English: So, first, let me set out the reasons why I believe that establishing such a right is important. At this point, can I immediately thank those organisations and people who've recently brought this subject to the fore for debate, including Tai Pawb, the Chartered Institute of Housing Cymru, Shelter Cymru and Dr Simon Hoffman of Swansea University? Indeed, my interest in this idea was sparked by a short article by Dr Hoffman that was published in the journal Welsh Housing Quarterly in July of last year. I'm pleased that I was represented recently at an initial discussion around this idea, hosted by Tai Pawb, actually in the autumn of 2018. In today's debate, I now seek to build on my early interest, and to follow up on the feasibility report that was launched in the Pierhead building last week. I can see a number of benefits from establishing such a right. At its most simple level, it would provide a legal framework to the action that's needed to provide that most basic human right. I'm reflecting article 11 (1) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the right to a home. Since my election to this Assembly in 2016, I've felt enormous frustration at the range and depth of housing problems in so many of our communities. In Merthyr Tydfil and Rhymney, as elsewhere, I see the problems that arise from a lack of housing opportunities, the problems of homelessness, and the ways in which too much housing is unaffordable for too many people. In truth, I believe it's a scale of problem that successive generations have allowed to develop, and much of that is a reflection of the failure in the market. Given the depth and complexity of the problems we're now seeking to address, I do in truth find it easy to become somewhat disheartened about housing, so a positive idea for housing rights is very welcome. I know that the Welsh Government has consistently taken a range of very welcome measures to address many housing issues, and these include: investment to improve housing quality standards; investment in more affordable homes; legislation to regulate landlords; adopting a housing first response; action against the exploitation of private sector renters; funds for innovative construction; the removal of the right to buy; and the review of housing supply, to which I know the Minister will soon reply in this Chamber. And colleagues will recall that I have supported calls to tackle the crime of sex-for-rent; I support the recent call made in this Chamber to scrap the Vagrancy Act 1824; and support the removal of section 21 in Wales, the no-fault evictions that I hope the Welsh Government will soon act upon. And while these can all be seen as important, they are incremental responses to some of the many issues that we face. So, I believe that the persistent, deep-rooted and erosive nature of our housing problems now require us to consider a new framework for action. I believe that establishing a right to adequate housing is a way of overcoming that incremental and fragmented approach that I've described. It would provide a new underpinning of law that can drive policy and cultural change, and deliver more effective responses. More effective responses that can turn around one of the many key determinants of our prospects in life - a safe, warm home. And I believe that we must also consider the extent to which legal redress should be part of that package of rights. Indeed, I'm sure that when we come to scrutinise a legislative proposal on this matter, it is the issue of legal redress that will demand most careful examination. The authors of the feasibility report on the right to adequate housing in Wales frame the access to legal redress in the context of the tragedy of Grenfell Tower. For me, that helps to provide a real understanding of what this part of the debate entails. Because, given that we are all now learning about the history of that tragedy, we can perhaps reflect that if the residents had a right to adequate housing and legal redress to their issues through the court process, then the situation may have been different. I now move to the second part of my debate, and I'll set out some of important considerations in establishing the legal right to adequate housing. For this section of the debate, I'd like to draw extensively on the work of Dr Simon Hoffman, who I referenced earlier in my contribution. In this Chamber, I believe that we are familiar with human rights and the way in which they underpin our rights as citizens. The recent feasibility report on this right highlights the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which includes, amongst other things, the right to adequate housing as I've already mentioned. So, the question arises as to how we might incorporate such a right in Welsh law.
