techiaith/cofnodycynulliad_en-cy huggingface dataset:
English: Following the mess that your Government made of the issue of the iron ring at Flint castle, can I ask you what arrangements are in place now to ensure that any interpretation of heritage happens from a Welsh perspective and context and not from someone else's perspective?
Welsh: Yn dilyn y smonach a wnaeth eich Llywodraeth chi o fater y cylch haearn yng nghastell y Fflint, a gaf i ofyn pa drefniadau sydd yn eu lle nawr i sicrhau bod unrhyw ddehongli o dreftadaeth yn digwydd o gyd-destun a phersbectif Cymreig ac nid o bersbectif rhywun arall?
English: We always interpret heritage from the perspective of what is good for us in Wales. We have a history of castles, castles that were built by an English king who wanted to turn Wales into some kind of fortress. Despite that, we celebrate that heritage, but we understand, of course, that those castles now belong to the people of Wales. There is a balance to be struck. For me, personally, there is nothing wrong in celebrating what we already have, because so many things that were done to the people of Wales are now controlled by the people of Wales.
Welsh: Rydym ni'n wastad yn dehongli ein hetifeddiaeth ynghylch beth sy'n dda i ni yng Nghymru. Mae yna hanes gennym ni o gestyll. Cafodd y cestyll hynny eu hadeiladu gan frenin o Loegr oedd eisiau troi Cymru mewn i ryw fath o gaer. Serch hynny, rŷm ni'n sicrhau ein bod ni'n dathlu'r etifeddiaeth hynny, ond, wrth gwrs, rŷm ni'n deall bod y cestyll hynny yn rhywbeth sy'n eiddo i bobl Cymru nawr. Mae yna gydbwysedd y mae'n rhaid inni ei ddilyn fan hyn, ond, i mi, nid oes unrhyw beth yn bod gyda dathlu beth sydd gyda ni, achos nawr, wrth gwrs, mae siwd gymaint o bethau a gafodd eu gwneud i bobl Cymru yn cael eu rheoli gan bobl Cymru.
English: Leader of the opposition to begin questions from the party leaders - Andrew R.T. Davies.
Welsh: Arweinydd yr wrthblaid i ofyn cwestiynau gan arweinwyr y pleidiau - Andrew R.T. Davies.
English: Thank you, Presiding Officer. First Minister, last year, the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals reported that they'd seen nearly a 10 per cent increase in animal cruelty cases that they'd had to investigate. The legislation and the ability to regulate in this area firmly rest with the Welsh Government. Following that 10 per cent increase in complaints, there was a 35 per cent increase in prosecutions here in Wales, where people were taken to the courts and successful prosecutions were achieved. The legislation, though, and the sanctions do not meet - or are not fit for purpose - the crimes that many people are perpetrating when the complaints are investigated. Will your Government commit to revising the sanctions that are available to the courts here in Wales so that they fit the crimes that are being reported to them?
Welsh: Diolch, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, y llynedd, dywedodd y Gymdeithas Frenhinol er Atal Creulondeb i Anifeiliaid eu bod wedi gweld cynnydd o bron i 10 y cant i'r achosion o greulondeb at anifeiliaid y bu'n rhaid iddynt ymchwilio iddynt. Mae'r ddeddfwriaeth a'r gallu i reoleiddio yn y maes hwn wedi'u neilltuo'n bendant i Lywodraeth Cymru. Yn dilyn y cynnydd o 10 y cant i gwynion, cafwyd cynnydd o 35 y cant i erlyniadau yma yng Nghymru, pryd yr aethpwyd â phobl i'r llysoedd ac y cyflawnwyd erlyniadau llwyddiannus. Fodd bynnag, nid yw'r ddeddfwriaeth, a'r cosbau yn bodloni - neu nid ydynt yn addas i'r diben - y troseddau y mae llawer o bobl yn eu cyflawni pan fydd y cwynion yn cael eu hymchwilio. A wnaiff eich Llywodraeth ymrwymo i ddiwygio'r cosbau sydd ar gael i'r llysoedd yma yng Nghymru fel eu bod yn cyd-fynd â'r troseddau sy'n cael eu hadrodd iddynt?
