English: Diolch Llywydd. On the eve of learning the identity of the new Welsh Labour Party leader, it is timely to reflect on the performance of the Welsh Government under the leadership of the current First Minister - the success, the failures and the lessons for the future. It will be for others to cast judgment on the First Minister's legacy, but today I want to focus specifically on policy and the burgeoning gap between promises and delivery. For eight and a half of the First Minister's nine years, there has been a Conservative Prime Minister in Downing Street, and for Ministers here, the temptation to play party politics has been too great. Too often, the First Minister has played the role of the leader of the opposition to the UK Government, rather than acting as a leader of a Government here in Wales. In Labour's campaign for the 2011 Assembly election, devolved areas barely got a mention, as they were keen to take advantage of low levels of public awareness of what the Welsh Government's responsibilities were. Now, of course, it would be churlish not to acknowledge that there have been some successes in the past nine years and areas of agreement between the parties: the 5p carrier bag charge, introduced with cross-party support, has helped change shoppers' behaviour and has reduced the number of single-use carrier bags in circulation; the children's rights Measure and the food hygiene rating system were also introduced in the past nine years. All parties worked together on the successful referendum on further law-making powers for the Assembly - a decision that was followed by the devolution of taxation, empowering this Chamber to make better decisions for the people of Wales. Both those successes have been, I'm afraid, few and far between. The Welsh Government record since 2009 is, sadly, one of failure and missed opportunities, and no more disastrously than in the national health service. Despite campaigning on a leadership manifesto, promising to protect health spending, Carwyn Jones became the only leader of any modern political party in the UK to inflict real-terms cuts to the NHS. Carwyn Jones's first budget as First Minister took £0.5 billion out of the Welsh NHS. By 2014, the health budget had lost almost 8 per cent in real terms, equating to £1 billion. The NHS has still not recovered from the legacy of Labour's budget cuts. Today, health boards are facing a record combined deficit of £167.5 million. The impact on waiting times and standards has been devastating. In December 2009, no patient in Wales was waiting any longer than 36 weeks from diagnosis to the start of treatment. Yet today, that figure stands at 13,673. Of these, more than 4,000 patients are currently waiting more than a year for surgery. When Carwyn Jones took office, 224,960 patients were waiting in the queue to start treatment. That queue has doubled to 443,789 patients. In nine years, some key performance targets have not been met once. The target for 95 per cent of accident and emergency patients to be seen within four hours has not been met since 2009, and performance is getting worse. In October this year, only 80 per cent were seen within four hours, and at Wrexham Maelor Hospital, that figure was just 54 per cent - the worst on record. Shockingly, the number of patients waiting over 12 hours to be seen in A&E has risen by 4,000 per cent since 2009. Earlier this year, the Royal College of Emergency Medicine described the situation in A&E in Wales as 'dire' and 'horrific' with an experience for patients which is 'unsafe, undignified and distressing'. Capacity in the NHS has shrunk with the number of beds falling year on year to the