English: Can I thank the leader of the opposition for his comments? He asks what the issue is with regard to the withdrawal agreement. It's longevity, really. It seems to me that the agreement kicks the can down the road. Where will we be in December 2020? Will we be in exactly the same situation again? We've already had two years, and here we find ourselves in a situation where the agreement is not permanent. Our position is quite simple, and that is: we want to see full and unfettered access to the single market and to remain in the customs union, and anything that is short of that clearly is not something that we could agree to. He is right to say that businesses and others have cautiously welcomed the deal, but that, I believe, is because they think the alternative is no deal at all, which nobody wants. So, I can imagine why people would want to support this deal for fear that there's nothing else on the table. I believe it is possible to look again at, certainly, the political declaration, and to be more certain about the way forward. That means making a commitment to the customs union and to the single market. I have to say, I think the Prime Minister's painted herself in a corner on this. She needn't have run the general election last year on the basis of putting before the British people the vision of a hard-ish Brexit, which they didn't accept, and she has found it difficult to get out of the corner that she has found herself in. But I have to say, he makes reference to my tone. My tone is as of nothing compared to those of his own colleagues in London. His own colleagues in London have openly called for the Prime Minister to resign. They have been openly abusive, really, actually, in terms of the way they've described her. The reality is that I have been, I think, gentle compared to the tone that's been adopted by Conservative politicians, and this is the problem, isn't it? Yes, there are those in my party that take a different view. There are some in my party in Westminster who are Brexiteers. There are not many of them, but they're there. The problem is that the divisions in the Conservative Party are so vast that it's very difficult to see how there can be any unity in that party around a vision for Brexit. He says 'playing politics'. The worry I have is: where does it end? There's no leadership because there can't be. We have a Prime Minister who's lost a lot of Ministers - Cabinet Ministers who've resigned. We have a number in her party who don't support her own policy. In those circumstances, he says that leadership in the Welsh Government is weak. Well, we can only point at London and say, 'Where is the leadership in London, given the circumstances that exist there?' We have always been constant in what we've called for. We laid out our vision two years ago as to what we wanted. We do work with the UK Government; I will single out David Lidington as somebody who it's possible to work with and to discuss issues with. There is a relationship there. It's not consistent, because other UK Government departments see things in a slightly different light. He mentions that there is a need for a bridge. That may be right, but a bridge to what? At the moment, we don't know where that bridge leads, and that is the problem. Two years ago, there was talk of constructing a bridge and, now, there's still talk of constructing a bridge. We don't know what the final destination actually is. Listening to the views of the business community, their view is quite simply this: they want certainty. And whilst this might provide a temporary level of certainty, it doesn't provide the certainty that they need, particularly with regard to their ability to access skilled labour. As far as the agriculture industry is concerned, well, there are many issues there that need to be resolved. Market access is key; without market access, sheep farming, in particular, can't survive in Wales. The UK market simply isn't big enough to support the UK's own sheep meat industry, so it's not simply a question of supporting farmers; it's ensuring that they have access to their market as well. The same is true of fishing. It's one thing to have sufficient access, as you would see it, to your own coastal waters, but when you're utterly dependent on exporting the fish, you have to ensure that you've got a market for those fish as well. It would be no good for the UK to be able to land more fish, even if that were possible, and I don't believe that's possible because of the low level of fish stocks. The reality is that most of those fish would have no market, so that has to be looked at as well. He mentioned the issue