English: I accept that and I also argue that if our HEIs were to widen their net, they could actually be making a lot more money in the long term, and be more sustainable in the long term, than focusing on EU students who have to be offered the same terms as home students. Those currently working in UK universities will be allowed to stay. To say that they might not is, again, perhaps coming from a party that is doing all it can to scaremonger and demand things that will happen anyway so that they can attempt to claim victory further down the line. UKIP has said, time and time again, that those EU nationals living here at the moment should have the right to stay. Theresa May should announce that immediately and stop using people who are settled here as some kind of bargaining chip. The Tory Member who proposed the amendment should be demanding nothing less. I'm afraid his half-hearted amendment to merely explore arrangements for a reciprocal agreement is disgracefully less. UKIP says that those who are here at the moment should be allowed to stay regardless of any reciprocal agreement. The law suggests that that is the case in any event. Post-study work visas are a vital part of attracting and keeping high-quality graduates in the country and I support their use. However, under EU freedom of movement, we've become accustomed to oversimplifying the classifications of those coming here. We had no choice in that. However, many people come to Wales to study. We should at least count them and consider if we can cope with the numbers or whether we need to attract more. There is no reason why we can't have separate targets for student numbers, but we do need to acknowledge that we have finite resources and public services in this country. To pretend otherwise is irresponsible. International research funding is important, but has to pass the education principal quality test. There is no such thing as a free lunch and it would be a shame to see research only being done because it is sponsored by profit-orientated, multinational companies. It flies in the face of what education should be about. As far as future graduates are concerned, I totally support the ability of international graduates to remain, work and settle here. But EU open-door immigration currently means a highly qualified graduate from Nigeria would have great difficulty remaining here after their studies, or even coming here in the first place. Following Brexit, we have a duty to make sure our immigration policy is based on merit, not nationality as it is now. The UK's HE institutions are very highly regarded across the world. Seven out of the 11 best universities in Europe are in the UK, and while the UK has four universities in the world's top 20, the other EU countries have none. We have advantages that many countries don't have. Welsh Government must promote and market Welsh higher education across the globe, once they have the freedom to do so after Brexit. Thank you.
Welsh: Rwy'n derbyn hynny ac rwyf hefyd yn dadlau, pe bai ein sefydliadau addysg uwch yn ehangu eu rhwyd, gallent wneud llawer mwy o arian yn y tymor hir mewn gwirionedd, a bod yn fwy cynaliadwy yn y tymor hir, yn hytrach na chanolbwyntio ar fyfyrwyr o'r UE y mae'n rhaid cynnig yr un telerau iddynt â myfyrwyr o'r wlad hon. Bydd y rhai sy'n gweithio ym mhrifysgolion y DU ar hyn o bryd yn cael caniatâd i aros. Mae dweud efallai na fyddant, unwaith eto, yn dod o bosibl gan blaid sy'n gwneud popeth yn ei gallu i godi bwganod a mynnu pethau a fydd yn digwydd beth bynnag fel y gallant geisio hawlio buddugoliaeth ymhellach i lawr y lôn. Mae UKIP wedi dweud, dro ar ôl tro, y dylai gwladolion yr UE sy'n byw yma ar hyn o bryd gael hawl i aros. Dylai Theresa May gyhoeddi hynny ar unwaith a rhoi'r gorau i ddefnyddio pobl sydd wedi setlo yma fel rhyw fath o ddarn bargeinio. Ni ddylai'r Aelod Torïaidd a gynigiodd y gwelliant fynnu dim llai na hynny. Rwy'n ofni bod ei welliant gwangalon i edrych yn unig ar drefniadau ar gyfer cytundeb dwyochrog yn llawer llai na hynny. Mae UKIP yn dweud y dylai'r rhai sydd yma ar hyn o bryd gael caniatâd i aros heb ystyried unrhyw gytundeb dwyochrog. Mae'r gyfraith yn awgrymu mai felly y mae beth bynnag. Mae fisâu gwaith ar ôl astudio yn rhan hanfodol o ddenu a chadw graddedigion o ansawdd uchel yn y wlad, ac rwy'n cefnogi eu defnydd. Fodd bynnag, o dan drefniadau rhyddid i symud yr UE, rydym wedi dod yn gyfarwydd â gorsymleiddio dosbarthiadau'r rhai sy'n dod yma. Nid oedd gennym unrhyw ddewis yn hynny. Fodd bynnag, mae llawer o bobl yn dod i Gymru i astudio. Dylem o leiaf eu cyfrif ac ystyried a allwn ymdopi â'r niferoedd neu a oes angen i ni ddenu mwy. Nid oes unrhyw reswm pam na allwn gael targedau ar wahân ar gyfer niferoedd myfyrwyr, ond mae angen i ni gydnabod bod pen draw ar ein hadnoddau a'n gwasanaethau cyhoeddus yn y wlad hon. Mae esgus fel arall yn anghyfrifol. Mae cyllid ymchwil rhyngwladol yn bwysig, ond rhaid iddo basio prif brawf ansawdd addysg. Nid oes y fath beth â chinio am ddim a buasai'n drueni gweld ymchwil yn cael ei wneud yn unig am ei fod yn cael ei noddi gan gwmnïau rhyngwladol sy'n canolbwyntio ar elw. Mae'n mynd yn groes i'r hyn y dylai addysg fod. O ran graddedigion y dyfodol, rwy'n llwyr gefnogi gallu graddedigion rhyngwladol i aros, gweithio a setlo yma. Ond mae polisi ymfudo drws agored yr UE ar hyn o bryd yn golygu y byddai person graddedig cymwys iawn o Nigeria yn cael anhawster mawr i aros yma ar ôl eu hastudiaethau, neu hyd yn oed i ddod yma yn y lle cyntaf. Yn dilyn Brexit, mae gennym ddyletswydd i wneud yn siŵr fod ein polisi mewnfudo yn seiliedig ar deilyngdod, nid ar genedligrwydd fel y mae yn awr. Mae enw da iawn gan sefydliadau addysg uwch y DU ar draws y byd. Mae saith o 11 prifysgol orau Ewrop yn y DU, ac er bod gan y DU bedair prifysgol yn 20 prifysgol orau'r byd, nid oes yr un gan wledydd eraill yr UE. Mae gennym fanteision nad oes gan lawer o wledydd eraill mohonynt. Rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru hyrwyddo a marchnata addysg uwch Cymru ar draws y byd, pan gânt y rhyddid i wneud hynny ar ôl Brexit. Diolch.