English: I'm pleased to follow David Melding, who made the most coherent attempt to set out any justification for the situation we're in, and I'll certainly join with him in saying we must now stand up for Wales. But let's examine the position we're in. By negotiating this deal, we have a Conservative-led administration in Westminster that has, in effect, exactly the majority that it had before the general election when it said that that majority was not strong and stable enough to take it through the Brexit negotiations. And I feel that really, really tells on the very precarious situation that Westminster is in. I don't think this Government will last a Brexit round of negotiations, but time will tell, as David Melding says. Now, the payment that has been done to allow this to happen, which is about £100 million per DUP MP - which is more than Gareth Bale got transferred for, by the way - does bring into focus just how desperate Theresa May and the Conservative Party are to stay in Government, or rather to avoid another general election for the suspicion that they have of where it may lead them. And I think it's best crystallised in this quotation, which was said only today: 'This is a deeply divided country and singling out one part of it in order to give a semblance of short term stability is just one more of the prices we are paying for the consequences of Brexit.' That was Lord Heseltine. That was Lord Heseltine speaking on Scottish radio today. I always thought it would be the unionists that destroyed the union, and I'm even more convinced of it now. Let's examine what the financial support is for Northern Ireland, because I think it does bear some examination. A lot of people have talked about it being a three-page confidence and supply document; in fact, there are another three pages. The other three pages are about the financial arrangements and there is quite some detail there on the financial arrangements. Infrastructure development in Northern Ireland - £200 million per year for two years for the York Street interchange project. I don't know what that is. The First Minister may know through his family connections what that is, but what I do know is that that is a predetermination before you get an executive elected in Northern Ireland, and that's a DUP priority that's been funded. Seventy five million pounds per year for two years to provide ultrafast broadband for Northern Ireland. Well, we could do with £75 million per year for ultrafast broadband here in Wales as well. A commitment that the needs of Northern Ireland are properly reflected in the future UK shared prosperity fund. We've had no such commitment yet - no such written commitment from the Westminster Government that this shared prosperity fund, which is replacing, of course, the EU structural funds, is going to deliver that well for Wales. A commitment to utilise networks of embassies and high commissions to promote Northern Ireland as a location for foreign direct investment. Promote Northern Ireland above Scotland, above Wales, above the regions of England - what does this mean? A future commitment to work towards the devolution of corporation tax rates - something that has been denied the other parts of the United Kingdom - with options developed for the autumn budget this year. A commitment to city deals across Northern Ireland. Now, this is what just makes Alun Cairns's remarks that this is some kind of a super city deal an utter nonsense because they get this deal, and they get city deals and they get enterprise zones. So, they're getting everything we get plus the billion. This is not just breaking Barnett, it's trashing it and trampling it into the mud. In order to target pockets of severe deprivation - and I accept there's severe deprivation in Northern Ireland - the UK Government will provide £20 million per year for five years. It's not a two-year deal; this is five