English: Well, we are, at the moment, dealing with the general election result, and it did generate only two viable options. One was a minority Conservative Government - the one I, incidentally, favoured, but that would have been fragile, obviously - or, secondly, a combination with the DUP to create a confidence and supply agreement. There was no other combination that could have produced a Government for this country and, clearly, the Prime Minister decided that the need to negotiate a successful Brexit required that greater security of a confidence and supply agreement. It's on that basis that some cost has been exacted. I'm not surprised that that is now being scrutinised and, of course, it's quite appropriate that it is. I have to say, before I get to that, I do find this combination between the Conservative Party and the DUP tricky, because of Northern Ireland's exceptional status in the UK's politics. We now have a British Government reliant on an Irish party for the first time since 1910. Like John Major, I note the complications this could introduce to the peace process. However, the extensive financial package that the DUP has negotiated could, at least, assist the re-establishment of the power-sharing Executive. It had been placed under some strain by - let's call it - austerity politics, before even the biomass heating controversy brought things to a complete halt. As a point of statecraft - and I know the First Minister takes a great interest in the politics of Northern Ireland - I do hope that we will see a chance now for all the parties to work together and to use their additional resources productively. I note that both the Welsh Government and the Scottish Government have indicated and, indeed, that was repeated this afternoon here, that they'll instigate the formal dispute mechanism. I think that's a responsible thing to do if you believe the dispute is of enough gravity to require that, and I'm sure you will make the case very strongly. It is clear, I think - even on this side of the house we have to recognise it - that the deal with the DUP has wider implications, and it does, I concede, pose some serious challenges to the Welsh Conservative Party and to the Scottish Conservatives. However, some of the criticisms that we've heard this afternoon have been the stuff of simple partisan conflict. I do think we need a degree of moderation and proportion when we look at these issues, because we are talking about the peace process, Brexit and the future structure of our state, and it does call for statecraft, as well as making more immediate points of impartisan dialogue. We have heard that Gordon Brown, in the dying days of his premiership, did approach the DUP, and, presumably, he would have been faced with the similar difficulties of involving not a party of an ideological stamp -
Welsh: Wel, rydym, ar hyn o bryd, yn ymdrin â chanlyniad yr etholiad cyffredinol, a dim ond dau opsiwn dichonadwy gafodd eu cynhyrchu ganddo. Un oedd Llywodraeth Geidwadol leiafrifol - yr un yr oeddwn i, gyda llaw, yn ei ffafrio, ond byddai hynny wedi bod yn fregus, yn amlwg - neu, yn ail, cyfuniad gyda'r DUP i greu cytundeb hyder a chyflenwi. Nid oedd dim cyfuniad arall a allai fod wedi cynhyrchu Llywodraeth i'r wlad hon ac, yn amlwg, penderfynodd y Prif Weinidog fod yr angen i negodi Brexit llwyddiannus yn golygu bod angen sicrwydd ychwanegol ar ffurf cytundeb hyder a chyflenwi. Ar y sail honno, mae rhywfaint o gost wedi ei hawlio. Dydw i ddim yn synnu bod hynny bellach yn destun craffu ac, wrth gwrs, mae hynny'n gwbl briodol. Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, cyn imi gyrraedd hynny, fy mod yn gweld y cyfuniad hwn rhwng y Blaid Geidwadol a'r DUP yn anodd, oherwydd statws eithriadol Gogledd Iwerddon yng ngwleidyddiaeth y DU. Nawr, mae gennym Lywodraeth Brydeinig sy'n dibynnu ar blaid Wyddelig am y tro cyntaf ers 1910. Fel John Major, rwy'n nodi'r cymhlethdodau y gallai hyn eu cyflwyno i'r broses heddwch. Fodd bynnag, gallai'r pecyn ariannol helaeth y mae'r DUP wedi ei negodi, o leiaf, gynorthwyo i ailsefydlu'r Weithrediaeth rhannu pŵer. Roedd wedi dod o dan gryn straen oherwydd - dewch inni ei alw'n wleidyddiaeth cyni, hyd yn oed cyn i'r ddadl am wresogi â biomas ddod â phethau i stop llwyr. Fel mater o grefft llywodraeth - ac rwy'n gwybod bod gan y Prif Weinidog ddiddordeb mawr yng ngwleidyddiaeth Gogledd Iwerddon - rwy'n gobeithio y byddwn nawr yn gweld cyfle i'r holl bleidiau i gydweithio a defnyddio eu hadnoddau ychwanegol yn gynhyrchiol. Rwy'n gweld bod Llywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth yr Alban wedi dweud ac, yn wir, ailadroddwyd hynny y prynhawn yma yn y fan hyn, y byddant yn cychwyn y mecanwaith anghydfod ffurfiol. Rwy'n meddwl bod hynny'n beth cyfrifol i'w wneud os ydych yn credu bod yr anghydfod yn ddigon difrifol, ac rwy'n siŵr y gwnewch yr achos yn gryf iawn. Mae'n amlwg, rwy'n meddwl - hyd yn oed ar yr ochr hon i'r tŷ mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod - bod y cytundeb gyda'r DUP yn peri goblygiadau ehangach, ac mae, rwy'n cyfaddef, yn peri rhai heriau difrifol i Blaid Geidwadol Cymru ac i Geidwadwyr yr Alban. Fodd bynnag, nid yw rhai o'r beirniadaethau yr ydym wedi'u clywed y prynhawn yma wedi bod yn ddim mwy na gwrthdaro pleidiol syml. Rwy'n meddwl bod angen rhywfaint o gymedroldeb a chymesuredd wrth edrych ar y materion hyn, gan ein bod yn sôn am y broses heddwch, Brexit a strwythur ein gwladwriaeth yn y dyfodol, ac mae angen crefft llywodraeth, yn ogystal â gwneud pwyntiau mwy uniongyrchol o ddeialog amhleidiol. Rydym wedi clywed bod Gordon Brown, yn nyddiau olaf ei brifweinidogaeth, wedi mynd at y DUP, ac, yn ôl pob tebyg, byddai wedi wynebu anawsterau tebyg o gynnwys nid plaid â stamp ideolegol -