English: Looking at rates of imprisonment across Wales, we also know that Wales's most deprived communities have higher rates of incarceration. There is a clear link between poverty and crime and the treatment of working-class offenders by the courts. Inequality is built into the heart of our justice system, whether that's racial, gender, class or geographic inequality, and this is no accident. It is political decisions at Westminster by the Tories and New Labour before them that have got us to this point. I remember when I served as a probation officer in the mid 1990s, the prison population was half of what it is now. Years later and we have a privatised probation service, a lack of confidence from the courts in community-based responses, coupled with austerity-driven cuts to legal aid and not being able to access justice, and that has all resulted in more people in Wales being sentenced directly to prison. Added to this, half of all magistrates' courts in England and Wales have closed since 2010. People now have to travel much further to access justice. There is a clear link between austerity, the privatisation of the probation service, the pursuit of profit and poor performance in supervision and monitoring. While community-based solutions have been gutted by successive Governments, they've handed over more and more of the justice system into private hands, with prisons being run for profit by private companies, such as G4S, who have been linked to serious human rights abuses. Meanwhile, conditions in prisons have deteriorated to crisis point, as previous research by the Wales Governance Centre has revealed. While the number of prisoners held in Wales rose by 23 per cent from 2010-17, the level of recorded self-harm incidents increased by 358 per cent during the same period. In 2017, there were 2,132 self-harm incidents in prisons in Wales. This figure equates to five separate incidents of self-harm taking place in Welsh prisons every day. On average, a prisoner in Wales takes their own life every four months. Levels of violence are also increasing our prisons. Since 2010, the total number of prisoner-on-prisoner assaults in Wales has increased by 156 per cent, compared to an 86 per cent rise in the number of incidents in English prisons. Assaults on staff and prison disturbances have also increased in England and Wales, and a disproportionate number of disturbances took place in Parc prison, Wales's only private prison. Our prisons are overcrowded, unsafe and unfit to meet the needs of a modern justice system. The truth is, prison doesn't work, not if our aim is to create a just, fair and safe society, or if we want people to be rehabilitated so they don't keep committing offences over and over again. At Westminster, the Tories and New Labour before them have taken an approach to justice that is punitive, unfair and focused on generating private profit from criminalisation and human suffering. We could do things differently, and full devolution of the criminal justice system would allow us to do just that. Probation services could be brought back under full public control, alongside establishing a rehabilitative prison system with a specific focus on assisting people and helping them to break the vicious cycle of reoffending through well-resourced, community-based courses and initiatives. We could also look at wider opportunities to decriminalise activity that doesn't cause harm to our communities. Decriminalisation of drugs and treating substance misuse as a health issue rather than a criminal justice issue would reduce the dangers associated with drug use and ensure that resources aren't wasted on prosecuting people for minor, non-violent offences, such as possession of drugs or shoplifting to feed the family. The criminal justice system could focus on establishing problem-solving justice initiatives that seek to tackle the root causes of offending at an early age, and focus on prevention rather than retribution after the crime has been committed. In particular, custodial sentences would only be used for women and young people in the most exceptional circumstances. For both of these groups of people, more often than not, a custodial sentence only makes things worse, and the same, of course, goes for people with mental health conditions. Our current focus on punishing people gets us nowhere, leading only to more families being torn apart, cycles of reoffending, substance misuse, unemployment, homelessness and mental health problems. Focusing on full rehabilitation, restorative justice approaches and trauma-informed work with offenders would help us create safer communities. And that's why Plaid Cymru is also in favour of giving prisoners the right to vote, in the interests