techiaith/cofnodycynulliad_en-cy huggingface dataset:
English: I have to say that if anything on Twitter is evidence then by all means never give evidence in court - never give evidence in court. It is innuendo, gossip, tittle-tattle, the kind of thing that some politicians love. I deal in evidence. There has been an inquiry. That inquiry has gone forward. People were invited to give evidence to that inquiry and it was a matter for them whether they gave evidence or not. Giving evidence to the inquiry was important and we encouraged people to come forward. That inquiry is now finished. The fact that it doesn't sit with the strange conspiracy theories of some people, I'm afraid, cannot be helped. But unless there is evidence that Members have that somehow the head of security of the Welsh Government was compromised, that the Permanent Secretary was compromised, the inquiry has reported and the inquiry is clear in terms of the results of that inquiry.
Welsh: Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud os oes unrhyw beth ar Twitter yn dystiolaeth, yna peidiwch byth â chyflwyno unrhyw dystiolaeth mewn llys ar unrhyw gyfrif - peidiwch byth â chyflwyno tystiolaeth mewn llys. Y cwbl yw hyn yw ensyniadau, clecs, clebran, y math o beth y mae rhai gwleidyddion yn hoff iawn ohono. Rwyf i'n ymdrin â thystiolaeth. Bu ymchwiliad. Mae'r ymchwiliad hwnnw wedi ei gynnal. Gwahoddwyd pobl i roi tystiolaeth i'r ymchwiliad hwnnw a mater iddyn nhw oedd pa un a oeddent yn rhoi tystiolaeth ai peidio. Roedd rhoi tystiolaeth i'r ymchwiliad yn bwysig ac anogwyd pobl i ddod ymlaen. Mae'r ymchwiliad hwnnw ar ben erbyn hyn. Ni ellir rhwystro'r ffaith nad yw'n cyd-fynd â damcaniaethau cynllwynio rhyfedd rhai pobl, mae gen i ofn. Ond oni bai fod gan yr Aelodau dystiolaeth fod pennaeth diogelwch Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ei gyfaddawdu rywsut, bod yr Ysgrifennydd Parhaol wedi cael ei gyfaddawdu, mae'r ymchwiliad wedi adrodd ac mae'r ymchwiliad yn eglur o ran canlyniadau'r ymchwiliad hwnnw.
English: Has the First Minister seen the report from the Centre for Cities entitled 'Cities Outlook 2018', which estimates that 112,000 jobs may be at risk in Cardiff, Newport and Swansea as a result of automation? There are those who unkindly say, of course, that Welsh Labour has led the way in robotics, but there is a serious point here as well, because the areas that are most likely to be affected by automation adversely are those areas which are already de-industrialised and where unemployment is highest. In fact, Alyn and Deeside, according to this report, faces the largest threat - 35 per cent of jobs at risk from automation. So, can the First Minister tell the Assembly what concrete plans the Welsh Government has to deal with this looming threat that lies ahead of us?
Welsh: A yw'r Prif Weinidog wedi gweld yr adroddiad gan y Centre for Cities o'r enw 'Cities Outlook 2018', sy'n amcangyfrif y gallai 112,000 o swyddi fod mewn perygl yng Nghaerdydd, Casnewydd ac Abertawe o ganlyniad i awtomeiddio? Ceir rhai sy'n dweud yn angharedig, wrth gwrs, bod Llafur Cymru wedi arwain y ffordd ym maes roboteg, ond ceir pwynt difrifol yma hefyd, oherwydd yr ardaloedd sydd fwyaf tebygol o gael eu heffeithio'n andwyol gan awtomeiddio yw'r ardaloedd hynny sydd eisoes wedi eu dad-ddiwydiannu ac lle mae diweithdra ar ei uchaf. A dweud y gwir, Alyn a Glannau Dyfrdwy, yn ôl yr adroddiad hwn, sy'n wynebu'r bygythiad mwyaf - 35 y cant o swyddi mewn perygl oherwydd awtomeiddio. Felly, a all y Prif Weinidog ddweud wrth y Cynulliad pa gynlluniau pendant sydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru i ymdrin â'r bygythiad hwn sy'n ein hwynebu ar y gorwel?
