English: Thank you very much for that very thoughtful question, and very difficult question to answer, certainly in the time that the Deputy Presiding Officer is going to allow me. We argued for many years about a convention - a convention being a mechanism for actually bringing all these issues together and deciding on the future of the UK. What is the purpose of the UK? How should it exist? What should its basic principles be? Should it exist, even? So, that issue of a convention has been argued for a long time. One of the problems, to some extent, as you've identified, is that the window of opportunity for such a convention begins to dissipate, particularly when you have moves as they are within Scotland, when you see the problems that are now emerging in Northern Ireland, and also even some of the disagreements that have taken place within England itself. The first thing is there has to be a process that is of ongoing engagement. There has to be a process where we continually seek to engage with the UK Government, and we will continue to make every endeavour to engage in a rational and reasoned way with the UK Government. I think the point that you have to make out, of course, is that if you have this level of challenge ahead, not tackling it causes problems to increase, and the risk of the fragmentation and break-up of the UK, as the First Minister has said on a number of occasions, is closer than it has ever been in his lifetime, and it's certainly closer than it has ever been in my lifetime. As I say, I think we have to form alliances with those within all parties who recognise that, and I do take some confidence - and you will know from your own involvement in the inter-parliamentary forum, that I was also then involved in - from the actual scale of common agreement that there is across parties, including senior Conservative figures, such as Bernard Jenkin, who was chair of the UK's influential Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee, and across the various Parliaments and the Northern Ireland Assembly as well, when we were able to engage with it, that the current arrangements aren't working, they're not fit for purpose, they are aggravated now by the constitutional change situation that we're in as a result of leaving the EU, and if it's not fit for purpose, then you've got to address it, and the question is how do you actually address it. So, we will keep calling for that convention, because that is a way of bringing everyone together to actually try to address this in a rational way. But, in the absence of that, we will take our own lead in terms of determining where Wales is. What must happen within Wales is that any constitutional reform must not be something that becomes the diktat of any commission that's based in London or any other part of the UK other than Wales. We have to determine our own future, and, as I've said, I think last week, for me, we have a change in sovereignty from the situation we had when devolution was first established. Then it was the devolution of power to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but since the creation of legislatures, sovereignty now lies with the people and it lies with those Parliaments, and the concept of shared sovereignty is, I believe, the only one that has any credibility and has got to be the basis, I think, for all constitutional reforms for the future.
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr am y cwestiwn ystyrlon hwnnw, a chwestiwn anodd iawn i'w ateb, yn sicr yn yr amser y mae'r Dirprwy Lywydd yn mynd i ganiatáu i mi. Buom yn dadlau ers blynyddoedd lawer am gonfensiwn - mae confensiwn yn fecanwaith ar gyfer dod â'r holl faterion hyn at ei gilydd a phenderfynu ar ddyfodol y DU. Beth yw diben y DU? Sut y dylai fodoli? Beth ddylai ei hegwyddorion sylfaenol fod? A ddylai fodoli, hyd yn oed? Felly, bu dadlau ers amser maith ar fater confensiwn. Un o'r problemau, i ryw raddau, fel rydych wedi nodi, yw bod y cyfle i gael confensiwn o'r fath yn dechrau diflannu, yn enwedig pan fydd gennych bethau'n symud fel y maent yn yr Alban, pan welwch y problemau sydd bellach yn dod i'r amlwg yng Ngogledd Iwerddon, yn ogystal â pheth o'r anghytuno sydd wedi digwydd yn Lloegr ei hun hyd yn oed. Y peth cyntaf yw bod yn rhaid cael proses o ymgysylltu parhaus. Rhaid cael proses lle'r ydym yn ceisio ymgysylltu'n barhaus â Llywodraeth y DU, a byddwn yn parhau i wneud pob ymdrech i ymgysylltu mewn ffordd synhwyrol a rhesymegol â Llywodraeth y DU. Credaf mai'r pwynt sy'n rhaid ichi ei wneud, wrth gwrs, yw, os oes gennych y lefel hon o her o'ch blaen, bydd peidio â mynd i'r afael â hi yn achosi mwy o broblemau, ac mae'r risg o rannu a chwalu'r DU, fel y dywedodd y Prif Weinidog droeon, yn agosach nag y bu erioed yn ystod ei oes, ac mae'n sicr yn agosach nag y bu erioed yn fy oes i. Fel y dywedais, credaf fod yn rhaid inni ffurfio cynghreiriau â'r rheini ym mhob plaid sy'n cydnabod hynny, ac rwy'n weddol hyderus - ac fe wyddoch o'r rhan a chwaraeoch chi yn y fforwm rhyngseneddol yr oeddwn innau hefyd yn rhan ohoni ar y pryd - o faint y cytundeb cyffredinol a geir ar draws y pleidiau, gan gynnwys Ceidwadwyr blaenllaw megis Bernard Jenkin, a oedd yn gadeirydd Pwyllgor Gweinyddiaeth Gyhoeddus a Materion Cyfansoddiadol dylanwadol y DU, ac ar draws y gwahanol Seneddau a Chynulliad Gogledd Iwerddon hefyd, pan oeddem yn gallu ymgysylltu ag ef, nad yw'r trefniadau presennol yn gweithio, nad ydynt yn addas i'r diben, eu bod yn cael eu gwaethygu yn awr gan y sefyllfa rydym ynddi o ganlyniad i'r newid cyfansoddiadol yn sgil gadael yr UE, ac os nad yw'n addas i'r diben, mae'n rhaid i chi fynd i'r afael â hynny, a'r cwestiwn yw sut y mae mynd i'r afael â hynny mewn gwirionedd. Felly, byddwn yn dal i alw am y confensiwn hwnnw, oherwydd mae honno'n ffordd o ddod â phawb at ei gilydd i geisio mynd i'r afael â hyn mewn ffordd resymegol. Ond heb hynny, fe wnawn arwain y gwaith ein hunain o benderfynu ble mae Cymru arni. Yr hyn sy'n rhaid digwydd yng Nghymru yw na ddylai unrhyw ddiwygio cyfansoddiadol fod yn ddictad gan unrhyw gomisiwn sydd wedi'i leoli yn Llundain neu unrhyw ran arall o'r DU heblaw Cymru. Rhaid inni bennu ein dyfodol ein hunain, ac fel y dywedais, yr wythnos diwethaf rwy'n credu, i mi, mae sofraniaeth wedi newid o'r sefyllfa a oedd gennym pan sefydlwyd datganoli gyntaf. Ar y pryd, datganoli grym i'r Alban, Cymru a Gogledd Iwerddon a wnaed, ond ers creu deddfwrfeydd, mae sofraniaeth bellach gyda'r bobl a chyda'r Seneddau, ac yn fy marn i, y cysyniad o gyd-sofraniaeth yw'r unig un sydd ag unrhyw hygrededd yn perthyn iddo ac rwy'n credu bod yn rhaid i hynny fod yn sail i bob diwygiad cyfansoddiadol yn y dyfodol.