of human rights and rehabilitation. Disenfranchising an entire section of the population in this way cannot be justified, in my view, in a modern democracy. And what a strong signal Wales could send about our determination to fully rehabilitate prisoners as citizens this motion would send. Turning to the amendments to this motion, I'd first like to address the amendment by the far-right fearmongers UKIP, whose amendment tries to link ethnic origin or nationality to criminality. What a disgraceful thing to do. This is another pathetic attempt by UKIP to turn people against migrants, and I would urge everyone to vote against that. We'll also be voting against the Conservative amendment, which seems to be an attempt by them to stick their heads in the sand about the disastrous effects of their party's austerity and privatisation. Warm words by the Ministry of Justice about a focus on rehabilitation must be backed by significant action to be meaningful, and, so far, the record is not good. I'm pleased that the Welsh Government have today supported our calls for a fairer justice system that works. I've been disappointed recently, however, to hear the new First Minister say that he's not in favour of the full devolution of justice to Wales, and instead favours a more piecemeal approach. I would ask him, if he agrees with what we are calling for, from focusing on rehabilitation to ending private profits from prisons, then why wait? I look forward to seeing the outcome of the work by the Commission on Justice in Wales considering this issue, but there is already a broad consensus across this Siambr and in the general public that criminal justice should be devolved to Wales. So, I would encourage the Welsh Government to support our motion today and make it clear that they are in favour of full devolution. Let's demand the tools to do things ourselves and to build a better system. Devolving responsibility for criminal justice would enable us to forge our own path in Wales. Rather than topping the league for imprisonment and the poverty and misery associated with it, we could create a fairer, transformative system that would be a beacon for justice around the world. What's stopping us?
Welsh: Wrth edrych ar gyfraddau carcharu ar draws Cymru, rydym hefyd yn gwybod bod cyfraddau carcharu uwch yng nghymunedau mwyaf difreintiedig Cymru. Mae cysylltiad clir rhwng tlodi a throseddu a'r modd y mae'r llysoedd yn trin troseddwyr dosbarth gweithiol. Mae anghydraddoldeb wedi'i adeiladu'n rhan greiddiol o'n system gyfiawnder, boed yn anghydraddoldeb hiliol, rhywiol, dosbarth neu ddaearyddol, ac nid damwain yw hyn. Penderfyniadau gwleidyddol yn San Steffan gan y Torïaid a Llafur Newydd o'u blaenau sydd wedi dod â ni i'r fan hon. Rwy'n cofio pan oeddwn yn gwasanaethu fel swyddog prawf ynghanol y 1990au, roedd poblogaeth y carchardai yn hanner yr hyn ydyw yn awr. Flynyddoedd yn ddiweddarach mae gennym wasanaeth prawf wedi'i breifateiddio, diffyg hyder ar ran y llysoedd mewn ymatebion cymunedol, ynghyd â thoriadau llym yn sgil y polisi cyni i gymorth cyfreithiol a methiant i gael mynediad at gyfiawnder, ac mae hyn oll wedi golygu bod mwy o bobl yng Nghymru yn cael eu dedfrydu'n syth i garchar. Yn ychwanegol at hyn, mae hanner yr holl lysoedd ynadon yng Nghymru a Lloegr wedi cau ers 2010. Bellach rhaid i bobl deithio ymhellach i gael mynediad at gyfiawnder. Ceir cysylltiad clir rhwng cyni, preifateiddio'r gwasanaeth prawf, yr awydd am elw a pherfformiad gwael o ran goruchwylio a monitro. Wrth i atebion cymunedol gael eu difa gan Lywodraethau olynol, maent wedi trosglwyddo mwy a mwy o'r system gyfiawnder i ddwylo preifat, gyda charchardai'n cael eu rhedeg er elw gan gwmnïau preifat, megis G4S, sydd wedi'u cysylltu â chamweddau hawliau dynol difrifol. Yn y cyfamser, mae'r amodau mewn carchardai wedi dirywio i lefel argyfyngus, fel y dangosodd ymchwil flaenorol gan Ganolfan Llywodraethiant Cymru. Er bod nifer y carcharorion a garcharwyd yng Nghymru wedi cynyddu 23 y cant rhwng 2010 a 2017, cynyddodd nifer y digwyddiadau o hunan-niwed a gofnodwyd 358 y cant yn ystod yr un cyfnod. Yn 2017, roedd 2,132 o ddigwyddiadau o hunan-niwed mewn carchardai yng Nghymru. Mae'r ffigur yn cyfateb i bum digwyddiad unigol o hunan-niwed yng ngharchardai Cymru bob dydd. Ar gyfartaledd, mae carcharor yng Nghymru yn cyflawni hunanladdiad bob pedwar mis. Mae lefelau trais hefyd ar gynnydd yn ein carchardai. Ers 2010, mae cyfanswm yr ymosodiadau gan garcharor ar garcharor yng Nghymru wedi cynyddu 156 y cant, o'i gymharu â 86 y cant o gynnydd yn nifer y digwyddiadau yng ngharchardai Lloegr. Mae ymosodiadau ar staff ac aflonyddu mewn carchardai hefyd wedi cynyddu yng Nghymru a Lloegr, a chafwyd nifer anghymesur o ddigwyddiadau o