English: I thank the Member for that set of questions. On the first question he asked about what this does in terms of the impact on our powers here in the Senedd, there are a number of provisions in the Bill that either limit those powers, whether it's in food regulation or environmental regulation. It means that powers can be exercised but, effectively, not enforced, or it means that powers can be, effectively, circumvented. So, there's a range of ways in which this Bill attacks the competence of this Senedd and Welsh Ministers. There are provisions in the Bill that enable direct funding of aspects of housing, or in health infrastructure. There is already a settlement that provides that those powers are exercised by this Senedd and Welsh Ministers on behalf of the people of Wales, and if there is further investment to be made available to support infrastructure in Wales, we are very happy with that, but there's a Government that already has the powers to do that, and it's this Government. I think the last point that he makes is very important. It seems to me that, in approaching legislation of this sort, which plainly, in one clause, explicitly adds to the number of reservations in the Government of Wales Act 2006, to embark upon that kind of legislation without seeking to do that in as collaborative a way, and as open a way with devolved Government as is possible - I think it shows the limit of the constitutional arrangements that we currently have. And I think we're in a territory where we need to look at the fundamental reform of some of those arrangements. And the way that he was talking about Keir Hardie and the home rule campaign, one where the Governments of the UK operate as four Governments, a four-nation approach - we've been talking about that, haven't we, in the last few months - one that really significantly entrenches the powers of different Governments across the UK. And not for constitutional reasons alone, but because of the way in which they affect the daily lives of people in Wales, and our accountability as a Government to those people for the choices that we make, which must be at the absolute heart of our response to this.
Welsh: Diolch i'r Aelod am y gyfres yna o gwestiynau. O ran y cwestiwn cyntaf, gofynnodd beth y mae hyn yn ei wneud o ran yr effaith ar ein pwerau ni yma yn y Senedd, mae nifer o ddarpariaethau yn y Bil sydd naill ai'n cyfyngu ar y pwerau hynny, boed hynny wrth reoleiddio bwyd neu reoleiddio amgylcheddol. Mae'n golygu y gellir arfer pwerau ond, i bob pwrpas, nid eu gorfodi, neu mae'n golygu y gellir osgoi pwerau, i bob pwrpas. Felly, mae amrywiaeth o ffyrdd y mae'r Bil hwn yn ymosod ar gymhwysedd y Senedd hon a Gweinidogion Cymru. Mae darpariaethau yn y Bil sy'n galluogi yn uniongyrchol ariannu agweddau ar dai neu seilwaith iechyd. Mae setliad eisoes sy'n darparu bod y pwerau hynny'n cael eu harfer gan y Senedd hon a Gweinidogion Cymru ar ran pobl Cymru, ac os oes rhagor o fuddsoddiad i'w roi ar gael i gynorthwyo seilwaith yng Nghymru, rydym ni'n hapus iawn â hynny, ond mae Llywodraeth sydd eisoes â'r pwerau i wneud hynny, a'r Llywodraeth hon yw honno. Rwy'n credu bod y pwynt olaf y mae'n ei wneud yn bwysig iawn. Mae'n ymddangos i mi, wrth ystyried deddfwriaeth o'r math hwn, sy'n amlwg, mewn un cymal, yn ychwanegu'n benodol at nifer y materion a gedwir yn ôl yn Neddf Llywodraeth Cymru 2006, mae cychwyn ar y math hwnnw o ddeddfwriaeth heb geisio gwneud hynny mewn ffordd mor gydweithredol, ac mor agored â Llywodraethau datganoledig â phosibl - rwy'n credu bod hynny yn dangos cyfyngiadau'r trefniadau cyfansoddiadol sydd gennym ni ar hyn o bryd. Ac rwy'n credu ein bod mewn sefyllfa pan fo angen i ni edrych ar ddiwygio sylfaenol rhai o'r trefniadau hynny. A'r ffordd yr oedd yn sôn am Keir Hardie a'r ymgyrch hunanlywodraeth, sef un lle mae Llywodraethau'r DU yn gweithredu fel pedair Llywodraeth, dull pedair gwlad - rydym ni wedi bod yn sôn am hynny, onid ydym ni, yn ystod y misoedd diwethaf - un sydd wir yn ymwreiddio pwerau gwahanol Lywodraethau ledled y DU mewn modd sylweddol iawn. Ac nid am resymau cyfansoddiadol yn unig, ond oherwydd y ffordd y maen nhw'n effeithio ar fywydau beunyddiol pobl yng Nghymru, a'n hatebolrwydd ni fel Llywodraeth i'r bobl hynny am y dewisiadau a wnawn, ac mae'n rhaid i hynny fod wrth wraidd ein hymateb i hyn.