheless, let's look at these arguments - how do you strengthen the union when what you're doing is impoverishing the weakest parts of that union, and when you know that the union itself has not delivered regional policy that addresses that? But the European Union, of course, has done that, but we're moving out of that. Just on that point, I'll give way.
Welsh: Pan rydych chi'n pleidleisio o blaid rhywbeth mor ddinistriol â Brexit, mae'n rhaid ichi fod yn ofalus beth rydych chi'n dymuno ei gael. Nid wyf yn credu y byddai llawer ohonom yn disgwyl y byddai pleidlais Brexit yn arwain at sefyllfa yn y pen draw gyda Phrif Weinidog y DU, o dan y teitl 'Taking back control', yn ymddangos ar The Andrew Marr Show a dweud na all Senedd ddweud wrth y Llywodraeth beth i'w wneud, sef yn union yr hyn y mae Seneddau i fod ei ddweud wrth Lywodraeth ac sydd wedi digwydd ers 1688 ac ers inni gael yr hyn y mae'r Saeson yn hoff o'i alw'n 'the glorious revolution', ond rwy'n siŵr nad yw'r Gwyddelod. Ond mae'n rhaid inni gadw mewn cof bod - [ torri ar draws.] Mewn eiliad, os caf i. Mae'n rhaid inni gadw mewn cof hefyd y safbwynt hwn ein bod yn cryfhau'r undeb. Sut ydych chi'n cryfhau'r undeb - nad yw Plaid Cymru o reidrwydd o'i blaid, beth bynnag, ond, serch hynny, gadewch inni edrych ar y dadleuon hyn - sut ydych chi'n cryfhau'r undeb pan mai'r hyn yr ydych chi'n ei wneud yw sicrhau bod y rhannau gwannaf o'r undeb hwnnw yn dlotach, a phan rydych chi'n gwybod nad yw'r undeb ei hun wedi gweithredu polisi rhanbarthol sy'n mynd i'r afael â hynny? Ond wrth gwrs, mae'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, wedi gwneud hynny, ond rydym ni'n ymadael â hwnnw. Ar y pwynt hwnnw, ildiaf.
English: I just want to point out that the UK Parliament has told the UK Government what to do. It has very clearly said that it will not tolerate a hard Brexit, and that we have to acknowledge.
Welsh: Dim ond eisiau dweud wyf i bod Senedd y DU wedi dweud wrth Lywodraeth y DU beth i'w wneud. Mae wedi dweud yn glir iawn na fydd yn goddef Brexit caled, ac mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod hynny.
English: I'm not sure if I completely agree because we'll wait and see what happens tomorrow with the further iteration of this process. What I was referring to, however, was the idea that the Prime Minister can actually get away with saying something as radical as that. I'm very interested in this because I have a Westminster and a Wales view in these sorts of things sometimes, and I just look at it from the idea of parliamentary sovereignty and taking back control and all the other things we were told by Mr Isherwood, and the reality is that the UK as a structure and as a Government in the UK is completely and utterly incapable of dealing with the biggest peacetime issue that we've seen for a century. It's completely and utterly incapable of doing it. And that just strikes me as something that leads to all sorts of contentious things that could flow on from that, including the future of the union itself. Now, Plaid Cymru is not here to defend the union, but we are here to defend our communities and we are here to stop anything happening in the next year or two that will take away from those communities the ability for them to control their futures and for them to have a realistic economic state in those futures. I'll conclude, if I may, Llywydd, with a simple quote, which I think reflects very well on what the Labour Party's been doing over the last 18 months, and it says this: 'When the history books come to be written, and the path to Brexit analysed, Jeremy Corbyn's role will be seen as crucial.' That was in the Daily Mail. [ Laughter.]
