techiaith/cofnodycynulliad_en-cy huggingface dataset:
English: So, if there were no compulsory gender quotas in our Bill, would the Conservative Party consider following the example of the Labour Party in Wales, which is to have had gender balance ever since the Senedd was first founded?
Welsh: Felly, pe na bai cwotâu rhywedd gorfodol yn ein Bil, a fyddai'r Blaid Geidwadol yn ystyried dilyn esiampl y Blaid Lafur yng Nghymru, a chael cydbwysedd rhwng y rhywiau ers sefydlu'r Senedd?
English: The Conservative Party is a meritocracy. We believe - [ Interruption.] We believe - [ Interruption.]
Welsh: Mae'r Blaid Geidwadol yn feritocratiaeth. Credwn - [ Torri ar draws.] Credwn - [ Torri ar draws.]
English: I would like to hear the conclusion of the Member's contribution, and he is aware of the timescale as well.
Welsh: Hoffwn glywed diwedd cyfraniad yr Aelod, ac mae'n ymwybodol o'r amser hefyd.
English: We believe - [ Interruption.] I've taken a number of interventions.
Welsh: Credwn - [ Torri ar draws.] Rwyf wedi derbyn nifer o ymyriadau.
English: I am aware of the interventions, Darren.
Welsh: Rwy'n ymwybodol o'r ymyriadau, Darren.
English: We believe that people should be selected as candidates not because of their gender, or their race, or their religion, or their disability, but because of their qualities and merits as candidates. That is our firm belief. And I ask the question as well: why do we actually need to take any action on that front when you look at the fact that the Senedd actually had 50:50 - [ Interruption.] - actually had 50:50 representation?
Welsh: Credwn y dylid dewis pobl fel ymgeiswyr nid oherwydd eu rhywedd, na'u hil, na'u crefydd, na'u hanabledd, ond oherwydd eu cryfderau a'u rhinweddau fel ymgeiswyr. Dyna ein cred gadarn. A gofynnaf y cwestiwn hefyd: pam fod angen inni gymryd unrhyw gamau yn hynny o beth o ystyried bod y Senedd wedi cael cynrychiolaeth 50:50 - [ Torri ar draws.] - cynrychiolaeth 50:50 mewn gwirionedd?
English: I would like Members to be a little bit more quiet, please. I like to listen to the contributions. We have a very long debate and lots of Members wishing to speak. The longer you take in making such noise, then fewer Members will be able to speak.
Welsh: Hoffwn i'r Aelodau fod ychydig yn dawelach, os gwelwch yn dda. Rwy'n hoffi gwrando ar y cyfraniadau. Mae gennym ddadl hir iawn a llawer o Aelodau sy'n dymuno siarad. Po hiraf y byddwch yn gwneud y fath sŵn, y lleiaf o Aelodau a fydd yn gallu siarad.
English: We must remember that the existing system of elections has delivered 50:50 representation on a gender basis in this Senedd in the past. And on that basis, there's no actual need to take this particular action. So, why on earth would this Welsh Government want to embark upon a journey that is going to end in the Supreme Court on the current basis of the devolution settlement? Because that's where it's going to end up, and it could scupper completely any delivery of Senedd reform in the future. So, in summary, I just want to say this: there is no public mandate for these changes. The financial costs are likely to be very significant. The proposals will curtail public choice at elections and sever the direct accountability between named individuals and their constituents. It will amount to a power grab by political parties, because, at the end of the day, the candidates will be more accountable to them because of their position on the list than the public that we are here, supposedly, to serve. And these proposals will pit, I regret, one aspect of diversity against another. And for these reasons, I urge Members to vote against the proposal and to support the amendments tabled in my name.
