English: I'm pleased that you gave that information. I think all of us should be very concerned about the evidence, and there's plenty of it, that the Brexit debate is one of two things: either driving the growth of the far right or a symptom of it. And I've certainly seen some of the abuse that the Member for the Rhondda has taken, and it's disgraceful and I condemn it. And it would be good to hear others condemn that abuse rather than condemning Leanne Wood. It is the electorate, I believe, that should decide the outcome. And as I've mentioned a number of times here, that electorate now includes the hundreds of thousands of young people who have turned 18 since the referendum, including one daughter of mine, as it happens. They didn't have a voice then, and they should now. It's their future, more than anybody's, that's at stake. And let the people decide - the electorate, not Downing Street stitch-ups, not a Conservative leadership candidate, not Johnson, Rees-Mogg, Farage, but the people. How could it possibly undermine democracy, as some suggest, to want to be as democratic as we can be - to be as current, to be as up to date as we can in measuring public opinion? If people had been offered a clear vision of what the alternative to EU membership was, what Brexit actually meant, before the referendum, we wouldn't be in this situation now. Llyr mentioned the work that had been done in preparing the ground for the referendum on Scottish independence. But that preparation wasn't done before this referendum. UK Government has to take responsibility for rushing through that party political referendum - which is what it was - and we are all, on both sides of the debate, reaping what was sown then. We can, on both sides of the debate, see that rushing to trigger article 50 with no route-map was a mistake, and I'm proud that my party colleagues at Westminster voted not to. We weren't ready. We can all, on both sides of the debate, agree that the UK establishment has been deeply, deeply tarnished through its mishandling of this whole affair. So, today, I am confident that we will vote to declare this Assembly's unequivocal support for a confirmatory referendum - on whatever terms proposed by any Prime Minister - that the UK leaves the EU with 'remain' on the ballot paper. Plaid Cymru's assessment is clear: the Member elected for UKIP in the south-east of Wales says Plaid Cymru's changed its mind somehow on Brexit - referenced the fact that we co-authored the 'Securing Wales' Future' White Paper. We have always been and remained committed to the view that we are best served by staying in the European Union. What the work on that White Paper and our voting on indicative votes in Westminster, for example, has shown is that we have been responsible since the referendum and that we've taken the position that if we have to leave - we don't want to - if we have to leave, let's at least try to mitigate, let's at least try to think, 'What's in Wales's interests?' and put the case for what's best for Wales. We were ignored, and after the shambolic events of the last three years, yes, our assessment remains clear that leaving the European Union - our assessment is - would be detrimental to Wales - bad for farming, as Llyr discussed; bad for young people, as we heard from Helen; for the NHS; for the economy. I'm proud to stand alongside others from across political parties here in the National Assembly who share that assessment. Not everyone will agree with that assessment, but the beauty of what we're calling for today is that it's not Plaid Cymru's will that we wish to be followed, but the will of the people today. Let's give the people, not us, the final say, and let the people give their assessment of what has unfolded since June 2016. Our future and the future of our children is at stake.
