English: Srebrenica nestles in a lush green valley among mountains that rise from the banks of the River Drina. But, in July 1995, Srebrenica had been a living hell for three years. In the spring of 1992, Bosnian Serb troops launched a campaign of violence in pursuit of a racially pure statelet, after multi-ethnic Bosnia voted for independence from Yugoslavia. Entire villages were eradicated, towns torched, their populations killed or driven out by ethnic cleansing. Survivors fled into three eastern enclaves where the Bosnian republican army had resisted, one of which was Srebrenica. It was declared a safe zone by the UN, causing the population of Srebrenica to swell from 9,000 to 42,000. Under the direction of President Radovan Karadžić, General Ratko Mladić entered Srebrenica on 11 July 1995. He declared on tv that he was going to take revenge for a violent suppression of a Serb uprising that happened in Srebrenica in 1804. Fearing genocide, thousands of Bosnian Muslim men and boys tried to make the 63-mile trek to safety. Mladić's troops blocked roads, carried out ambushes and used stolen UN vehicles and uniforms to trick Bosnian Muslims into surrendering. Men and boys aged 12 to 77 were separated from the others. Truckloads of those men and boys, blindfolded, their arms tied, were lined up by the gunmen in fields and forests, sometimes told to pray and then shot dead. The killing, systematic and methodical, lasted four days. Those unarmed men and boys were killed just because of who they were: Bosnian and Muslim. They came to a mass grave in trucks and were buried with bulldozers, all within a UN safe haven that failed to protect innocent people. The only survivors were those who hid under dead bodies and crept away once night had fallen. During our visit, we had the privilege of meeting a survivor, Nedžad Avdić. After the fall of Srebrenica, Nedžad and many other Bosniak men tried to flee through the nearby woods in an attempt to reach territory controlled by the Bosnian army where they could be safe. Nedžad was captured together with the other Bosniaks and was then transported to a village and locked up in a school building. Nedžad said, 'We heard screams and cries. The classrooms were overcrowded. No water. No air. We drank our own urine in order to survive. People died of heat, literally'. When the massacre started, Nedžad only survived by lying motionless and wounded in a tangle of bodies until the killers moved away. In 1995, I was 17 - the same age as Nedžad. I remember, like many, the horrific news stories on tv about the war. A vivid image sticks with me of a young man wheeling an elderly man in a wheelbarrow across mountains for days, fleeing for their lives. Twenty-one years later, I walked around that battery factory at Potočari, which was the UN base fatally abandoned by the Dutch peacekeepers where thousands were slaughtered: an empty, sterile, quiet space, but with an eerie feeling of what took place - the desperate fears of those packed into the room with no escape, no food, no water, knowing they were about to die. Opposite, stand thousands of uniform bright white headstones, each marking a life callously taken too soon. Most of the town's former Muslim residents are either dead or have emigrated. Though international courts have recognised the Srebrenica massacre as genocide, this is still denied by Serbia and Bosnian Serbs. Nedžad returned to Srebrenica in 2007 and lives there with his family. A startling fact to all of us on the delegation is that the education fails to teach the history of what happened at Srebrenica. Nedžad says, 'They're being taught that the genocide never happened. You turn on the tv and it's like the war never ended. I fear for my daughters' future. The education system generated