English: Automation is very much part of the economic action plan. How we deal with automation is very much part of that. I know that many of my colleagues who sit on the back benches, Lee Waters amongst them, have been very vocal about the need for us to face this challenge. As I say, it is something that has been recognised in the economic action plan as something that we have to deal with. Now, how that is done depends on how fast automation goes, predicting which sectors will be automated first, and then, of course, upskilling our people. Training our people to look at new jobs is a hugely important part of ensuring that we have jobs in the future.
Welsh: Mae awtomeiddio yn sicr yn rhan o'r cynllun gweithredu economaidd. Mae sut yr ydym ni'n ymdrin ag awtomeiddio yn sicr yn rhan o hynny. Gwn fod llawer o'm cyd-Aelodau sy'n eistedd ar y meinciau cefn, Lee Waters yn eu plith, wedi bod yn uchel eu cloch am yr angen i ni wynebu'r her hon. Fel y dywedaf, mae'n rhywbeth sydd wedi cael ei gydnabod yn y cynllun gweithredu economaidd fel rhywbeth y mae'n rhaid i ni ymdrin ag ef. Nawr, mae sut y gwneir hynny yn dibynnu ar ba mor gyflym y bydd awtomeiddio yn datblygu, darogan pa sectorau fydd yn cael eu hawtomeiddio gyntaf, ac yna, wrth gwrs, uwchsgilio ein pobl. Mae hyfforddi ein pobl i edrych ar swyddi newydd yn rhan hynod bwysig o sicrhau bod gennym ni swyddi yn y dyfodol.
English: I have no difficulty in agreeing with the First Minister on that, and, indeed, in paying tribute to the role of Lee Waters in raising this issue in the Assembly, but there are other things that can be done as well. The areas that are most likely to be affected by this, again, according to not only this report but also one by another organisation called Future Advocacy - it says that one in five jobs in every constituency in the whole of the United Kingdom could disappear by 2030. In the cities in particular, these are affected mostly by mass immigration. Without leaving the single market, of course, we won't be able to recover control of our borders and select the groups that have the skills that we will need in future, whilst also controlling the flow of those who will actually exacerbate problems that are going to take place of their own accord in any event. Even on the latest figures, which were substantially down on the previous period, net migration stands at 230,000 a year. Newport, Swansea, Cardiff and Wrexham are the cities that are most affected by this in Wales. These are the areas also that are most likely therefore to see wage compression further exacerbated as a result of automation. So, will the First Minister now accept that some sensible controls on migration are necessary? And that does mean leaving the single market.
Welsh: Nid oes gen i unrhyw anhawster o ran cytuno â'r Prif Weinidog am hynny, ac, yn wir, yn talu teyrnged i swyddogaeth Lee Waters o ran codi'r mater hwn yn y Cynulliad, ond mae pethau eraill y gellir eu gwneud hefyd. Yr ardaloedd sydd fwyaf tebygol o gael eu heffeithio gan hyn, unwaith eto, yn ôl nid yn unig yr adroddiad hwn ond hefyd un gan sefydliad arall o'r enw Future Advocacy - mae'n dweud y gallai un o bob pump o swyddi ym mhob etholaeth yn y Deyrnas Unedig gyfan ddiflannu erbyn 2030. Yn y dinasoedd yn arbennig, mewnfudo ar raddfa fawr sydd yn effeithio fwyaf ar hyn. Heb adael y farchnad sengl, wrth gwrs, ni fyddwn yn gallu adennill rheolaeth dros ein ffiniau a dewis y grwpiau sydd â'r sgiliau y bydd eu hangen arnom ni yn y dyfodol, a hefyd rheoli llif y rheini a fydd yn gwaethygu problemau sy'n mynd i godi ohonynt eu hunain beth bynnag. Hyd yn oed ar sail y ffigurau diweddaraf, a oedd yn sylweddol is na'r cyfnod blaenorol, mae mewnfudo net yn 230,000 y flwyddyn. Casnewydd, Abertawe, Caerdydd a Wrecsam yw'r dinasoedd sy'n cael eu heffeithio fwyaf gan hyn yng Nghymru. Dyma'r ardaloedd hefyd sydd fwyaf tebygol felly o weld cywasgiad cyflogau yn cael ei waethygu ymhellach o ganlyniad i awtomeiddio. Felly, a wnaiff y Prif Weinidog dderbyn nawr bod rhai rheolaethau synhwyrol dros fewnfudo yn angenrheidiol? Ac mae hynny'n golygu gadael y farchnad sengl.
