English: Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. I want to be clear that we agree with Plaid Cymru, with their motion, insofar as it relates to the devastating impact of the UK Government's austerity measures on the people of Wales. We do disagree with the practicality and desirability of taking over administrative responsibility for social security, and I will come to this in more depth shortly. As Members would expect, we reject the complacent amendment from the Conservatives, which glosses over the real suffering being caused by their party's botched and heartless efforts at welfare reform. I have to say it's been an afternoon of quite astonishing contributions from the Conservative benches, and from the single Conservative contribution that we've had in this debate, you would really be forgiven for thinking that welfare reform is a roaring success. We know only too well that levels of poverty across Wales and the rest of the UK are too high. I met with Professor Alston during his visit to Wales and agree with him that the responsibility for this rests squarely with the UK Government and its austerity and welfare reform policies. The effects are falling disproportionately on already vulnerable groups and those least able to bear it. Professor Alston summed up the situation that we currently find ourselves in like this: 'The experience of the United Kingdom, especially since 2010, underscores the conclusion that poverty is a political choice. Austerity could easily have spared the poor, if the political will had existed to do so.' He continues: 'Resources were available to the Treasury at the last budget that could have transformed the situation of millions of people living in poverty, but the political choice was made to fund tax cuts for the wealthy instead.' Damning stuff. The special rapporteur expressed his outrage that the devolved administrations need to spend their diminishing resources to shield people from these harmful UK Government policies. Austerity has meant that our overall budget for 2019-2020 is down £850 million in real terms compared to 2010-2011. Nevertheless, in the absence of a change of direction by the UK Government on key policies, we must continue to do all we can to mitigate the worst impacts of these destructive policies. Welsh Government doesn't support the devolution of welfare benefits for a number of reasons. As a matter of principle, of social solidarity, we should all be entitled to an equal claim to our welfare state. The needs of citizens, wherever they are within the UK, should be equally met, and we do not believe that equality and solidarity and redistribution of wealth are, as the Plaid Cymru benches have suggested, a 'pathetic allegiance' or 'unionist dogma'. We'd also be extremely cautious of agreeing to any changes to the social security system, including the devolution of benefits, before assessing the ramifications of how those changes would be funded. And, of course, we're particularly mindful of what happened when the UK Government devolved council tax benefit to Wales when they top-sliced the budget. The approach to the devolution of welfare benefits to the Scottish Government has transferred the financial risk associated, with the demand for benefits growing faster per head in Scotland than in England from the point of devolution. And for Wales, that would prove to be a significant financial risk. As we've heard, the costs associated with administering the welfare system would take resources away from the delivery of front-line services. In Scotland, it is £266 million away from front-line services in order to implement the newly devolved welfare powers. Others may not like these arguments, but I think they are reasonable and legitimate concerns to have when it is suggested that we should be taking over responsibility