English: Thank you to Mike Hedges for those remarks. Will we give the same powers to all town and community councils? Not as they currently stand, because they are so very variable. We propose a general power of competence for some town and community councils, but there will be thresholds that they would have to pass. We'll see what the report of the review group produces. If they are able to propose a more uniform pattern, both of powers and of geography, so that town and community councils are available everywhere, then the case for treating them all the same will be strengthened. I believe, Llywydd, that there will be a majority on the floor of this Assembly for extending the franchise to 16 and 17-year-olds, and I'm grateful for Mike Hedges's support for that. He adds another category to people who are currently prevented from standing for election to local authorities, and I think probably adds another component to our question as to whether or not we are currently over-restrictive in the way that we interpret that rule. What is the case against remote voting? Well, I think people who are not yet persuaded of it sometimes say that the act of voting is a very serious act and that reducing it to being able to click a button on your phone may undermine the seriousness of the contribution that taking part in a democracy ought to be. Some people - I suppose I'm old-fashioned enough that I would agree with this - like the collective act of walking to a polling station and like to see other people doing the same thing. I like queueing up in a line with other people doing the same thing. For me, it brings our collective sense of democracy alive, but that's because I've been doing it for such a very long time. Maybe the more significant objection is the security objection. Are we yet sure that the systems are sufficiently certain that people would believe that nobody could interfere with their democratic vote - you couldn't be hacked into, you couldn't find it distorted in a way that you'd be able to find out? He's absolutely right that regional working is not new. What our proposals do is to make regional working systematic and mandatory. Why mid and west Wales? We've taken the WLGA's own region; that's how the WLGA organises itself. But, as I said in my statement, Llywydd, we will have sufficient flexibility within that regional footprint for the Swansea city region four councils to be able to work together, and the Growing Mid Wales councils - Ceredigion and Powys - to continue to work together in a distinctive way, but where they will then have to plan together, so that there are no artificial boundaries and there's no sense that Ceredigion and Powys aren't able, for example, to gain access to some of the debates and some of the possibilities that that wider regional footprint would bring.
Welsh: Diolch i Mike Hedges am y sylwadau yna. A fyddwn ni'n rhoi'r un pwerau i bob cyngor tref a chymuned? Nid fel y maen nhw ar hyn o bryd, oherwydd eu bod mor amrywiol. Rydym ni'n cynnig pŵer cymhwysedd cyffredinol ar gyfer rhai cynghorau tref a chymuned, ond bydd trothwyon y bydd yn rhaid iddyn nhw eu cyrraedd. Cawn weld beth fydd canlyniad adroddiad y grŵp adolygu. Os ydyn nhw'n gallu cynnig patrwm mwy unffurf, o ran pwerau a daearyddiaeth, fel bod cynghorau tref a chymuned yn bodoli ym mhob man, yna caiff yr achos dros eu trin i gyd yr un fath ei gryfhau. Rwy'n credu, Llywydd, y bydd mwyafrif ar lawr y Cynulliad hwn o blaid rhoi'r bleidlais i bobl 16 a 17 mlwydd oed, ac rwy'n ddiolchgar am gefnogaeth Mike Hedges i hynny. Mae e'n ychwanegu categori arall at bobl sy'n cael eu hatal ar hyn o bryd rhag sefyll mewn etholiadau awdurdodau lleol, ac rwy'n credu fod hyn o bosib yn ychwanegu elfen arall at ein cwestiwn ynghylch pa un a ydym ni ar hyn o bryd yn or-gaeth yn y ffordd yr ydym ni'n dehongli'r rheol honno. Beth yw'r achos yn erbyn pleidleisio o bell? Wel, rwy'n credu bod pobl nad ydyn nhw eto wedi eu hargyhoeddi o hynny weithiau yn dweud bod y weithred o bleidleisio yn weithred ddifrifol iawn ac y gallai lleihau hynny i allu clicio botwm ar eich ffôn danseilio'r difrifoldeb a ddylai fod ynghlwm â'r cyfraniad at ddemocratiaeth. Mae rhai pobl - mae'n debyg fy mod i'n ddigon hen ffasiwn i gytuno â hyn͏ - yn hoffi'r weithred gyfunol o gerdded i orsaf bleidleisio ac yn hoffi gweld pobl eraill yn gwneud yr un peth. Rwyf i'n hoffi sefyll mewn rhes gyda phobl eraill yn gwneud yr un peth. I mi, mae'n rhoi bywyd i'n hymdeimlad cyfunol o ddemocratiaeth, ond mae hynny oherwydd y bûm i'n gwneud hyn ers amser mor faith. Efallai fod y gwrthwynebiad diogelwch yn wrthwynebiad mwy arwyddocaol. A ydym ni eto yn siwr bod y systemau yn ddigon diogel fel y byddai pobl yn credu na allai neb amharu ar eu pleidlais ddemocrataidd͏ - na allai neb newid eich pleidlais, na allech chi ganfod a fu rhywun yn ceisio ymyrryd? Mae e'n hollol gywir nad yw gweithio rhanbarthol yn rhywbeth newydd. Yr hyn y mae ein cynigion yn ei wneud yw gwneud gweithio rhanbarthol yn systematig ac yn orfodol. Pam y canolbarth a'r gorllewin? Rydym ni wedi cymryd rhanbarth CLlLC ei hun; dyna sut mae CLlLC yn ei threfnu ei hun. Ond, fel y dywedais yn fy natganiad, Llywydd, bydd gennym ni ddigon o hyblygrwydd yn y rhanbarth hwnnw fel y gall pedwar cyngor dinas-ranbarth Abertawe gydweithio, ac i'r cynghorau sy'n rhan o fenter Tyfu Canolbarth Cymru - Ceredigion a Phowys - barhau i weithio gyda'i gilydd mewn ffordd unigryw. Ond, bydd yn rhaid iddyn nhw gynllunio ar y cyd, fel nad oes ffiniau artiffisial ac fel nad oes unrhyw deimlad na all Ceredigion a Phowys, er enghraifft, fanteisio ar rai o'r dadleuon a rhai o'r posibiliadau y byddai'r ardal ranbarthol ehangach yn eu creu.