Did Japan fudge the truth about whaling?

Abstract: If you’ve been following the tragic farce that is Japan’s official stance on whaling, you’ll know that the arguments made by the country’s Institute for Cetacean Research (ICR) to try and justify the hunting of whales have been soundly rejected. Japan maintains it needs to kill whales as part of a scientific research program to learn more about whale populations and determine if larger-scale commercial whaling is sustainable. Few people really believe this and even the International Court of Justice ruled in 2014 that Japan’s whaling program was not scientific. Since 2005, the judges said, some 3,600 minke whales have been killed, and just two research papers have been published. Many supporters of whaling don’t even claim that the program is useful for gathering scientific data. Those who support whaling often cite tradition and culture as reasons for continuing to hunt whales. In fact, whaling doesn’t have a significant history in Japan. It was conducted on a very small scale until after World War II, and then only on a larger scale for 20 years or so. So I was interested to see a paper published last week suggesting that Japan had falsified its whaling data for whale catches in the Southern Hemisphere. Researchers behind the paper claim Japan all but lied to the International Whaling Commission (IWC) about the whales it was catching. I spoke to Phillip Clapham, leader of the Cetacean Assessment and Ecology Program at the Alaska Fisheries Science Center, about what he had uncovered. Clapham and his colleague, Yulia Ivashchenko, compared the length data of whales captured by the Soviet whaling fleet in the 1960s and ’70s with that reported by Japan to the IWC. They found a large mismatch, with the whales caught by Japanese vessels reportedly much longer than the whales recorded by the Soviet boats. The researchers concluded that the difference in length data could only be explained if the Japanese fishing boats had exaggerated the lengths of their catches so that it looked like they were catching legal-sized animals. “It indicates cheating on a large scale,” Clapham says. Clapham and Ivashchenko’s study is published in the Royal Society Open Science journal. Why would Japanese whaling vessels misreport their catches? “Presumably because they wanted to kill as many whales as possible, including undersized animals — those under the IWC’s minimum legal length, which was instituted to protect females,” Clapham says. “That required them to fake the lengths of many of the whales in the catch.” Clapham knows more than most about the truth behind Japan’s whaling program. Last year, he published a study suggesting that Japan operated a large-scale, illegal whaling program in the North Pacific in the 1960s. Then, as now, whaling was conducted by ships dedicated to harpooning and catching the animals, operating in tandem with a factory ship, where the whales were butchered. How on earth could Japanese whalers get away with such behavior? The answer is simple: No entity existed to check the validity of the catches until 1972, when the International Observer Scheme was introduced. Yet even when this system was introduced, Japanese vessels allegedly continued to falsify data beyond 1972. How? “This system had an independent inspector on board — one of a different nationality than the factory ship, so, in theory, it ruled out cheating,” Clapham says. “But we know from Soviet biologists that it didn’t entirely. Inspectors couldn’t be on the processing deck 24 hours a day and they were sometimes intentionally distracted with ‘celebrations’ by officers who took them to drink in their cabin when something illegal was about to come aboard.” Japanese whaling has changed — to an extent. As mentioned earlier, the International Court of Justice decided that Japan’s whaling program was not scientific in 2014, but it did not ban research whaling altogether. The IWC allows whaling by indigenous people, and this provision is applied to Greenland and Alaska. It also theoretically allows whaling for research purposes, which is how Japan tries to justify its activities. Since Japan’s (privately run) Institute for Cetacean Research sets its own quotas for the number of whales its boats can catch, there aren’t rules to break like there were in the 1960s and ’70s. Well, that’s not quite true. It’s not permitted to catch lactating females and calves, although Clapham says there’s good photographic evidence that this does happen. Incidentally, in March this year, the Fisheries Agency reported that Japan’s Antarctic whaling fleet caught 230 female minke whales, 90 percent of which were pregnant. The ban on commercial whaling has allowed whale numbers to rebound after dropping to dangerously low levels. Whale numbers have also been increasing in the Arctic as a result of sea-ice loss. These factors will increase the number of calls for the ban on commercial whaling to be lifted. That would cause no end of problems, Clapham says. “The whaling nations today maintain that the system of inspection proposed should commercial whaling resume is adequate, yet it’s clear from genetic analysis of what’s being sold in the Japanese market that there’s stuff there that you can’t account for through the whaling we know about,” Clapham says. Japan and the other whaling countries have refused to accept a truly independent, third-party system that monitors every step, from the catch to the market. Polls indicate that most people in Japan don’t care one way or another about whaling. Perhaps the public would feel more strongly if they knew more about what happened in the 1960s and ’70s. Many people were misled back then, because Japanese whalers are believed to have fudged the data on the length of whales they were catching. I hope this realization will help shift the mood in Japan from indifference to disgust.