aflonyddu yng ngharchar y Parc, unig garchar preifat Cymru. Mae ein carchardai'n orlawn, yn anniogel ac yn anaddas i ateb anghenion y system gyfiawnder fodern. Y gwir amdani yw nad yw carchar yn gweithio os mai ein nod yw creu cymdeithas gyfiawn, deg a diogel, neu os ydym am i bobl gael eu hadsefydlu fel nad ydynt yn dal ati i gyflawni troseddau dro ar ôl tro. Yn San Steffan, mae'r Torïaid a Llafur Newydd o'u blaenau wedi mabwysiadu ymagwedd at gyfiawnder sy'n gosbedigol, yn annheg ac yn canolbwyntio ar gynhyrchu elw preifat o droseddoli a dioddefaint dynol. Gallem wneud pethau'n wahanol, a byddai datganoli'r system cyfiawnder troseddol yn llawn yn caniatáu inni wneud hynny. Gellid dwyn gwasanaethau prawf yn ôl o dan reolaeth gyhoeddus lawn, ochr yn ochr â sefydlu system garchar sy'n adsefydlu gyda ffocws penodol ar gynorthwyo pobl a'u helpu i dorri cylch dieflig o aildroseddu drwy gyrsiau a chynlluniau yn y cymuned gydag adnoddau da i'w cynnal. Gallem hefyd ystyried cyfleoedd ehangach i ddad-droseddoli gweithredoedd nad ydynt yn achosi niwed i'n cymunedau. Byddai dad-droseddoli cyffuriau a thrin camddefnyddio sylweddau fel mater iechyd yn hytrach na mater cyfiawnder troseddol yn lleihau'r peryglon sy'n gysylltiedig â chyffuriau ac yn sicrhau na wastreffir adnoddau ar erlyn pobl am fân droseddau anhreisgar, fel meddu ar gyffuriau neu ddwyn o siopau i fwydo teulu. Gallai'r system cyfiawnder troseddol ganolbwyntio ar sefydlu mentrau cyfiawnder sy'n seiliedig ar ddatrys problemau i geisio mynd i'r afael ag achosion sylfaenol troseddu ar oedran cynnar, a chanolbwyntio ar atal yn hytrach na dial ar ôl i drosedd gael ei chyflawni. Yn fwyaf arbennig, ni fyddai dedfrydau o garchar yn cael eu defnyddio ar gyfer menywod a phobl ifanc ac eithrio yn yr amgylchiadau mwyaf eithriadol. Ar gyfer y grwpiau hyn o bobl, yn amlach na pheidio, nid yw dedfryd o garchar ond yn gwneud pethau'n waeth, ac mae'r un peth yn wir wrth gwrs yn achos pobl â chyflyrau iechyd meddwl. Nid yw ein ffocws presennol ar gosbi pobl yn mynd â ni i unman, ac nid yw ond yn arwain at fwy o deuluoedd yn cael eu chwalu, at gylchoedd o aildroseddu, camddefnyddio sylweddau, diweithdra, digartrefedd a phroblemau iechyd meddwl. Byddai canolbwyntio ar adsefydlu llawn, dulliau cyfiawnder adferol a gwaith wedi'i lywio gan drawma gyda throseddwyr yn ein helpu i greu cymunedau mwy diogel. A dyna pam y mae Plaid Cymru hefyd o blaid rhoi'r hawl i garcharorion gael pleidleisio, er budd hawliau dynol ac adsefydlu. Yn fy marn i, ni ellir cyfiawnhau difreinio rhan gyfan o'r boblogaeth yn y modd hwn mewn democratiaeth fodern. Ac am neges gref y gallai Cymru ei rhoi drwy'r cynnig hwn ynglŷn â'n penderfyniad i adsefydlu carcharorion yn llawn fel dinasyddion. Gan droi at y gwelliannau i'r cynnig, hoffwn yn gyntaf ymdrin â'r gwelliant gan y codwyr bwganod asgell dde, UKIP, y mae eu gwelliant yn ceisio cysylltu tarddiad ethnig neu genedligrwydd ag ymddygiad troseddol. Am beth gwarthus i'w wneud. Dyma ymdrech druenus arall gan UKIP i droi pobl yn erbyn ymfudwyr, a buaswn yn annog pawb i bleidleisio yn erbyn hwnnw. Byddwn hefyd yn pleidleisio yn erbyn gwelliant y Ceidwadwyr, sy'n ymddangos fel pe bai'n ymgais ganddynt i gladdu eu pennau yn y tywod ynglŷn ag effeithiau trychinebus cyni eu plaid a phreifateiddio. Rhaid i eiriau cynnes gan y Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder am ffocws ar adsefydlu gael eu cefnogi gan gamau gweithredu o sylwedd i allu bod yn ystyrlon, a hyd yma, nid oes ganddynt hanes da o hynny. Rwy'n falch fod Llywodraeth Cymru heddiw wedi cefnogi ein galwadau am system gyfiawnder decach sy'n gweithio. Cefais fy siomi yn ddiweddar er hynny wrth glywed y Prif Weinidog newydd yn dweud nad yw o blaid datganoli cyfiawnder i Gymru yn llawn, ac yn hytrach, ei fod yn ffafrio dull mwy tameidiog. Hoffwn ofyn iddo, os yw'n cytuno â'r hyn y galwn amdano, o ganolbwyntio ar adsefydlu i roi diwedd ar elw preifat o garchardai, pa reswm sydd dros aros? Edrychaf ymlaen at weld canlyniad y gwaith gan y Comisiwn ar Gyfiawnder yng Nghymru sy'n ystyried y mater hwn, ond mae consensws eang eisoes ar draws y Siambr hon ac ymhlith y cyhoedd yn gyffredinol y dylid datganoli cyfiawnder troseddol i Gymru. Felly, hoffwn annog Llywodraeth Cymru i gefnogi ein cynnig heddiw a'i gwneud yn glir eu bod o blaid datganoli llawn. Gadewch i ni fynnu'r arfau i wneud pethau ein hunain ac adeiladu system well. Byddai datganoli'r cyfrifoldeb am gyfiawnder troseddol yn ein galluogi i greu ein llwybr ein hunain yng Nghymru. Yn hytrach na chyrraedd brig y gynghrair o ran carcharu, a'r tlodi a'r diflastod sy'n gysylltiedig â hynny, gallem greu system decach, fwy gweddnewidiol a fyddai'n disgleirio dros gyfiawnder i bedwar ban byd. Beth sy'n ein rhwystro?