English: Well, no, it doesn't, because of course that would destroy the market that we sell in. He knows full well that 60 per cent of what we export goes to the single market and that 90 per cent of food and drink goes to the single market. If those exports are jeopardised, if demand drops for what we produce in those markets, we'll lose jobs. It's that simple. It's not a question of immigration, it's a question of making sure that we have the markets that we need in order to sustain demand for what we produce and then of course be able to sell. We know that the European single market is most important. If we cannot cut a deal with the European single market, there is no hope for cutting a deal with any other market.
Welsh: Wel, nac ydy, dyw e ddim, oherwydd byddai hynny'n dinistrio'r farchnad yr ydym ni'n gwerthu ynddi, wrth gwrs. Mae'n gwybod yn iawn bod 60 y cant o'r hyn yr ydym ni'n ei allforio yn mynd i'r farchnad sengl a bod 90 y cant o fwyd a diod yn mynd i'r farchnad sengl. Os bydd yr allforion hynny'n cael eu peryglu, os bydd galw yn gostwng am yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei gynhyrchu yn y marchnadoedd hynny, byddwn ni'n colli swyddi. Mae mor syml â hynny. Nid yw'n gwestiwn o fewnfudo, mae'n gwestiwn o wneud yn siŵr bod gennym ni'r marchnadoedd sydd eu hangen arnom i gynnal y galw am yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei gynhyrchu ac yna'n gallu ei werthu, wrth gwrs. Rydym ni'n gwybod bod y farchnad sengl Ewropeaidd yn bwysig dros ben. Os na allwn ni ddod i gytundeb gyda'r farchnad sengl Ewropeaidd, nid oes unrhyw obaith o gael cytundeb gydag unrhyw farchnad arall.
English: Well, I certainly don't agree with that at all. It's not the case that trade will suddenly seize up if we leave the single market. It'll affect certain sectors more than others, that's certainly true, but there's massive scope for import substitution given the huge trade deficit that we've got with the EU - but I don't want to pursue that line any further now. The other point that I want to make, though, is the pressure on housing in the whole of the country, and particularly in south-east Wales. We're likely to see this increase as a result of getting rid of the tolls on the Severn bridge, which we're all in favour of, but nevertheless there's bound to be some effect on the local property market as a result of the difference in house prices on this side of the Severn compared with on the other side of the Severn. The ONS has said that rents in the UK have gone up by 23 per cent in a decade, which is faster than the growth in incomes, so again the pressure is upon those who are at the bottom of the income scale more than anywhere else. Towns like Newport, of course, are relatively poor towns in income terms. So, will the First Minister agree with me that these are pressures that need to be taken fully into account and there needs to be a policy on the part of the Welsh Government to do something about this?
