English: Human rights are, by definition, we've heard today, universal. They have to be. So, if we are going to deny one group, then, by de facto, we deny all groups. That is the fundamental principle that underpins human rights, and I don't think it can be said too often. So, placing greater restrictions on who can bring a claim, or reducing damages based on how deserving the claimant is perceived to be, as the UK Government's so-called British bill of rights would do, diminishes the freedom of all of us. Again, I just think we need to focus on just that one aspect. Replacing the Human Rights Act is at best unnecessary and at worst damaging, which is why the Welsh Government has set out the fundamental and detailed objections to the proposal, as has Westminster's Joint Committee on Human Rights. Meanwhile, we have the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act and the Nationality and Borders Act, and they're both going to threaten the enshrined rights and freedoms that currently exist. The former will curtail the right of minority communities to live freely, and again that's been mentioned here today. You cannot ever underestimate the right to protest against your Government when they are doing something that is wrong, whatever colour that Government might be. This, of course, could have been progressive. It could have extended, for example, the right not to be sexually harassed in public. It could have recognised misogyny as a crime. Instead, the Tories have chosen to deny those opportunities. But then, when we've read about what happened to Angela Rayner, it's hardly surprising. But women should feel safe in their workplace, and that is a workplace. They have the right to go down the street without risk of being attacked. They have the right to live as individuals. And I think there are some, even on these benches here, who will agree with that, but the Government that they support has failed to recognise it. Meanwhile, the United Nations special rapporteur concluded that denying some protections would lead to serious human rights violations. So, leading charities have condemned it - we'd heard that - and all organisations that have been asked to make comments have also condemned it. We know that it does threaten, here in Wales, our nation of sanctuary, with punitive time limits for trafficking victims and others to bring forward their cases. Think about it: reducing the time of somebody who has been trafficked, traumatised, to bring forward your case to prove your case, even to find someone to fight the case for you - that's what this Government intends to do. And it comes back again, doesn't it, to who is deserving and who is not. And they have plenty of track record in this, when they decide when they're giving benefits to people or not giving benefits to people. It's the same fundamental right-wing thinking. That's what's here. Human rights have to be a central plank of the rules-based international order, and the upshot is we have a UK Government led by a Prime Minister who has a very casual attitude to the rules - that's putting it in parliamentary language, by the way, but we've all been knocking doors recently, and the people out there use much more straightforward language, which I'm prohibited from using here today. Rights, rules and standards of public life matter. Not only does their absence lead to rotten government - a fish rots from the head - but it leads to bad policy, like the Rwanda immigration plan. A British Government that believes in human rights could never justify sending asylum seekers to a dictatorial regime rife with human rights abuses. So, we need to safeguard and extend rights, not cynically attack them. And although it's not a reserved matter, I'm proud that all Senedd legislation is compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights. And it was pleasing to see that we extended that by banning the physical chastisement of children. So, I want to take issue with Altaf Hussain, who, in my opinion, did not do his party any good here today with his speech. He wouldn't take my intervention, so I have to come back to it now. I was little bit dismayed, in terms of choosing to use the NHS, which has served so many people so very well in the last two years, at the cost of some of those individuals losing their lives to do that, using them as a pawn, in my opinion, to justify the Tories' attack on individual human rights. I wanted to put it on the record by an intervention, and he could have replied to it, but he chose not to take it.