for these items. So, flexibility in the administration of universal credit should and can be made available to everyone in receipt of that benefit through alternative payment arrangements. If the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions were to agree to our request for this, it would ease many of the difficulties that people are experiencing with the payment of universal credit. This does not require the devolution of administration, which would cost money, as we've heard, and divert funding away from delivering on our responsibilities. I've written to Amber Rudd, the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, who has acknowledged that there are problems with universal credit, urging her to consider how universal credit can better support people and recognise that many claimants want and need to choose the frequency of their payments. I also stressed the need to ensure that all legacy claimants receive the maximum transitional protection top-up payments as and when they are moved over to universal credit to ensure that no-one is disadvantaged and worse off on universal credit. Our approach to tackling poverty is that it should be inherent in the way that government and its partners work and deliver for the people of Wales. That's why we've made tackling poverty fundamental to 'Taking Wales Forward' and 'Prosperity for All'. 'Prosperity for All' recognises that reducing levels of poverty and growing our economy are interdependent. It sets out those actions we'll take as a Government to create the conditions and opportunities for people and for communities to succeed, flourish and thrive. Our fundamental commitment is prevention of poverty. We're doing this through investment and giving children the best possible start in life, helping people to improve their skills, supporting people into fair employment and taking action to mitigate the impact of poverty in the here and now. These are all embodied in our national strategy.
Welsh: Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Rwyf i eisiau bod yn glir ein bod ni'n cytuno â Phlaid Cymru, â'u cynnig, i'r graddau y mae'n ymwneud ag effaith ddinistriol mesurau cyni Llywodraeth y DU ar bobl Cymru. Rydym ni yn anghytuno â'r ymarferoldeb a'r awydd i gael cyfrifoldeb gweinyddol am nawdd cymdeithasol, a byddaf yn sôn yn fanylach am hyn maes o law. Fel y byddai'r Aelodau yn ei ddisgwyl, rydym yn gwrthod gwelliant hunanfodlon y Ceidwadwyr, sy'n anwybyddu'r dioddefaint gwirioneddol sy'n cael ei achosi gan ymdrechion carbwl a chreulon eu plaid i ddiwygio lles. Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud y bu'n brynhawn o gyfraniadau eithaf syfrdanol o feinciau'r Ceidwadwyr, ac ar sail yr unig gyfraniad gan y Ceidwadwyr yr ydym wedi'i gael yn y ddadl hon, gellid maddau i chi mewn gwirionedd am feddwl bod y trefniadau diwygio lles yn llwyddiant ysgubol. Rydym yn gwybod yn iawn bod lefelau tlodi ledled Cymru a gweddill y DU yn rhy uchel. Fe gwrddais i â'r Athro Alston yn ystod ei ymweliad â Chymru, ac rwy'n cytuno ag ef mai polisïau diwygio lles a chyni Llywodraeth y DU sy'n gyfrifol am hyn yn llwyr. Mae'r effeithiau yn effeithio'n anghymesur ar grwpiau sydd eisoes yn agored i niwed a'r rhai hynny â'r lleiaf o allu i ymdopi â nhw. Crynhodd yr Athro Alston yn y sefyllfa sydd gennym ar hyn o bryd fel hyn: Mae profiad y Deyrnas Unedig, yn enwedig ers 2010, yn tanlinellu'r casgliad bod tlodi yn ddewis gwleidyddol. Gallai cyni yn hawdd fod wedi arbed y tlawd, pe byddai'r ewyllys gwleidyddol wedi bodoli i wneud hynny. Mae'n parhau: Roedd adnoddau ar gael i'r Trysorlys yn y gyllideb ddiwethaf a allai fod wedi trawsnewid y sefyllfa i filiynau o bobl sy'n byw mewn tlodi, ond gwnaed hytrach. Geiriau damniol. Mynegodd yr adroddwr arbennig ei ddicter bod angen i'r gweinyddiaethau datganoledig wario eu hadnoddau