English: Firstly - and I speak not as a member of the committee, but as somebody who takes a keen interest in our positioning as a nation - certainly, we welcome the report. It includes very valuable advice going forward, and, of course, what we don't quite know as yet is what Wales's context will be. It looks as if it will be outside the European Union, but, whatever happens next year in terms of our future direction as a country, Wales is going to need a bigger voice than ever. Russell George, in the introduction to the report, says that: 'It is clear to the Committee that more can be done to sell Wales to the world in a strategic and joined up way. There are pockets of good practice that must be better aligned across portfolios - and accessible to more businesses - if we are to meet our potential in this area'. In many ways, we can see this as the story of this Government across many portfolio areas: lack of strategic thinking, not enough thinking strategically, not as much joined-up working as we'd like to see, only pockets of good practice here and there. And I think the crisis of Brexit - and it's not too strong a word to use - means that Wales's voice risks being lost, I think, and drowned out, and we really must be doing better, must be thinking more strategically, and I fear that, over two years since the Brexit referendum, the Welsh Government hasn't taken as many steps as I would like - as we would like - to take this as seriously as it should have been. And in Scotland, I think, we see once again a Government showing what can be done with a strategic vision. For many years, I think the devolved Government there has worked hard to sell a distinct Scottish brand in business and in tourism and so on and to seek out as much influence as possible for their country, in Europe, and, indeed, elsewhere around the world, and this at a time when there seems to be an effort on the part of some, not least the UK Government, of course, to marginalise the Welsh brand, as seen most explicitly, of course, in the Royal Welsh Show, as I've mentioned a number of times, with Welsh produce this summer. Now, the main recommendation in this report, the top recommendation, is that a specific Minister is created to combine Brexit responsibilities with external affairs, including selling Wales to the world. Scotland has had a similar, actually, Cabinet-level Minister for Europe and External Affairs going back to the dawn of devolution, I think, from the year 2000. It was abolished, then merged with other portfolios, before being resurrected when the SNP came into power in 2007. Europe and external affairs is part of a Cabinet-level position in Scotland, with a junior Minister assisting. Of course, they have more capacity in terms of membership there in Scotland. And I don't think there really is an excuse not to have one now in Wales, given the challenges that we face, and Plaid Cymru has been calling for a Minister to deal with external issues for some time - a specific Minister, of course. It's rolled into the First Minister's responsibilities; we think that there needs to be a stepping up, and the changing context, I think, strengthens the argument for that. We're a little unclear from the Government response to the report whether or not they're accepting the need for the creation of a ministerial-level position for Brexit and international trade or suggesting that we just stick as we are now with the First Minister and other Ministers currently dealing with those issues. Perhaps some clarity on that point, actually, would be useful now. The current set-up, though, as the report notes, isn't joined-up, isn't specific enough, isn't strategic enough, and a separate Minister would be able to also bring real clarity and accountability, which is crucial, of course, to how we approach our external affairs issues as a country. So, that's what the main recommendation is. I'd like to pick up on the role of overseas offices too. The report was clear in its conclusions that there was a lack of direction and resources for these officers. More focus is needed; better engagement with businesses in Wales and elsewhere is going to be crucial. I note from the Government response that the offices are now required to tailor specific business plans based on the strengths and opportunities in their respective markets. We welcome that, but there's still, I think, a question of resources here and whether we now believe they are able to carry out the need for an expanded role in that new context. The main takeaway, then, from this report for us is that, as with so many areas of Government, there's a lack of strategic thinking, a lack of leadership. Highlighted is the work that needs to be done across a variety of departments. This, in many ways, is the beginning of a new era for Wales; it's not an era that we would have invented ourselves, but I think we have in this report a series of recommendations that, hopefully, can lay some foundations at the start of that new period in Welsh history.
