techiaith/cofnodycynulliad_en-cy huggingface dataset:
English: Well, Swansea City, of course, did that successfully. Cardiff City, which was mentioned, we want to see back in the Premier League next year. Before long, I'll have to go round Wales and mention several clubs, and wish them all success. Wrexham - yes, and all other football clubs in Wales and, indeed, any sporting clubs, playing at any level, the best of luck for next year. But he is right that it is hugely important that fans are given the opportunity to own their clubs. Bayern Munich, if I remember rightly, is fan owned. It's a model that is used quite regularly in Germany. And I do worry that, where there is a lack of commitment by some owners - I don't mention Cardiff City; the ownership there has been settled for some time - but, in some clubs, the question has to be asked, are the owners properly committed to the clubs in the way that fans could be? We saw in Swansea City the resurrection of that club because of the dedication and the money of supporters who were willing to put the money in, and, as a result, of course, that club is very strongly embedded in their community.
Welsh: Wel, gwnaeth Abertawe hynny yn llwyddiannus, wrth gwrs. Caerdydd, a grybwyllwyd, rydym ni eisiau eu gweld yn ôl yn yr Uwch Gynghrair y flwyddyn nesaf. Cyn bo hir, bydd yn rhaid i mi fynd o gwmpas Cymru a chrybwyll sawl clwb, a dymuno llwyddiant iddyn nhw i gyd. Wrecsam - ie, a phob clwb pêl-droed arall yng Nghymru, ac, yn wir, unrhyw glybiau chwaraeon, sy'n chwarae ar unrhyw lefel, pob lwc ar gyfer y flwyddyn nesaf. Ond mae'n iawn ei bod yn hynod bwysig bod cefnogwyr yn cael y cyfle i fod yn berchen ar eu clybiau. Mae Bayern Munich, os cofiaf yn iawn, yn eiddo i'r cefnogwyr. Mae'n fodel sy'n cael ei ddefnyddio'n eithaf rheolaidd yn yr Almaen. Ac rwy'n poeni, lle ceir diffyg ymrwymiad gan rai perchnogion - nid wyf yn sôn am Gaerdydd; mae'r berchnogaeth yno wedi bod yn sefydlog ers cryn amser - ond, mewn rhai clybiau, mae'n rhaid gofyn y cwestiwn, a yw'r perchnogion wedi ymrwymo'n ddigonol i'r clybiau yn y ffordd y gallai cefnogwyr wneud hynny? Gwelsom yn Ninas Abertawe atgyfodiad y clwb hwnnw oherwydd ymroddiad ac arian cefnogwyr a oedd yn fodlon cyfrannu'r arian hwnnw, ac, o ganlyniad, wrth gwrs, mae'r clwb hwnnw wedi'i wreiddio'n gryf iawn yn ei gymuned.
English: Thank you, Presiding Officer. Could I just welcome back the Cabinet Secretary for rural affairs, who makes a welcome return to the Chamber? I wish you well, hopefully, in getting over the recent fall that you had, Cabinet Secretary. First Minister, you said at the end of April that Jeremy Corbyn needed to prove himself if he were to become the Prime Minister at the end of this general election. The relationship between the First Minister of Wales or Scotland or Northern Ireland and the Prime Minister is a very important relationship, and, indeed, inter-governmental relationship as well. Last week, at the campaign launch, you failed to mention his name. Last week, when the manifesto was leaked to the press, you put a press release out to say - [Interruption.] You put a press release out to say it was not your manifesto. Then, within a couple of hours' time, it was redacted and changed. Do you believe that Jeremy Corbyn will be the Prime Minister on 9 June?