new hatred and indoctrination. Despite everything, I hope that I can teach my daughters to grow up without hatred. This will be my success.' The US-brokered Dayton accords that ended the war set up an intricate federal structure with a weak central Government. For Nedžad, the greater injustice is that the division of Bosnia into two halves - a Muslim-Croat federation and a Serbian republic - has meant that the practice of ethnic cleansing has been legitimised. Many regularly see the killers around the town. Some hold offices in local government. Others are senior figures in the local police force. Last October, Srebrenica elected a Serbian mayor with an ultranationalist history who does not accept that the Srebrenica massacres amounted to genocide - something that seems unimaginable to us. While the genocide took husbands, sons and brothers, their mothers, daughters and sisters were left behind. Once a year, the Mothers of Srebrenica, who campaign to ensure each person responsible is brought to justice, host a ceremony to remember their loved ones. This intensely moving event is held in the Potočari cemetery, where some of the victims whose bodies have been found are buried. We had the privilege of meeting some of the Mothers of Srebrenica. They want to share their story with young children so that they can learn from the past and also prepare for the future. Those who killed believed they could get away with murder. They thought they could erase the identity of their victims permanently. But they were wrong. While we were in Bosnia we also saw the invaluable work undertaken by the International Commission for Missing Persons. The ICMP spearheaded the effort to locate and identify the people who went missing during the conflict. In the aftermath of Srebrenica, work began on what were thought to be the five mass burial sites, each containing many separate graves in which the dead had been buried and left hidden. However, testing showed that body parts from what came to be called the primary graves had been moved to secondary ones, to hide evidence. Sometimes, they had even been disinterred and reinterred again, into tertiary graves. This had two implications: first, that more than a million and a half bones and body parts from over 8,000 people were scattered across countless sites; and the second, that the few byways of rural eastern Bosnia had for weeks - months, even - been heaving with trucks carrying the rotting, stinking remains of these people, yet no one said a thing. Edin Ramulic, of an organisation called Izvor, which campaigns with relatives of the missing, said: They drove past people's houses along quiet roads. For every one missing person, at least three people know exactly where they are buried - the driver, the digger, and the policeman, plus whoever saw them pass - but all remain silent. While that silence persists, you cannot call this peace.' Through the work of the ICMP, more than 70 per cent of those people have been accounted for. Furthermore, the scientific evidence of the identity of victims from Srebrenica made it possible to piece together an incontestable narrative of crimes and to present this evidence in numerous trials including those of Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. When we remember what happened in Srebrenica it's also important to remember those others who were targeted. The youngest victim of Srebrenica was a baby girl called Fatima, born in the UN base at Potočari. Fatima was just two days old when she was murdered. Thousands of women, children and elderly people were forcibly deported and a large number of women were raped. The use of rape as a weapon of war is one of the most harrowing and most savage crimes against civilians. The war in Bosnia took sexual violence to new