of the hard border. Work is being carried out through a ports group as to how that would move forward. I have to say to him, it would be Pembroke Dock rather than Fishguard that would be the emphasis in terms of freight. Fishguard tends to take people, Pembroke Dock tends to take freight and Holyhead takes both. He says that nothing's been done to improve the road. Well, the Robeston Wathen bypass is there and the Llanddowror bypass is there, of course, heading off towards Pembroke Dock in the other direction. So, there have been road improvements there as well, but that's not the issue. The issue is not what happens on those roads, it's what happens at the ports. If we have a situation where the UK Government decides to take a heavy hand in terms of customs, that will lead to delays and that will mean the need for accommodation at those ports rather than further on down the roads. We don't know what that will look like. We don't know what level of checks will be implemented. We assume there'd be no passport control because the common travel area has been preserved, but will there be an element of customs checks, how will they be carried out, will they be random, will they be heavy? None of these questions have been answered, so it's very difficult to prepare our ports for a scenario that's not yet clear. But, as I said, there is a ports working group that has been set up with the UK Government to look at this. In terms of preparing for withdrawal, we're already on track for doing that. I've said before that a 'no deal' Brexit is not something that can be prepared for. It can't be militated against. It can't be seen as one option amongst many. It's a disastrous outcome and we have, through the EU transition fund and through working with businesses and with our farmers, put in place what needs to be done in order to promote Wales in the future, to give Wales more markets in the future by expanding our overseas offices. But of course, ultimately, if we cannot get the trading relationship right with our closest, biggest market - which will always be our closest, biggest market - then we will not get it right with any other market.
Welsh: A gaf i ddiolch i arweinydd yr wrthblaid am ei sylwadau? Mae'n gofyn beth yw'r broblem o ran y cytundeb ymadael. Ei hirhoedledd, mewn gwirionedd. Mae'n ymddangos i mi nad yw'r cytundeb yn mynd at wraidd y mater. Ble fyddwn ni ym mis Rhagfyr 2020? A fyddwn ni yn yr union un sefyllfa eto? Rydym ni eisoes wedi cael dwy flynedd, a dyma ni'n canfod ein hunain mewn sefyllfa lle nad yw'r cytundeb yn barhaol. Mae ein safbwynt yn eithaf syml, a hynny yw: rydym ni eisiau gweld mynediad llawn a dilyffethair i farchnad sengl ac i aros yn yr undeb tollau, ac mae unrhyw beth sy'n llai na hynny yn amlwg yn rhywbeth na allem ni gytuno iddo. Mae'n iawn iddo ddweud bod busnesau ac eraill wedi rhoi croeso gochelgar i'r cytundeb, ond mae hynny, rwy'n credu, oherwydd eu bod yn credu mai'r dewis arall yw dim cytundeb o gwbl, nad oes neb eisiau ei weld. Felly, gallaf ddychmygu pam y byddai pobl eisiau cefnogi'r cytundeb hwn oherwydd yr ofn nad oes unrhyw beth arall ar gael. Rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bosibl edrych eto ar, yn sicr, y datganiad gwleidyddol, ac i fod yn fwy penodol ynghylch y ffordd ymlaen. Mae hynny'n golygu gwneud ymrwymiad i'r undeb tollau a'r farchnad sengl. Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, rwy'n credu bod Prif Weinidog y DU wedi rhoi ei hun mewn cornel ynghylch hyn. Doedd dim rhaid iddi gynnal etholiad cyffredinol y llynedd ar sail rhoi gweledigaeth o Brexit caled gerbron pobl Prydain, na wnaethon nhw mo'i derbyn, ac mae hi wedi ei chael hi'n anodd cael ei hun allan o'r gornel y canfu ei hun ynddi. Ond mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, mae'n cyfeirio at dinc fy llais. Nid yw tinc fy llais yn ddim o'i gymharu â hwnnw o eiddo ei gyd-Aelodau yn Llundain. Mae ei gyd-Aelodau ei hun yn Llundain wedi galw'n agored am ymddiswyddiad y Prif Weinidog. Maen nhw wedi bod yn agored ymosodol, mewn gwirionedd, o ran y ffordd y maen nhw wedi ei disgrifio hi. Y gwir amdani yw y bûm i, rwy'n credu, yn dyner o'i gymharu â'r naws a fabwysiadwyd gan wleidyddion Ceidwadol, a dyma'r broblem, ynte? Oes, mae rhai yn fy mhlaid i â safbwynt gwahanol. Ceir rhai yn fy mhlaid yn San Steffan sydd yn Frecsitwyr. Nid oes llawer ohonyn nhw, ond maen nhw'n bodoli. Y broblem yw bod y rhaniadau yn y Blaid Geidwadol mor helaeth fel ei bod hi'n anodd iawn gweld sut y gellir cael unrhyw undod yn y blaid honno o ran gweledigaeth ar gyfer Brexit. Mae'n dweud 'chwarae gwleidyddiaeth'. Y pryder sydd gennyf i yw; ble daw hyn i ben? Nid