sy'n prinhau i amddiffyn pobl rhag y polisïau niweidiol hyn gan Lywodraeth y DU. Yn sgil cyni mae ein cyllideb gyffredinol ar gyfer 2019-2020 wedi gostwng gan £850 miliwn mewn termau real o'i gymharu â 2010-2011. Serch hynny, yn absenoldeb newid cyfeiriad gan o fewn ein gallu i liniaru effeithiau gwaethaf y polisïau dinistriol hyn. Nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn cefnogi datganoli budd-daliadau lles am sawl rheswm. Fel mater o egwyddor, o undod cymdeithasol, dylai fod gan bawb hawl gyfartal i hawlio gan ein gwladwriaeth les. Dylid diwallu anghenion dinasyddion yn yr un modd, ni waeth ble maen nhw yn y DU, ac nid ydym yn credu bod cydraddoldeb ac undod ac ailddosbarthu cyfoeth yn 'deyrngarwch truenus' nac yn 'ddogma unoliaethol', fel yr awgrymodd meinciau Plaid Cymru. Byddem ni hefyd yn hynod o ofalus wrth gytuno ar unrhyw newidiadau i'r system nawdd cymdeithasol, gan gynnwys datganoli budd-daliadau, cyn asesu goblygiadau sut y byddai'r newidiadau hynny yn cael eu hariannu. Ac, wrth gwrs, rydym yn arbennig o ymwybodol o'r hyn a ddigwyddodd pan wnaeth Llywodraeth y DU ddatganoli'r budd-dal treth gyngor i Gymru, pan wnaethon nhw frig-dorri'r gyllideb. Mae'r dull o ddatganoli budd-daliadau lles i Lywodraeth yr Alban wedi trosglwyddo'r risg ariannol sy'n gysylltiedig, wrth i'r galw am fudd-daliadau fesul pen gynyddu'n gyflymach yn yr Alban nag yn Lloegr o'r pwynt datganoli. Ac i Gymru, byddai hynny'n risg ariannol sylweddol. Fel yr ydym ni wedi clywed, byddai'r costau sy'n gysylltiedig â gweinyddu'r system les yn tynnu adnoddau oddi wrth ddarparu gwasanaethau rheng flaen. Yn yr Alban, mae £266 miliwn wedi'i dynnu oddi wrth wasanaethau rheng flaen er mwyn gweithredu'r pwerau lles datganoledig newydd. Efallai nad yw pobl eraill yn hoffi'r dadleuon hyn, ond rwy'n credu eu bod yn bryderon rhesymol a dilys pan awgrymir y dylem ni fod yn cymryd cyfrifoldeb am yr eitemau hyn. Felly, dylai hyblygrwydd wrth weinyddu credyd cynhwysol fod ar gael, a gall fod ar gael i bawb sy'n cael y budd-dal hwnnw trwy drefniadau taliadau amgen. Os bydd yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol dros Waith a Phensiynau yn cytuno i'n cais am hyn, byddai'n lleddfu llawer o'r anawsterau y mae pobl yn eu profi yn sgil y taliad credyd cynhwysol. Nid oes angen datganoli trefniadau gweinyddu i wneud hyn, byddai'n gostus, fel yr ydym ni wedi clywed, ac yn dargyfeirio cyllid oddi wrth gyflawni ein cyfrifoldebau. Rwyf i wedi ysgrifennu at Amber Rudd, yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol dros Waith a Phensiynau, sydd wedi cydnabod bod problemau o ran credyd cynhwysol, gan ei hannog i ystyried sut y gall credyd cynhwysol gefnogi pobl yn well a chydnabod bod llawer o'r hawlwyr yn dymuno dewis amlder eu taliadau a bod angen gwneud hynny ar rai. Pwysleisiais hefyd yr angen i sicrhau bod yr holl hawlwyr blaenorol yn derbyn y lefel uchaf o daliadau amddiffyniad trosiannol atodol er mwyn sicrhau nad oes neb dan anfantais ac yn waeth eu byd pan fyddan nhw'n symud i gredyd cynhwysol. Ein dull ni o fynd i'r afael â thlodi yw y dylai fod yn rhan annatod o'r ffordd y mae llywodraeth a'i phartneriaid yn gweithio ac yn cyflawni dros bobl Cymru. Dyna pam mae trechu tlodi yn sylfaenol i 'Symud Cymru Ymlaen' a 'Ffyniant i Bawb'. Mae 'Ffyniant i bawb' yn cydnabod bod lleihau lefelau tlodi a thyfu ein heconomi yn dibynnu ar ei gilydd. Mae'n nodi'r camau hynny y byddwn ni'n eu cymryd fel Llywodraeth i greu'r amodau a'r cyfleoedd er mwyn i bobl a chymunedau lwyddo, tyfu a ffynnu. Ein hymrwymiad sylfaenol yw atal tlodi. Rydym yn gwneud hyn trwy fuddsoddi a rhoi'r dechrau gorau posibl mewn bywyd i blant, helpu pobl i wella eu sgiliau, cefnogi pobl i gael cyflogaeth deg a chymryd camau i liniaru effaith tlodi nawr. Mae'r rhain i gyd wedi'u hymgorffori yn ein strategaeth genedlaethol.