lowest on record today - 2,000 fewer beds than in 2009, and in some health boards, the bed occupancy rate is breaching safe limits on a daily basis. This decline in NHS performance has coincided with Welsh Government decisions to continue to downgrade and centralise NHS services, forcing patients to travel further for vital care, and putting even more pressure on retained services. NHS cuts, closures and downgrades - that's what we've seen since December 2009. Now, a commitment was made by the First Minister during his leadership campaign to spend 1 per cent above the block grant on education every year until the per pupil funding gap between Wales and England had been eliminated. Nine years on and the funding gap still remains, and the education budget is 7.9 per cent smaller in real terms than it was in 2011. In the 10 years to 2016, 157 schools closed, mainly in rural Wales, and, across the country today, 40 per cent of schools are facing a budget deficit. This is despite the fact that the Welsh Government receives £1.20 for every £1 spent on schools in England. GCSE performance has deteriorated since 2009, with the gold standard of five A* to C grades falling this year to its lowest level since 2005. Wales has declined in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development's Programme for International Student Assessment tests, with worse scores in reading, maths and science, with the most recent results placing Wales in the bottom half of the OECD ranking, and ranked the worst in the UK. Targets and timescales to improve Wales's education system position have all been quietly dropped, ditched and changed to cover the tracks of failure. Under the current First Minister's watch, another target, for Wales to reach 90 per cent of UK average gross value added by 2010, was dropped. Wales still has seen has the lowest wage growth of any UK nation. Opportunities to create the conditions for indigenous small business growth and greater inward investment have been missed in favour of trying to control and over-tax business. The Welsh Government's business rates regime has led to Wales having the UK's highest high-street vacancy rate, with too many vacant and boarded-up premises. Wales is now the most expensive part of the UK in which to do business. However, it is good to see, from yesterday's comments in the budget debate, that the Welsh Government is finally listening to our calls for action on this. Nevertheless, this Labour Government still fails to recognise that low-tax economies are more vibrant, more competitive, and, actually, generate more revenue because of the greater viability of setting up a business. Creating the conditions in which businesses can prosper, and investors are attracted to set up in Wales, should have been a far greater priority over the last nine years, to generate growth and increase prosperity levels. Labour has failed to deliver a fit-for-purpose public transport network, so there remains no proper alternative to the car. The jury's still out on the success or otherwise of the new franchise, although it's fair to say its start has been, at best, shaky. Numerous major road projects have been delayed by ministerial dithering, while many of those that did get built fell victim to massive overspends, including the Heads of the Valleys dualling. Inadequate mobile signals and broadband infrastructure are still a problem, given the slow progress on addressing notspots. Creating the conditions for economic growth would have gone some way to tackling cyclical poverty, which still blights too many of our communities. The flagship pledge to eradicate child poverty was dropped, while evidence