Welsh: Rhaid inni gofio bod y system bresennol o etholiadau wedi sicrhau cynrychiolaeth o 50:50 ar sail rhywedd yn y Senedd hon yn y gorffennol. Ac ar y sail honno, nid oes gwir angen cymryd y camau penodol hyn. Felly, pam ar y ddaear y byddai'r Llywodraeth hon yng Nghymru eisiau dechrau ar daith a ddaw i ben yn y Goruchaf Lys ar sail bresennol y setliad datganoli? Oherwydd dyna lle y daw i ben, a gallai lwyr ddifetha unrhyw waith ar ddiwygio'r Senedd yn y dyfodol. Felly, i grynhoi, rwyf eisiau dweud hyn: nid oes mandad cyhoeddus ar gyfer y newidiadau hyn. Mae'r costau ariannol yn debygol o fod yn sylweddol iawn. Bydd yr argymhellion yn cyfyngu ar ddewis y cyhoedd mewn etholiadau ac yn torri'r atebolrwydd uniongyrchol rhwng unigolion a enwir a'u hetholwyr. Bydd yn gyfystyr â hawlio pŵer gan bleidiau gwleidyddol, oherwydd, yn y pen draw, bydd yr ymgeiswyr yn fwy atebol iddynt hwy oherwydd eu safle ar y rhestr na'r cyhoedd yr ydym ni i fod yma i'w gwasanaethu. Ac mae arnaf ofn y bydd y cynigion hyn yn gosod un agwedd ar amrywiaeth yn erbyn un arall. Ac am y rhesymau hyn, rwy'n annog yr Aelodau i bleidleisio yn erbyn y cynnig ac i gefnogi'r gwelliannau a gyflwynwyd yn fy enw i.
English: This Senedd is younger than all of its elected Members. And yet, in that short space of time, this institution has developed significantly. We forget that the first Assembly had fewer fiscal responsibilities than community councils. Thank goodness, we have moved away from the early Senedd models that saw Ministers sitting on committees. And yet, despite this, the Senedd is still smaller than eight of our local authorities. Cardiff Council, for example, has 79 members - 19 more members than our national Parliament.
Welsh: Mae'r Senedd hon yn iau na phob un o'i Haelodau etholedig. Ond yn y cyfnod byr yma, mae'r sefydliad yma wedi datblygu yn anhygoel. Rŷn ni'n anghofio bod y Cynulliad cyntaf gyda llai o gyfrifoldebau cyllidol na chynghorau cymunedol. Diolch byth, rŷn ni wedi symud ymlaen o fodelau cynnar y Senedd hon a welodd Weinidogion yn eistedd ar bwyllgorau. Ac eto, er gwaethaf hynny i gyd, mae'r Senedd yn parhau i fod yn llai nag wyth o'n hawdurdodau lleol. Mae gan Gyngor Caerdydd, er enghraifft, 79 aelod - 19 o aelodau'n fwy na'n Senedd genedlaethol.
English: It's worth reminding my friends on the benches opposite of some historical facts. The Conservatives were wiped off the electoral map in Wales in 1997 - the first time since the Liberal Party landslide in 1906. They were good days, weren't they, Jane Dodds? The Tories did not stage a comeback at Westminster until eight years later in 2005, and a great help for that comeback were the Tory Members who were elected in the first two Assembly elections in 1999 and 2003. At that time, the Conservatives welcomed their Welshness and its unique nature and they supported devolution through words and also through deeds.
Welsh: Mae'n werth atgoffa fy ffrindiau ar y meinciau gyferbyn o ambell ffaith hanesyddol. Cafodd y Ceidwadwyr eu dileu oddi ar y map etholiadol yn 1997 - y tro cyntaf ers y landslide Rhyddfrydol yn 1906. Dyddiau da, yntefe, Jane Dodds? Ni lwyddodd y Torïaid i gael comeback yn San Steffan tan wyth mlynedd yn ddiweddarach, yn 2005, a chymorth mawr i'r comeback hynny oedd yr Aelodau Torïaidd a chawsant eu hethol yn y ddau etholiad Cynulliad cyntaf yn 1999 a 2003. A bryd hynny, croesawodd y Ceidwadwyr eu Cymreictod a'i natur unigryw ac roedden nhw'n cefnogi datganoli trwy air ond hefyd trwy eu gweithredoedd.