years. That's £100 million to support the Northern Ireland Executive to deliver the measures around tourism. An additional £50 million for two years to address immediate pressure in health and education. Well, yes, we could do with those. And then, £100 million for two years to support the Northern Ireland Executive's delivery of its priority of health service transformation. We don't have a Northern Ireland Executive yet, and yet they're already talking about its own priority. Of course, this, in effect, could be delivered by the Westminster Government through direct rule, which will lead to even more problems. And then a final thing - flexibility for remaining funding from previous allocations for shared education and housing to be dispersed flexibly within this spending review period. In other words, none of the Treasury rules on transfers of money from one year to another in education or housing will now apply in Northern Ireland. I don't know how long we've been arguing for that - at least 10 years, at least 10 years. It does make you think: you make a sensible, coherent argument based on the economy, based on the well-being of your people, and all you're told is that some strong-arm politics are going to win the game. Well, I say this isn't strong-arm politics; this is desperate measures and an unstable Government that will fail. It will fail, if nothing else, on this, the final bit of the agreement and the financial part, which talks about the legacy and says this: 'Both parties reiterate their admiration for the courage and sacrifice of the police and armed forces in upholding democracy and the rule of law and will never forget the debt of gratitude that we owe them.' Now, in any other context, that's a platitude and we'd all sign up to it. In the Northern Ireland context, that is dynamite - quite literally, dynamite.
Welsh: Rwy'n falch o ddilyn David Melding, a wnaeth yr ymgais fwyaf cydlynol i nodi unrhyw gyfiawnhad dros y sefyllfa yr ydym ynddi, ac yn sicr gwnaf ymuno ag ef i ddweud bod rhaid inni nawr sefyll yn gadarn dros Gymru. Ond dewch inni edrych ar y sefyllfa yr ydym ynddi. Drwy drafod y cytundeb hwn, mae gennym weinyddiaeth a arweinir gan y Ceidwadwyr yn San Steffan ag, i bob pwrpas, yn union yr un mwyafrif ag oedd ganddi cyn yr etholiad cyffredinol pan ddywedodd nad oedd y mwyafrif hwnnw'n ddigon cryf a sefydlog i fynd â hi drwy'r trafodaethau Brexit. Ac rwy'n teimlo bod hynny wir, wir yn dangos bod San Steffan mewn sefyllfa fregus iawn. Nid wyf yn meddwl y gwnaiff y Llywodraeth hon bara rownd o drafodaethau Brexit, ond amser a ddengys, fel y dywed David Melding. Nawr, mae'r taliad a wnaethpwyd er mwyn caniatáu i hyn ddigwydd, sydd tua £100 miliwn i bob AS DUP - mwy na gwerth trosglwyddiad Gareth Bale, gyda llaw - yn ei gwneud yn amlwg yn union pa mor daer yw Theresa May a'r Blaid Geidwadol i aros mewn Llywodraeth, neu yn hytrach i osgoi etholiad cyffredinol arall am yr amheuaeth sydd ganddynt o ble y gallai eu harwain. Ac rwy'n meddwl ei fod wedi'i risialu orau yn y dyfyniad hwn, a ddywedwyd heddiw: Mae hon yn wlad sydd wedi'i rhannu'n ddwfn ac mae rhoi sylw penodol i un rhan ohoni, er mwyn rhoi rhyw lun o sefydlogrwydd tymor byr, yn un arall eto o'r prisiau yr ydym yn eu talu am oblygiadau Brexit. Yr Arglwydd Heseltine a ddywedodd hynny. Yr Arglwydd Heseltine, wrth siarad ar radio'r Alban heddiw. Rwyf wedi meddwl erioed mai'r unoliaethwyr a fyddai'n dinistrio'r undeb, ac rwy'n fwy argyhoeddedig byth o hynny nawr. Dewch inni weld beth yw'r cymorth ariannol i Ogledd Iwerddon, oherwydd rwy'n meddwl bod angen ei archwilio rywfaint. Mae llawer o bobl wedi dweud ei bod yn ddogfen hyder a chyflenwi tair tudalen; yn wir, mae tair tudalen arall. Mae'r tair tudalen arall yn ymwneud â'r trefniadau ariannol a cheir cryn fanylder yno am y trefniadau ariannol. Datblygu seilwaith yng Ngogledd Iwerddon - £200 miliwn y flwyddyn am ddwy flynedd ar gyfer prosiect