Welsh: Diolch i chi, Llywydd. A gaf i groesawu Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros faterion gwledig yr wyf yn falch o'i gweld yn ôl yn y Siambr? Dymunaf yn dda i chi, gobeithio, wrth wella o'r godwm a gawsoch yn ddiweddar, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Prif Weinidog, dywedasoch ddiwedd mis Ebrill fod angen i Jeremy Corbyn brofi ei hun os oedd eisiau dod yn Brif Weinidog y DU ar ddiwedd yr etholiad cyffredinol hwn. Mae'r berthynas rhwng Prif Weinidog Cymru neu'r Alban neu Ogledd Iwerddon a Phrif Weinidog y DU yn berthynas bwysig iawn, ac, yn wir, yn berthynas rhynglywodraethol hefyd. Yr wythnos diwethaf, yn lansiad yr ymgyrch, ni wnaethoch grybwyll ei enw. Yr wythnos diwethaf, pan ryddhawyd y maniffesto i'r wasg, gwnaed datganiad i'r wasg gennych i ddweud - [Torri ar draws.] Gwnaed datganiad i'r wasg gennych i ddweud nad eich maniffesto chi oedd hwn. Yna, o fewn awr neu ddwy, cafodd ei olygu a'i newid. A ydych chi'n credu mai Jeremy Corbyn fydd Prif Weinidog y DU ar 9 Mehefin?
English: That is what I want to see. I've dealt with Theresa May; I see no evidence at all of strong leadership from her. She can't answer a straight question. Leadership is about doing leaders' debates. There are several of us who know that in this Chamber. Leadership is about going out and talking to people, rather than going to stage-managed events and stage-managed questions. That's what true leadership is about, and there are several of us in this Chamber who have had experience of that and know that that is what leadership is about. I want to make sure that we have somebody who is willing to engage with the public, not somebody who shuts herself off from the public.
Welsh: Dyna'r wyf i eisiau ei weld. Rwyf wedi ymdrin â Theresa May; ni welaf unrhyw dystiolaeth o gwbl o arweinyddiaeth gref ganddi hi. Ni all ateb cwestiwn plaen. Mae arweinyddiaeth yn cynnwys cymryd rhan mewn dadleuon arweinyddion. Mae nifer ohonom ni sy'n gwybod hynny yn y Siambr hon. Arweinyddiaeth yw mynd allan a siarad â phobl, yn hytrach na mynd i ddigwyddiadau wedi'u rheoli a chwestiynau wedi'u rheoli. Dyna beth yw arweinyddiaeth go iawn, a cheir sawl un ohonom ni yn y Siambr hon sydd wedi cael profiad o hynny ac sy'n gwybod mai dyna beth yw arweinyddiaeth. Rwyf i eisiau gwneud yn siŵr bod gennym ni rywun sy'n barod i ymgysylltu â'r cyhoedd, nid rhywun sy'n cau ei hun i ffwrdd oddi wrth y cyhoedd.
English: Giving a straight answer, First Minister, is most probably not your strongest card to stand on, to be fair, as anyone who's asked you a question in this Chamber could attest to. But, in the manifesto that the Labour Party brought forward today, it talks of abolishing tuition fees, but yet your education Cabinet Secretary said last week that, actually, it's not tuition fees that are the problem, but it is living costs. She also said, through a press spokesman, that Jeremy Corbyn would not be the Prime Minister. How on earth can you have any joined-up thinking in your Government when you have such a dislocate between the message that's in the manifesto and the spending commitments that you're signing up to day in, day out? Isn't it the case that if people vote for Jeremy Corbyn on 8 June, you will have a coalition of chaos as opposed to the strong and stable leadership of Theresa May?