English: These are issues that we will keep under consideration. It's not an issue that I've had raised with me personally - that the penalties are too low - but clearly we don't want to see - . The fact that there are more prosecutions is a good thing, because that means that, actually, more people are being caught. It doesn't necessarily mean that there is more crime, but more people are being caught. Nevertheless, we want to make sure that the penalties are appropriate to the crimes, and we'll keep under review whether those penalties are appropriate now.
Welsh: Mae'r rhain yn faterion y byddwn yn parhau i'w hystyried. Nid yw'n fater a godwyd gyda mi yn bersonol - bod y cosbau yn rhy isel - ond yn amlwg nid ydym ni eisiau gweld - . Mae'r ffaith bod mwy o erlyniadau yn beth da, gan fod hynny'n golygu, mewn gwirionedd, bod mwy o bobl yn cael eu dal. Nid yw o reidrwydd yn golygu bod mwy o droseddau, ond mae mwy o bobl yn cael eu dal. Serch hynny, rydym ni eisiau sicrhau bod y cosbau'n briodol i'r troseddau, a byddwn yn parhau i adolygu pa un a yw'r cosbau hynny'n briodol nawr.
English: It is a fact that one case that was highlighted by the RSPCA was how a man fed his dog cocaine and then cut the ears off that particular animal, and had a 24-week sentence imposed on him. That cannot be right, First Minister. That's the most that could have been attributed to that particular individual. There are plans afoot in other parts of the United Kingdom to substantially increase the powers available, and the sanctions available, when animal cruelty cases are brought before the courts - up to five years and unlimited fines. I ask you again: will you please take forward the proposals that are being looked at in other parts of the United Kingdom, so that the sanction, when such horrific crimes are reported, is available to the courts, and, ultimately, the full weight of that sanction can be brought against the perpetrators of such foul actions?
Welsh: Mae'n ffaith mai un achos a amlygwyd gan yr RSPCA oedd sut y gwnaeth gŵr fwydo cocên i'w gi ac yna torri'r clustiau oddi ar yr anifail penodol hwnnw, a chafodd ddedfryd o 24 wythnos. Ni all hynny fod yn iawn, Prif Weinidog. Dyna'r mwyaf y gellid fod wedi ei roi i'r unigolyn penodol hwnnw. Mae cynlluniau ar y gweill mewn rhannau eraill o'r Deyrnas Unedig i gynyddu'r pwerau sydd ar gael yn sylweddol, a'r cosbau sydd ar gael, pan ddaw achosion creulondeb anifeiliaid gerbron llysoedd - hyd at bum mlynedd a dirwyon anghyfyngedig. Gofynnaf i chi eto: a wnewch chi fwrw ymlaen â'r cynigion sy'n cael eu hystyried mewn rhannau eraill o'r Deyrnas Unedig os gwelwch yn dda, fel bod y gosb, pan fydd troseddau erchyll o'r fath yn cael eu hadrodd, ar gael i'r llysoedd, ac, yn y pen draw, y gellir dod â phwysau llawn y gosb honno yn erbyn y rhai sy'n cyflawni gweithredoedd mor ddifrifol?
English: I am willing to look at that, because the case that he mentions is very disturbing and upsetting, of course. I will write to him further on that. It's not just the penalties; it's the sentencing guidelines as well, because the maximum penalty is one thing, but the sentencing guidelines that govern what sentences should be imposed in certain circumstances are also important. So, the two things must run together.
Welsh: Rwy'n fodlon ystyried hynny, oherwydd mae'r achos y mae'n sôn amdano yn annymunol iawn ac yn peri gofid, wrth gwrs. Byddaf yn ysgrifennu ato ymhellach ynghylch hynny. Nid yw hyn yn ymwneud â'r cosbau yn unig; mae'n ymwneud â'r canllawiau dedfrydu hefyd, gan fod y gosb fwyaf yn un peth, ond mae'r canllawiau dedfrydu sy'n rheoli pa ddedfrydau y dylid eu gorfodi o dan amgylchiadau penodol hefyd yn bwysig. Felly, mae'n rhaid i'r ddau beth fynd law yn llaw.
English: I agree with you, but what is firmly in your court is the ability to make progress in this area. So, I welcome that you will be writing to me with more information in this particular area, but what is quite clear from the evidence that's before us all of the crimes that have been perpetrated against animals that are defenceless - they can't defend themselves - the number of investigations and complaints that charities are looking at, and the prosecutions, is that it would be good to achieve today a timeline of how your Government will take forward actions to improve the sanctions that are available, and firm up the sanctions that are available, so that we do not see sentences that aren't fit for purpose. Can you please give me a timeline as to how your Government will take this forward, so we can see positive action in this particular area?