cyfnewidfa York Street. Nid wyf yn gwybod beth yw hwnnw. Efallai y bydd y Prif Weinidog yn gwybod drwy ei gysylltiadau teuluol beth yw hwnnw, ond yr hyn yr wyf yn ei wybod yw bod hynny'n rhagderfyniad cyn ichi ethol gweithrediaeth yng Ngogledd Iwerddon, ac mae hynny'n un o flaenoriaethau'r DUP sydd wedi'i hariannu. Saith deg pum miliwn o bunnoedd y flwyddyn am ddwy flynedd i ddarparu band eang cyflym iawn i Ogledd Iwerddon. Wel, gallem wneud â £75 miliwn y flwyddyn ar gyfer band eang cyflym iawn yma yng Nghymru hefyd. Ymrwymiad bod anghenion Gogledd Iwerddon yn cael eu hadlewyrchu'n briodol yn y dyfodol yng nghronfa rhannu ffyniant y DU. Nid ydym wedi cael ymrwymiad o'r fath eto - dim ymrwymiad ysgrifenedig o'r fath gan Lywodraeth San Steffan bod y gronfa rhannu ffyniant, sy'n cymryd lle, wrth gwrs, cronfeydd strwythurol yr UE, yn mynd i gyflawni hynny'n dda i Gymru. Ymrwymiad i ddefnyddio rhwydweithiau o lysgenadaethau ac uchel gomisiynau i hyrwyddo Gogledd Iwerddon fel lleoliad ar gyfer buddsoddiad tramor uniongyrchol. Hyrwyddo Gogledd Iwerddon dros yr Alban, dros Gymru, dros ranbarthau Lloegr - beth mae hyn yn ei olygu? Ymrwymiad yn y dyfodol i weithio tuag at ddatganoli cyfraddau treth gorfforaeth - rhywbeth sydd wedi cael ei wrthod i'r rhannau eraill o'r Deyrnas Unedig - a datblygu opsiynau ar gyfer cyllideb yr hydref eleni. Ymrwymiad i fargeinion dinesig ledled Gogledd Iwerddon. Nawr, dyma sy'n gwneud sylwadau Alun Cairns bod hyn yn rhyw fath o uwch fargen ddinesig yn nonsens llwyr oherwydd maent yn cael y cytundeb hwn, ac maent yn cael bargeinion dinesig ac maent yn cael parthau menter. Felly, maent yn cael popeth yr ydym ni'n ei gael yn ogystal â'r biliwn. Nid dim ond torri Barnett yw hyn, ond ei chwalu a'i sathru i mewn i'r mwd. Er mwyn targedu pocedi o amddifadedd difrifol - ac rwy'n derbyn bod amddifadedd difrifol yng Ngogledd Iwerddon - bydd Llywodraeth y DU yn darparu £20 miliwn y flwyddyn am bum mlynedd. Nid cytundeb dwy flynedd ydyw; mae'n un pum mlynedd. Dyna £100 miliwn i gefnogi Gweithrediaeth Gogledd Iwerddon i gyflwyno'r mesurau o gwmpas twristiaeth. £50 miliwn ychwanegol am ddwy flynedd i leihau pwysau ar unwaith ar iechyd ac addysg. Wel, ie, gallem ni wneud â'r rheini. Ac yna, £100 miliwn am ddwy flynedd i gefnogi Gweithrediaeth Gogledd Iwerddon i gyflawni ei blaenoriaeth o drawsnewid y gwasanaeth iechyd. Nid oes gennym Weithrediaeth Gogledd Iwerddon eto, ac eto maent eisoes yn sôn am eu blaenoriaethau. Wrth gwrs, gallai Llywodraeth San Steffan gyflwyno hyn, i bob pwrpas, drwy reol uniongyrchol, a fydd yn arwain at fwy fyth o broblemau. Ac yna'r peth olaf - hyblygrwydd i'r arian sydd dros ben ers dyraniadau blaenorol ar gyfer addysg a rennir a thai i gael ei wasgaru'n hyblyg o fewn cyfnod yr adolygiad hwn o wariant. Mewn geiriau eraill, ni fydd dim o reolau'r Trysorlys ar drosglwyddo arian o un flwyddyn i'r llall mewn addysg na thai nawr yn berthnasol yng Ngogledd Iwerddon. Nid wyf yn gwybod ers pryd yr ydym wedi bod yn dadlau am hynny - o leiaf 10 mlynedd, o leiaf 10 mlynedd. Mae'n gwneud ichi feddwl: rydych yn gwneud dadl synhwyrol, gydlynol sy'n seiliedig ar yr economi, yn seiliedig ar les eich pobl, a'r oll yr ydych yn ei glywed yw mai ychydig o wleidyddiaeth bôn braich sy'n mynd i ennill y gêm. Wel, rwyf yn dweud nad gwleidyddiaeth bôn braich yw hyn; mesurau anobeithiol ydynt a Llywodraeth ansefydlog a fydd yn methu. Bydd yn methu, os dim byd arall, oherwydd hyn, y darn olaf o'r cytundeb a'r rhan ariannol, sy'n sôn am yr etifeddiaeth ac yn dweud hyn: Mae'r ddwy blaid yn ailadrodd eu hedmygedd i ddewrder ac aberth yr heddlu a'r lluoedd arfog wrth gynnal democratiaeth a rheolaeth y gyfraith ac ni wnawn byth anghofio'r ddyled o ddiolchgarwch sy'n ddyledus gennym iddynt. Nawr, mewn unrhyw gyd-destun arall, mae honno'n ystrydeb y byddem i gyd yn cytuno â hi. Yng nghyd-destun Gogledd Iwerddon, mae'n ddeinameit - yn llythrennol, deinameit.