Welsh: Mae'n debyg, Prif Weinidog, nad rhoi ateb plaen yw'r ddadl gryfaf o'ch safbwynt chi, i fod yn deg, fel y bydd unrhyw un sydd wedi gofyn cwestiwn i chi yn y Siambr hon yn dyst iddo. Ond, yn y maniffesto a gyhoeddwyd gan y Blaid Lafur heddiw, mae'n sôn am ddiddymu ffioedd dysgu, ac eto dywedodd eich Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros addysg yr wythnos diwethaf nad ffioedd dysgu yw'r broblem mewn gwirionedd, ond costau byw. Dywedodd hefyd, trwy lefarydd y wasg, nad Jeremy Corbyn fyddai Prif Weinidog y DU. Sut ar y ddaear allwch chi gael unrhyw syniadau cydgysylltiedig yn eich Llywodraeth pan fo gennych chi ddiffyg cysylltiad o'r fath rhwng y neges sydd yn y maniffesto a'r ymrwymiadau gwario yr ydych chi'n eu llofnodi bob un dydd? Onid yw'n wir, os bydd pobl yn pleidleisio dros Jeremy Corbyn ar 8 Mehefin, y bydd gennych chi glymblaid o anhrefn yn hytrach nag arweinyddiaeth gref a sefydlog Theresa May?
English: Well, I wonder if the leader of the Welsh Conservatives believes Theresa May to be a strong leader, given the rumours we've heard about his deselection, and that of the rest of his group [Laughter.] When asked on the radio whether she was supportive of him and his position, she said Andrew R.T. Davies is the leader of the Welsh Conservatives. Well, stunningly true as a fact, but hardly a great vote of confidence in him. We are proud of the manifesto that we are standing on. It offers great hope for our people. One thing we do know is that the Diamond review has put students in Wales ahead of those in England, and what we do know, of course, is that if the Tories win the general election, students will be hammered even harder. They will be forced to pay even more. So, one thing we do know is that students will never be in a position where they are better off under the Conservatives.
Welsh: Wel, rwy'n meddwl tybed a yw arweinydd y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn credu bod Theresa May yn arweinydd cryf, o ystyried y sibrydion yr ydym ni wedi eu clywed am ei ddadethol, a dadethol gweddill ei grŵp [Chwerthin.] Pan ofynnwyd iddi ar y radio a oedd yn ei gefnogi ef a'i swydd, dywedodd mai Andrew R.T. Davies yw arweinydd y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig. Wel, syfrdanol o wir fel ffaith, ond heb ddangos fawr o hyder ynddo. Rydym ni'n falch o'r maniffesto yr ydym ni'n sefyll ar ei sail. Mae'n cynnig gobaith mawr i'n pobl. Un peth yr ydym ni yn ei wybod yw bod adolygiad Diamond wedi rhoi myfyrwyr yng Nghymru o flaen y rhai yn Lloegr, a'r hyn yr ydym ni'n ei wybod, wrth gwrs, os bydd y Torïaid yn ennill yr etholiad cyffredinol, wrth gwrs, yw y bydd myfyrwyr yn cael eu taro yn galetach fyth. Byddan nhw'n cael eu gorfodi i dalu hyd yn oed mwy. Felly, un peth yr ydym ni'n ei wybod yw na fydd myfyrwyr byth mewn sefyllfa lle y byddan nhw'n well eu byd o dan y Ceidwadwyr.
English: As per usual, you cut off the quote, and she went on to say what a good job I'm doing [Laughter.] But, if you look at what the offer is on 8 June, it is an offer from the Welsh Conservatives today to abolish Severn bridge tolls and actually deliver a shot in the arm of £100 million to the Welsh economy. A £100 million against the fiscal illiteracy that we see coming out of Labour that I noticed the First Minister has not signed up to or committed to today, yet he sat in the meeting of the national executive last week and put his hand up to spend billions of pounds that this country has not got. It is a fact that if you want to get rid of Severn bridge tolls and put £100 million into the Welsh economy, you need to vote for the Welsh Conservatives, under the strong and stable leadership of Theresa May, unlike the coalition of chaos that Jeremy Corbyn will lead.