oes unrhyw arweinyddiaeth oherwydd ni ellir cael hynny. Mae gennym ni Brif Weinidog sydd wedi colli llawer o Weinidogion - Gweinidogion Cabinet sydd wedi ymddiswyddo. Mae nifer yn ei phlaid nad ydyn nhw'n cefnogi ei pholisi ei hun. Yn yr amgylchiadau hynny, mae'n dweud bod arweinyddiaeth yn Llywodraeth Cymru yn wan. Wel, ni allwn ni ond cyfeirio at Lundain a dweud, 'Ble mae'r arweinyddiaeth yn Llundain, o ystyried yr amgylchiadau sy'n bodoli yn y fan honno?' Rydym ni wastad wedi bod yn gyson yn yr hyn y bûm yn galw amdano. Fe wnaethom ni lunio ein gweledigaeth ddwy flynedd yn ôl ynghylch beth yr oeddem ni ei eisiau. Rydym ni yn gweithio gyda Llywodraeth y DU; fe wnaf i enwi David Lidington fel rhywun y mae'n bosibl gweithio ag ef ac i drafod materion gydag ef. Mae yna berthynas yno. Nid yw'n gyson, oherwydd bod adrannau eraill yn Llywodraeth y DU yn gweld pethau mewn goleuni fymryn yn wahanol. Mae'n crybwyll bod angen pont. Efallai fod hynny'n wir, ond pont at beth? Ar hyn o bryd, nid ydym ni'n gwybod i ble mae'r bont honno yn arwain, a dyna'r broblem. Ddwy flynedd yn ôl, bu sôn am adeiladu pont, a nawr mae sôn am adeiladu pont o hyd. Nid ydym ni'n gwybod beth yw'r cyrchfan terfynol mewn gwirionedd. O wrando ar farn byd busnes, eu barn nhw yn syml yw hyn; maen nhw eisiau sicrwydd. Ac er y gallai hyn roi elfen o sicrwydd dros dro, nid yw'n rhoi'r sicrwydd sydd ei angen, yn arbennig o ran eu gallu i gael gweithwyr medrus. O ran y diwydiant amaethyddiaeth, wel, ceir nifer o broblemau y mae angen eu datrys. Mae mynediad i'r farchnad yn allweddol; heb fynediad i'r farchnad, ni all ffermio defaid, yn enwedig, oroesi yng Nghymru. Nid yw marchnad y DU yn ddigon mawr i gefnogi diwydiant cig defaid y DU, felly nid yw'n fater syml o gefnogi ffermwyr; mae ynglŷn â sicrhau bod ganddyn nhw fynediad i'w marchnad hefyd. Mae'r un peth yn wir am bysgota. Un peth yw cael mynediad digonol, fel yr ydych chi'n ei gweld hi, i'ch dyfroedd arfordirol eich hun, ond pan yr ydych chi'n gwbl ddibynnol ar allforio'r pysgod, mae'n rhaid ichi sicrhau bod gennych chi farchnad ar gyfer y pysgod hynny hefyd. Byddai'n dda i ddim i'r DU allu dal mwy o bysgod, hyd yn oed pe bai hynny'n bosibl, ac nid wyf yn credu ei fod yn bosibl oherwydd y lefel isel o stociau pysgod. Y gwir amdani yw na fyddai marchnad i'r rhan fwyaf o'r pysgod hynny, felly mae angen ystyried hynny hefyd. Soniodd am fater y ffin galed. Mae gwaith yn cael ei wneud drwy gyfrwng grŵp porthladdoedd ynghylch sut y byddai hynny'n datblygu. Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud wrtho, y byddai'r pwyslais ar Ddoc Penfro yn hytrach nag Abergwaun o ran cludo nwyddau. Mae Abergwaun yn tueddu i gludo pobl, ac mae Doc Penfro yn tueddu i gludo nwyddau ac mae Caergybi'n cludo'r ddau. Dywed nad oes dim wedi'i wneud i wella'r ffordd. Wel, mae ffordd osgoi Robeston Wathen yn bodoli a ffordd osgoi Llanddowror, wrth gwrs, sy'n mynd tuag at Ddoc Penfro i'r cyfeiriad arall. Felly, bu gwelliannau ffyrdd hefyd, ond nid dyna'r broblem. Y broblem yw, nid beth sy'n digwydd ar y ffyrdd hynny, ond beth fydd yn digwydd yn y porthladdoedd. Os oes gennym ni sefyllfa lle mae Llywodraeth y DU yn penderfynu bod yn llawdrwm o ran tollau, bydd hynny'n arwain at oedi a bydd hynny'n golygu y bydd angen llety yn y porthladdoedd hynny yn hytrach nag ymhellach ar hyd y ffyrdd. Nid ydym ni'n gwybod beth fydd y sefyllfa yn hynny o beth. Nid ydym ni'n gwybod pa fath o wiriadau gaiff eu gweithredu. Rydym ni'n tybio na fyddai unrhyw reolaeth basbort oherwydd bod yr ardal deithio gyffredin wedi ei chadw, ond a fydd elfen o wiriadau tollau, sut cânt eu cynnal, a fyddan nhw ar hap, a fyddan nhw'n llym? Nid oes unrhyw un o'r cwestiynau hyn wedi eu hateb, felly mae'n anodd iawn paratoi ein porthladdoedd ar gyfer sefyllfa nad yw eto yn glir. Ond, fel y dywedais, mae gweithgor porthladdoedd wedi'i sefydlu gyda Llywodraeth y DU i edrych ar hyn. O ran paratoi ar gyfer ymadael, rydym ni eisoes ar y trywydd iawn i wneud hynny. Rwyf wedi dweud o'r blaen bod Brexit 'digytundeb' yn rhywbeth nad oes modd paratoi ar ei gyfer. Ni ellir paratoi trefniadau lliniaru ar ei gyfer. Ni ellir ei weld fel un dewis ymhlith llawer. Mae'n ganlyniad trychinebus a, drwy gronfa bontio'r UE a thrwy weithio gyda busnesau a gyda'n ffermwyr, rydym ni wedi gwneud yr hyn sy'n angenrheidiol er mwyn hyrwyddo Cymru yn y dyfodol, i roi mwy o farchnadoedd yn y dyfodol i Gymru drwy ehangu ein swyddfeydd tramor. Ond wrth gwrs, yn y pen draw, os na allwn ni gael y berthynas fasnachu yn iawn gyda'n marchnad agosaf, fwyaf - a fydd ein marchnad agosaf, fwyaf bob amser - yna ni chawn ni hynny'n iawn gydag unrhyw farchnad arall.