Welsh: Rwy'n cytuno â chi, ond yr hyn sy'n sicr o fewn eich rheolaeth yw'r gallu i wneud cynnydd yn y maes hwn. Felly, rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith y byddwch yn ysgrifennu ataf gyda mwy o wybodaeth yn y maes penodol hwn, ond yr hyn sy'n gwbl eglur o'r dystiolaeth sydd o'n blaenau i gyd o'r holl droseddau a gyflawnwyd yn erbyn anifeiliaid sy'n ddiamddiffyn - ni allant amddiffyn eu hunain - nifer yr ymchwiliadau a chwynion y mae elusennau yn eu hystyried, a'r erlyniadau, yw y byddai'n dda heddiw cael amserlen o sut y bydd eich Llywodraeth chi yn bwrw ymlaen â chamau i wella'r cosbau sydd ar gael, a chadarnhau'r cosbau hynny sydd ar gael, fel nad ydym yn gweld dedfrydau nad ydynt yn addas i'w diben. A allwch chi roi amserlen i mi o ran sut y bydd eich Llywodraeth yn bwrw ymlaen â hyn, fel y gallwn weld camau cadarnhaol yn y maes penodol hwn?
English: I can provide more information in the letter that I send to him. These are important points that he raises, and what he has asked me there I will ensure is addressed in writing in a letter.
Welsh: Gallaf roi rhagor o wybodaeth yn y llythyr y byddaf yn ei anfon ato. Mae'r rhain yn bwyntiau pwysig y mae'n eu codi, a byddaf yn sicrhau bod yr hyn y mae wedi ei ofyn i mi yn y fan yna yn cael sylw ysgrifenedig mewn llythyr.
English: 'Prosperity for All' is an example of how we follow that Act, in terms of how we determine what we do in the future.
Welsh: Mae 'Ffyniant i Bawb' yn enghraifft o'r modd yr ydym ni'n dilyn y Ddeddf honno, o ran sut yr ydym ni'n penderfynu ar yr hyn a wnawn yn y dyfodol.
English: That's not a very convincing answer, First Minister. The strategy that you've produced contains four cross-cutting themes, and the Act says that there are seven well-being goals. One of those goals - a globally responsible Wales - is not mentioned in your strategy at all. You imply that, because of the Act, you will use investment decisions, infrastructure decisions and planning decisions in a different way to the way in which you made those decisions in the past. Your Government is one of the public bodies listed under the Act, and you've got a commitment to goals such as sustainable development, a low-carbon economy, healthy functioning ecosystems and enhanced biodiversity. Does your support for the M4 black route meet with those goals, or are you shifting the goalposts and carrying on with business as usual?
Welsh: Nid yw hwnna'n ateb argyhoeddiadol iawn, Prif Weinidog. Mae'r strategaeth yr ydych chi wedi ei llunio yn cynnwys pedair thema drawsbynciol, ac mae'r Ddeddf yn dweud bod saith nod llesiant. Mae un o'r nodau hynny - sef Cymru sy'n gyfrifol yn fyd-eang - nad yw'n cael ei grybwyll o gwbl yn eich strategaeth. Rydych chi'n awgrymu, oherwydd y Ddeddf, y byddwch chi'n defnyddio penderfyniadau buddsoddi, penderfyniadau seilwaith a phenderfyniadau cynllunio mewn ffordd wahanol i'r ffordd y gwnaethoch chi wneud y penderfyniadau hynny yn y gorffennol. Mae eich Llywodraeth yn un o'r cyrff cyhoeddus a restrir o dan y Ddeddf, ac mae gennych chi ymrwymiad i nodau fel datblygu cynaliadwy, economi carbon isel, ecosystemau gweithredol iach a gwell bioamrywiaeth. A yw eich cefnogaeth i lwybr du yr M4 yn bodloni'r nodau hynny, neu a ydych chi'n newid y rheolau ac yn parhau â busnes fel arfer?
English: Well, these are matters that need to be addressed via the public inquiry. We wanted it to be as broad as possible and to look at all the options, and we look forward to seeing the results of that inquiry when the work is completed.