Welsh: Yn yn ôl yr arfer, rydych chi'n teilwra'r dyfyniad, ac aeth yn ei blaen i ddweud gwaith pa mor dda yr wyf yn ei wneud [Chwerthin.] Ond, os edrychwch chi ar y cynnig ar 8 Mehefin, mae'n gynnig gan y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig heddiw i ddiddymu tollau pont Hafren a rhoi hwb mawr o £100 miliwn i economi Cymru. £100 miliwn yn erbyn yr anllythrennedd cyllidol yr ydym ni'n ei weld gan y Blaid Lafur y sylwais na wnaeth y Prif Weinidog gytuno ag ef nac ymrwymo iddo heddiw, ac eto eisteddodd yng nghyfarfod y weithrediaeth genedlaethol yr wythnos diwethaf a chododd ei law i wario biliynau o bunnoedd nad oes gan y wlad hon mohonynt. Mae'n ffaith, os ydych chi eisiau cael gwared ar dollau pontydd Hafren a rhoi £100 miliwn i economi Cymru, bod angen i chi bleidleisio dros y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, o dan arweinyddiaeth gref a sefydlog Theresa May, yn wahanol i'r glymblaid o anhrefn y bydd Jeremy Corbyn yn ei harwain.
English: I am generous to the leader of the Welsh Conservatives. I want him to stay as their leader - I want him to stay as their leader; Theresa May doesn't. So I'll offer him that. He's right, I want him to stay, but Theresa May doesn't, and that's chaos for you. He stands there with the chutzpah - I think the word is - to claim that abolishing the Severn bridge tolls were his idea and his party's idea. For how many years have we stood in this Chamber demanding the end of the Severn bridge tolls? For years, we were told by his party it was too expensive. We saw estimates of between £20 million and £120 million a year of how much it would cost, and now it's £7 million. I welcome their conversion - I welcome their conversion - but, at the end of the day, let's face it, the Conservatives would not have abolished the Severn bridge tolls if it wasn't for the strong action and strong position taken by this Welsh Government.
Welsh: Rwy'n hael tuag at arweinydd y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig. Rwy'n awyddus iddo aros fel eu harweinydd - rwy'n awyddus iddo aros fel eu harweinydd; nid yw Theresa May. Felly rwyf yn cynnig hynny iddo. Mae'n iawn, rwyf eisiau iddo aros, ond nid yw Theresa May, ac mae hynny'n anhrefn i chi. Mae'n sefyll yno gyda'r hyfdra - rwy'n credu yw'r gair - i honni mai ei syniad ef a syniad ei blaid ef oedd diddymu tollau pont Hafren. Sawl blwyddyn ydym ni wedi sefyll yn y Siambr hon yn gofyn am derfyn ar dollau pont Hafren? Ers blynyddoedd, dywedodd ei blaid ef wrthym ei fod yn rhy ddrud. Gwelsom amcangyfrifon rhwng £20 miliwn a £120 ond £7 miliwn ydyw erbyn hyn. Rwy'n croesawu eu troedigaeth - rwy'n croesawu eu troedigaeth - ond, yn y pen draw, gadewch i ni fod yn onest, ni fyddai'r Ceidwadwyr wedi diddymu tollau pont Hafren oni bai am y camau cryf a'r safbwynt cryf a gymerwyd gan y Llywodraeth Cymru hon.
English: Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Sir Keir Starmer, the shadow Brexit Secretary, was in Wales a few days ago and I see from a Welsh Labour press release that he said that Conservative Brexit negotiations pose a danger to the hugely successful campaign to recruit more doctors in Wales. Can the First Secretary tell us how many extra doctors from the EU this campaign has managed to recruit?
Welsh: Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Roedd Syr Keir Starmer, Ysgrifennydd Brexit yr wrthblaid, yng Nghymru ychydig ddyddiau yn ôl ac rwy'n gweld o ddatganiad i'r wasg gan Llafur Cymru ei fod wedi dweud bod trafodaethau Brexit Ceidwadol yn peryglu'r ymgyrch hynod lwyddiannus i recriwtio mwy o feddygon yng Nghymru. A all y Prif Weinidog ddweud wrthym faint o feddygon ychwanegol o'r UE y mae'r ymgyrch hon wedi llwyddo i'w recriwtio?