whaling
institute for cetacean research
international court of justice
international whaling commission


Renho and the 'pure blood' mythos

Abstract: Despite the best efforts of certain individuals on Twitter , lawmaker Renho became the head of the Democratic Party last Thursday. Of course, those loosely linked online individuals that are sometimes referred to as netto uyo (internet right-wingers) don’t really care about the DP, but they were undoubtedly thrilled that the issue they raised with regard to Renho’s nationality became the most important one in the campaign — at least as far as the media was concerned. For that they can thank the Sankei Shimbun and its affiliates, particularly tabloid Yukan Fuji , which lead the anti-Renho chorus on a daily basis. The choir master was former bureaucrat Kazuro Yawata, who posted an essay on the blog platform Agora , later reprinted in Fuji, claiming that Renho — whose father is Taiwanese and whose mother is Japanese — never renounced her Taiwanese nationality and thus holds dual citizenship. A Sankei reporter who attended the DP presidential candidate press conference asked Renho about this discrepancy and all hell broke loose. Trying to prevent the clamor from intensifying, Renho hot-footed it to Taiwan’s representative office in Tokyo to confirm the renunciation of her Taiwanese nationality. She was under the impression her father had already done that when she obtained Japanese citizenship in 1985, when she was 17. On Tuesday she found out she still “retained” Taiwanese nationality. She is now in the process of renouncing it, but in any case her enemies were able to claim that Yawata’s “suspicions” had been verified. But what was behind these suspicions, other than mistrust of anyone with mixed parentage? As Jiji Press pointed out in a Sept. 7 article, the Japanese government has not had diplomatic relations with Taiwan since recognizing China in the 1970s, so, theoretically, people in Japan with Taiwanese nationality are nationals of China, and China does not allow its citizens to hold dual citizenship, meaning if Renho has Japanese nationality — and she does, since she has a koseki (family register)—there’s no way she could also be a Chinese national. But then last week, the Ministry of Justice clarified that Taiwanese in Japan are not subject to Chinese law. In any case, Yawata and Sankei continually made references to Renho’s supposed connections to China. It’s not as if the government has voiced concern about Renho’s nationality. As journalist Misuzu Kosugi points out in the online magazine Litera , while Japan does not recognize dual citizenship, it also doesn’t expressly outlaw it. Article 16 of the revised 1985 Nationality Law states that people with dual citizenship due to birth have to choose one nationality by the time they turn 22, and if they choose to be Japanese then they have to “make an effort” to renounce their other nationality. Article 15 of the law says the Justice Ministry will dispatch “warnings” to people who do not renounce their other nationality, but, as many media have reported, the ministry has never once sent out such a warning. The government itself estimates there are 680,000 Japanese with dual nationality. Professor Atsushi Kondo explains in the Asahi Shimbun that Japan cannot make a Japanese national renounce their other nationality because it has no control over the way other countries administer the matter. China automatically revokes the citizenship of Chinese who take other nationalities, but many countries don’t have a mechanism for voluntarily renouncing theirs. Most of the complaints against Renho have been about her inconsistency in explaining her status, but the fundamental issue for Sankei is blood. Before the Nationality Law was revised, Japan determined nationality through paternity: You were the citizen of whichever country your father was the citizen of. Now you can choose. People who accuse Renho of ambivalence toward her Japanese status still think in those terms. Yawata says only her father could renounce her Taiwanese nationality, but it’s not that simple. Law professor Yasuhiko Okuda recently explained on TBS radio that Taiwan prohibits a citizen from renouncing their nationality until they are 20. In other words, the matter was out of Renho’s, and her father’s, hands. It’s no coincidence that Renho’s detractors are the same people who are against allowing a female emperor. “Pure blood” ideology is at the root of Yawata’s philosophy — the “scoop” about Renho’s dual nationality was merely a delivery device. The law means nothing to them because their faith is invested in an occult mythos about the unbroken Imperial line. Kosugi insists these beliefs amount to “racism,” since they limit the rights of some people born and raised in Japan due to genetics. Asahi reported on July 6, 2014 — well before the Renho controversy — that the pure blood faction wants to kick out permanent Korean residents as well as anyone with dual citizenship by making all Japanese sign a loyalty oath. They are not just rightists, said the paper, they are “anachronisms.” Yawata says Renho can’t be trusted because she doesn’t use her Japanese married name and gave her children names that “sound Chinese.” These value judgments should mean nothing in a democracy. Zakzak , another Sankei organ, adds to the din by saying that Japanese people do not like the idea of someone with dual citizenship “rising to the top.” What about best-selling Japanese-American singer Hikaru Utada and all those bicultural athletes at the Rio Olympics? For that matter, what about former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori, who was allowed to settle here and escape prosecution in his native country by asserting his Japanese nationality? The roar of negativity just gets bigger, even though it has no legal or even logical justification. Though Sankei hates the DP as much as it loves so-called pure-blood Japanese, the DP doesn’t want to risk bad blood with anyone who feels likewise and, except for the previous DP president, Katsuya Okada , has been reticent on the issue. Even Renho reacted in a defensive manner. No wonder Sankei and its ilk are so loud: There’s no one shouting back.