Welsh: Wel, mae'r rhain yn faterion y mae angen mynd i'r afael â nhw drwy'r ymchwiliad cyhoeddus. Roeddem ni eisiau iddo fod mor eang â phosibl ac ystyried yr holl ddewisiadau, ac edrychwn ymlaen at weld canlyniadau'r ymchwiliad hwnnw pan fydd y gwaith wedi'i gwblhau.
English: We all know that it is your preferred option, and that sounds very much to us on this side of the Chamber like business as usual and a missed opportunity, First Minister. Now, in the national strategy, mention is also made of rural communities, the need to sustain the agricultural industry, and the world-class food and drink sector that you aspire to. You say that you'll do this through post-EU agricultural and fisheries policy. Now, the need for us all to support Welsh farmers is obvious, given the contribution that they make to the Welsh economy, to Welsh culture and the role that farmers have to play in managing our natural resources. Plaid Cymru is calling for the same level of support for agriculture to be sustained until 2022 at the very least. That commitment has been given by the Westminster Government for England; First Minister, will you make that commitment for Welsh farmers now this afternoon?
Welsh: Rydym ni i gyd yn gwybod mai dyna'r dewis yr ydych chi'n ei ffafrio, ac mae hynny'n swnio'n bur debyg i ni ar yr ochr hon i'r Siambr fel busnes fel arfer a chyfle a gollwyd, Prif Weinidog. Nawr, yn y strategaeth genedlaethol, rhoddir sylw hefyd i gymunedau gwledig, yr angen i gynnal y diwydiant amaethyddol, a'r sector bwyd a diod o'r radd flaenaf yr ydych â'r nod o'i gyflawni . Rydych chi'n dweud y byddwch chi'n gwneud hyn trwy bolisi amaethyddol a physgodfeydd ôl-UE. Nawr, mae'r angen i bob un ohonom gefnogi ffermwyr Cymru yn amlwg, o ystyried y cyfraniad y maen nhw'n ei wneud at economi Cymru, at ddiwylliant Cymru a'r rhan sydd gan ffermwyr i'w chwarae o ran rheoli ein hadnoddau naturiol. Mae Plaid Cymru yn galw am yr un lefel o gefnogaeth i amaethyddiaeth gael ei chynnal hyd at 2022 o leiaf. Gwnaed yr ymrwymiad hwnnw gan Lywodraeth San Steffan i Loegr; Prif Weinidog, a wnewch chi wneud yr ymrwymiad hwnnw i ffermwyr Cymru nawr y prynhawn yma?
English: Well, I have said publicly that we will maintain the same level of support. The money has to be there, of course, and we'd expect it to be there, but what I have said, as she knows, is that I think that the current pot that is available should be maintained by the UK Government and distributed financially in the same way as before, and that money will then be used for agriculture. How it's then used is a matter for the Government and the Assembly, but in terms of the overall money, of course we want that to stay the same after 2022, and I've said that several times in public.
Welsh: Wel, rwyf i wedi dweud yn gyhoeddus y byddwn ni'n cynnal yr un lefel o gefnogaeth. Mae'n rhaid i'r arian fod yno, wrth gwrs, a byddem yn disgwyl iddo fod yno, ond yr hyn yr wyf i wedi ei ddweud, fel y mae hi'n gwybod, yw fy mod i'n credu y dylai'r pot presennol sydd ar gael gael ei gynnal gan Lywodraeth y DU a'i ddosbarthu'n ariannol yn yr un ffordd ag o'r blaen, a bydd yr arian hwnnw'n cael ei ddefnyddio ar gyfer amaethyddiaeth wedyn. Mater i'r Llywodraeth a'r Cynulliad yw sut y caiff ei ddefnyddio wedyn, ond o ran yr arian cyffredinol, wrth gwrs, rydym ni eisiau i hwnnw aros yr un fath ar ôl 2022, ac rwyf wedi dweud hynny sawl gwaith yn gyhoeddus.
English: Diolch, Llywydd. It's in the interests of businesses in Wales that export to make progress in the future trading relationships between Britain and the rest of the European Union. Is it not disappointing, therefore, that in a vote on this in the European Parliament last week, Wales's Labour MEP and Plaid MEP voted for the Commission's position not to negotiate further because we've apparently not made sufficient progress in the talks, which have been blocked, actually, by the European Commission? Aren't these people no better than fifth columnists fighting for the interests of a foreign power against the interests of Britain?