English: We do know that 5.8 per cent of our medical staff are from the EU. We know that there is interest from the UK and abroad. The reality is that every single health system anywhere in the world competes in a world market. It is folly to think that, somehow, the UK can train and recruit all its own doctors within the UK. And so nobody said to me on the doorstep, nor to him, 'What we need, you see, are fewer doctors and nurses from abroad.' Nobody said that. So, it's vitally important that we're still seen as a welcoming place to get the best and the brightest to work in our health service.
Welsh: Rydym ni'n gwybod bod 5.8 y cant o'n staff meddygol yn dod o'r UE. Rydym ni'n gwybod bod diddordeb o'r DU a thramor. Y gwir yw bod pob un system iechyd yn unrhyw fan yn y byd yn cystadlu mewn marchnad fyd-eang. Mae'n ffolineb meddwl, rywsut, y gall y DU hyfforddi a recriwtio ei holl feddygon ei hun o fewn y DU. Ac felly nid oes neb yn dweud wrthyf i ar garreg y drws, nac wrtho yntau, "Yr hyn sydd ei angen arnom ni, rydych chi'n gweld, yw llai o feddygon a nyrsys o dramor.' Ni ddywedodd neb hynny. Felly, mae'n hanfodol bwysig ein bod ni'n dal i gael ein gweld fel lle croesawgar i gael y gorau a'r mwyaf disglair i weithio yn ein gwasanaeth iechyd.
English: I agree with that. The actual figure is seven extra doctors have been recruited this year, compared with the same figure last year - not all of whom, or indeed perhaps none of whom, will have come from the EU. Therefore, this seems to be rather irrelevant to the whole question of the Brexit negotiations. But what Sir Keir Starmer seemed to be trying to do was to instil some sort of fear in the minds of those who might be susceptible to his words, that after Brexit we are going to turn away potential doctors and nurses from the United Kingdom. I'm sure the First Minister knows, in his heart of hearts, that this is a preposterous idea and that Australia, for example, has a very strict immigration system based upon points, which are awarded in order to fill various skills gaps in their economy, and the United Kingdom will be just the same. So, why doesn't the First Minister get on board with the Brexit negotiations and try and make a success, instead of trying to be an obstacle to progress all the time?
Welsh: Rwy'n cytuno â hynny. Y ffigur gwirioneddol yw y recriwtiwyd saith o feddygon ychwanegol eleni, o'i gymharu â'r un ffigur y llynedd - ac ni fydd pob un ohonynt, neu efallai yr un ohonynt, yn wir, wedi dod o'r UE. Felly, mae'n ymddangos bod hyn yn amherthnasol braidd i'r holl gwestiwn o'r trafodaethau Brexit. Ond yr hyn yr oedd yn ymddangos yr oedd Syr Keir Starmer yn ceisio ei wneud oedd meithrin rhyw fath o ofn ym meddyliau'r rhai a allai fod yn agored i'w eiriau, ein bod ni'n mynd i droi meddygon a nyrsys posibl i ffwrdd o'r Deyrnas Unedig ar ôl Brexit. Rwy'n siŵr bod y Prif Weinidog yn gwybod, yn ei galon, bod hwn yn syniad hurt a bod gan Awstralia, er enghraifft, system fewnfudo lem iawn yn seiliedig ar bwyntiau, sy'n cael eu dyfarnu er mwyn llenwi gwahanol fylchau sgiliau yn eu heconomi, a bydd y Deyrnas Unedig yn union yr un fath. Felly, pam na wnaiff y Prif Weinidog gefnogi'r trafodaethau Brexit a cheisio cael llwyddiant, yn hytrach na cheisio bod yn rhwystr i gynnydd drwy'r amser?