levels. The UN estimates up to 50,000 women and girls, some as young as 12, were raped as part of an organised ethnic cleansing regime. We do not know the exact number because the majority have remained silent through stigma, shame and fear. Many children born of rape have grown up isolated and rejected from society, and this is something that is still not talked about. Pramila Patten, the UN special representative on sexual violence in conflict, said: Rape is a cruel weapon that is as devastating as any bullet or bomb. It ravages victims and their families. It destroys communities, and undermines their chances for reconciliation if left unaddressed. It has also been described as the oldest and yet least condemned crime of all.' Many women suffered, and now we know many men have suffered from this crime too. Some 3,000 men and boys were raped during the war. Many of the victims have been isolated and shunned by their own families and communities. Last month, in a bid to promote reconciliation, leaders of the Orthodox, Islamic, Jewish and Catholic communities signed a declaration denouncing the stigmatisation of survivors of conflict related sexual violence at Bosnia's inter-religious council. This declaration is the first of its kind in the world. What happened in Srebrenica was not inevitable; it was preventable. While those survivors mourn the loss of their loved ones and we say 'never again', we all have a responsibility to ensure future generations understand how neighbour turned against neighbour, tolerance turned to intolerance and similarities were shunned for differences. Never has it been more important to learn the lessons from Srebrenica. We have a duty to remember those who died and those left behind, but we also have a duty and responsibility to work harder than ever to challenge those ideologies of fear and hatred. Most importantly, we must teach the next generation about what happened in Srebrenica and the dangers of not tackling hatred and intolerance. I would urge other Members to visit Srebrenica, read the testimonies from the survivors and do all we can to bring communities together and stand up to those who try to divide us. Furthermore, I'd ask the leader of the house and the Cabinet Secretary for Education to support the education programme launched by Remembering Srebrenica to ensure that pupils in schools in Wales understand the steps that led to genocide. It also gives us the opportunity to show what can happen if we let hate win. I shall never ever forget the day that I heard the stories of those people who were at Srebrenica and those who lost their loved ones. Their dedication and courage in telling the world what happened cannot be underestimated. Their voices are so powerful and dignified. Every time I listen to them, I feel captivated, ashamed that the world allowed this to happen, and inspired to do something. Our guide Rashad states: 'Unfortunately, in Bosnia we have three histories, and the most dangerous one is the narrative that kids get from their home. Only by listening to the life stories and remembering what happened can we understand how people can contribute to a better society.' We're told to learn from our past mistakes, yet it's evident that we didn't. We owe it to the people of Srebrenica. We must remember Srebrenica.