Welsh: Felly, yn gyntaf, gadewch i mi nodi'r rhesymau pam fy mod yn credu bod sefydlu hawl o'r fath yn bwysig. Ar y pwynt hwn, a gaf fi ddiolch yn syth i'r sefydliadau a'r bobl sydd wedi ymroi i drafod y pwnc yn ddiweddar, yn cynnwys Tai Pawb, Sefydliad Tai Siartredig Cymru, Shelter Cymru a Dr Simon Hoffman o Brifysgol Abertawe? Yn wir, sbardunwyd fy niddordeb yn y syniad hwn gan erthygl fer gan Dr Hoffman a gyhoeddwyd yng nghylchgrawn Welsh Housing Quarterly ym mis Gorffennaf y llynedd. Rwy'n falch fy mod wedi cael fy nghynrychioli'n ddiweddar mewn trafodaeth gychwynnol ar y syniad hwn a gynhaliwyd gan Tai Pawb yn ystod hydref 2018. Yn y ddadl heddiw, rwy'n awr yn ceisio adeiladu ar fy niddordeb cynnar, a dilyn yr adroddiad dichonoldeb a lansiwyd yn adeilad y Pierhead yr wythnos diwethaf. Gallaf weld nifer o fanteision o sefydlu hawl o'r fath. Ar ei lefel fwyaf syml, byddai'n darparu fframwaith cyfreithiol i'r camau gweithredu sydd eu hangen i ddarparu'r hawl ddynol fwyaf sylfaenol honno. Rwy'n adlewyrchu erthygl 11 (1) o'r Cyfamod Rhyngwladol ar Hawliau Economaidd, Cymdeithasol a Diwylliannol, yr hawl i gael cartref. Ers i mi gael fy ethol i'r Cynulliad hwn yn 2016, rwyf wedi teimlo rhwystredigaeth enfawr ynghylch ystod a dyfnder problemau tai mewn cynifer o'n cymunedau. Ym Merthyr Tudful a Rhymni, fel mewn mannau eraill, gwelaf y problemau sy'n codi o ddiffyg cyfleoedd tai, problemau digartrefedd, a'r ffyrdd y mae gormod o dai yn anfforddiadwy i ormod o bobl. Mewn gwirionedd, credaf ei bod yn broblem y mae cenedlaethau olynol wedi caniatáu iddi ddatblygu, ac mae llawer o hynny'n adlewyrchiad o'r methiant yn y farchnad. O ystyried dyfnder a chymhlethdod y problemau rydym yn awr yn ceisio mynd i'r afael â hwy, mae'n hawdd teimlo'n ddigalon ynghylch y sefyllfa dai, felly mae'n dda cael syniad cadarnhaol am hawliau tai. Gwn fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi mynd ati'n gyson i greu amrywiaeth o fesurau i fynd i'r afael â llawer o broblemau'n ymwneud â thai, ac mae'r rhain yn cynnwys: buddsoddiad i wella safonau ansawdd tai; buddsoddiad mewn tai mwy fforddiadwy; deddfwriaeth i reoleiddio landlordiaid; mabwysiadu ymateb tai yn gyntaf; gweithredu yn erbyn y modd y manteisir ar rentwyr sector preifat; arian ar gyfer adeiladu arloesol; dileu'r hawl i brynu; a'r adolygiad o'r cyflenwad tai, a gwn y bydd y Gweinidog yn ymateb i hwnnw yn y Siambr hon yn fuan. A bydd fy nghyd-Aelodau'n cofio fy mod wedi cefnogi galwadau i fynd i'r afael â throsedd rhyw am rent; rwy'n cefnogi'r alwad ddiweddar yn y Siambr hon am ddiddymu Deddf Crwydradaeth 1824; ac rwy'n cefnogi dileu adran 21 yng Nghymru, troi pobl allan heb fai arnynt hwy, ac rwy'n gobeithio y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithredu ar hynny cyn bo hir. Ac er y gellir ystyried pob un o'r rhain yn bwysig, maent yn ymatebion cynyddrannol i rai o'r problemau niferus rydym yn eu hwynebu. Felly, credaf fod natur barhaus, ddwfn ac erydol ein problemau tai bellach yn golygu bod angen i ni ystyried fframwaith gweithredu newydd. Credaf fod sefydlu hawl i dai digonol yn ffordd o oresgyn yr agwedd gynyddrannol a thameidiog honno rwyf wedi'i disgrifio. Byddai'n darparu sail newydd i gyfraith a all ysgogi newid polisi a diwylliant, a darparu ymatebion mwy effeithiol. Ymatebion mwy effeithiol a all weddnewid un o'r ffactorau allweddol niferus sy'n dylanwadu ar ein rhagolygon mewn bywyd - cartref diogel, cynnes. A chredaf fod yn rhaid i ni hefyd ystyried i ba raddau y dylai'r hawl i iawn cyfreithiol fod yn rhan o'r pecyn hwnnw o hawliau. Yn wir, pan fyddwn yn craffu ar gynnig deddfwriaethol ar y mater hwn, rwy'n siŵr mai iawn cyfreithiol fydd yn galw am yr archwiliad mwyaf gofalus. Mae awduron yr adroddiad dichonoldeb ar yr hawl i dai digonol yng Nghymru yn gosod y gallu i gael iawn cyfreithiol yng nghyd-destun trychineb Tŵr Grenfell. I mi, mae hynny'n helpu i sicrhau gwir ddealltwriaeth o'r hyn y mae'r rhan hon o'r ddadl yn ei olygu. Oherwydd, o ystyried ein bod i gyd yn awr yn dysgu am hanes y drasiedi honno, efallai y gallwn fyfyrio ar y ffaith pe bai gan y trigolion hawl i dai digonol ac iawn cyfreithiol drwy broses y llys, y gallai'r sefyllfa fod wedi bod yn wahanol. Symudaf yn awr at ail ran fy nadl, ac fe nodaf rai ystyriaethau pwysig wrth sefydlu hawl gyfreithiol i dai digonol. Ar gyfer y rhan hon o'r ddadl, hoffwn gyfeirio'n helaeth at waith Dr Simon Hoffman, y cyfeiriais ato'n gynharach yn fy nghyfraniad. Yn y Siambr hon, credaf ein bod yn gyfarwydd â hawliau dynol a'r ffordd y maent yn sail i'n hawliau fel dinasyddion. Mae'r adroddiad dichonoldeb diweddar ar yr hawl hon yn tynnu sylw at y Cyfamod Rhyngwladol ar Hawliau Economaidd, Cymdeithasol a Diwylliannol, sy'n cynnwys, ymhlith pethau eraill, yr hawl i dai digonol fel y crybwyllais eisoes. Felly, mae cwestiwn yn codi ynglŷn â sut y gallem ymgorffori hawl o'r fath yng nghyfraith Cymru.