English: Can he not see that, handled badly, doctors and nurses will get the impression that the UK does not want them? It's already there. It's already there because the issue of mutual recognition of residency rights has not yet been dealt with. Nobody - nobody - wants to see people not be able to stay in the UK, or UK citizens unable to stay in the rest of the EU. Nobody wants that, but there is no agreement on it yet, and it's hugely important that that is done as quickly as possible, to my mind, in advance of the substantive negotiations over Brexit. But it is hugely important that we're able to recruit from abroad. My great fear is that we end up with a cap on immigration every year, that there is a cap in each sector, that the city gets the lion's share in order to protect banking and finance, and we end up, because of that cap, unable to recruit doctors and nurses into Wales. That, I think, would be a foolish way of dealing with the issue.
Welsh: Onid yw'n gallu gweld, o ymdrin â'r sefyllfa'n wael, y bydd meddygon a nyrsys yn cael yr argraff nad yw'r DU eu heisiau? Mae yno eisoes. Mae yno eisoes oherwydd nad ymdriniwyd â'r mater o gyd-gydnabod hawliau preswyl eto. Nid oes neb - neb - eisiau gweld pobl ddim yn cael aros yn y DU, na dinasyddion y DU ddim yn cael aros yng ngweddill yr UE. Nid oes neb eisiau hynny, ond nid oes cytundeb arno eto, ac mae'n hynod bwysig bod hynny'n cael ei wneud cyn gynted â phosibl, yn fy marn i, cyn y prif drafodaethau ynghylch Brexit. Ond mae'n hynod bwysig ein bod ni'n gallu recriwtio o dramor. Fy ofn mawr i yw y bydd gennym ni gap ar fewnfudo bob blwyddyn yn y pen draw, bod cap ym mhob sector, bod dinas Llundain yn cael y gyfran helaeth er mwyn diogelu bancio a chyllid, ac na fyddwn ni, yn y pen draw, oherwydd y cap, yn gallu recriwtio meddygon a nyrsys i Gymru. Rwy'n credu y byddai hynny'n ffordd ffôl o ymdrin â'r mater hwn.
English: It is inconceivable that any cap that is introduced is going to work in such a way as to prevent the NHS filling skills gaps, particularly of professional people. But - [Interruption.] But the First Minister will also know that, two years ago, the Bank of England did an in-depth study of the impact of migration upon wage levels at the lower end of the income scale - people like cleaners and care workers and waiting staff in the health service - and it concluded that unlimited immigration from the EU and other parts of the world of unskilled and semi-skilled workers reduces wages by a factor of 2 per cent in relation to a 10 per cent rise in the proportion of immigrants in those sectors. So, what's happening here is actually that wage levels are being compressed for the people who can least afford it, whilst there is actually no danger, as a result of the Brexit negotiations, to the numbers of doctors and nurses being recruited from outside the UK.
Welsh: Mae'n annirnadwy y bydd unrhyw gap a gyflwynir yn gweithio yn y fath fodd ag i atal y GIG rhag llenwi bylchau sgiliau, yn enwedig o ran pobl broffesiynol. Ond - [Torri ar draws.] Ond bydd y Prif Weinidog hefyd yn gwybod, ddwy flynedd yn ôl, bod Banc Lloegr wedi cynnal astudiaeth fanwl o effaith mudo ar lefelau cyflogau ar ben isaf y raddfa incwm - pobl fel glanhawyr a gweithwyr gofal a staff gweini yn y gwasanaeth iechyd - a daeth i'r casgliad bod gweithwyr heb sgiliau a lled-grefftus o'r UE a rhannau eraill o'r byd yn mewnfudo heb gyfyngiad yn lleihau cyflogau o ffactor o 2 y cant o'i gymharu â chynnydd o 10 y cant i gyfran y mewnfudwyr yn y sectorau hynny. Felly, yr hyn sy'n digwydd yma mewn gwirionedd yw bod lefelau cyflog yn cael eu cywasgu ar gyfer y bobl sy'n gallu ei fforddio leiaf, er nad oes unrhyw berygl mewn gwirionedd, o ganlyniad i'r trafodaethau Brexit, i nifer y meddygon a'r nyrsys sy'n cael eu recriwtio o'r tu allan i'r DU.