Welsh: Nid wyf i'n siŵr a wyf yn cytuno yn llwyr. Arhoswn i weld beth fydd yn digwydd yfory gyda'r fersiwn bellach o'r broses hon. Fodd bynnag, yr hyn yr oeddwn yn cyfeirio ato oedd y syniad y gall y Prif Weinidog ddweud rhywbeth mor radical â hynny mewn gwirionedd heb unrhyw ganlyniadau. Rwy'n ymddiddori'n fawr yn hyn oherwydd rwy'n gweld pethau o safbwynt San Steffan a Chymru yn y mathau hyn o bethau weithiau, ac edrychaf ar y sefyllfa yn unol â'r syniad o sofraniaeth seneddol ac adhawlio rheolaeth a'r holl bethau eraill a ddywedodd Mr Isherwood wrthym ni. Y realiti yw bod y DU fel strwythur ac fel Llywodraeth yn y DU yn gwbl analluog i ymdrin â'r mater mwyaf mewn cyfnod o heddwch a welsom ni ers canrif. Mae'n gwbl analluog i wneud hynny. Ac mae hynny'n fy nharo i fel rhywbeth sy'n arwain at bob math o bethau dadleuol a allai ddeillio o hynny, gan gynnwys dyfodol yr undeb ei hun. Nawr, nid yw Plaid Cymru yma i amddiffyn yr undeb, ond rydym ni yma i amddiffyn ein cymunedau ac rydym ni yma i roi terfyn ar unrhyw beth yn y flwyddyn neu ddwy nesaf a fydd yn amddifadu'r cymunedau hynny o'u gallu i reoli eu dyfodol ac iddynt gael cyflwr economaidd realistig yn y dyfodol. Hoffwn i gloi, os caf i, Llywydd, gyda dyfyniad syml, ac rwy'n credu ei fod yn adlewyrchu'n dda iawn yr hyn y mae'r Blaid Lafur wedi bod yn ei wneud dros y 18 mis diwethaf, sef: pan gaiff llyfrau hanes eu hysgrifennu, a llwybr Brexit ei ddadansoddi, gwelir swyddogaeth Jeremy Corbyn yn un hanfodol. Roedd hynny yn y Daily Mail. [ Chwerthin.]
English: Will the Member give way? [ Inaudible.] - says he wants a good deal, but he says he cannot conceive, under any circumstances, walking away. How could any business negotiate with another business in his constituency and hope to get a good deal if the other side knows they'll accept what they're given, whatever?
Welsh: A wnaiff yr Aelod ildio? [ Anghlywadwy.] - yn dweud ei fod eisiau bargen dda, ond mae'n dweud na all ystyried, o dan unrhyw amgylchiadau, gerdded i ffwrdd. Sut gallai unrhyw fusnes negodi â busnes arall yn ei etholaeth ef a gobeithio cael bargen dda os yw'r ochr arall yn gwybod y byddant yn derbyn yr hyn a roddir iddyn nhw, beth bynnag?
English: I'm moved to contribute briefly to this debate by the comments made by the leader of Plaid Cymru that she had her own cunning plan, two years ago, to create a campaign and approached the First Minister to do so. I have no knowledge of that conversation, but I'm surprised that it's taken her two years to reveal this cunning plan. I would say this: she and I both sat on the steering committee in 2011 of the Yes for Wales cross-party devolution campaign, and it was hard enough in that campaign to get civil society and the churches and charities that she talked about to work together in any effective, meaningful way, and I was on that committee partly as a representative of civil society. It's a seductive fantasy, I think, that she's basing this argument on. Since then, the lobbying Act has been passed, which put the fear of God into charitable organisations that they could take part in a referendum campaign. I was part of some early conversations, about nine months before the referendum, with a loose group of civil society organisations to see if there was some appetite to do something similar for the EU referendum, and there really wasn't any will to do it. I'm as critical as anybody of the 'remain' campaign and as frustrated as she is in the result, but it is a seductive fallacy to suggest that the result that happened could've been saved had we all come together on a campaign.