English: Andrew R.T. Davies recently said in the Conservative Party conference that they need to put on the red jersey in Wales. Well, Andrew, backing a stronger Senedd would be a good start for that.
Welsh: Yn ddiweddar, dywedodd Andrew R.T. Davies yng nghynhadledd y Blaid Geidwadol fod angen iddynt wisgo'r crys coch yng Nghymru. Wel, Andrew, byddai cefnogi Senedd gryfach yn ddechrau da i hynny.
English: Before long we will lose 20 per cent of our representatives in Westminster. Back in 2016, one of my predecessors, the Conservative David Melding, launched a pamphlet on the opportunity to create more Assembly Members by cutting the number of Welsh MPs in Westminster.
Welsh: Cyn hir, byddwn yn colli 20 y cant o'n cynrychiolwyr yn San Steffan. Nôl yn 2016, gwnaeth un o fy rhagflaenwyr, y Ceidwadwr David Melding, lansio pamffled ar y cyfle i greu rhagor o Aelodau Cynulliad trwy dorri nifer yr Aelodau Seneddol yn San Steffan.
English: The report argued that, because of a cut in the number of Westminster Members, we could increase our numbers here without a negative effect on the public purse. Professor Russell Deacon went forward and he said, as one of the authors of the report, that there's a potential Brexit bonus in this - that truly elusive creature that you lot haven't been able to find yet - a Brexit bonus that the loss of Members of the European Parliament could provide a fiscal bridge to ensuring more Senedd Members. It's therefore disappointing that the Conservatives, who must hear 'Brexit bonus' and 'levelling up' in their sleep by now, aren't behind a potential Brexit bonus here that would actually make a difference. Perhaps if we put the financial benefits of scrutiny into shillings and farthings, you might actually understand.
Welsh: Roedd yr adroddiad yn dadlau, oherwydd toriad yn nifer yr Aelodau yn San Steffan, y gallem gynyddu ein niferoedd yma heb gael effaith negyddol ar bwrs y wlad. Aeth yr Athro Russell Deacon yn ei flaen a dywedodd, fel un o awduron yr adroddiad, fod bonws posibl yn hyn yn sgil Brexit - y creadur gwirioneddol brin hwnnw nad ydych wedi gallu dod o hyd iddo eto - bonws yn sgil Brexit, y gallai colli Aelodau o Senedd Ewrop ddarparu pont gyllidol i sicrhau mwy o Aelodau o'r Senedd. Mae'n siomedig felly nad yw'r Ceidwadwyr, y mae'n rhaid eu bod yn clywed 'bonws Brexit' a 'chodi'r gwastad' yn eu cwsg bellach, yn cefnogi bonws Brexit posibl yma a fyddai wir yn gwneud gwahaniaeth. Pe baem yn disgrifio buddion ariannol craffu mewn sylltau a ffyrlingau, efallai y byddech yn deall.
English: If we want to discuss in more detail the cost of politicians, maybe the Conservatives can have a word with their friend the Prime Minister - well, the Prime Minister for the time being - Boris Johnson. As we heard, more than 80 appointments to the House of Lords, and some of those against the advice of the appointments commission - that is what we have now in Westminster. We all know that the scrutiny role of the legislature is vital to a healthy democracy. I'm very fond of the wise words of Sir Paul Silk: 'Good scrutiny means good legislation, and good legislation pays for itself.' We need a Senedd with the appropriate resources to scrutinise - to scrutinise over £17 billion of expenditure every year, to scrutinise significant legislation, and to conduct inquiries into the issues that matter to the people of Wales.