New MRJ hiccups revive manufacturing industry's jitters

Abstract: The Mitsubishi Regional Jet is back in the spotlight after flights to the United States were canceled last month because of problems with the air-conditioning system. The MRJ has been delayed four times so far. With hopes for a manufacturing revival resting on Japan’s first domestically made plane since 1974, what are its prospects for success? Here are some questions and answers about the quest to produce the MRJ. How did the MRJ project begin? It all started in 2002, when the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry proposed the idea of making a small, environmentally friendly passenger plane. Mitsubishi Heavy Industries decided to take on the project. Japan is no stranger to making fighter jets, but this essentially represented the first domestic attempt to produce a commercial plane since the YS-11, a turboprop made by Nihon Aircraft Manufacturing Corp. that was halted in 1974. Nihon Aircraft was a consortium comprising MHI, Kawasaki Heavy Industries Ltd. and Fuji Heavy Industries. Since then, Japanese companies have been making parts in conjunction with major plane makers such as Boeing Co. and Airbus Group SE. MHI and KHI, for example, are both so-called tier 1 suppliers for the Boeing 787 Dreamliner, providing the primary wings and forward fuselages, respectively. The tier 1 contractors are positioned directly under the plane makers themselves in the supply chain framework. Why does Mitsubishi Heavy want to make jets? Mitsubishi Aircraft Corp., a Nagoya-based affiliate of MHI that is overseeing the MRJ project, says it fears that being a simple parts maker could see it get trapped in price wars with more competitive rivals from China or elsewhere. MHI is thus trying to avoid the same fate that befell its counterparts in the TV, computer and electronics sectors. “We want to take things one step further, to become a real jet maker,” said Yuji Sawamura, a spokesman for Mitsubishi Aircraft. Akinobu Okuda, a research director who monitors the aviation industry for Mitsubishi Research Institute, concurred, emphasizing that the company needs a larger goal. “A tier 1 business is about making products whose specifications are designed by jet makers, such as Boeing and Airbus. … Even if tier 1 suppliers make good products, jet makers might demand they make them better and cheaper,” which will shrink their profits, he said. According to Okuda, being a plane maker will give the firm the freedom to decide from the get-go what to make, and control of the overall supply chain, Okuda said. But a jet makers’ business does not end at making planes. It must also provide continuous maintenance and support to the airlines that use them. Okuda said adding those businesses will help diversify MHI’s revenue sources. Japanese manufacturers should adopt business models like these that can rake in long-term profits rather than settle for being suppliers, he said. According to Sawamura, if all goes well, the MRJ endeavor could bring about a positive shift in the Japanese manufacturing industry and its way of thinking. About 70 percent of the MRJ’s parts are made by overseas firms, since there are just a handful of aviation-related parts makers