Welsh: Diolch, Llywydd. Mae er budd i fusnesau yng Nghymru sy'n allforio i wneud cynnydd yn y cysylltiadau masnachu rhwng Prydain a gweddill yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn y dyfodol. Onid yw'n siomedig, felly, mewn pleidlais ar hyn yn Senedd Ewrop yr wythnos diwethaf, bod ASE Llafur Cymru ac ASE Plaid wedi pleidleisio dros safbwynt y Comisiwn i beidio â thrafod ymhellach gan ei bod yn debyg nad ydym wedi gwneud cynnydd digonol yn y trafodaethau, sydd wedi cael eu rhwystro, mewn gwirionedd, gan y Comisiwn Ewropeaidd? Onid yw'r bobl hyn ddim gwell na phumed colofnwyr yn ymladd er budd grymoedd tramor yn erbyn buddiannau Prydain?
English: They're Spanish fascists now, are they? Well, I will allow his greater experience of that to inform us. But I have to say to him: they have voted according to the way they see the facts. The UK Government's position has been a shambles from the start. Fifteen months in, we're none the wiser as to what the UK Government's position is. They have spent more time fighting with each other. We've no idea of - . The only thing we know is that they're doing their level best to deprive this institution and the people of Wales of the powers they rightfully should have. Beyond that, we have no idea. They're now planning for a no-deal Brexit - I can say that no planning at all has been done for a no-deal Brexit. They have absolutely no idea what they want to do, and it's important that the UK Government decides what sort of Brexit it wants. The people of Britain rejected the kind of Brexit that he wants, so it's up to the UK Government now to decide what kind of Brexit is best for Britain. We've outlined our position as the Welsh Government, and that is something that we think represents a sensible Brexit that represents the views that people expressed last year.
Welsh: Maen nhw'n ffasistiaid Sbaenaidd nawr, ydyn nhw? Wel, byddaf yn caniatáu i'r ffaith fod ganddo fwy o brofiad o hynny ein haddysgu. Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud wrtho: maen nhw wedi pleidleisio yn ôl y ffordd y maen nhw'n gweld y ffeithiau. Mae safbwynt Llywodraeth y DU wedi bod yn draed moch o'r cychwyn. Pymtheg mis i mewn, nid ydym ni ddim callach o beth yw safbwynt Llywodraeth y DU. Maen nhw wedi treulio mwy o amser yn ymladd â'i gilydd. Nid oes gennym unrhyw syniad o - . Yr unig beth yr ydym ni'n ei wybod yw eu bod nhw'n gwneud eu gorau glas i amddifadu'r sefydliad hwn a phobl Cymru o'r pwerau y mae ganddyn nhw hawl iddynt. Y tu hwnt i hynny, nid oes gennym unrhyw syniad. Maen nhw'n cynllunio nawr ar gyfer Brexit dim cytundeb - gallaf ddweud nad oes unrhyw gynllunio o gwbl wedi ei wneud ar gyfer Brexit dim cytundeb. Nid oes ganddyn nhw unrhyw syniad o'r hyn y maen nhw eisiau ei wneud, ac mae'n bwysig bod Llywodraeth y DU yn penderfynu pa fath o Brexit y mae'n dymuno ei gael. Gwrthododd pobl Prydain y math o Brexit y mae ef ei eisiau, felly cyfrifoldeb Llywodraeth y DU nawr yw penderfynu pa fath o Brexit sydd orau i Brydain. Rydym ni wedi amlinellu ein safbwynt fel Llywodraeth Cymru, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth yr ydym ni'n credu sy'n cynrychioli Brexit synhwyrol sy'n cynrychioli'r safbwyntiau a fynegwyd gan bobl y llynedd.
English: Well, it's not for me, of course, and UKIP to defend the way the UK Conservative Government has embarked on this negotiation, but if he has read Mr Yanis Varoufakis's account of his negotiations with the EU, he will see there what is playing out. The EU has no serious intention of entering into negotiations with Britain for the future, because their interests are to keep the remaining members of the EU together, and they want, therefore, to ensure that Brexit - so far as they can - is not a success. So, we can't expect to get anything sensible out of the EU. In these circumstances, is it not incumbent upon all political parties in this country to support the broad aims of the British Government, which are to have the freest possible trade with the European Union and to protect the interests of citizens - both EU citizens in this country and also British citizens in the EU? This is plainly what the Government, in its shambolic way, is trying to do, but, nevertheless, the aims are ones that we should all support.