Welsh: Os ydyn ni am drafod yn fanylach y gost wleidyddol, efallai y gall y Ceidwadwyr gael gair gyda'u ffrind nhw y Prif Weinidog - wel, y Prif Weinidog am nawr beth bynnag - Boris Johnson. Fel clywon ni, dros 80 o apwyntiadau i Dŷ'r Arglwyddi, a rhai ohonynt yn erbyn cyngor y comisiwn penodiadau - dyna beth sydd gyda ni yn San Steffan. Rŷn ni i gyd yn gwybod bod rôl craffu'r ddeddfwrfa yn hynod bwysig i ddemocratiaeth iach. Dwi'n hoff iawn o eiriau doeth Sir Paul Silk: 'Rhaid wrth graffu da i gael deddfwriaeth dda, ac mae deddfwriaeth dda yn talu amdani ei hun.' Mae angen Senedd gyda'r adnoddau priodol i graffu - i graffu ar dros £17 biliwn o wariant bob blwyddyn, i graffu ar ddeddfwriaeth sylweddol, a chynnal ymchwiliadau sy'n gwneud gwahaniaeth i fywydau pobl Cymru.
English: This is a case of levelling up the Senedd so that it fits the modern, confident, self-governing Wales of today. The number 96 will be futureproof, as Huw Irranca-Davies alluded to. Whilst Andrew R.T. Davies performedly announces that Welsh Conservatives will always - will always - oppose devolution of justice, we know that his bosses in London will be happy to overrule him at any point. Indeed, Boris Johnson, when he was the London mayor, wanted greater powers over criminal justice devolved to him. It was disappointing to hear the comments about a referendum from the Conservative benches. Haven't they heard of another democratic tool, a well-used democratic tool over the years - elections, the ballot box? And in the last Senedd election, the Welsh public overwhelmingly supported parties that wanted a larger, stronger Senedd. Andrew claims that his party's standing up for democracy. Well, I think it's very odd that standing up for democracy involves limiting the number of elected Members, limiting the amount of scrutiny in this place and preventing a more representative Parliament. That's a new one for me.
Welsh: Mae hyn yn fater o godi'r gwastad yn y Senedd fel ei bod yn addas ar gyfer y Gymru fodern, hyderus, hunanlywodraethol sydd ohoni. Bydd y rhif 96 yn ddiogel rhag y dyfodol, fel y dywedodd Huw Irranca-Davies. Er bod Andrew R.T. Davies yn cyhoeddi'n berfformiadol y bydd y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig bob amser - bob amser - yn gwrthwynebu datganoli cyfiawnder, gwyddom y bydd ei benaethiaid yn Llundain bob amser yn fwy na pharod i benderfynu'n wahanol. Yn wir, roedd Boris Johnson, pan oedd yn faer Llundain, am i fwy o bwerau dros gyfiawnder troseddol gael eu datganoli iddo. Roedd yn siomedig clywed y sylwadau am refferendwm oddi ar feinciau'r Ceidwadwyr. Onid ydynt wedi clywed am offeryn democrataidd arall, offeryn democrataidd sydd wedi cael cryn dipyn o ddefnydd dros y blynyddoedd - etholiadau, y blwch pleidleisio? Ac yn etholiad diwethaf y Senedd, roedd y mwyafrif llethol o'r cyhoedd yng Nghymru yn cefnogi pleidiau a oedd yn dymuno cael Senedd fwy a chryfach. Mae Andrew yn honni bod ei blaid yn sefyll dros ddemocratiaeth. Wel, credaf ei bod yn rhyfedd iawn fod sefyll dros ddemocratiaeth yn golygu cyfyngu ar nifer yr Aelodau etholedig, cyfyngu ar faint o graffu a gawn yn y lle hwn ac atal Senedd fwy cynrychioliadol. Mae hynny'n rhywbeth newydd i mi.
English: What is being proposed today is not perfect, but the nature of devolution in Wales since 1997 has not been perfect. In 1997, some in the Liberal Democrats, and some in my own party, argued that what was being proposed by Labour wasn't good enough and that we shouldn't support that, while others said, 'Well, we will take hold of this, this imperfect proposal, in order to try and refine it and build on it.'