Welsh: Rwy'n falch eich bod wedi rhoi'r wybodaeth honno. Rwy'n credu y dylai pob un ohonom fod yn bryderus iawn am y dystiolaeth, ac mae digon ohoni, fod y ddadl Brexit yn un o ddau beth: naill ai'n gyrru cynnydd y dde eithafol neu'n symptom ohono. Ac yn sicr, rwyf wedi gweld rhywfaint o'r gamdriniaeth y mae'r Aelod dros y Rhondda wedi'i hwynebu, mae'n gywilyddus ac rwy'n ei gondemnio. A da o beth fyddai clywed eraill yn condemnio'r gamdriniaeth honno yn hytrach na chondemnio Leanne Wood. Rwy'n credu mai'r etholwyr a ddylai benderfynu'r canlyniad. Ac fel y soniais sawl gwaith yma, mae'r etholwyr yn awr yn cynnwys y cannoedd o filoedd o bobl ifanc sydd wedi cael eu pen blwydd yn 18 oed ers y refferendwm, gan gynnwys un ferch i mi, fel mae'n digwydd. Nid oedd ganddynt lais bryd hynny, ac fe ddylai fod ganddynt lais yn awr. Eu dyfodol hwy yn fwy na neb sydd yn y fantol. A gadewch i'r bobl benderfynu - yr etholwyr, nid ystrywiau Stryd Downing, nid ymgeisydd am arweinyddiaeth y Blaid Geidwadol, nid Johnson, Rees-Mogg, Farage, ond y bobl. Sut y gallai'r awydd i fod mor ddemocrataidd ag y gallwn danseilio democratiaeth fel y mae rhai'n ei awgrymu - i fod mor gyfoes ac mor gyfredol ag y gallwn fod wrth fesur barn y cyhoedd? Pe bai pobl wedi cael cynnig gweledigaeth glir ynglŷn â beth oedd y dewis amgen yn lle aelodaeth o'r UE, beth yn union oedd Brexit yn ei olygu cyn y refferendwm, ni fyddem yn y sefyllfa hon yn awr. Soniodd Llyr am y gwaith a wnaed i fraenaru'r tir ar gyfer y refferendwm ar annibyniaeth yr Alban. Ond ni chafodd y gwaith paratoi hwnnw ei wneud cyn y refferendwm hwn. Mae'n rhaid i Lywodraeth y DU dderbyn y cyfrifoldeb am ruthro'r refferendwm gwleidyddol hwnnw - sef yr hyn ydoedd - drwodd ac rydym i gyd, ar y ddwy ochr i'r ddadl, yn medi'r hyn a heuwyd bryd hynny. Gallwn weld, ar y ddwy ochr i'r ddadl, mai camgymeriad oedd rhuthro i sbarduno erthygl 50 heb fapio'r llwybrau, ac rwy'n falch fod fy nghyd-aelodau o'r blaid yn San Steffan wedi pleidleisio dros beidio â gwneud hynny. Nid oeddem yn barod. Gall pawb ohonom, ar y ddwy ochr i'r ddadl, gytuno bod sefydliad y DU wedi bod yn hynod gyfeiliornus yn y modd y mae wedi camdrafod yr holl fater hwn. Felly heddiw, rwy'n hyderus y byddwn yn pleidleisio i ddatgan cefnogaeth ddiamwys y Cynulliad hwn i refferendwm cadarnhau ar ba delerau bynnag a gynigir gan unrhyw Brif Weinidog i'r DU adael yr UE arnynt, gydag 'aros' ar y papur pleidleisio. Mae asesiad Plaid Cymru'n glir: mae'r Aelod a etholwyd ar ran UKIP yn ne-ddwyrain Cymru yn dweud bod Plaid Cymru wedi newid ei meddwl rywsut ar Brexit - cyfeiriodd at y ffaith ein bod wedi cyd-ysgrifennu'r Papur Gwyn 'Diogelu Dyfodol Cymru'. Rydym bob amser wedi bod yn ymrwymedig i'r farn mai'r ffordd orau ymlaen i ni yw aros yn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Yr hyn y mae'r gwaith ar y Papur Gwyn a'n pleidlais ar bleidleisiau mynegol yn San Steffan, er enghraifft, wedi'i ddangos yw ein bod wedi bod yn gyfrifol ers y refferendwm a'n bod wedi mabwysiadu'r safbwynt, os oes yn rhaid inni adael - nid ydym am wneud hynny - os oes rhaid inni adael, gadewch i ni o leiaf geisio lliniaru, gadewch inni o leiaf geisio meddwl 'Beth sydd o fudd i Gymru?' a chyflwyno'r achos dros yr hyn sydd orau i Gymru. Cawsom ein hanwybyddu, ac ar ôl llanastr y tair blynedd diwethaf, ydy, mae ein hasesiad yn parhau'n glir y byddai gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd - ein hasesiad ni - yn niweidiol i Gymru - yn ddrwg i ffermio, fel y trafododd Llyr; yn ddrwg i bobl ifanc, fel y clywsom gan Helen; i'r GIG; i'r economi. Rwy'n falch o sefyll ochr yn ochr â phobl eraill ar draws y pleidiau gwleidyddol yma yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol sy'n rhannu'r asesiad hwnnw. Ni fydd pawb yn cytuno â'r asesiad hwnnw, ond apêl yr hyn y galwn amdano heddiw yw nad ewyllys Plaid Cymru y dymunwn ei weld yn cael ei ddilyn, ond ewyllys y bobl heddiw. Gadewch i ni roi'r gair olaf i'r bobl, nid i ni, a gadael i'r bobl roi eu hasesiad o'r hyn sydd wedi digwydd ers Mehefin 2016. Mae ein dyfodol a dyfodol ein plant yn y fantol.