Welsh: Yn gyntaf - ac rwy'n siarad, nid fel aelod o'r pwyllgor, ond fel rhywun sydd â diddordeb brwd yn lle y cawn ein gosod fel cenedl - yn sicr, rydym yn croesawu'r adroddiad. Mae'n cynnwys cyngor gwerthfawr iawn ar gyfer y dyfodol, ac wrth gwrs, nid ydym yn gwybod yn iawn eto beth fydd cyd-destun Cymru. Ymddengys y bydd y tu allan i'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, ond beth bynnag fydd yn digwydd y flwyddyn nesaf o ran ein cyfeiriad fel gwlad yn y dyfodol, bydd Cymru angen llais uwch nag erioed o'r blaen. Mae Russell George, yn y cyflwyniad i'r adroddiad, yn dweud: 'Mae'n amlwg i'r Pwyllgor fod rhagor y gellir ei wneud i werthu Cymru i'r byd mewn ffordd strategol a chydgysylltiedig. Mae pocedi o arfer da y mae'n rhaid eu halinio'n well ar draws portffolios - a'u gwneud yn agored i ragor o fusnesau - os ydym am gyflawni ein potensial yn y maes hwn'. Mewn llawer o ffyrdd, gallwn ei gweld fel stori'r Llywodraeth hon ar draws nifer o feysydd portffolio: diffyg meddwl strategol, dim digon o feddwl yn strategol, dim cymaint o weithio cydgysylltiedig ag yr hoffem ei weld, dim ond pocedi o arferion da yma ac acw. A chredaf fod argyfwng Brexit - ac nid yw'n air rhy gryf i'w ddefnyddio - yn golygu bod yna berygl y bydd llais Cymru'n cael ei golli, rwy'n credu, a'i foddi, ac mae'n rhaid i ni wneud yn well, rhaid i ni feddwl yn fwy strategol, ac mae arnaf ofn, dros y ddwy flynedd ers refferendwm Brexit, nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru wedi rhoi cynifer o gamau ar waith ag yr hoffwn - ag y byddem yn ei hoffi - gyda'r difrifoldeb y dylai fod wedi'i ddangos tuag at y mater hwn. Ac yn yr Alban, rwy'n credu, unwaith eto, rydym yn gweld Llywodraeth sy'n dangos beth y gellir ei wneud gyda gweledigaeth strategol. Ers blynyddoedd lawer, rwy'n credu bod y Llywodraeth ddatganoledig yno wedi gweithio'n galed i werthu brand unigryw yr Alban mewn busnes ac mewn twristiaeth ac ati ac wedi ceisio cymaint o ddylanwad ag y bo modd i'w gwlad, yn Ewrop, ac yn wir, mewn mannau eraill o gwmpas y byd, a hynny ar adeg pan ymddengys bod rhai'n ymdrechu, nid yn lleiaf Llywodraeth y DU, wrth gwrs, i ymyleiddio brand Cymru, a gwelwyd hynny ar ei fwyaf amlwg, wrth gwrs, yn Sioe Frenhinol Cymru, fel rwyf wedi'i grybwyll sawl gwaith, gyda chynnyrch Cymru yr haf hwn. Nawr, prif argymhelliad yr adroddiad hwn, yr argymhelliad ar y brig, yw y dylid creu Gweinidog penodol i gyfuno cyfrifoldebau Brexit â materion allanol, gan gynnwys gwerthu Cymru i'r byd. Mewn gwirionedd, mae gan yr Alban Weinidog Ewrop a Materion Allanol o'r fath ar lefel Cabinet ers dechrau datganoli, rwy'n credu, o'r flwyddyn 2000 ymlaen. Cafodd ei ddiddymu, yna'i gyfuno â phortffolios eraill, cyn cael ei atgyfodi pan ddaeth yr SNP i rym yn 2007. Mae Ewrop a materion allanol yn rhan o swydd lefel Cabinet yn yr Alban, gydag is-Weinidog yn cynorthwyo. Wrth gwrs, mae ganddynt fwy o gapasiti o ran nifer yr Aelodau yno yn yr Alban. Ac nid wyf yn credu bod esgus dros beidio â chael un yn awr yng Nghymru mewn gwirionedd, o ystyried yr heriau a wynebwn, ac mae Plaid Cymru wedi bod yn galw am Weinidog i ymdrin â materion allanol ers peth amser - Gweinidog penodol, wrth gwrs. Mae'n rhan o gyfrifoldebau'r Prif Weinidog; credwn fod angen camu'n uwch, ac mae'r cyd-destun newidiol, rwy'n credu, yn cryfhau'r ddadl dros wneud hynny. Nid ydym yn siŵr o ymateb y Llywodraeth i'r adroddiad a ydynt yn derbyn yr angen i greu swydd ar lefel weinidogol ar gyfer Brexit a masnach rhyngwladol neu a ydynt yn awgrymu ein bod yn aros gyda'r hyn sydd gennym ar hyn o bryd gyda'r Prif Weinidog a Gweinidogion eraill yn ymdrin â'r materion hynny. Efallai y byddai rhywfaint o eglurder ar y pwynt hwnnw'n ddefnyddiol yn awr mewn gwirionedd. Nid yw'r trefniant presennol, fodd bynnag, fel y noda'r adroddiad, yn gydgysylltiedig, nid yw'n ddigon penodol, nid yw'n ddigon strategol, a byddai Gweinidog ar wahân yn gallu sicrhau eglurder ac atebolrwydd go iawn, sy'n hollbwysig, wrth gwrs, o ran sut rydym yn ymdrin â'n materion allanol fel gwlad. Felly, dyna yw'r prif argymhelliad. Hoffwn sôn am rôl swyddfeydd tramor hefyd. Roedd yr adroddiad yn glir yn ei gasgliadau fod yna ddiffyg cyfeiriad ac adnoddau ar gyfer y swyddogion hyn. Mae angen mwy o ffocws; bydd ymgysylltiad gwell â busnesau yng Nghymru ac mewn mannau eraill yn hollbwysig. Sylwaf, o ymateb y Llywodraeth, fod gofyn i'r swyddfeydd deilwra cynlluniau busnes penodol erbyn hyn yn seiliedig ar y cryfderau a'r cyfleoedd yn eu gwahanol farchnadoedd. Rydym yn croesawu hynny, ond mae cwestiwn yn codi o hyd ynglŷn ag adnoddau ac a ydym bellach yn credu eu bod yn gallu cyflawni'r angen am swyddogaeth ehangach yn y cyd-destun newydd hwnnw. Prif neges yr adroddiad hwn, felly, yw bod yna ddiffyg meddwl strategol, a diffyg arweinyddiaeth, fel sy'n wir am gynifer o feysydd Llywodraeth. Tynnwyd sylw at y gwaith sydd angen ei wneud ar draws amrywiaeth o adrannau. Mae hwn, mewn sawl ffordd, yn ddechrau cyfnod newydd i Gymru; nid yw'n gyfnod y byddem wedi'i ddyfeisio ein hunain, ond rwy'n credu bod gennym gyfres o argymhellion yn yr adroddiad hwn a fydd, gobeithio, yn gallu gosod rhai sylfeini ar gychwyn y cyfnod newydd hwnnw yn hanes Cymru.