English: Thanks very much, Russell. First of all, on the isolation period, you'll be aware, Russell, that we've already reduced that from 10 to seven days, and the UK Health Security Agency, interestingly enough, their evidence previously was very robust on the fact that they wanted to stick at seven. Now, my understanding is that the underlying evidence on this has not changed. I still haven't seen the analysis on which that decision has been made, so I'm waiting for advice on that. You say, Russell, that most has gone after five days. That's true, but 30 per cent of people are still carrying the infection after five days. So, that's quite a lot of people. So, if you want to be sending people back into workplaces after five days and 30 per cent of them are in that situation, then I do think we need to give that some pretty serious thought. We will be looking at the evidence on this. My analysis from just watching what's going on in England is that, actually, this is a political call and it's a judgment call that they're making not on the basis of science and evidence, not on the basis of changed science and evidence, but on the basis of the pressure that the NHS and other services are under at the moment. So, it's more of a political judgment. Now, we have to assess the risks. We may be in a different situation in terms of risk, but let's be absolutely clear: there is a risk if we're sending people back into workplaces and 30 per cent of them potentially could be carrying the virus. That's another risk you have to consider. Now, we'll be looking at that data over the next few days and making a judgment on that by the end of this week. You're absolutely right that case rates are plummeting, which is great. And it was very interesting of you to ask about lifting restrictions and why aren't we lifting them earlier. Well, the reason is because we're still at really high rates. Now, they're much better than they were a week ago, but we're still at 572 cases per 100,000. Now, if we were in that situation in the middle of August last year, we'd have been throwing our hands up in the air, saying, 'My God, these are high rates'. So, we've just got to just be aware that we're not out of the woods on this yet. These are really, really high rates still; they're just not as high as they were a week ago. And I do think that as to asking did we overreact, I've got to tell you that our initial analysis, and it is very much initial analysis, does suggest that, although about 170,000 people in Wales had COVID at one point - that's enough people to fill the millennium stadium about two and a quarter times - had we not brought in restrictions, we'd have had an extra 69,000 people with COVID. So, that's enough to almost fill the millennium stadium again, had we followed what happened in London with them reaching the kind of rates that they got to where they didn't put any restrictions in place. So, that's our initial analysis. I'm hoping that we'll be able to do a bit more number crunching around that. And, obviously, it is appropriate for us to analyse after the event - you're absolutely right. We are very keen to learn - we're all learning here. This is a new variant; nobody had heard of omicron only a month and a half ago. And so, what we were doing, we were depending on modelling that was using imperfect data to address and to determine what that modelling looked like. So, we did peak earlier than expected, we didn't see as many hospitalisations as we had feared, so some of that modelling, perhaps, wasn't where we thought it might be, but in a good way, but also what that means is that, actually, had we followed some of the judgments that people were asking us to consider, which were to lock down even further, that may have been an overreaction. But I think we got it just about right, and obviously time will tell if we got it just about right. But what I can tell you, Russell, is that the people of Wales think that the First Minister of Wales is comfortably the most popular leader in the