English: Well, no - if there is to be a cap, a cap is a cap. You can't say, 'Well, the cap doesn't exist for certain professions.' And that is something that we need, to my mind, to avoid. We have 80,000 EU citizens in Wales, out of 3 million people, so it's a tiny proportion of the population. I take his point that there were many who felt that wages have been depressed as a result. Part of that lies in the fact there's been a complete failure to prosecute for minimum wage legislation - no prosecutions at all, as far as I'm aware. I have to remind him that, in his former party, they were against the minimum wage, and, as a result of that, that would have driven wages down even further than now. There is exploitation. I've heard stories of exploitation of EU citizens who come to Wales. That needs to be cracked down on and it needs to be prosecuted, in the same way that those who try to employ people below the minimum wage, those people who try to get around employment legislation, should be prosecuted according to the law, and the law should be strengthened to ensure that nobody is exploited in the future. That's exactly what a Labour Government would do in Westminster.
Welsh: Wel, na - os oes cap i fod, cap yw cap. Ni allwch chi ddweud, 'Wel, nid yw'r cap yn bodoli ar gyfer proffesiynau penodol.' Ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth y mae angen i ni, yn fy marn i, ei osgoi. Mae gennym ni 80,000 o ddinasyddion yr UE yng Nghymru, o 3 miliwn o bobl, felly mae'n gyfran fechan iawn o'r boblogaeth. Rwy'n derbyn ei bwynt bod llawer o oedd yn teimlo bod cyflogau wedi cael eu gostwng o ganlyniad. Mae rhan o hynny oherwydd y ffaith y bu methiant llwyr i erlyn ar sail deddfwriaeth isafswm cyflog - dim erlyniadau o gwbl, cyn belled ag y gwn i. Mae'n rhaid i mi ei atgoffa, yn ei blaid flaenorol, iddyn nhw wrthwynebu'r isafswm cyflog, ac, o ganlyniad i hynny, byddai hynny wedi gyrru cyflogau i lawr hyd yn oed ymhellach na nawr. Ceir achosion o gam-fanteisio. Rwyf i wedi clywed hanesion o gam-fanteisio ar ddinasyddion yr UE sy'n dod i Gymru. Mae angen atal hynny ac mae angen ei erlyn, yn yr un modd y dylid erlyn y rheini sy'n ceisio cyflogi pobl islaw'r isafswm cyflog, y bobl hynny sy'n ceisio osgoi deddfwriaeth cyflogaeth, yn ôl y gyfraith, a dylid cryfhau'r gyfraith i sicrhau nad oes neb yn dioddef cam-fanteisio yn y dyfodol. Dyna'n union y byddai Llywodraeth Lafur yn ei wneud yn San Steffan.
English: Diolch, Llywydd. Last week, the successful Time to Change campaign launched a pilot scheme in nine schools to tackle mental health discrimination and stigma. If this scheme is successful, we should see more young people coming forward to seek help for problems that they might have. So, can you tell us what additional funds you've made available for school counsellors and for training for teachers to deal with this extra demand?
Welsh: Diolch, Llywydd. Yr wythnos diwethaf, lansiodd ymgyrch lwyddiannus Amser i Newid gynllun arbrofol mewn naw ysgol i fynd i'r afael â gwahaniaethu a stigma iechyd meddwl. Os bydd y cynllun hwn yn llwyddiannus, dylem weld mwy o bobl ifanc yn dod ymlaen i gael cymorth ar gyfer y problemau a allai fod ganddynt. Felly, a allwch chi ddweud wrthym pa arian ychwanegol yr ydych chi wedi ei roi ar gael ar gyfer cwnselwyr ysgol ac ar gyfer hyfforddiant i athrawon ymdrin â'r galw ychwanegol hwn?