English: I'd like to say I'm surprised by this watered-down policy, but I'm not. It follows a well-trodden path in which a Labour Government hints at the delivery of a progressive policy, only to lose the courage of its convictions and instead roll out something that's unsatisfactory and diluted. I may not be surprised, but that's not to say that I'm not disappointed - disappointed for the many thousands of people in Wales that are living under the threat of a no-fault eviction. These are the very people that would have benefited from this Labour Government remaining steadfast in the face of strong lobbying and delivering what was needed. On that point, is it really fair and equitable that there are two professional lobbying bodies for landlords, and just one person working unpaid to represent Generation Rent? How does the Welsh Government intend to address this and create a level playing field? What impact could a no-fault evictions policy have in this country? We know from figures provided by Shelter Cymru that at least 42 per cent of private tenants in Wales do not have a fixed-term tenancy agreement. This means that they risk eviction if they get on the wrong side of their landlord, often for something as innocuous as asking for a repair to be carried out. We also know that the status quo is more difficult for women, because, according to research from Shelter Cymru, women are more likely to be asked for sex for rent. I spent some time with homeless people earlier this year when I joined some Plaid Cymru members who volunteer to go out on the streets of Swansea every week to give out warm food and clothing. One woman, who had been living on the streets for some time, spoke about the hardship of sleeping rough and how, in Swansea, the police and the council seem to crack down on rough-sleeping whenever they were due to hold a major event. People are regularly arrested under the Vagrancy Act 1824. That young woman asked me a simple, but profound question: how can it be legal to make someone homeless, but illegal for someone to be homeless? That is a perverse situation, and your proposals will not solve this problem. Ending no-fault eviction is an important tool in tackling the shocking levels of homelessness we are now seeing, and I believe that this is a golden opportunity to deliver something positive and effective, and it's an opportunity that has now been missed. Will the Minister agree to monitor the situation, and, if it's found that the Government's measures do not impact sufficiently on the no-fault evictions rate, will you agree to revisit this with a view to ending no-fault evictions once and for all?
Welsh: Hoffwn ddweud fy mod yn synnu at y polisi hwn sydd wedi'i lastwreiddio, ond dydw i ddim. Mae'n dilyn llwybr cyfarwydd iawn lle mae Llywodraeth Lafur yn awgrymu sut caiff polisi blaengar ei gyflwyno, dim ond iddi golli dewrder ei hegwyddorion a chyflwyno yn hytrach rywbeth sy'n anfoddhaol ac yn wannach. Efallai nad wyf yn synnu, ond nid yw hynny'n dweud nad wyf yn siomedig - yn siomedig ar ran y miloedd lawer o bobl yng Nghymru sy'n byw dan fygythiad troi allan heb fai. Dyma'r union bobl a fyddai wedi elwa petai'r Llywodraeth Lafur hon wedi aros yn gadarn yn wyneb lobïo cryf a chyflawni'r hyn yr oedd ei angen. Yn hynny o beth, a yw hi'n deg ac yn gyfiawn mewn gwirionedd bod yna ddau gorff lobïo proffesiynol ar gyfer landlordiaid, a dim ond un person sy'n gweithio'n ddi-dâl i gynrychioli Generation Rent? Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn bwriadu mynd i'r afael â hyn a sicrhau tegwch? Pa effaith allai polisi troi allan heb fai ei chael ar y wlad hon? Gwyddom o'r ffigurau a ddarparwyd gan Shelter Cymru nad oes gan o leiaf 42 y cant o denantiaid preifat yng Nghymru gytundeb tenantiaeth cyfnod penodol. Mae hyn yn golygu bod peryg y cânt eu troi allan os ydynt yn digio eu landlord, yn aml am rywbeth mor ddiniwed â gofyn am waith trwsio. Gwyddom hefyd fod y sefyllfa sydd ohoni yn anoddach i fenywod, oherwydd, yn ôl ymchwil gan Shelter Cymru, mae menywod yn fwy tebygol o gael cais am ryw yn lle rhent. Treuliais beth amser gyda phobl ddigartref yn gynharach eleni pan ymunais ag aelodau Plaid Cymru sy'n gwirfoddoli i fynd allan ar strydoedd Abertawe bob wythnos i ddosbarthu bwyd a dillad cynnes. Soniodd un fenyw, a fu'n byw ar y strydoedd am beth amser, am galedi cysgu ar y stryd a sut, yn Abertawe, mae'r heddlu a'r cyngor i bob golwg yn llawdrwm iawn ynghylch cysgu ar y stryd pryd bynnag roedd digwyddiad mawr ganddyn nhw ar y gweill. Caiff pobl eu harestio'n rheolaidd o dan Ddeddf Crwydradaeth 1824. Gofynnodd y fenyw ifanc honno imi gwestiwn syml ond dwys: sut gall hi fod yn gyfreithlon i wneud rhywun yn ddigartref, ond yn anghyfreithlon i rywun fod yn ddigartref? Mae honno'n sefyllfa wyrdroëdig, ac ni fydd eich cynigion yn datrys y broblem hon. Mae rhoi terfyn ar droi allan heb fai yn arf pwysig wrth fynd i'r afael â'r lefelau brawychus o ddigartrefedd yr ydym ni'n ei weld ar hyn o bryd, a chredaf fod hwn yn gyfle euraidd i gyflwyno rhywbeth cadarnhaol ac effeithiol, ac mae'n gyfle sydd bellach wedi'i golli. A wnaiff y Gweinidog gytuno i fonitro'r sefyllfa, ac, os canfyddir nad yw mesurau'r Llywodraeth yn cael digon o effaith ar y gyfradd troi allan heb fai, a wnewch chi gytuno i ailedrych ar hyn gyda golwg ar roi terfyn ar droi allan heb fai unwaith ac am byth?