in Japan. But if MHI establishes itself as a jet maker, Japan can strengthen the aviation manufacturing sector, potentially creating more business opportunities for small and midsize firms. Such a shift would be reminiscent of Japan’s thriving auto industry, which continues to support a web of smaller parts makers. The bounty could be enormous: Jets require more than a million parts, or over 30 times more than cars, which only contain about 30,000. Can the MRJ survive the competition? The market for regional jets, generally defined as planes with 50 to 100 seats, like the MRJ, is dominated by two firms — Brazil’s Embraer SA and Canada’s Bombardier Inc. — but Okuda believes the MRJ can break their stranglehold on the market. “It’s a good time to enter the market … because Bombardier is shifting its focus to larger jets,” he said. According to Japan Aircraft Development Corp., a Tokyo-based firm researching passenger jet development, planes in the 120-169 seat class are projected to enjoy the strongest demand between 2016 and 2035, with demand for regional jets expected to grow to around 3,600 planes. Okuda said it won’t be easy for Bombardier to expand market share for planes bigger than 100 seats while competing against Boeing and Airbus. He also said Bombardier has been in dire financial straits and may not be able to develop new, competitive regional jets, creating a potential opening for the MRJ. What are the MRJ’s selling points? Mitsubishi Aircraft says the MRJ is 20 percent more fuel efficient than existing regional jets as it uses a cutting-edge engine made by U.S.-based Pratt & Whitney. Since fuel is a huge cost for airlines, fuel-efficient planes are immensely appealing. Sawamura at Mitsubishi Aircraft also said that while the jet may be small, its seats are as wide as those in midsize planes and its cabin is spacious, with a high ceiling. Will the two flight cancellations to the U.S. affect the company’s business plan? Commercial delivery of the MRJ has been delayed four times so far. The two aborted flights at Nagoya Airport were caused when a sensor indicated there was a problem with the air conditioning system. Sawamura, however, said that a check found nothing wrong and that the MRJ will soon be ready to go to the U.S. to conduct test flights. Okuda said the air conditioning trouble is unlikely to significantly affect long-term plans. The test flights in the U.S. are needed for the plane to be certified by the Japanese transport ministry. How is the MRJ doing from a business perspective? In term of sticking to the initial schedule, it hasn’t been a smooth ride. Mitsubishi Aircraft originally expected deliveries to start in 2013, but now the first delivery is set for 2018. So far, Mitsubishi Aircraft has received 427 orders for the MRJ from clients including All Nippon Airways, Japan Airlines and U.S.-based Skywest. While refusing to disclose the break-even point for the jet, the firm has said its goal for now is to sell 1,000. In the aviation industry, a model is considered a hit if sales reach 1,000. More than ¥30 billion has reportedly been poured into the MRJ’s development, but Mitsubishi Aircraft declined to confirm that number and said it would recover the costs in the long run.