Welsh: Mae Srebrenica yn swatio mewn dyffryn gwyrdd ffrwythlon ynghanol mynyddoedd sy'n codi o lannau'r Afon Drina. Ond ym mis Gorffennaf 1995, roedd Srebrenica wedi bod yn uffern byw ers tair blynedd. Yng ngwanwyn 1992, lansiodd milwyr Serbaidd Bosnia ymgyrch o drais ar drywydd gwladwriaeth fechan hiliol bur, wedi i Fosnia aml-ethnig bleidleisio dros annibyniaeth oddi wrth Iwgoslafia. Cafodd pentrefi cyfan eu dileu, cafodd trefi eu llosgi, a chafodd eu poblogaethau eu lladd neu eu herlid oddi yno drwy lanhau ethnig. Ffodd goroeswyr i dair cilfach ddwyreiniol lle roedd y fyddin weriniaethol Fosniaidd wedi dal ei thir, ac un ohonynt oedd Srebrenica. Cafodd ei datgan yn barth diogel gan y Cenhedloedd Unedig, gan achosi i boblogaeth Srebrenica chwyddo o 9,000 i 42,000. O dan gyfarwyddyd yr Arlywydd Radovan Karadzic, aeth General Ratko Mladic i mewn i Srebrenica ar 11 Gorffennaf 1995. Datganodd ar y teledu ei fod yn mynd i ddial am y modd treisgar y cafodd gwrthryfel Serbaidd ei atal yn Srebrenica yn 1804. Gan ofni hil-laddiad, ceisiodd miloedd o ddynion a bechgyn Mwslimaidd Bosniaidd wneud y daith 63 milltir i ddiogelwch. Rhwystrodd milwyr Mladic y ffyrdd, a chyflawni cudd-ymosodiadau drwy ddefnyddio cerbydau a gwisgoedd wedi'u dwyn oddi wrth y Cenhedloedd Unedig i dwyllo Mwslimiaid Bosniaidd i ildio. Cafodd dynion a bechgyn 12 i 77 oed eu gwahanu oddi wrth y lleill. Cafodd llond lorïau o ddynion a bechgyn gyda mygydau dros eu llygaid, a'u breichiau wedi'u clymu, eu gosod yn rhesi gan y dynion arfog mewn caeau a choedwigoedd, eu gorchymyn i weddïo weithiau, a'u saethu'n farw. Parhaodd y lladd systematig a threfnus am bedwar diwrnod. Cafodd y dynion a'r bechgyn diarfau eu lladd oherwydd pwy oeddent, a hynny'n unig: Bosniaid a Mwslimiaid. Daethant at fedd torfol mewn lorïau a chawsant eu claddu gyda theirw dur, a'r cyfan yn hafan ddiogel y Cenhedloedd Unedig a fethodd amddiffyn pobl ddiniwed. Yr unig oroeswyr oedd y rhai a guddiodd o dan gyrff marw a sleifio ymaith dan fantell y nos. Yn ystod ein hymweliad, cawsom y fraint o gyfarfod â goroeswr, Nedžad Avdić. Ar ôl cwymp Srebrenica, ceisiodd Nedžad a llawer o ddynion Bosniaidd eraill ddianc drwy'r goedwig gerllaw mewn ymgais i gyrraedd tiriogaeth a reolid gan y fyddin Fosniaidd lle y gallent fod yn ddiogel. Cafodd Nedžad ei ddal ynghyd â'r Bosniaid eraill a'i gludo i bentref a'i gloi mewn adeilad ysgol. Meddai Nedžad, 'Clywsom sgrechiadau a gweiddi. Roedd yr ystafelloedd dosbarth yn orlawn. Dim dŵr. Dim awyr. Roeddem yn yfed ein hwrin ein hunain er mwyn goroesi. Bu pobl farw oherwydd y gwres, yn llythrennol'. Pan ddechreuodd y gyflafan, llwyddodd Nedžad i oroesi drwy orwedd yn llonydd ac wedi'i anafu mewn cwlwm o gyrff hyd nes y symudodd y lladdwyr ymaith. Yn 1995, roeddwn yn 17 oed - yr un oed â Nedžad. Rwy'n cofio, fel llawer, y storïau newyddion erchyll ar y teledu am y rhyfel. Mae delwedd fyw yn aros gyda mi o ddyn ifanc yn gwthio dyn oedrannus mewn berfa ar draws y mynyddoedd am ddyddiau, yn ffoi am eu bywydau. Un mlynedd ar hugain yn ddiweddarach, cerddais o amgylch y ffatri batris yn Potočari, sef safle'r Cenhedloedd Unedig a adawyd yn dyngedfennol gan geidwaid heddwch o'r Iseldiroedd, lle cafodd miloedd eu lladd: man gwag, diffrwyth, tawel, ond gyda theimlad iasol o'r hyn a ddigwyddodd - ofnau enbyd y rhai a bentyrrwyd i'r ystafell heb ffordd o ddianc, heb fwyd, heb ddŵr, gan wybod eu bod ar fin marw. Gyferbyn, saif miloedd o gerrig beddau gwyn llachar unffurf, pob un yn nodi bywyd a gymerwyd yn ddidrugaredd cyn pryd. Mae'r rhan fwyaf o gyn-drigolion Mwslimaidd y dref naill ai'n farw neu wedi ymfudo. Er bod llysoedd rhyngwladol wedi cydnabod bod cyflafan Srebrenica yn hil-laddiad, mae Serbia a Serbiaid Bosnia yn dal i wadu hyn. Dychwelodd Nedžad i Srebrenica yn 2007 ac mae'n byw yno gyda'i deulu. Un ffaith syfrdanol i bob un ohonom ar y ddirprwyaeth oedd nad oedd yr addysg yn dysgu hanes yr hyn a ddigwyddodd yn Srebrenica. Mae Nedžad yn dweud, 'Maent yn cael eu dysgu na ddigwyddodd yr hil-laddiad. Rydych yn gwylio'r teledu ac mae fel pe na bai'r rhyfel erioed wedi dod i ben. Rwy'n poeni am ddyfodol fy merched. Mae'r system addysg wedi cynhyrchu casineb a phropaganda newydd. Er gwaethaf popeth, rwy'n gobeithio y gallaf ddysgu fy merched i