Welsh: Mae hawliau dynol, drwy ddiffiniad, fel yr ydym ni wedi clywed heddiw, yn gyffredinol. Mae'n rhaid iddyn nhw fod. Felly, os ydym ni am amddifadu un grŵp, yna, mewn ffaith, rydym ni'n amddifadu pob grŵp. Dyna'r egwyddor sylfaenol sy'n sail i hawliau dynol, a dydw i ddim yn credu y gellir ei ddweud yn rhy aml. Felly, mae gosod mwy o gyfyngiadau ar bwy sy'n gallu cyflwyno hawliad, neu leihau iawndal yn seiliedig ar ba mor haeddiannol yr ydych chi'n ystyried yr hawliwr, fel y byddai Bil hawliau Prydeinig Llywodraeth y DU, ys gelwir, yn ei wneud, yn lleihau rhyddid pob un ohonom. Unwaith eto, rwy'n credu fod angen i ni ganolbwyntio ar yr un agwedd honno'n unig. Mae disodli'r Ddeddf Hawliau Dynol yn ddiangen ar y gorau ac ar ei waethaf yn niweidiol, a dyna pam mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi nodi'r gwrthwynebiadau sylfaenol a manwl i'r cynnig, fel hefyd mae Cyd-bwyllgor Hawliau Dynol San Steffan. Yn y cyfamser, mae gennym Ddeddf yr Heddlu, Troseddu, Dedfrydu a'r Llysoedd a'r Ddeddf Cenedligrwydd a Ffiniau, ac mae'r ddwy ohonyn nhw yn mynd i fygwth yr hawliau a'r rhyddid sydd wedi'u hymgorffori ac sy'n bodoli ar hyn o bryd. Bydd y gyntaf yn cwtogi ar hawl cymunedau lleiafrifol i fyw'n rhydd, ac unwaith eto mae hynny wedi'i grybwyll yma heddiw. Ni allwch byth danbrisio'r hawl i brotestio yn erbyn eich Llywodraeth pan fydd hi'n gwneud rhywbeth sy'n anghywir, pa liw bynnag y bo'r Llywodraeth honno. Gallai hyn, wrth gwrs, fod wedi bod yn flaengar. Gallai fod wedi ymestyn, er enghraifft, yr hawl i beidio â chael eich aflonyddu'n rhywiol yn gyhoeddus. Gallai fod wedi cydnabod casineb at fenywod fel trosedd. Yn hytrach, mae'r Torïaid wedi dewis amddifadu'r cyfleoedd hynny. Ond wedyn, pan fyddwn ni wedi darllen am yr hyn a ddigwyddodd i Angela Rayner, nid yw'n syndod. Ond dylai merched deimlo'n ddiogel yn eu gweithle, ac mae hwnnw'n weithle. Mae ganddyn nhw'r hawl i fynd i lawr y stryd heb berygl o gael eu beirniadu. Mae ganddyn nhw'r hawl i fyw fel unigolion. Ac rwy'n credu bod rhai, hyd yn oed ar y meinciau hyn yma, a fydd yn cytuno â hynny, ond mae'r Llywodraeth y maen nhw'n ei chefnogi wedi methu â chydnabod hyn. Yn y cyfamser, daeth cofnodwr arbennig y Cenhedloedd Unedig i'r casgliad y byddai amddifadu rhai amddiffyniadau yn arwain at dorri hawliau dynol difrifol. Felly, mae elusennau blaenllaw wedi'i chondemnio - roeddem ni wedi clywed hynny - ac mae pob sefydliad y gofynnwyd iddo wneud sylwadau hefyd wedi'i chondemnio. Rydym ni'n gwybod ei bod yn bygwth, yma yng Nghymru, ein cenedl noddfa, gyda therfynau amser cosbol ar gyfer dioddefwyr masnachu mewn pobl ac eraill i gyflwyno eu hachosion. Meddyliwch amdano: lleihau amser rhywun sydd wedi cael ei fasnachu, wedi profi trawma, i gyflwyno ei achos i brofi ei achos, hyd yn oed i ddod o hyd i rywun i ymladd yr achos drosto - dyna mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn bwriadu ei wneud. Ac mae'n dod yn ôl eto, onid yw, i bwy sy'n haeddiannol a phwy sydd ddim. Ac mae ganddyn nhw ddigon o hanes yn hyn o beth, pan fyddant yn penderfynu pryd y maen nhw'n rhoi budd-daliadau i bobl neu'n peidio â rhoi budd-daliadau i bobl. Dyma'r un meddylfryd asgell dde sylfaenol. Dyna sydd yma. Rhaid i hawliau dynol fod yn elfen ganolog o'r drefn ryngwladol sy'n seiliedig ar reolau, a'r canlyniad yw bod gennym ni Lywodraeth y DU dan arweiniad Prif Weinidog sydd ag agwedd ddidaro iawn at y rheolau - mae hynny'n ei roi mewn iaith seneddol, gyda llaw, ond rydym ni i gyd wedi bod yn curo drysau'n ddiweddar, ac mae'r bobl sydd allan yna'n defnyddio iaith lawer mwy syml, rydw i'n cael fy ngwahardd rhag ei defnyddio yma heddiw. Mae hawliau, rheolau a safonau bywyd cyhoeddus yn bwysig. Nid yn unig y mae eu habsenoldeb yn arwain at lywodraeth wael - mae pysgodyn yn pydru o'r pen - ond mae'n arwain at bolisi gwael, fel cynllun mewnfudo Rwanda. Ni allai Llywodraeth Brydeinig sy'n credu mewn hawliau dynol byth gyfiawnhau anfon ceiswyr lloches i gyfundrefn unbenaethol sy'n llawn achosion o gam-drin hawliau dynol. Felly, mae angen i ni ddiogelu ac ymestyn hawliau, nid ymosod arnynt yn sinigaidd. Ac er nad yw'n fater a gedwir yn ôl, rwy'n falch bod holl ddeddfwriaeth y Senedd yn gydnaws â'r Confensiwn Ewropeaidd ar Hawliau Dynol. A braf oedd gweld ein bod ni'n ymestyn hynny drwy wahardd cosbi plant yn gorfforol. Felly, rydw i am anghytuno ag Altaf Hussain, nad yw, yn fy marn i, wedi gwneud unrhyw les i'w blaid yma heddiw gyda'i araith. Fe wnaeth wrthod cymryd fy ymyriad, felly mae'n rhaid i mi ddod yn ôl ato nawr. Roeddwn i'n siomedig braidd, o ran dewis defnyddio'r GIG, sydd wedi gwasanaethu cymaint o bobl mor dda yn ystod y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf, ar draul rhai o'r unigolion hynny a gollodd eu bywydau i wneud hynny, gan eu defnyddio fel gwystl, yn fy marn i, i gyfiawnhau ymosodiad y Torïaid ar hawliau dynol unigol. Roeddwn i eisiau ei gofnodi drwy ymyriad, a gallai fod wedi ymateb iddo, ond dewisodd peidio â'i dderbyn.