shows that the hundreds of millions of pounds that poured into Communities First had no impact on prosperity levels, and, after 20 years of Labour, these communities remain as poor as ever. The current First Minister has made home ownership further out of reach for many, including denying social housing tenants the right to buy their property. House building has been constrained by red tape, creating a housing supply crisis, which has driven up prices and made getting a step on the property ladder more difficult. Sadly, this has been a Government that spent billions treating the symptoms of poverty rather than properly investing in the preventative agenda to give the next generation better prospects than the last. The last nine years have been blighted by mismanagement, particularly in Betsi Cadwaladr University Local Health Board, not to mention the Regeneration Investment Fund for Wales and the All Wales Ethnic Minority Association scandals, by indecision and inaction over business rate reform, the M4 relief road, and a lack of house building, and by poor decision-making, cutting the NHS budget and scrapping the right to buy. For the sake of the 3 million people we serve, Wales needs original ideas, a fresh approach and new leadership. While I wish the First Minister well for the future, I am more convinced than ever that, to fulfil its true potential, Wales needs a new Government, and I urge Members to support our motion.
Welsh: Diolch Lywydd. A ninnau ar fin clywed yfory pwy fydd arweinydd newydd y Blaid Lafur yng Nghymru, mae'n amserol i ni fyfyrio ar berfformiad Llywodraeth Cymru o dan arweiniad y Prif Weinidog cyfredol - y llwyddiannau, y methiannau a'r gwersi ar gyfer y dyfodol. Mater i eraill fydd rhoi barn ar waddol y Prif Weinidog, ond heddiw rwyf eisiau canolbwyntio'n benodol ar bolisi a'r bwlch cynyddol rhwng addewidion a chyflawniad. Am wyth a hanner o naw mlynedd y Prif Weinidog, cafwyd Prif Weinidog Ceidwadol yn Stryd Downing, ac i'r Gweinidogion yma, mae'r demtasiwn i chwarae gwleidyddiaeth plaid wedi bod yn rhy gryf. Yn rhy aml, mae Prif Weinidog Cymru wedi chwarae rôl arweinydd yr wrthblaid i Lywodraeth y DU, yn hytrach na gweithredu fel arweinydd Llywodraeth yma yng Nghymru. Yn ymgyrch y Blaid Lafur ar gyfer etholiad y Cynulliad yn 2011, prin y cafodd meysydd datganoledig eu crybwyll, gan eu bod yn awyddus i fanteisio ar y lefelau isel o ymwybyddiaeth ymhlith y cyhoedd ynglŷn â beth oedd cyfrifoldebau Llywodraeth Cymru. Nawr, wrth gwrs, byddai'n anfoesgar imi beidio â chydnabod bod yna rai llwyddiannau wedi bod dros y naw mlynedd ddiwethaf a rhai mannau lle y cafwyd cytundeb rhwng y pleidiau: mae'r cynllun i godi tâl o 5c am fagiau siopa, a gyflwynwyd gyda chefnogaeth drawsbleidiol, wedi helpu i newid ymddygiad siopwyr ac mae wedi lleihau nifer y bagiau siopa untro sydd mewn cylchrediad; cafodd y Mesur hawliau plant a'r system sgorio hylendid bwyd eu cyflwyno yn ystod y naw mlynedd diwethaf hefyd. Llwyddodd pob plaid i weithio gyda'i gilydd ar y refferendwm llwyddiannus i sicrhau mwy o bwerau deddfu i'r Cynulliad - penderfyniad a ddilynwyd gan ddatganoli treth, a rymusodd y Siambr hon i wneud penderfyniadau gwell ar gyfer pobl Cymru. Mae'r llwyddiannau hynny, yn anffodus, wedi bod yn brin iawn. Mae record Llywodraeth Cymru ers 2009, yn anffodus, yn un o fethiant a chyfleoedd a gollwyd, ac mae hynny'n arbennig o wir yn achos y gwasanaeth iechyd gwladol. Er iddo ymgyrchu ar sail maniffesto arweinyddiaeth a oedd yn addo diogelu gwariant ar iechyd, Carwyn Jones yw'r unig un o arweinwyr unrhyw blaid wleidyddol fodern yn y DU i orfodi toriadau mewn termau real i'r GIG. Yng nghyllideb gyntaf Carwyn Jones fel