English: Diolch, Llywydd. The Government's motion is one I can agree with. The Welsh White Paper offers the most comprehensive analysis of Brexit's effect on Wales, and this was, in large part, due to the excellent work of my colleague Steffan Lewis. Why, then, has the Welsh Government failed to stick to it? On powers, on the European Economic Area, and on a range of other issues, Labour is pursuing a Brexit that aligns more with the Conservatives than the White Paper co-authored with Plaid Cymru. At the very least, Labour are enabling or facilitating an extreme Tory Brexit. An anniversary is a time for reflection, to look back to the referendum and to the campaign. The campaign in Wales for 'remain' lacked serious attention from the key players, and I'll illustrate this point with one example. In the months before the 2016 Assembly election, in anticipation of the EU referendum, I approached the First Minister with a proposal. I outlined a simple but effective plan to put in place the infrastructure for a Welsh 'remain' campaign made up of representatives of Welsh civic society. I proposed that the trade unions should form the core of this group. With their vast reach and interest in a 'remain' vote, I knew that a cross-party civic group could leverage the influence of the unions, of charities, of church groups and so on to reach the people who were critical to reach for the referendum vote. During this period, you will remember, I'm sure, that we were also gearing up for the National Assembly elections, which happened just a month before the EU referendum. Many of us opposed the idea that the two ballots should be held so close together. However, once it became clear that that timeline was unmoveable, I turned my focus to the task in hand. My offer to the First Minister was a genuine one: join with me to build a civic society organisation to campaign for a 'remain' vote. It was always going to be difficult to advocate for the status quo. We needed to organise, organise, organise. I was told by the First Minister that the trade unions were too busy campaigning and fundraising for Labour for the Assembly election. The First Minister refused to use his greatest campaigning tool - the unions and others - for the national good. The First Minister was confident that 'leave' would not win. 'Look at all the other referendums', he said. Well, look where we ended up. They failed to use the office of First Minister to pull together a successful campaign, like we did in 2011 and in 1997. Had you done that, we might have had a different result, and I wonder if you regret that now. Until recently, I'd believed that there was a remote chance that Labour would support policies that would see Wales take the least damaging path when it came to our exit from the European Union. Following votes on our membership of the single market and their deal with the Tories on the Assembly's powers, it's clear that that isn't going to be the case. That takes me on to Plaid Cymru's first amendment.
Welsh: Diolch, Llywydd. Mae cynnig y Llywodraeth yn un y gallaf gytuno ag ef. Cynigia Papur Gwyn Cymru y dadansoddiad mwyaf cynhwysfawr o effaith Brexit ar Gymru, ac roedd hyn, i raddau helaeth, oherwydd gwaith ardderchog fy nghyd-Aelod, Steffan Lewis. Pam, felly, bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi methu â glynu wrtho? O ran pwerau, o ran yr ardal economaidd Ewropeaidd, ac o ran amrywiaeth o faterion eraill, mae Llafur yn mynd ar drywydd Brexit sy'n cyd-fynd yn fwy â'r Ceidwadwyr nag â'r Papur Gwyn a luniwyd ar y cyd â Phlaid Cymru. O leiaf, mae Llafur yn galluogi neu yn hwyluso Brexit Doraidd eithafol. Mae pen-blwydd yn gyfnod i fyfyrio, i edrych yn ôl ar y refferendwm ac ar yr ymgyrch. Bu diffyg sylw difrifol i'r ymgyrch yng Nghymru dros 'aros' gan y bobl allweddol a oedd ynghlwm wrthi, ac fe wnaf y pwynt hwn gydag un enghraifft. Yn ystod y mis cyn etholiad 2016 y Cynulliad, yn barod ar gyfer refferendwm yr UE, euthum at y Prif Weinidog gyda chynnig. Amlinellais gynllun syml ond effeithiol i weithredu'r seilwaith ar gyfer ymgyrch 'aros' Cymru yn cynnwys cynrychiolwyr o gymdeithas ddinesig Cymru. Cynigiais y dylai undebau llafur ffurfio craidd y grŵp hwn. Gyda'u rhychwant helaeth a'u diddordeb mewn pleidlais 'aros', roeddwn yn gwybod y gallai grŵp trawsbleidiol dinesig ennyn dylanwad yr undebau, elusennau, grwpiau eglwysig ac ati i gyrraedd y bobl a oedd yn hanfodol eu cyrraedd ar gyfer y refferendwm. Yn ystod y cyfnod hwn, byddwch yn cofio, mae'n siŵr, ein bod ni hefyd yn paratoi ar gyfer etholiadau'r Cynulliad Cenedlaethol, a ddigwyddodd fis yn unig cyn refferendwm yr UE. Roedd llawer ohonom ni yn erbyn y syniad y dylid cynnal y ddwy bleidlais mor agos at ei gilydd. Fodd bynnag, unwaith y daeth yn amlwg nad oedd cyfaddawdu i fod ar yr amserlen, troais fy sylw i'r dasg dan sylw. Roedd fy nghynnig i'r Prif Weinidog yn un diffuant: ymunwch â mi i greu sefydliad cymdeithas ddinesig i ymgyrchu dros bleidlais 'aros'. Roedd bob amser yn mynd i fod yn anodd dadlau o blaid y drefn. Roedd angen i ni drefnu, trefnu, trefnu. Dywedwyd wrthyf gan y Prif Weinidog fod yr undebau llafur yn rhy brysur yn ymgyrchu ac yn codi arian ar gyfer Llafur ar gyfer etholiad y Cynulliad. Gwrthododd y Prif Weinidog ddefnyddio ei arf ymgyrchu mwyaf - yr undebau ac eraill - er lles cenedlaethol. Roedd y Prif Weinidog yn hyderus na fyddai 'gadael' yn ennill. 'Edrychwch ar bob refferendwm arall', meddai. Wel, edrychwch lle rydym ni nawr. Methwyd â defnyddio swyddogaeth Prif Weinidog Cymru i ddwyn ynghyd ymgyrch lwyddiannus, fel y gwnaethom yn 2011 ac ym 1997. Petai chi wedi gwneud hynny, efallai y byddai'r canlyniad wedi bod yn wahanol, ac rwy'n ystyried tybed a ydych chi'n difaru hynny bellach. Hyd nes yn ddiweddar, roeddwn i wedi credu bod llygedyn o obaith y byddai Llafur yn cefnogi polisïau a fyddai'n gweld Cymru'n troedio'r llwybr lleiaf niweidiol wrth adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Yn dilyn pleidlais ar ein haelodaeth o'r farchnad sengl a'u bargen gyda'r Torïaid ar bwerau'r Cynulliad, mae'n amlwg nad felly y bydd hi. Mae hyn yn fy arwain at welliant cyntaf Plaid Cymru.