English: Diolch, and thank you for holding this debate on what's a really important topic and one that I don't think has enough attention in this National Assembly for Wales on a regular basis. I took some inspiration for some of the amendments from Race Equality First and from the Ethnic Youth Support Team in Swansea. Those particular ideas were focusing on teacher training to deal with hate-related incidents and interventions in school. I think what's important to recognise is that people's social views are framed from a very young age, and what I found from the Ethnic Youth Support Team in Swansea, when I visited there a few weeks ago, was that they're having specifically tailored workshops towards some people they're identifying in the school who're coming out with potentially racist comments, or derogatory comments at an early, early stage in their youth careers in school to try and understand why they're coming out with such views and what manifests itself in those views. I think it's very complex, but I think, if we invest money in that preventative agenda, we will be able to effect change. In that light, I have had evidence from the Ethnic Youth Support Team where they've said that they've read from the hate crime framework that the all-Wales anti-bullying framework will look at this preventative work, but they've told me that it disbanded in 2016. So, if the all-Wales anti-bullying framework is not in existence, or the group that's putting that in place is not currently in existence, who is doing that work on the front line? In relation to the Victim Support amendment, it was in recognition of the fact that there may be diverse groups across society that may inform Victim Support better as to the nuances and the complexities of the advice and the support needed to give to some victims. There may be charities that work specifically with the trauma induced by race-related hate crime; there may be organisations like Stonewall that may be able to give Victim Support more support in relation to that type of hate crime. I think that is the thrust of what I've tried to say there - that Victim Support, in and of itself, is working well, but needs more cross-cutting endorsement and support by the charity sector. I think what's important also to note is our attempts, as a party and as a nation, to increase community cohesion - this should be at the heart of everything that we do in relation to hate crime, especially given that it's been reported that hate crime against Muslims often is higher when the media reports on a terrorist incident. We have to address those very real concerns, because we have communities in Wales where people are suffering as a result of actions taken by other people, and it's not in their name. I realise that amendment 5 has caused some conflict before this debate happened. It's not to say that only men suffer from being victims of radicalisation from the far right, but it is a recognition that we could start somewhere and to start with men in this particular group. I don't apologise for trying to have the debate, but I can understand if perhaps it could be more nuanced, and we will consider that in future. But I think sometimes, as I've said to people before I came here today - . We know that young men commit suicide more often, we know that they need to have targeted support, and we know that young men are becoming radicalised by the far right online, social media - we only need to look at Breitbart, who don't openly advocate violence, but the culture of grievance they play repeatedly with certain white men needs discussion, as many of the talking points have become mainstream. This could be a whole debate on its own about potential problems with mental health, potentially how men feel that their role in society has changed: they've been told that they should be the main bread earner, but it winds up that they're not, and how they feel when where they fit in society doesn't work anymore. There's been numerous studies into why ethnic or Asian men have been radicalised towards the Islamic State, and so why not have the conversation openly here in our National Assembly about why certain sectors of our society are going online, abusing women, and finding it easy to justify that because they don't believe in the 'PC' agenda anymore? Why is that acceptable? Why should we accept that as a form of open debate? That has to be questioned, surely. So, I would like to potentially bring more debates of this nature, and have them in a constructive manner, so that we can help our citizens understand one another. Maybe we come from a position of privilege here in the National Assembly, so we don't understand all of the nuances of why things happen, but we have to try and work together more positively as a society.