Welsh: Wel, yn sicr nid wyf i'n cytuno â hynny o gwbl. Nid yw'n wir y bydd masnach yn dod i ben yn ddisymwth os byddwn ni'n gadael y farchnad sengl. Bydd yn effeithio ar sectorau penodol yn fwy nag eraill, mae hynny'n sicr yn wir, ond ceir cwmpas enfawr i amnewid mewnforion o ystyried y diffyg masnach enfawr sydd gennym ni gyda'r UE - ond nid wyf i eisiau mynd ar drywydd hynny ymhellach nawr. Y pwynt arall yr hoffwn i ei wneud, fodd bynnag, yw'r pwysau ar dai yn y wlad gyfan, ac yn enwedig yn y de-ddwyrain. Rydym ni'n debygol o weld y cynnydd hwn o ganlyniad i gael gwared ar y tollau ar bont Hafren, yr ydym ni i gyd o'i blaid, ond serch hynny mae'n anochel y bydd rhywfaint o effaith ar y farchnad eiddo leol o ganlyniad i'r gwahaniaeth yn y prisiau tai ar yr ochr hon i afon Hafren o'i chymharu ag ochr arall afon Hafren. Mae'r Swyddfa Ystadegau Gwladol wedi dweud bod rhenti yn y DU wedi cynyddu 23 y cant mewn degawd, sy'n gyflymach na'r twf mewn incwm, felly unwaith eto mae'r pwysau ar y rheini sydd ar waelod y raddfa incwm fwy nag yn unman arall. Mae trefi fel Casnewydd, wrth gwrs, yn drefi cymharol dlawd o ran incwm. Felly, a wnaiff y Prif Weinidog gytuno â mi bod y rhain yn bwysau y mae angen eu hystyried yn llawn a bod angen polisi ar ran Llywodraeth Cymru i wneud rhywbeth ynghylch hyn?
English: We need more houses. It would help, of course, if people didn't object to every single housing application that appeared on their doorstep, which we know has happened in the past, and his party are well known for that opposition. We as a Government have a target of 20,000 affordable homes. We're well on track to deliver that and we need to make sure that the pressure is taken off the housing market by ensuring that there is more supply of houses. As a Government, that's precisely what we're doing.
Welsh: Mae angen mwy o dai arnom ni. Byddai'n helpu, wrth gwrs, pe na byddai pobl yn gwrthwynebu pob un cais am dai sy'n ymddangos ar garreg eu drws, y gwyddom sydd wedi digwydd yn y gorffennol, ac mae ei blaid ef yn adnabyddus am y gwrthwynebiad hwnnw. Mae gennym ni fel Llywodraeth darged o 20,000 o gartrefi fforddiadwy. Rydym ni ar y trywydd iawn i gyflawni hynny ac mae angen i ni wneud yn siŵr bod y pwysau yn cael ei gymryd oddi ar y farchnad dai drwy sicrhau bod mwy o gyflenwad o dai. Fel Llywodraeth, dyna'n union yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei wneud.
English: Thank you, Llywydd. First Minister, when there are lengthy waiting lists for treatment, private health companies give patients the opportunity to avoid those waiting times by paying a fee. Many constituents have informed me that they have been encouraged to consider paying to go private for treatment or swifter diagnosis. That means that treatment becomes something that is based on the ability to pay. Do you agree with me that that is akin to creating a two-tier health system, and isn't that gradual privatisation, if truth be told?
Welsh: Diolch, Llywydd. Brif Weinidog, pan mae yna restrau aros hir am driniaeth, mae cwmnïau iechyd preifat yn cynnig y cyfle i gleifion osgoi amseroedd aros drwy dalu ffi. Mae nifer o etholwyr wedi dweud wrthyf i eu bod nhw wedi cael eu hannog i ystyried talu i fynd yn breifat am driniaeth neu ddiagnosis cyflymach. Mae hynny yn golygu bod triniaeth yn dod yn rhywbeth sy'n seiliedig ar y gallu i dalu. A ydych chi'n cytuno bod hyn gyfystyr â chreu system iechyd ddwy haen, ac onid preifateiddio graddol ydy hyn mewn difrif?
English: No, not at all. We are completely against privatisation, and that is why we have spent more on health than ever before - in order to ensure that the services are available for our people.
Welsh: Na, dim o gwbl. Rydym ni'n hollol yn erbyn preifateiddio; dyna pam, wrth gwrs, rydym wedi hala mwy ar iechyd nag erioed o'r blaen - er mwyn sicrhau bod y gwasanaeth ar gael i'n pobl.