Prif Weinidog, cafwyd toriad o £0.5 biliwn i'r GIG yng Nghymru. Erbyn 2014, roedd y gyllideb iechyd bron 8 y cant ar ei cholled mewn termau real, sy'n cyfateb i £1 biliwn. Nid yw'r GIG wedi gallu dod dros effaith toriadau'r Blaid Lafur i'r gyllideb o hyd. Heddiw, mae byrddau iechyd yn wynebu'r diffyg cyfunol uchaf erioed, sef £167.5 miliwn. Mae'r effaith ar amseroedd aros a safonau wedi bod yn drychinebus. Ym mis Rhagfyr 2009, nid oedd unrhyw glaf yng Nghymru yn aros am fwy na 36 wythnos rhwng diagnosis a dechrau triniaeth. Eto i gyd, mae'r ffigur hwnnw bellach yn 13,673 erbyn heddiw. O'r rhain, mae mwy na 4,000 o gleifion yn aros mwy na blwyddyn am lawdriniaeth ar hyn o bryd. Pan ddaeth Carwyn Jones i'w swydd, roedd 224,960 o gleifion yn aros i ddechrau triniaeth. Mae'r ffigur hwnnw bellach wedi dyblu i 443,789 o gleifion. Mewn naw mlynedd, ceir rhai targedau perfformiad allweddol nad ydynt wedi cael eu cyrraedd unwaith. Nid yw'r targed i sicrhau bod 95 y cant o gleifion adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys yn cael eu gweld o fewn pedair awr wedi ei gyrraedd ers 2009, ac mae perfformiad yn gwaethygu. Ym mis Hydref eleni, 80 y cant yn unig a gafodd eu gweld o fewn pedair awr, ac yn Ysbyty Maelor Wrecsam, 54 y cant yn unig oedd y ffigur hwnnw - y gwaethaf erioed. Yn frawychus, mae nifer y cleifion sy'n aros dros 12 awr i gael eu gweld mewn adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys wedi codi 4,000 y cant ers 2009. Yn gynharach eleni, disgrifiodd y Coleg Brenhinol Meddygaeth Frys y sefyllfa yn adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys Cymru fel un 'enbyd' ac 'arswydus' a bod y profiad i gleifion 'yn anniogel, yn anurddasol ac yn ofidus'. Mae capasiti yn y GIG wedi crebachu gyda nifer y gwelyau'n gostwng flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn nes ei bod yn is nag erioed heddiw - 2,000 yn llai o welyau nag yn 2009, ac mewn rhai byrddau iechyd, mae cyfradd gyfartalog defnydd gwelyau yn torri'r terfynau diogel ar sail ddyddiol. Mae'r dirywiad hwn ym mherfformiad y GIG wedi cyd-daro â phenderfyniadau Llywodraeth Cymru i barhau i israddio a chanoli gwasanaethau'r GIG, gan orfodi cleifion i deithio ymhellach am ofal hanfodol, a rhoi hyd yn oed mwy o bwysau ar wasanaethau a gedwir. Toriadau, cau ac israddio - dyna a welsom yn y GIG ers mis Rhagfyr 2009. Nawr, yn ystod ei ymgyrch am yr arweinyddiaeth, ymrwymodd y Prif Weinidog i wario 1 y cant yn fwy na'r grant bloc ar addysg bob blwyddyn hyd nes y byddai'r bwlch ariannu fesul disgybl rhwng Cymru a Lloegr yn cael ei ddileu. Mae naw mlynedd wedi bod ers hynny ac mae'r bwlch ariannu'n dal i fodoli, ac mae'r gyllideb addysg 7.9 y cant yn llai mewn termau real na'r hyn ydoedd yn 2011. Yn y 10 mlynedd hyd at 2016, caewyd 157 o ysgolion, yn bennaf yng nghefn gwlad Cymru, ac ar draws y wlad heddiw, mae 40 y cant o ysgolion yn wynebu diffyg yn eu cyllideb. Mae hyn er gwaethaf y ffaith bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn derbyn £1.20 am bob £1 sy'n cael ei wario ar ysgolion yn Lloegr. Mae perfformiad TGAU wedi dirywio ers 2009, gyda'r safon aur o bum gradd A* i C yn gostwng eleni i'w lefel isaf ers 2005. Mae Cymru wedi mynd ar i lawr ym mhrofion Rhaglen Asesu Myfyrwyr Rhyngwladol y Sefydliad ar gyfer Cydweithrediad a Datblygiad Economaidd, gyda sgoriau gwaeth mewn darllen, mathemateg a gwyddoniaeth, gyda'r canlyniadau diweddaraf yn rhoi Cymru yn hanner gwaelod system raddio'r Sefydliad ar gyfer Cydweithrediad a Datblygiad Economaidd, a hi yw'r wlad â'r sgôr isaf yn y DU. Mae targedau ac amserlenni i wella safle system addysg Cymru i gyd wedi cael eu hanghofio, eu diddymu a'u newid yn ddistaw bach i