dyfu fyny heb gasineb. Dyna fydd fy llwyddiant.' Trwy gytundebau Dayton, gyda'r Unol Daleithiau yn gyfryngwr, a ddaeth â'r rhyfel i ben, pennwyd strwythur ffederal cymhleth gyda Llywodraeth ganolog wan. I Nedžad, yr anghyfiawnder mwyaf oedd bod torri Bosnia yn ddau hanner - ffederasiwn Mwslimaidd-Groataidd a gweriniaeth Serbaidd - wedi golygu bod yr arfer o lanhau ethnig wedi cael ei gyfreithloni. Mae llawer yn gweld y lladdwyr o amgylch y dref yn rheolaidd. Mae gan rai swyddi mewn llywodraeth leol. Mae eraill yn ffigurau uwch yn yr heddlu lleol. Fis Hydref diwethaf, etholodd Srebrenica faer Serbaidd gyda hanes cenedlaetholgar eithafol nad yw'n derbyn bod cyflafanau Srebrenica yn hil-laddiad - rhywbeth sy'n ymddangos yn annirnadwy i ni. Er bod yr hil-laddiad wedi mynd â gwŷr, meibion a brodyr, cafodd eu mamau, eu merched a'u chwiorydd eu gadael ar ôl. Unwaith y flwyddyn, mae Mamau Srebrenica, sy'n ymgyrchu i sicrhau bod pob person sy'n gyfrifol yn dod o flaen eu gwell, yn cynnal seremoni i gofio am eu hanwyliaid. Cynhelir y digwyddiad hynod o emosiynol hwn ym mynwent Potočari, lle mae rhai o'r dioddefwyr y cafodd eu cyrff eu darganfod wedi cael eu claddu. Cawsom y fraint o gyfarfod â rhai o Famau Srebrenica. Maent yn awyddus i rannu eu stori gyda phlant ifanc fel y gallant ddysgu o'r gorffennol a pharatoi hefyd ar gyfer y dyfodol. Roedd y rhai a laddodd yn credu y gallent lofruddio heb gael eu cosbi. Roeddent yn meddwl y gallent ddileu hunaniaeth eu dioddefwyr yn barhaol. Ond roeddent yn anghywir. Tra buom ym Mosnia gwelsom hefyd y gwaith amhrisiadwy a wneir gan y Comisiwn Rhyngwladol dros Unigolion Coll. Y comisiwn a arweiniodd yr ymdrech i ddod o hyd i'r bobl a aeth ar goll yn ystod y gwrthdaro, a'u hadnabod. Yn dilyn Srebrenica, dechreuwyd gweithio ar yr hyn y credid eu bod yn bum safle claddu torfol, gyda phob un yn cynnwys nifer o feddau ar wahân lle y cafodd y meirw eu claddu a'u gadael ynghudd. Fodd bynnag, dangosodd profion fod rhannau o gyrff o'r hyn a ddaeth i gael eu galw'n feddau cynradd wedi cael eu symud i rai eilaidd, er mwyn cuddio tystiolaeth. Weithiau, roeddent wedi cael eu datgladdu a'u hail-gladdu eto mewn beddau trydyddol. Roedd dau oblygiad i hyn: yn gyntaf, fod mwy na miliwn a hanner o esgyrn a rhannau o gyrff dros 8,000 o bobl wedi'u gwasgaru ar draws safleoedd di-ri; ac yn ail, fod yr ychydig gilffyrdd yn nwyrain Bosnia wledig am wythnosau - misoedd hyd yn oed - wedi'u llenwi â lorïau'n cario gweddillion pydredig, drewllyd y bobl hyn, ac eto ni ddywedodd neb air am y peth. Dywedodd Edin Ramulic o sefydliad o'r enw Izvor, sy'n ymgyrchu gyda pherthnasau'r unigolion coll: Roeddent yn gyrru heibio i dai pobl ar hyd ffyrdd tawel. Am bob unigolyn coll, mae o leiaf dri o bobl yn gwybod yn union ble y cawsant eu claddu - y gyrrwr, y cloddiwr, a'r heddwas, yn ogystal â phwy bynnag a'u gwelodd yn mynd heibio - ond mae pawb yn cadw'n dawel. Tra bo'r tawelwch yn parhau, ni allwch alw hyn yn heddwch. Drwy waith y comisiwn, rhoddwyd cyfrif am fwy na 70 y cant o'r bobl hynny. Ar ben hynny, mae'r dystiolaeth wyddonol am hunaniaeth dioddefwyr o Srebrenica wedi'i gwneud yn bosibl gosod darnau o naratif na ellir ei wadu o droseddau at ei gilydd a chyflwyno'r dystiolaeth hon mewn nifer o achosion llys yn cynnwys rhai Radovan Karadzic a Ratko Mladic. Pan fyddwn yn cofio beth ddigwyddodd yn Srebrenica mae hefyd yn bwysig cofio'r bobl eraill a gafodd eu targedu. Dioddefwr ieuengaf Srebrenica oedd merch fach o'r enw Fatima, a aned yn safle'r Cenhedloedd Unedig yn Potočari. Dau ddiwrnod oed yn unig oedd Fatima pan gafodd ei llofruddio. Cafodd miloedd o fenywod, plant a phobl oedrannus eu halltudio drwy orfodaeth a threisiwyd nifer fawr o fenywod. Y defnydd o drais rhywiol fel arf rhyfel yw un o'r troseddau mwyaf dirdynnol a mwyaf