mrj
mitsubishi heavy industries
aviation


Todai's traditions reflected in Hongo neighborhood

Abstract: Hongo, an area in Tokyo’s Bunkyo Ward, is synonymous with Japan’s top academic institution, the University of Tokyo. Also known as Todai, the university, established in 1877 as the first national university in Japan, is not just a top institution but its green campus is open to the public on most days, providing a precious oasis to nearby residents and workers in the middle of the capital. With the establishment of the university, Hongo has flourished with eateries, stores and residential buildings catering to students and faculty. It is also a place where many writers have lived, including literary giants Soseki Natsume, Ichiyo Higuchi and Takuboku Ishikawa. During the Meiji Era (1868-1912), Hongo had many boardinghouses for university students, boasting some 120 at one point. Among them is Homeikan, which still stands near the main gate of the university. Built more than 100 years ago, Homeikan has transformed itself from a boardinghouse into a posh ryokan inn. The inn’s traditional wooden exterior and warm, nostalgic atmosphere — a rare sight in the heart of Tokyo — is popular with both Japanese tourists and those from overseas. Along the Kikuzaka slope near the subway Hongo 3-Chome Station, other wooden structures remain, although most disappeared during the war or due to aging. Higuchi, a great novelist whose portrait is printed on ¥5,000 bills, lived in a house along the Kikuzaka. The house is gone, but a well said to be used by Higuchi can still be found in a quiet corner amid residences, giving a glimpse into the time when she lived. The well, administered by Bunkyo Ward, can also still be used to draw water today. Strolling around Hongo, the area is likely to bring back memories of a time almost forgotten. Yasuda Auditorium stands tall on the University of Tokyo grounds in Bunkyo Ward. The campus is open to the public on most days. | SATOKO KAWASAKI A mother and child play by a pond at the University of Tokyo. The green campus in Bunkyo Ward offers the public a chance to enjoy nature. | SATOKO KAWASAKI The interior of the Homeikan inn serves up a nostalgic atmosphere. | SATOKO KAWASAKI Homeikan, a ‘ryokan’ inn located near the main gate of the University of Tokyo, is one of the few remaining wooden structures from the Meiji Era in the Hongo area in Bunkyo Ward. | SATOKO KAWASAKI A well in a residential area along the Kikuzaka slope was said to be used by novelist Ichiyo Higuchi during the Meiji Era (1868-1912). | SATOKO KAWASAKI


Renho nationality accusations spur debate on dual citizenship

Abstract: Renho, one of the three candidates vying for the top slot in the Sept. 15 Democratic Party leadership election, has repeatedly denied speculation that she may be violating the Nationality Law by having de facto dual citizenship. The high-profile lawmaker from the main opposition DP has a Taiwanese father and Japanese mother. On Wednesday, she denied the nationality allegations, telling Jiji Press and other media outlets that she had renounced her Taiwanese citizenship when she obtained Japanese nationality in 1985 at the age of 17. But what are the legalities surrounding dual citizenship in Japan? Is having dual citizenship illegal in Japan? The Nationality Law states that a Japanese national who also holds foreign citizenship is obliged to choose one before turning 22 or risk losing Japanese citizenship. The Justice Ministry says holding dual citizenship may cause international conflict caused by a collision of diplomatic protection rights between two countries. It also says allowing dual citizenship causes identity confusion in multiple nations. How can a person obtain multiple citizenship? Japan upholds the jus sanguinis principle, meaning that Japanese citizenship is attributed by blood, as opposed to the jus soli principle upheld by such countries as the United States, where citizenship is decided by location of birth. In many cases, children who are born to a Japanese national and a non-Japanese citizen acquire multiple citizenship at birth. Children who were born to Japanese parents in jus soli countries may also acquire dual citizenship. In that case, parents must declare their desire to retain Japanese citizenship for their children within three months of birth or face it being revoked. Children for whom Japanese citizenship is revoked can retrieve it before they turn 20 if living in Japan. A Japanese citizen who marries a foreign national may also acquire dual citizenship. He or she must choose one nationality within two years after marriage to avoid dual citizenship if they are 20 or older. If foreign citizens are naturalized in Japan, they are required to renounce their current nationality, except when there is a compelling reason not to. What must be done to avoid dual citizenship? If people with dual nationalities choose Japanese citizenship, they must either file a document to prove renunciation of foreign nationality or, if unable to do so, declare their desire to retain Japanese citizenship to municipalities or Japanese diplomatic offices overseas. The Nationality Law states that a person who has dual citizenship could be notified by the justice minister if the person doesn’t select a nationality two years after a second citizenship is acquired, or when they reached 22 years of age. If no action is made within one month after receiving the notice, the person may lose their Japanese citizenship. However, no one has ever been notified nor lost Japanese nationality for having dual citizenship since the Nationality Law came into effect in 1985, Justice Ministry official Hiroyuki Ishii said. “Because losing Japanese citizenship may have an enormous impact to an individual’s life, we must be extremely careful about exercising it,” Ishii said, adding that the law does not have any penalties for having dual citizenship.