United Kingdom. So, his judgment is something that the people of Wales certainly appreciate. Boris Johnson was on about 39 per cent - how the hell he got 39 per cent is beyond me - but Mark Drakeford was well ahead of him and even Nicola Sturgeon on 57 per cent, so very pleased to see that. The other points you made were on living with COVID. At some point, yes, you're absolutely right, we've got to live with COVID, but I think there are some issues that we need to consider. One is the waning of vaccinations, which is something that we're not quite clear on with omicron yet. So, we haven't seen to what extent that booster will be protecting us in future and the other thing is, potentially, another wave that will come. Most of the waves we've had have another wave that follows them, so, who knows, is there going to be another wave? So, we've got to live with it, but how we live with it, to what extent we live with it, who do we protect and how do we protect them, all of those things are things that, clearly, we are having constant discussions on. On the digital certification, the systems between England and Wales speak to each other quite well; the systems between Wales and Scotland don't. So, there's constant work being done on that: it is difficult. The apps - . It's not a Welsh thing, this, the English apps don't speak to them either and, actually, most of that digital work is being done on our behalf by the UK Government, so maybe, Russell, you could ask them to help us out on that as well. But, certainly, we are hoping that we can get a better situation on that. The booster does show on the COVID app, but it doesn't show on the QR code yet, but I think that's supposed to change around about 6 February.
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr iawn, Russell. Yn gyntaf, o ran y cyfnod ynysu, byddwch chi'n ymwybodol, Russell, ein bod ni eisoes wedi lleihau hynny o 10 i saith diwrnod, ac roedd Asiantaeth Diogelwch Iechyd y DU, yn ddigon diddorol, roedd ei thystiolaeth yn gadarn iawn yn flaenorol ar y ffaith ei bod yn dymuno cadw at saith. Nawr, rwyf i ar ddeall nad yw'r dystiolaeth sylfaenol ar hyn wedi newid. Nid wyf i wedi gweld o hyd y dadansoddiad y cafodd y penderfyniad hwnnw ei seilio arno, felly rwy'n aros am gyngor ar hynny. Rydych chi'n dweud, Russell, fod y rhan fwyaf wedi mynd ar ôl pum niwrnod. Mae hynny'n wir, ond mae 30 y cant o bobl dal i gario'r haint ar ôl pum diwrnod. Felly, mae hynny'n gryn dipyn o bobl. Felly, os ydych chi'n awyddus i fod yn anfon pobl yn ôl i weithleoedd ar ôl pum diwrnod a bod 30 y cant ohonyn nhw yn y sefyllfa honno, yna rwyf i yn credu bod angen i ni ystyried hynny yn eithaf difrifol. Byddwn yn ystyried y dystiolaeth ar hyn. Fy nadansoddiad i, o wylio'r hyn sy'n digwydd yn Lloegr yw bod hwn, mewn gwirionedd, yn alwad wleidyddol ac mae'n alwad barn nad ydyn nhw'n ei gwneud ar sail gwyddoniaeth a thystiolaeth, nid ar sail gwyddoniaeth a thystiolaeth sydd wedi newid, ond ar sail y pwysau sydd ar y GIG a gwasanaethau eraill ar hyn o bryd. Felly, mae'n fwy o farn wleidyddol. Nawr, mae'n rhaid i ni asesu'r risgiau. Efallai ein bod ni mewn sefyllfa wahanol o ran risg, ond gadewch i ni fod yn gwbl glir: mae perygl os ydym yn anfon pobl yn ôl i weithleoedd a gallai 30 y cant ohonyn nhw fod yn cario'r feirws. Mae hynny'n risg arall y mae'n rhaid i chi ei hystyried. Nawr, byddwn yn ystyried y data hynny yn ystod y dyddiau nesaf ac yn gwneud dyfarniad ar hynny erbyn diwedd yr wythnos hon. Rydych chi'n hollol gywir bod cyfraddau achosion yn plymio, sy'n wych. Ac roedd yn ddiddorol iawn i chi ofyn am godi cyfyngiadau a pham nad ydym yn eu codi'n gynharach. Wel, y rheswm yw ein bod gennym ni gyfraddau uchel iawn o hyd. Nawr, maen nhw'n llawer gwell nag yr oedden nhw wythnos yn ôl, ond mae gennym ni 572 o achosion ym mhob 100,000 o hyd. Nawr, pe baem ni yn y sefyllfa honno ganol mis Awst y llynedd, byddem ni wedi bod yn taflu ein dwylo i fyny yn yr awyr, gan ddweud, 'Duw, mae'r rhain yn gyfraddau uchel'. Felly, mae'n rhaid i ni fod yn