English: Thank you very much to the opposition spokesperson for the questions this afternoon. I will just begin by reflecting again that it does seem to be the approach of the Conservative Party to entirely blame the financial situation that we're in at the moment on the pandemic and on Putin's war in Ukraine. But that's not the full picture, of course, because £30 billion of the hole that the UK Government is seeking to fill relates completely and entirely to the mismanagement of the economy through that ridiculous mini-budget. We will look back on it and - the damage it's done is just incredible. It's not just some ridiculous joke that happened by a bunch of clowns in Westminster, it's actually something that is having a real-life impact now. And we will be paying now and we will be paying long into the future for their arrogance and for the mistakes that they made. Let's not let Brexit off the hook either, because the Office for Budget Responsibility has confirmed that recent data is consistent with its earlier assessment that Brexit is damaging our economy. The OBR expects that, under the deal that was agreed by the UK Government, over the long run, the UK economy will be at least 4 per cent smaller than would otherwise have been the case. Actually, the consensus amongst independent experts is that the economic costs could be even greater if the full range of impacts, many of which are difficult to quantify precisely, are included. Research that includes such impacts does find that the total costs could lie in the range of 8 per cent to 10 per cent of annual GDP. I think that we do have to be looking at the impact of Brexit, which we're only just beginning to start to feel, as part of the overall picture here as well. What would Labour have done differently? Well, we wouldn't be in this mess had Labour been in charge because, yes, we would have had the pandemic, yes, we would have had Putin's war, but we wouldn't have had the implications of the mini-budget. So, a lot of the problems that people are being asked to pick up the tab for are entirely self-made by the UK Government. The way in which he's approached the budget also does put off a lot of the problems for the future as well. The fiscal tightening is heavily backloaded, with the vast bulk of those public service spending cuts actually pencilled in for after 2025, delaying all of the really difficult decisions until after the next UK general election. The Chancellor has also had to relax his fiscal mandate. He's pushed out to five years now the point at which he says he wants debt to be falling as a fraction of national income. The spokesperson talked about debt, and at around £100 billion a year by the end of the forecast period, spending on debt interest will be higher than spending on any single department in the UK Government, apart from the NHS, and that just shows again the long-term impacts that we're going to be facing as a result. The Member talked about some of the things that could be reasonably welcomed, at least in the first instance. The Welsh Government was calling for the increase of benefits in line with inflation. Even though the decision was taken by the UK Government to do that, the Institute for Fiscal Studies has found that that would still leave their real value on course to be 6 per cent lower than their pre-pandemic levels. That's equivalent to almost £500 per year for the average out-of-work person. Of course, that assumes that they are still able to access the full amount of support as they do at the moment under the energy price guarantee after next April. We've already heard about the impacts on disposable income for families: over the next two years, falling by 7 per cent. That's absolutely unprecedented, and we are going to be seeing those impacts feeding through to pressures, further pressures, on public services. And we've also heard about the UK Government's approach to tax, and, of course, the UK Government has now announced those multi-year freezes to every major income tax or national insurance threshold, and, by freezing those thresholds, and particularly the personal allowance, the UK Government is raising income tax in now what is much more of a regressive way than if they'd just raised rates. And as more workers are now drawn into paying higher tax, a greater amount of their pay will be immediately lost, and, of course, because of the way the pay levels are here in Wales, more people in Wales are more likely to be worse off as a direct result of that particular intervention as well. So, in terms of our own plans, I will, of course, set out those plans when we publish our draft budget on 13 December. Now that we have those final figures from the UK Government - and I say 'final', because they could yet change ahead of or just after our final budget - we have an intensive period of work now across Government to provide colleagues with the numbers within which they'll be working and then to finalise our draft budget for publication.