Welsh: Nid yw'r hyn sy'n cael ei gynnig heddiw yn berffaith, ond dyw natur datganoli yng Nghymru ers 1997 ddim wedi bod yn berffaith. Yn 1997, roedd rhai yn y Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol, ac ym mhlaid fi fy hun, yn dadlau doedd yr hyn a oedd yn cael ei gynnig gan Lafur ddim yn ddigon da a ddylen ni ddim cefnogi hynny, tra'r oedd eraill yn dweud, 'Wel, fe wnawn ni afael yn hyn, y cynnig amherffaith hwn, trwy obeithio ei fireinio ac adeiladu arno.'
English: With hindsight, the latter group were correct - thankfully, Dafydd Wigley and Richard Livsey put their full force behind the most meagre of proposals, but one that, within a few years, had built this Parliament. If our nation had voted against devolution for a second time, we would have spent the last two decades as a voiceless periphery, unable to address the pandemic in a community-centred way, unable to act to protect our most vulnerable citizens, unable to withstand the full force of the disjointed, expensive and disastrous privatisation of the public services that our friends in England have suffered. The lesson, therefore, for all of us, is that, if we want to move our country forward, even if it's not the strides we want to take, we need to grasp it. Because do we want an undersized Parliament? And if 'no' is the answer, if we want to see a more progressive, a more proportional, a more diverse Parliament for Wales, then today we have a chance to take a great step forward. I, for one, despite the imperfections of Huw Irranca's report, in the new proposals, am excited and I'm honoured to vote for the new Senedd of tomorrow, not dwell in the old, inadequate one of today. Diolch yn fawr.
Welsh: Wrth edrych yn ôl, yr ail grŵp a oedd yn gywir - diolch byth, rhoddodd Dafydd Wigley a Richard Livsey eu grym llwyr y tu ôl i'r cynnig teneuaf, ond un a oedd, o fewn ychydig flynyddoedd, wedi adeiladu'r Senedd hon. Pe bai ein cenedl wedi pleidleisio yn erbyn datganoli am yr eildro, byddem wedi treulio'r ddau ddegawd diwethaf yn ddi-lais ac ar yr ymylon, heb allu mynd i'r afael â'r pandemig mewn ffordd a oedd yn canolbwyntio ar y gymuned, heb allu cymryd camau i amddiffyn ein dinasyddion mwyaf agored i niwed, a heb allu gwrthsefyll grym llawn y broses ddigyswllt, ddrud a thrychinebus o breifateiddio gwasanaethau cyhoeddus y mae ein cyfeillion yn Lloegr wedi'i dioddef. Y wers felly i bob un ohonom, os ydym am i'n gwlad wneud cynnydd, hyd yn oed os nad yw hynny ar ffurf y camau mawr yr ydym am eu cymryd, yw bod angen inni achub ar y cyfleoedd hynny. Oherwydd a ydym yn dymuno cael Senedd sy'n rhy fach? Ac os mai 'nac ydym' yw'r ateb, os ydym am weld Senedd Cymru sy'n fwy blaengar, yn fwy cyfrannol, yn fwy amrywiol, mae gennym gyfle heddiw i gymryd cam mawr tuag at hynny. O'm rhan fy hun, er gwaethaf amherffeithrwydd adroddiad Huw Irranca, yn y cynigion newydd, rwy'n edrych ymlaen ac mae'n fraint gennyf bleidleisio dros Senedd newydd ar gyfer yfory, yn hytrach nag aros yn yr hen Senedd annigonol sydd gennym heddiw. Diolch yn fawr.
English: Jane, would you take an intervention?
Welsh: Jane, a wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
English: Of course I will.
Welsh: Gwnaf, wrth gwrs.