guddio'r methiannau. O dan oruchwyliaeth y Prif Weinidog cyfredol, mae targed arall, i Gymru gyrraedd 90 y cant o werth ychwanegol gros cyfartalog y DU erbyn 2010, wedi cael ei anghofio. Cymru sydd â'r twf cyflog isaf o holl wledydd y DU o hyd. Mae cyfleoedd i greu'r amodau ar gyfer twf busnesau bach cynhenid a mwy o fewnfuddsoddi wedi cael eu colli wrth geisio rheoli a gor-drethu busnesau. Mae trefn ardrethi busnes Llywodraeth Cymru wedi arwain at y gyfradd uchaf yn y DU o siopau gwag ar y stryd fawr, gyda gormod o adeiladau gwag ac adeiladau wedi'u bordio. Bellach, Cymru yw'r rhan ddrutaf yn y DU ar gyfer gwneud busnes. Fodd bynnag, mae'n dda gweld, o'r sylwadau ddoe yn y ddadl ar y gyllideb, fod Llywodraeth Cymru o'r diwedd yn gwrando ar ein galwadau am gamau gweithredu mewn perthynas â hyn. Serch hynny, mae'r Llywodraeth Lafur hon yn dal i fethu cydnabod bod economïau treth isel yn fwy hyfyw, yn fwy cystadleuol, ac mewn gwirionedd, yn cynhyrchu mwy o refeniw oherwydd bod hynny'n ei gwneud hi'n haws sefydlu busnes. Dylai creu amodau i fusnesau allu ffynnu, a lle y caiff buddsoddwyr eu denu i ymsefydlu yng Nghymru, fod wedi cael llawer mwy o flaenoriaeth dros y naw mlynedd ddiwethaf, er mwyn ysgogi twf a chynyddu lefelau ffyniant. Mae Llafur wedi methu darparu rhwydwaith trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus sy'n addas i'r diben, felly nid oes dewis amgen yn lle'r car o hyd. Ni allwn fesur llwyddiant neu fethiant y fasnachfraint newydd eto, ond mae'n deg dweud bod y dyddiau cynnar wedi bod yn simsan ar y gorau. Mae nifer o brosiectau ffyrdd mawr wedi cymryd mwy o amser nag y dylent o ganlyniad i din-droi gan Weinidogion, tra bod llawer o'r rhai a adeiladwyd wedi gweld gorwario enfawr, gan gynnwys y gwaith o ddeuoli ffordd Blaenau'r Cymoedd. Mae signalau ffonau symudol a seilwaith band eang annigonol yn parhau i fod yn broblem, o ganlyniad i gynnydd araf ar fynd i'r afael â mannau gwan. Byddai creu'r amodau ar gyfer twf economaidd wedi helpu i fynd i'r afael â thlodi cylchol, sy'n dal i ddifetha gormod o'n cymunedau. Mae'r addewid blaengar i gael gwared ar dlodi plant wedi cael ei anghofio, tra bo tystiolaeth yn dangos na chafodd y cannoedd o filiynau o bunnoedd a arllwyswyd i mewn i Cymunedau yn Gyntaf unrhyw effaith ar lefelau ffyniant, ac ar ôl 20 mlynedd o Lafur, mae'r cymunedau hyn yn dal i fod mor dlawd ag erioed. Mae'r Prif Weinidog cyfredol wedi sicrhau bod perchentyaeth y tu hwnt i gyrraedd llawer, ac wedi gwadu'r hawl i denantiaid tai cymdeithasol brynu eu heiddo. Mae adeiladu tai wedi cael ei gyfyngu gan fiwrocratiaeth, gan greu argyfwng cyflenwad tai sydd wedi codi prisiau a'i gwneud yn anos i bobl gamu ar yr ysgol eiddo. Yn anffodus, mae hon wedi bod yn Llywodraeth sydd wedi gwario biliynau ar drin symptomau tlodi yn hytrach na buddsoddi'n briodol yn yr agenda ataliol i sicrhau rhagolygon gwell i'r genhedlaeth nesaf na'r olaf. Mae'r naw mlynedd diwethaf wedi'u difetha gan gamreoli, yn enwedig ym Mwrdd Iechyd Lleol Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr, heb sôn am sgandalau Cronfa Buddsoddi Adfywio Cymru a Chymdeithas Lleiafrifoedd Ethnig Cymru gyfan, gan ddiffyg penderfyniad a diffyg gweithredu ynglŷn â diwygio ardrethi busnes, ffordd liniaru'r M4, a diffyg adeiladu tai, a phenderfyniadau gwael, torri cyllideb y GIG a diddymu'r hawl i brynu. Er mwyn y 3 miliwn o bobl rydym yn eu gwasanaethu, mae angen syniadau gwreiddiol, ymagwedd ffres ac arweinyddiaeth newydd ar Gymru. Er fy mod yn dymuno'n dda i'r Prif Weinidog yn y dyfodol, rwy'n fwy argyhoeddedig nag erioed fod Cymru angen Llywodraeth newydd i gyflawni ei gwir botensial, ac rwy'n annog yr Aelodau i gefnogi ein cynnig.