Welsh: Rwyf wedi fy nghymell i gyfrannu'n fyr at y ddadl hon gan y sylwadau a wnaed gan arweinydd Plaid Cymru, sef bod ganddi ei chynllun cyfrwys ei hun, ddwy flynedd yn ôl, i greu ymgyrch a'i bod wedi mynd at y Prif Weinidog i wneud hynny. Dydw i ddim yn ymwybodol o'r sgwrs honno, ond rwy'n synnu ei bod wedi cymryd dwy flynedd iddi ddatgelu'r cynllun cyfrwys hwn. Byddwn i'n dweud hyn: roedd hi a mi yn eistedd, yn 2011, ar bwyllgor llywio yr ymgyrch datganoli drawsbleidiol Ie dros Gymru, ac roedd hi'n ddigon anodd yn yr ymgyrch honno i gael cymdeithas sifil a'r eglwysi a'r elusennau y soniodd hi amdanyn nhw i weithio gyda'i gilydd mewn unrhyw ffordd effeithiol, ystyrlon, ac roeddwn i ar y pwyllgor hwnnw yn rhannol fel cynrychiolydd cymdeithas sifil. Ffantasi ddeniadol, rwy'n credu, y mae hi'n seilio'r ddadl hon arni. Ers hynny, mae'r Ddeddf lobïo wedi'i phasio, a roddodd lond twll o ofn i sefydliadau elusennol, y gallen nhw gymryd rhan mewn ymgyrch refferendwm. Roeddwn i'n rhan o rai o'r sgyrsiau cynnar, rhyw naw mis cyn y refferendwm, gyda grŵp llac o sefydliadau cymdeithas sifil i weld a oedd rhyw awydd i wneud rhywbeth tebyg ar gyfer refferendwm yr UE, ac nid oedd unrhyw ewyllys i wneud hynny o gwbl. Rwyf i mor feirniadol ag unrhyw un o'r ymgyrch 'aros' ac mor rhwystredig â hi ynghylch y canlyniad, ond mae'n gamsyniad deniadol i awgrymu y gellid bod wedi atal y canlyniad hwnnw pe byddem ni i gyd wedi dod at ein gilydd ar ymgyrch.
English: I will give her the courtesy that she denied me, yes.
Welsh: Fe wnaf i roi iddi'r cwrteisi y gwrthododd hi i mi, iawn.
English: Do you think leadership has got anything to do with this and were trade unions bound by the same legislation that you're talking about?
Welsh: A ydych chi'n credu bod hyn yn ymwneud o gwbl ag arweinyddiaeth ac a oedd yr undebau llafur yn rhwym wrth yr un ddeddfwriaeth yr ydych chi'n sôn amdani?
English: Isn't it the reality that there was no discussion of the customs union because the EU was set up as a customs union? It was taken as a given that leaving the EU meant leaving the customs union, and when the single market became part of the campaign, the 'Leave' campaign and particularly Michael Gove were absolutely clear that voting to leave meant leaving the single market, as well as the customs union?
Welsh: Onid y gwir amdani yw na fu unrhyw drafodaeth ar yr undeb tollau oherwydd y sefydlwyd yr UE fel undeb tollau? Cymerwyd yn ganiataol y byddai gadael yr UE yn golygu gadael yr undeb tollau, a phan ddaeth y farchnad sengl yn rhan o'r ymgyrch, roedd yr ymgyrch 'Ymadael' ac yn enwedig Michael Gove yn gwbl glir bod pleidleisio i ymadael yn golygu ymadael â'r farchnad sengl, yn ogystal â'r undeb tollau?
English: No, because you would have to be in the EU to be in the customs union; that's the whole point. The Isle of Man, Jersey and Guernsey are in the customs union; they're not in the EU. If you look, for example, Turkey is in the customs union; it's not in the EU. The two things are not coterminous; that's the whole point, and here we are back again with the crux of the problem that in 2016, there wasn't a document that people could refer to that told them exactly what would happen if they voted a certain way.
Welsh: Na, oherwydd byddai'n rhaid i chi fod yn yr UE i fod yn yr undeb tollau; dyna'r holl bwynt. Mae Ynys Manaw, Jersey a Guernsey yn yr undeb tollau; dydyn nhw ddim yn yr UE. Os edrychwch chi, er enghraifft, mae Twrci yn yr undeb tollau; nid yw yn yr UE. Nid yw'r ddau beth yn gyfystyr â'i gilydd; dyna'r holl bwynt, a dyma ni yn ôl unwaith eto â chraidd y broblem yn 2016, nad oedd yna ddogfen y gallai pobl gyfeirio ati a oedd yn dweud wrthyn nhw yn union beth fyddai'n digwydd pe bydden nhw'n pleidleisio mewn rhyw ffordd benodol.
English: Will you give way on that point?
Welsh: A ydych chi'n fodlon ildio ar y pwynt yna?