English: I would argue that it is increasing the role of privatisation. There's another form of creeping privatisation going on that I can point you to. Are you aware that under your watch there are plans to privatise more dialysis services in the north of Wales? And we're not talking here about the contracting of a company to do a particular job of work, say, tackling a backlog of elective surgery; we're talking about outsourcing core NHS services to a private company. Figures seen by Plaid Cymru suggest that the saving will be around £700,000, and much of that saving, it seems, will come from staff entitlements to sickness pay, to holiday pay and pensions. You must agree that that is creeping NHS privatisation.
Welsh: Byddwn i'n dadlau ei fod yn cynyddu swyddogaeth preifateiddio. Ceir math arall o breifateiddio graddol sy'n digwydd y gallaf eich cyfeirio ato. A ydych chi'n ymwybodol bod cynlluniau o dan eich goruchwyliaeth chi i breifateiddio mwy o wasanaethau dialysis yn y gogledd? A dydym ni ddim yn sôn yn y fan yma am gontractio cwmni i wneud gwaith penodol, dyweder, mynd i'r afael ag ôl-groniad o lawdriniaeth ddewisol; rydym ni'n sôn am osod gwasanaethau craidd y GIG ar gontract allanol i gwmni preifat. Mae ffigurau a welwyd gan Blaid Cymru yn awgrymu mai tua £700,000 fydd yn cael ei arbed, a bydd llawer o'r arbediad hwnnw, mae'n debyg, yn dod o hawliau staff i gael tâl salwch, tâl gwyliau a phensiynau. Mae'n rhaid i chi gytuno bod hynny'n breifateiddio graddol o'r GIG.
English: The facts, as he put it, I cannot agree with - I agree with him. I'm not aware of the situation as he describes it, but if he writes to me with details, I will, of course, investigate.
Welsh: Y ffeithiau, fel y dywedodd, ni allaf gytuno â nhw - rwy'n cytuno ag ef. Nid wyf yn ymwybodol o'r sefyllfa fel y mae'n ei disgrifio, ond os gwnaiff ef ysgrifennu ataf gyda'r manylion, byddaf, wrth gwrs, yn ymchwilio.
English: I'll certainly send Betsi Cadwaladr's plans for the increased privatisation of dialysis to you. Those two examples are very, very different, but there's a common theme there, I think, of private companies playing an increasing role in healthcare, picking away at NHS services. I'm not really driven by ideology on this - at the end of the day, surely we want a better NHS for both patients and staff. But profiting from waiting times, profiting from core services, creating a two-tier system where the rich get signposted to quicker treatment, outsourcing to cut costs to the detriment of hard-working NHS staff - this is not acceptable, we know it's wrong, I'm quite confident that the public think it's wrong, so why is Labour in Wales allowing it to happen?
Welsh: Byddaf yn sicr yn anfon cynlluniau Betsi Cadwaladr ar gyfer preifateiddio cynyddol o ddialysis atoch chi. Mae'r ddwy enghraifft hynny yn wahanol dros ben, ond ceir thema gyffredin yno, rwy'n credu, o gwmnïau preifat yn chwarae rhan gynyddol ym maes gofal iechyd, yn pigo'n raddol ar wasanaethau'r GIG. Nid wyf i wir yn cael fy ngyrru gan ideoleg yn hyn o beth - yn y pen draw, siawns nad ydym ni eisiau gwell GIG i gleifion ac i staff. Ond gwneud elw ar amseroedd aros, gwneud elw ar wasanaethau craidd, creu system dwy haen lle mae'r cyfoethog yn cael eu cyfeirio at driniaeth gyflymach, gweithredu gontractau allanol i dorri costau er anfantais staff gweithgar y GIG - nid yw hyn yn dderbyniol, rydym ni'n gwybod nad yw'n iawn, rwy'n eithaf ffyddiog bod y cyhoedd yn credu nad yw'n iawn, felly pam mae Llafur yng Nghymru yn caniatáu iddo ddigwydd?
English: We are not, but I'm surprised to hear him say he's not driven by ideology, because we are, I can tell you, on these benches. We are driven by the ideology of making sure that people have an NHS free at the point of service. Now, if Plaid Cymru doesn't believe in that or doesn't have an ideology on the health service of all things, then perhaps they could tell us more. No, we do not agree with privatisation. That is why, of course, we have set our face against initiatives such as private finance initiative, set our face against initiatives that we see in England, where the NHS is being privatised. In Wales, the NHS will remain in the public sector.