ffyrnig yn erbyn sifiliaid. Aeth y rhyfel ym Mosnia â thrais rhywiol i lefelau newydd. Mae'r Cenhedloedd Unedig yn amcangyfrif bod hyd at 50,000 o fenywod a merched, rhai mor ifanc â 12 oed, wedi cael eu treisio yn rhan o gyfundrefn lanhau ethnig wedi'i threfnu. Nid ydym yn gwybod faint yn union am fod y rhan fwyaf wedi cadw'n dawel oherwydd stigma, cywilydd ac ofn. Mae llawer o blant a aned yn sgil trais rhywiol wedi tyfu fyny'n ynysig ac wedi'u gwrthod gan gymdeithas, ac mae hyn yn rhywbeth y mae pobl yn parhau i osgoi ei drafod. Meddai Pramila Patten, cynrychiolydd arbennig y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar drais rhywiol mewn rhyfeloedd: Mae trais rhywiol yn arf creulon sydd mor ddinistriol ag unrhyw fwled neu fom. Mae'n anrheithio dioddefwyr a'u teuluoedd. Mae'n dinistrio cymunedau, ac yn tanseilio eu cyfle i gymodi os caiff ei adael heb ei drafod. Mae hefyd wedi cael ei ddisgrifio fel y drosedd hynaf ac eto, yr un y mae lleiaf o gondemnio arni o'r cwbl. Dioddefodd llawer o fenywod, ac yn awr gwyddom fod llawer o ddynion wedi dioddef y drosedd hon hefyd. Cafodd tua 3,000 o ddynion a bechgyn eu treisio yn ystod y rhyfel. Mae llawer o'r dioddefwyr wedi cael eu hynysu a'u gwrthod gan eu teuluoedd a'u cymunedau eu hunain. Y mis diwethaf, mewn ymgais i hyrwyddo cymod, llofnododd arweinwyr y cymunedau Uniongred, Islamaidd, Iddewig a Chatholig ddatganiad yng nghyngor rhyng-grefyddol Bosnia yn beirniadu'r modd y caiff goroeswyr trais rhywiol sy'n gysylltiedig â gwrthdaro eu stigmateiddio. Dyma'r datganiad cyntaf o'i fath yn y byd. Nid oedd yr hyn a ddigwyddodd yn Srebrenica yn anochel; roedd modd ei atal. Tra bo'r goroeswyr yn galaru yn sgil colli eu hanwyliaid a thra bôm ni'n dweud 'byth eto', mae gan bob un ohonom gyfrifoldeb i sicrhau bod cenedlaethau'r dyfodol yn deall sut y trodd cymydog yn erbyn cymydog, sut y trodd goddefgarwch yn anoddefgarwch a sut y cafodd y pethau sy'n debyg mewn pobl eu gwrthod er mwyn dyrchafu'r gwahaniaethau. Ni fu erioed yn bwysicach i ni ddysgu gwersi Srebrenica. Mae gennym ddyletswydd i gofio'r rhai a fu farw a'r rhai a adawyd ar ôl, ond mae gennym ddyletswydd hefyd a chyfrifoldeb i weithio'n galetach nag erioed i herio ideolegau ofn a chasineb. Yn bwysicaf oll, mae'n rhaid i ni addysgu'r genhedlaeth nesaf am yr hyn a ddigwyddodd yn Srebrenica a pheryglon peidio â mynd i'r afael â chasineb ac anoddefgarwch. Carwn annog yr Aelodau eraill i ymweld â Srebrenica, i ddarllen tystiolaeth y goroeswyr a gwneud popeth a allwn i ddod â chymunedau at ei gilydd ac i sefyll yn erbyn y rhai sy'n ceisio ein rhannu. Ar ben hynny, carwn ofyn i arweinydd y tŷ ac Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg gefnogi'r rhaglen addysg a lansiwyd gan Cofio Srebrenica i sicrhau bod disgyblion mewn ysgolion yng Nghymru yn deall y camau a arweiniodd at hil-laddiad. Mae hefyd yn rhoi cyfle inni ddangos beth sy'n gallu digwydd os gadawn i gasineb ennill. Ni fyddaf byth yn anghofio'r diwrnod y clywais straeon y bobl a oedd yn Srebrenica a'r rhai a gollodd eu hanwyliaid. Ni ellir bychanu eu hymroddiad a'u dewrder yn dweud wrth y byd beth a ddigwyddodd. Mae eu lleisiau mor bwerus ac mor urddasol. Bob tro y byddaf yn gwrando arnynt, rwy'n teimlo fy mod wedi fy rhwydo, yn llawn cywilydd fod y byd wedi caniatáu i hyn ddigwydd, ac wedi fy ysbrydoli i wneud rhywbeth. Mae ein tywysydd Rashad yn datgan: 'Yn anffodus, ym Mosnia mae gennym dri hanes, a'r un mwyaf peryglus yw'r naratif y mae plant yn eu cael o'u cartref. Trwy wrando ar straeon bywyd a chofio beth a ddigwyddodd yn unig y gallwn ddeall sut y gall pobl gyfrannu at gymdeithas well.' Dywedir wrthym y dylem ddysgu o'n camgymeriadau yn y gorffennol, ond mae'n amlwg na wnaethom. Mae arnom hynny i bobl Srebrenica. Mae'n rhaid i ni gofio Srebrenica.