English: You say they're Westminster-imposed boundaries, but, of course, they are the consequence of the work of the Boundary Commission for Wales. They're not imposed by anybody; they're designed to represent people, and it makes more sense to use boundaries that will become, or would become, understood, than to impose another set for no apparent reason.
Welsh: Rydych yn dweud eu bod yn ffiniau a orfodir gan San Steffan, ond wrth gwrs, maent yn ganlyniad i waith y Comisiwn Ffiniau i Gymru. Nid ydynt yn cael eu gorfodi gan unrhyw un; maent wedi'u cynllunio i gynrychioli pobl, ac mae'n gwneud mwy o synnwyr defnyddio ffiniau a fydd yn dod, neu a fyddai'n dod, yn ddealladwy, na phennu set arall heb unrhyw reswm amlwg.
English: Thank you for that intervention, and my response to you is that, actually, people in Wales know their local authority very, very well, and that's what the committee had been considering to date. That's what the discussions were focused on. There was no mention at all of the proposal to bring forward Westminster constituency boundaries.
Welsh: Diolch am eich ymyriad, a fy ymateb i hynny yw bod pobl yng Nghymru yn gyfarwydd iawn â'u hawdurdod lleol, a dyna oedd y pwyllgor wedi bod yn ei ystyried hyd yn hyn. Roedd y trafodaethau'n canolbwyntio ar hynny. Nid oedd unrhyw sôn o gwbl am y cynnig i gyflwyno ffiniau etholaethau San Steffan.
English: Oh, sorry. I thought it was 10 minutes that -
Welsh: O, mae'n ddrwg gennyf. Roeddwn yn meddwl mai 10 munud oedd -
English: No, the Member doesn't have 10 minutes, but she is being allowed to extend a little bit longer than normal. But no more interventions, I'm sorry.
Welsh: Na, nid oes gan yr Aelod 10 munud, ond mae'n cael caniatâd i barhau ychydig yn hirach nag arfer. Ond dim mwy o ymyriadau, mae'n ddrwg gennyf.
English: For clarity, for Members' purposes, I gave flexibility to the Member for Mid and West Wales, because she is the leader of one of the parties represented in this Senedd. Other Members are not in the same position, therefore, I expect them to keep to their five minutes, please. Jenny Rathbone.
Welsh: Er eglurder i'r Aelodau, rhoddais hyblygrwydd i'r Aelod dros Ganolbarth a Gorllewin Cymru, gan ei bod yn arweinydd un o'r pleidiau a gynrychiolir yn y Senedd hon. Nid yw Aelodau eraill yn yr un sefyllfa, felly, rwy'n disgwyl iddynt gadw at eu pum munud, os gwelwch yn dda. Jenny Rathbone.
English: Thank you very much. I think no change is not an option, not least, as already outlined by Rhys ab Owen, because we simply don't have enough Members to make proper, good scrutiny decisions. I used to be a member of the Public Accounts Committee, so I was never short of examples from the Auditor General for Wales of things that had gone wrong that might have benefited from better scrutiny at an earlier stage. I think it's absolutely clear that bad decisions cost money and nowhere is that clearer than in the finangles around the M4 relief road. Members of the Senedd had ample opportunities to scrutinise the decision by the then First Minister in 2014 to use new borrowing powers not to build more homes, hospitals or schools, but to have another stab at tackling congestion via the M4 relief road -