Welsh: Dydym ni ddim, ond rwy'n synnu ei glywed yn dweud nad yw'n cael ei yrru gan ideoleg, oherwydd rydym ni yn, gallaf ddweud wrthych chi, ar y meinciau hyn. Rydym ni'n cael ein gyrru gan yr ideoleg o wneud yn siŵr bod gan bobl GIG sydd am ddim ar y pwynt gwasanaeth. Nawr, os nad yw Plaid Cymru yn credu yn hynny neu nad oes ganddi ideoleg ar y gwasanaeth iechyd o bopeth, yna efallai y gallen nhw ddweud mwy wrthym ni. Na, dydym ni ddim yn cytuno â phreifateiddio. Dyna pam, wrth gwrs, yr ydym ni wedi brwydro yn erbyn mentrau fel menter cyllid preifat, wedi brwydro yn erbyn mentrau yr ydym ni'n eu gweld yn Lloegr, lle mae'r GIG yn cael ei breifateiddio. Yng Nghymru, bydd y GIG yn parhau i fod yn y sector cyhoeddus.
English: The Welsh Government expects health boards to work together with the public, their staff and others to design and deliver sustainable services that ensure the best possible health outcomes for the population. Guiding principles are contained within the NHS planning framework.
Welsh: Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn disgwyl i fyrddau iechyd gydweithio â'r cyhoedd, eu staff ac eraill i lunio a chyflenwi gwasanaethau cynaliadwy sy'n sicrhau'r canlyniadau iechyd gorau posibl i'r boblogaeth. Mae'r egwyddorion arweiniol ar gael yn fframwaith cynllunio'r gwasanaeth iechyd gwladol.
English: Last week, First Minister, in relation to the options being considered by Hywel Dda health board, you said that the Welsh Government had no policy at present, but that you may have a policy at the end of the process. Isn't the problem here that you wouldn't have a mandate for any of these options, because none of them were mentioned during the Assembly election campaign? So, for us to have the minimum democratic accountability, would you commit to holding a vote in this Parliament if one of these options were to be recommended by the Government? Could we assume that that will be a free vote, given that one of your own Ministers has already committed - this is evidence from social media - to oppose any recommendation that would close hospitals, whatever the Government policy? Or will the First Minister censure this Minister, as you did with a former Minister in very similar circumstances? His name was Leighton Andrews.
Welsh: Wythnos diwethaf, Brif Weinidog, mewn perthynas â'r opsiynau sy'n cael eu hystyried gan fwrdd iechyd Hywel Dda, roeddech chi wedi dweud nad oedd gan Lywodraeth Cymru ddim polisi ar hyn o bryd, ond mi allai fod polisi gyda chi ar ddiwedd y broses. Nawr, onid y broblem yw na fyddai mandad gyda chi ar gyfer yr un o'r opsiynau yma achos nid oedd yr un ohonyn nhw wedi cael eu crybwyll yn ystod etholiad y Cynulliad? Felly, er mwyn i ni gael lleiafswm o atebolrwydd democrataidd, a fyddwch chi'n ymrwymo i gynnal pleidlais yn y Senedd yma pe bai un o'r opsiynau yna yn cael eu hargymell gan y Llywodraeth? Ac a ydym ni'n iawn i fwrw y bydd honno yn bleidlais rydd, o ystyried bod un o'ch Gweinidogion chi yn barod wedi ymrwymo - ac mae hwn yn dystiolaeth ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol - i bleidleisio i wrthwynebu unrhyw argymhelliad sydd yn cau ysbytai, beth bynnag yw polisi y Llywodraeth? Neu a fydd y Prif Weinidog yn ceryddu'r Gweinidog yma, fel y gwnaethoch chi ar gyfer cyn Weinidog - mewn amgylchiadau digon tebyg - o'r enw Leighton Andrews rai blynyddoedd yn ôl?