ymwybodol nad ydym ni allan o berygl eto. Mae'r rhain yn gyfraddau uchel iawn o hyd; ond nid ydyn nhw mor uchel ag yr oedden nhw wythnos yn ôl. Ac rwyf i yn credu, o ran gofyn a wnaethom ni orymateb, fod yn rhaid i mi ddweud wrthych chi fod ein dadansoddiad cychwynnol, a dadansoddiad cychwynnol ydyw yn wir, yn awgrymu, er bod tua 170,000 o bobl yng Nghymru wedi cael COVID ar un adeg - mae hynny'n ddigon o bobl i lenwi stadiwm y mileniwm tua dwywaith a chwarter - pe na fyddem ni wedi cyflwyno cyfyngiadau, y byddem ni wedi cael 69,000 o bobl ychwanegol â COVID. Felly, mae hynny'n ddigon i lenwi stadiwm y mileniwm eto bron, pe byddem ni wedi dilyn yr hyn a ddigwyddodd yn Llundain a'r math o gyfraddau y gwnaethon nhw eu cyrraedd pan na wnaethon nhw roi unrhyw gyfyngiadau ar waith. Felly, dyna ein dadansoddiad cychwynnol. Rwy'n gobeithio y byddwn yn gallu gwneud ychydig mwy o ddadansoddi o amgylch hynny. Ac, yn amlwg, mae yn briodol i ni ddadansoddi ar ôl y digwyddiad - rydych chi'n hollol gywir. Rydym yn awyddus iawn i ddysgu - rydym ni i gyd yn dysgu yma. Amrywiolyn newydd yw hwn; nid oedd neb wedi clywed am omicron mis a hanner yn ôl. Ac felly, yr hyn yr oeddem ni'n ei wneud, roeddem ni'n dibynnu ar fodelu a oedd yn defnyddio data amherffaith i fynd i'r afael ag ef ac i benderfynu sut yr oedd y modelu hwnnw yn edrych. Felly, fe wnaethom ni gyrraedd uchafbwynt yn gynharach na'r disgwyl, ni wnaethom ni wedi gweld cynifer o dderbyniadau i'r ysbytai ag yr oeddem ni wedi ei ofni, felly nid oedd rhywfaint o'r modelu hwnnw, efallai, yn y man yr oeddem yn meddwl y gallai fod, ond mewn ffordd dda, ond hefyd, yr hyn y mae hynny'n ei olygu mewn gwirionedd yw pe byddem ni wedi dilyn rhai o'r dyfarniadau yr oedd pobl yn gofyn i ni eu hystyried, sef cyflwyno cyfyngiadau llymach, efallai y byddai hynny wedi bod yn orymateb. Ond rwy'n credu ein bod ni wedi gwneud pethau'n iawn fwy neu lai, ac yn amlwg amser a ddengys a oeddem ni wedi ei gael yn iawn fwy neu lai. Ond yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud wrthych chi, Russell, yw bod pobl Cymru o'r farn mai Prif Weinidog Cymru, yn hawdd, yw'r arweinydd mwyaf poblogaidd yn y Deyrnas Unedig. Felly, mae ei farn ef yn sicr yn rhywbeth y mae pobl Cymru yn ei gwerthfawrogi. Roedd Boris Johnson ar oddeutu 39 y cant - mae sut ddiawl y cafodd 39 y cant y tu hwnt i mi - ond roedd Mark Drakeford ymhell o'i flaen ef a Nicola Sturgeon hyd yn oed ar 57 y cant, felly rydym yn falch iawn o weld hynny. Roedd y pwyntiau eraill y gwnaethoch chi yn ymwneud â byw â COVID. Ar ryw bwynt, bydd, rydych chi'n llygad eich lle, bydd yn rhaid i ni fyw â COVID, ond rwy'n credu bod rhai materion y mae angen i ni eu hystyried. Un yw brechiadau'n gwanhau, sy'n rhywbeth nad ydym ni'n hollol glir yn ei gylch o ran omicron ar hyn o bryd. Felly, nid ydym ni wedi gweld i ba raddau y bydd y brechlyn atgyfnerthu hwnnw yn ein hamddiffyn ni yn y dyfodol a'r peth arall, o bosibl, yw ton arall a fydd yn dod. Mae ton arall wedi dilyn y rhan fwyaf o'r tonnau yr ydym ni wedi eu cael, felly, pwy a ŵyr, a fydd ton arall? Felly, mae'n rhaid i ni fyw ag ef, ond mae sut yr ydym yn byw ag ef, i ba raddau yr ydym yn byw ag ef, pwy yr ydym yn eu diogelu a sut yr ydym yn eu diogelu, mae'r holl bethau hynny'n bethau sydd, yn amlwg, yn cael eu trafod yn gyson. O ran yr ardystiad digidol, mae'r systemau rhwng Cymru a Lloegr yn siarad â'i gilydd yn eithaf da; nid yw'r systemau rhwng Cymru a'r Alban yn gwneud hynny. Felly, mae gwaith cyson yn cael ei wneud ar hynny: mae'n anodd. Yr apiau - . Nid peth Cymru yw hyn, nid yw apiau Lloegr yn siarad â nhw chwaith ac, mewn gwirionedd, mae'r rhan fwyaf o'r gwaith digidol hwnnw yn cael ei wneud ar ein rhan ni gan Lywodraeth y DU, felly efallai, Russell, y gallech chi ofyn iddyn nhw ein helpu ni ar hynny hefyd. Ond, yn sicr, rydym ni yn gobeithio y gallwn ni gael gwell sefyllfa o ran hynny. Mae'r brechlyn atgyfnerthu yn dangos ar yr ap COVID, ond nid yw'n dangos ar y cod QR hyd yn hyn, ond rwy'n credu bod disgwyl i hynny i newid tua 6 Chwefror.