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr iawn i lefarydd yr wrthblaid am y cwestiynau y prynhawn yma. Fe wnaf i ddechrau drwy fyfyrio eto ei bod yn ymddangos mai dull y Blaid Geidwadol yw beio'r sefyllfa ariannol yr ydym ynddi ar hyn o bryd yn llwyr ar y pandemig ac ar ryfel Putin yn Wcráin. Ond nid dyna'r darlun llawn, wrth gwrs, oherwydd mae £30 biliwn o'r twll y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn ceisio ei lenwi yn ymwneud yn llwyr ac yn llawn â chamreoli'r economi drwy'r gyllideb fach hurt honno. Byddwn ni'n edrych yn ôl arno ac - mae'r difrod mae wedi'i wneud yn anhygoel. Nid rhyw jôc hurt yn unig a ddigwyddodd drwy law griw o glowniau yn San Steffan, mewn gwirionedd mae'n rhywbeth sydd wir yn cael effaith ar fywyd nawr. A byddwn ni'n talu nawr a byddwn ni'n talu'n hir i'r dyfodol am eu haerllugrwydd ac am y camgymeriadau y maen nhw wedi'u gwneud. Gadewch i ni beidio â gadael i Brexit ddianc rhagddi chwaith, oherwydd mae'r Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol wedi cadarnhau bod data diweddar yn gyson â'i asesiad cynharach bod Brexit yn niweidio ein heconomi. Mae'r Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol yn disgwyl, o dan y cytundeb sydd wedi'i gytuno gan Lywodraeth y DU, yn ystod y tymor hir, y bydd economi'r DU o leiaf 4 y cant yn llai nag a fyddai wedi bod fel arall. Mewn gwirionedd, y consensws ymhlith arbenigwyr annibynnol yw y gallai'r costau economaidd fod hyd yn oed yn fwy os yw'r amrywiaeth lawn o effeithiau, y mae llawer ohonyn nhw'n anodd eu mesur yn union, yn cael eu cynnwys. Mae ymchwil sy'n cynnwys effeithiau o'r fath yn canfod y gallai cyfanswm y costau fod rhwng 8 y cant i 10 y cant o Gynnyrch Domestig Gros blynyddol. Rwy'n credu bod yn rhaid i ni fod yn ystyried effaith Brexit, yr ydym ni ond dechrau'i deimlo, fel rhan o'r darlun cyffredinol yma hefyd. Beth fyddai Llafur wedi'i wneud yn wahanol? Wel, ni fyddem ni yn y llanast yma pe bai Llafur wedi bod wrth y llyw oherwydd, ie, byddem ni wedi cael y pandemig, ie, byddem ni wedi cael rhyfel Putin, ond ni fyddem ni wedi cael goblygiadau'r gyllideb fach. Felly, mae llawer o'r problemau y mae gofyn i bobl dalu amdanyn nhw wedi'u creu gan Lywodraeth y DU ei hun. Yn ogystal â hyn, mae'r ffordd y mae ef wedi mynd at y gyllideb yn gohirio llawer o'r problemau ar gyfer y dyfodol hefyd. Mae'r tynhau cyllidol wedi'i ôl-lwytho'n drwm, a'r rhan helaeth o'r toriadau gwariant gwasanaethau cyhoeddus hynny wedi'u hamserlenni mewn gwirionedd ar gyfer ar ôl 2025, gan oedi'r holl benderfyniadau anodd iawn tan ar ôl etholiad cyffredinol nesaf y DU. Mae'r Canghellor hefyd wedi gorfod llacio ei fandad cyllidol. Mae ef wedi'i wthio i bum mlynedd nawr y pwynt lle mae'n dweud ei fod eisiau i ddyled fod yn gostwng fel ffracsiwn o incwm cenedlaethol. Soniodd y llefarydd am ddyled, a thua £100 biliwn y flwyddyn erbyn diwedd cyfnod y rhagolwg, bydd gwariant ar log dyled yn uwch na gwariant ar unrhyw adran unigol yn Llywodraeth y DU, ar wahân i'r GIG, ac mae hynny ond yn dangos eto yr effeithiau tymor hir yr ydym ni'n mynd i fod yn eu hwynebu o ganlyniad. Soniodd yr Aelod am rai o'r pethau y mae modd eu croesawu'n rhesymol, o leiaf yn y man cyntaf. Roedd Llywodraeth Cymru yn galw am gynyddu budd-daliadau yn unol â chwyddiant. Er bod Llywodraeth y DU wedi gwneud y penderfyniad i wneud hynny, mae'r Sefydliad Astudiaethau Cyllid wedi canfod y byddai hynny'n dal i adael eu gwir werth ar y trywydd i fod 6 y cant yn is na'u lefelau cyn y pandemig. Mae hynny'n cyfateb i bron i £500 y flwyddyn i bobl gyffredin ddi-waith. Wrth gwrs, mae hynny'n tybio eu bod yn dal i allu manteisio ar swm llawn y gefnogaeth fel y maen nhw ar hyn o bryd o dan y gwarant pris ynni ar ôl mis Ebrill nesaf. Rydym ni eisoes wedi clywed am yr effeithiau ar incwm gwario i deuluoedd: yn ystod y ddwy flynedd nesaf, gan ostwng 7 y cant. Mae hynny'n gwbl ddigynsail, ac rydym ni'n mynd i fod yn gweld yr effeithiau hynny'n trosglwyddo i bwysau, rhagor o bwysau, ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus. Ac rydym ni hefyd wedi clywed am ddull Llywodraeth y DU o drethu, ac, wrth gwrs, mae Llywodraeth y DU nawr wedi cyhoeddi'r rhewi aml-flwyddyn hynny i bob prif dreth incwm neu drothwy yswiriant cenedlaethol, a, drwy rewi'r trothwyon hynny, ac yn enwedig y lwfans personol, mae Llywodraeth y DU yn codi treth incwm mewn ffordd nawr sy'n fwy atchweliadol na phe baent ond wedi codi cyfraddau. Ac wrth i fwy o weithwyr gael eu tynnu i dalu treth uwch nawr, bydd mwy o gyflog yn cael ei golli ar unwaith, ac, wrth gwrs, oherwydd y ffordd y mae'r lefelau cyflog yma yng Nghymru, mae mwy o bobl yng Nghymru yn fwy tebygol o fod ar eu colled o ganlyniad uniongyrchol i'r ymyrraeth benodol honno hefyd. Felly, o ran ein cynlluniau ein hunain, byddaf i, wrth gwrs, yn nodi'r cynlluniau hynny pan fyddwn ni'n cyhoeddi ein cyllideb ddrafft ar 13 Rhagfyr. Nawr bod gennym ni'r ffigurau terfynol hynny gan Lywodraeth y DU - ac rwy'n dweud 'terfynol', oherwydd y gallen nhw eto newid cyn neu ychydig ar ôl ein cyllideb derfynol - mae gennym ni gyfnod dwys o waith nawr ar draws y Llywodraeth i ddarparu cyd-Aelodau â'r ffigyrau y byddan nhw'n gweithio oddi mewn iddynt ac yna i gwblhau ein cyllideb ddrafft ar gyfer ei chyhoeddi.