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr iawn. Ni chredaf fod peidio â gwneud unrhyw newidiadau yn opsiwn, yn anad dim, fel yr amlinellwyd eisoes gan Rhys ab Owen, am nad oes gennym ddigon o Aelodau i wneud penderfyniadau priodol ac addas ynghylch craffu. Roeddwn yn arfer bod yn aelod o'r Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus, felly nid oeddwn byth yn brin o enghreifftiau gan Archwilydd Cyffredinol Cymru o bethau a oedd wedi mynd o chwith ac y gallent fod wedi elwa o well craffu ar gam cynharach. Credaf ei bod yn gwbl glir fod penderfyniadau gwael yn costio, a'r enghraifft berffaith o hynny yw'r castiau mewn perthynas â ffordd liniaru'r M4. Cafodd Aelodau o'r Senedd ddigonedd o gyfleoedd i graffu ar benderfyniad y Prif Weinidog ar y pryd yn 2014 i ddefnyddio pwerau benthyca newydd nid i adeiladu mwy o gartrefi, ysbytai neu ysgolion, ond i roi cynnig arall ar fynd i'r afael â thagfeydd drwy adeiladu ffordd liniaru'r M4 -
English: I will in a minute, but not quite now. The Tory benches are never slow to come forward to remind us of the millions that have been lavished on trying to reinstate this most extensive strip of proposed road, led by your good self -
Welsh: Gwnaf, mewn munud, ond nid ar hyn o bryd. Nid yw meinciau'r Torïaid byth yn ymatal rhag ein hatgoffa o'r miliynau a gafodd eu gwario ar geisio adfer y llain ddrud hon o ffordd arfaethedig, dan eich arweiniad chi -
English: Sorry, you made reference to the former First Minister wanting to max out the borrowing, effectively, on the M4 relief road. Of course, the finance Minister was the current First Minister at the time; he was the one that signed the letters requesting that that money be made available for a road.
Welsh: Mae'n ddrwg gennyf, fe ddywedoch chi fod y cyn-Brif Weinidog yn awyddus i fenthyca'r holl arian, i bob pwrpas, er mwyn adeiladu ffordd liniaru'r M4. Wrth gwrs, y Prif Weinidog presennol oedd y Gweinidog cyllid ar y pryd; ef oedd yr un a arwyddodd y llythyrau yn gofyn am i'r arian hwnnw gael ei ddarparu ar gyfer ffordd.
English: Okay. I'm sure the finance Minister can speak for himself. But I wasn't in the Senedd in 2014 -
Welsh: Iawn. Rwy'n siŵr y gall y Gweinidog cyllid siarad drosto'i hun. Ond nid oeddwn yn y Senedd yn 2014 -
English: You were, I remember it.
Welsh: Oeddech, rwy'n cofio.
English: Jenny, please conclude now.
Welsh: Jenny, a wnewch chi ddirwyn i ben, os gwelwch yn dda?
English: I think this idea of having a referendum on the method of election is completely ridiculous, because I recall in 2011 people asking me, 'How should I vote on this referendum?', because they absolutely did not understand what it was about.
Welsh: Credaf fod y syniad o gael refferendwm ar y dull o ethol yn gwbl chwerthinllyd, gan y cofiaf bobl yn gofyn i mi yn 2011, 'Sut y dylwn bleidleisio yn y refferendwm hwn?', gan nad oedd syniad ganddynt beth oedd yn cael ei drafod.
English: Please conclude now, because I have a lot of speakers and the time has gone.
Welsh: A wnewch chi ddirwyn i ben, os gwelwch yn dda, gan fod gennyf lawer o siaradwyr, ac mae'r amser wedi mynd?
English: Okay. Okay, thank you.
Welsh: Iawn, diolch.
English: I'll come back another day.
Welsh: Dof yn ôl rywdro arall.
English: Of course, I think we should all remind ourselves it was a referendum that established this place. You can't govern without referendums when you have significant constitutional change. We had referendums on further powers. I campaigned for further powers for this Senedd back in 2011. When you have change, you have to have referendums to give the public their say.
Welsh: Wrth gwrs, credaf y dylem i gyd atgoffa ein hunain mai refferendwm a sefydlodd y lle hwn. Ni allwch lywodraethu heb refferenda pan fydd gennych newid cyfansoddiadol sylweddol. Cawsom refferenda ar bwerau pellach. Ymgyrchais dros bwerau pellach i'r Senedd hon yn ôl yn 2011. Pan fydd gennych newid, rhaid ichi gael refferenda i'r cyhoedd gael rhoi eu barn.