Welsh: Wel, nid fy lle i, wrth gwrs, ac UKIP yw amddiffyn y ffordd y mae Llywodraeth Geidwadol y DU wedi mynd i'r afael â'r drafodaeth hon, ond os yw wedi darllen cyfrif Mr Yanis Varoufakis o'i drafodaethau gyda'r UE, bydd yn gweld yn y fan honno beth sy'n digwydd. Nid oes gan yr UE unrhyw fwriad difrifol o drafod â Phrydain ar gyfer y dyfodol, oherwydd eu buddiannau nhw yw cadw'r aelodau UE eraill gyda'i gilydd, ac maen nhw eisiau sicrhau, felly, nad yw Brexit - cyn belled ag y gallant - yn llwyddiant. Felly, ni allwn ddisgwyl cael unrhyw beth synhwyrol allan o'r UE. O dan yr amgylchiadau hyn, onid yw'n ddyletswydd ar yr holl bleidiau gwleidyddol yn y wlad hon i gefnogi nodau eang Llywodraeth Prydain, sef cael y fasnach fwyaf rydd bosibl gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd ac i ddiogelu buddiannau dinasyddion - dinasyddion yr UE yn y wlad hon a dinasyddion Prydain yn yr UE hefyd? Mae hyn yn amlwg beth mae'r Llywodraeth, yn ei ffordd ddi-drefn, yn ceisio ei wneud, ond, serch hynny, mae'r nodau'n rhai y dylai bob un ohonom eu cefnogi.
English: Well, I support those principles, but let me take him back to the referendum last year. We were told by his party and his party leader that the EU would strike a deal quickly because the EU were afraid of the UK; it was untrue. We were told that German car manufacturers would put pressure on the EU to strike a deal; that was untrue. We were told by his own party leader that the UK could look more like Norway, but now we're told it shouldn't look like Norway at all. The fantasies that were peddled last year are now coming home to roost. The reality is that the EU is not afraid of the UK - why on earth should it be? He is right - the EU wants to keep the EU 27 together. Of course it does; that would have been blindingly obvious to most people last year, but not to his own party. Now, the principles he has expounded I agree with - who would not want to see the freest possible trading agreement? Who would not want to see the rights of citizens protected? The problem is that while we know what the EU's position is, we have still no idea of what the UK's position is and what kind of deal it wants. That's the problem.
Welsh: Wel, rwy'n cefnogi'r egwyddorion hynny, ond gadewch i mi fynd ag ef yn ôl at y refferendwm y llynedd. Dywedwyd wrthym gan ei blaid ef ac arweinydd ei blaid ef y byddai'r UE yn dod i gytundeb yn gyflym gan fod yr UE yn ofni'r DU; roedd hynny'n anwir. Dywedwyd wrthym y byddai gweithgynhyrchwyr ceir yr Almaen yn rhoi pwysau ar yr UE i ddod i gytundeb; roedd hynny'n anwir. Dywedwyd wrthym gan arweinydd ei blaid ei hun y gallai'r DU edrych mwy fel Norwy, ond dywedir wrthym nawr na ddylai edrych fel Norwy o gwbl. Mae'r ffantasïau a hyrwyddwyd y llynedd yn cael eu datgelu'n llwyr bellach. Y gwir amdani yw nad yw'r UE yn ofni'r DU - pam ar y ddaear y dylai ein hofni? Mae e'n iawn - mae'r UE eisiau cadw 27 yr UE gyda'i gilydd. Wrth gwrs ei fod; byddai hynny wedi bod yn hollol amlwg i'r rhan fwyaf o bobl y llynedd, ond nid i'w blaid ei hun. Nawr, rwy'n cytuno â'r egwyddorion y mae wedi eu mynegi - pwy na fyddai eisiau gweld y cytundeb masnachu mwyaf rhydd posibl? Pwy na fyddai eisiau gweld hawliau dinasyddion yn cael eu hamddiffyn? Y broblem yw, er ein bod ni'n gwybod beth yw safbwynt yr UE, nid oes gennym unrhyw syniad o beth yw safbwynt y DU a pha fath o gytundeb y mae'n dymuno ei gael. Dyna'r broblem.