Welsh: Diolch, a diolch i chi am gynnal y ddadl hon ar yr hyn sy'n bwnc pwysig iawn ac yn un nad wyf i'n credu y rhoddir digon o sylw iddo yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol hwn yn rheolaidd. Mae rhai o'r gwelliannau wedi eu hysbrydoli gan Race Equality First a'r Tîm Cymorth Ieuenctid Ethnig yn Abertawe. Roedd y syniadau penodol hynny yn canolbwyntio ar hyfforddiant athrawon i ymdrin â digwyddiadau ac ymyraethau sy'n gysylltiedig â chasineb yn yr ysgol. Rwy'n credu mai'r hyn sy'n bwysig i'w gofio yw bod barn gymdeithasol pobl yn cael ei ffurfio pan eu bod nhw'n ifanc iawn, a'r hyn a ddarganfyddais gan y Tîm Cymorth Ieuenctid Ethnig yn Abertawe, pan ymwelais â nhw ychydig wythnosau yn ôl, oedd eu bod yn cael gweithdai wedi'u teilwra'n benodol tuag at rai pobl y maen nhw'n sylwi arnyn nhw yn yr ysgol sy'n gwneud sylwadau sydd o bosib yn hiliol, neu sylwadau dirmygus ar gyfnod cynnar iawn yn ystod blynyddoedd eu hieuenctid yn yr ysgol i geisio deall pam maen nhw'n mynegi safbwyntiau o'r fath a beth sy'n amlygu ei hun yn y safbwyntiau hynny. Rwy'n credu ei fod yn gymhleth iawn, ond rwy'n credu, os ydym ni'n buddsoddi arian yn yr agenda ataliol honno, y byddwn yn gallu creu newid. Yng ngoleuni hynny, rwyf wedi cael tystiolaeth gan y Tîm Cefnogi Ieuenctid Ethnig lle maen nhw wedi dweud eu bod wedi darllen yn y fframwaith troseddau casineb y bydd fframwaith gwrth-fwlio Cymru gyfan yn edrych ar y gwaith ataliol hwn, ond maen nhw wedi dweud wrthyf ei fod wedi ei ddileu yn 2016. Felly, os nad oes fframwaith gwrth-fwlio Cymru gyfan yn bodoli, neu nad yw'r grŵp sy'n rhoi hynny ar waith yn bodoli ar hyn o bryd, pwy sy'n gwneud y gwaith hwnnw ar y rheng flaen? O ran y gwelliant yn ymwneud â Cymorth i Ddioddefwyr, roedd hynny i gydnabod y ffaith y gallai fod grwpiau amrywiol ym mhob rhan o gymdeithas a allai gyfarwyddo Cymorth i Ddioddefwyr yn well ynghylch natur amrywiol a chymhleth y cyngor a'r gefnogaeth y mae angen ei rhoi i rai dioddefwyr. Efallai y ceir elusennau sy'n gweithio'n benodol gyda'r trawma a achosir gan drosedd casineb sy'n gysylltiedig â hil; efallai y bydd sefydliadau fel Stonewall a allai roi mwy o gefnogaeth i Cymorth i Ddioddefwyr ynglŷn â'r math hwnnw o drosedd casineb. Credaf mai dyna yw hanfod yr hyn yr wyf wedi ceisio ei ddweud ynghylch hynny - bod Cymorth i Ddioddefwyr, ynddo'i hun, yn gweithio'n dda, ond mae angen mwy o gefnogaeth a chymorth trawsbynciol gan y sector elusennol. Rwy'n credu ei bod hi hefyd yn bwysig nodi ein hymdrechion, fel plaid ac fel cenedl, i gynyddu cydlyniant cymunedol - dylai hyn fod wrth wraidd popeth a wnawn o ran troseddau casineb, yn enwedig o gofio bod troseddau casineb yn erbyn Mwslemiaid yn aml yn uwch pan fydd y cyfryngau yn sôn am ddigwyddiad terfysgol. Mae'n rhaid inni fynd i'r afael â'r pryderon gwirioneddol hynny, oherwydd mae gennym ni gymunedau yng Nghymru lle mae pobl yn dioddef o ganlyniad i'r hyn y mae pobl eraill wedi ei wneud, ac nid yw hynny yn eu henw nhw. Sylweddolaf fod gwelliant 5 wedi achosi peth gwrthdaro cyn cynnal y ddadl hon. Nid yw'n golygu mai dynion yn unig sy'n dioddef o gael eu radicaleiddio gan y dde eithafol, ond mae'n gydnabyddiaeth y gallem ni ddechrau yn rhywle a dechrau gyda dynion yn y grŵp arbennig hwn. Nid wyf yn ymddiheuro am geisio cael y ddadl, ond fe allaf i ddeall y gallai'r ddadl fod yn fwy amrywiol efallai, a byddwn ni'n ystyried hynny yn y dyfodol. Ond rwy'n credu weithiau, fel y dywedais wrth bobl cyn i mi ddod yma heddiw - . Rydym ni'n gwybod bod dynion ifanc yn cyflawni hunanladdiad yn amlach, fe wyddom ni fod angen cymorth penodol arnyn nhw, ac fe wyddom ni fod dynion ifanc yn cael eu radicaleiddio gan y dde eithafol ar-lein, ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol - does ond rhaid i ni edrych ar Breitbart, nad ydyn nhw'n hyrwyddo trais yn agored, ond mae angen trafod y diwylliant o ddal dig maen nhw'n ei hyrwyddo'n gyson ymhlith rhai dynion croenwyn, oherwydd mae nifer o'r pynciau trafod wedi dod yn faterion prif ffrwd. Fe allai hyn fod yn ddadl yn ei hawl ei hun ynglŷn â phroblemau posib gydag iechyd meddwl, sut mae dynion o bosib yn teimlo bod eu swyddogaeth mewn cymdeithas wedi newid: maen nhw wedi clywed nhw mai nhw ddylai fod yn ennill y cyflog mwyaf, ond yn gweld nad felly y mae hi, a sut maen nhw'n teimlo pan nad yw'r swyddogaeth sydd ganddyn nhw mewn cymdeithas yn gweithio iddyn nhw bellach. Bu llawer o astudiaethau ynglŷn â pham mae dynion ethnig neu Asiaidd wedi cael eu radicaleiddio a'u denu tuag at y Wladwriaeth Islamaidd, ac felly beth am gael y sgwrs yn agored yma yn ein Cynulliad Cenedlaethol ynghylch pam mae rhai sectorau o'n cymdeithas yn mynd ar-lein, yn cam-drin menywod, ac yn ei chael hi'n hawdd cyfiawnhau hynny oherwydd nad ydyn nhw'n credu yn yr agenda 'Gwleidyddol Gywir' mwyach? Pam mae hynny'n dderbyniol? Pam y dylem ni dderbyn hynny fel ffurf o drafodaeth agored? Siawns bod rhaid cwestiynu hynny. Felly, fe hoffwn i o bosib godi mwy o ddadleuon o'r math yma, a'u trafod mewn ffordd adeiladol, fel y gallwn ni helpu ein dinasyddion i ddeall ei gilydd. Efallai ein bod ni mewn sefyllfa freintiedig yma yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol, felly nid ydym yn deall yr holl gymhlethdodau ynghylch pam mae pethau'n digwydd, ond mae'n rhaid inni geisio gweithio gyda'n gilydd yn fwy cadarnhaol fel cymdeithas.