SoftBank rolls out Giga Monster data plan against MVNO rivals

Abstract: In an apparent bid to prevent customers from jumping ship to budget mobile phone services, SoftBank Corp. said Thursday it will cut monthly rates for its smartphone data plans. A new plan dubbed the “Giga Monster” will offer 20 GB a month for ¥6,000 and 30 GB for ¥8,000 starting Sept. 13, down from ¥16,000 and ¥22,500, respectively. Mobile phone users are consuming increasingly large amounts of data-rich content such as videos, so “SoftBank is looking to provide plans where customers won’t have to worry about their data usage,” it said in a statement. SoftBank had been widely recommending the 5 GB plan, saying that 93 percent of its smartphone subscribers use 5 GB or less a month. But complaints that the plan falls short have been increasing. SoftBank’s move is also likely to increase competition with rivals Docomo and KDDI. SoftBank said the new plans were made possible by new technology that allows it maintain faster and steadier internet connections, which isn’t something its competitors can emulate quickly. The cheaper rates come at a time of relative calm in the mobile phone arena, a pause prompted by a request from the communications ministry to stop using major cash-back incentives to lure customers. Still, SoftBank’s move may also signal that it’s feeling the pinch of customers switching to low-cost smartphone service operators known as mobile virtual network operators (MVNOs). Subscribers to MVNOs surged to 5.39 million at the end of March, up 65.5 percent from a year ago, and their numbers are only expected grow, according to MM Research Institute. On Monday, messaging app Line jumped into the MVNO market to stir up the competition with cut-rate offerings.


The ascendancy of a Japanese maestro

Abstract: In the past few months, the media has been pleasantly surprised at the sudden ascendancy of some noteworthy Japanese women, mainly in the realm of politics. Since pianist Hiroko Nakamura passed away in July, the media has been filled with obituaries that paid tribute to her own powerful position in Japan’s classical music scene some 50 years ago. Internationally, Seiji Ozawa is a more well-known musician, but his effect on Japan’s embrace of Western music is slight compared to Nakamura’s — which isn’t to say she was a superior artist. She was an excellent technician who didn’t make a big impression as a performer abroad, but her ability to communicate what was appealing about so-called serious music at a time when Japanese society was going through huge changes was fortuitous. She deserves credit for sparking the classical music boom that swept Japan in the 1970s and ’80s. Nakamura was born in 1944 to a well-to-do family and attended the Toho Gakuen School of Music, which also produced Ozawa. Even as a child she wanted to be a professional pianist, and she didn’t require a lot of encouragement or direction. She won the Japan Music Competition in 1959, and the following year embarked on a world tour with the NHK Symphony Orchestra. In an interview on NHK’s tribute to Nakamura, conductor Yuzo Toyama said she was the first Asian solo musician European audiences had ever seen perform European music, adding that they were “shocked” that a Japanese artist could possess the proper sensibility to tackle the Western canon. In 1963, Nakamura enrolled at the Juilliard School of Music in New York, where her teacher made her start from zero. Her style was florid and showy, and she had to relearn how to “attack the keys.” Later she admitted that the experience shook her to the core. She had been spoiled as a teenager by constant praise, and while at first she felt as if she were being condescended to as a Japanese — a native of a country that lost World War II — inevitably she buckled down and altered her style. This reeducation meant her playing became more accepted internationally. Harold Schonberg, music critic for the New York Times, praised her playing in his first-ever review of an Asian artist. In 1965, Nakamura came fourth at the Chopin Competition in Warsaw. She should have returned to Japan triumphantly, but instead was met with veiled resentment. She wasn’t the first: Ozawa had succeeded abroad and initially wasn’t taken seriously as a conductor in his native land due to envy over that success. Japan’s classical music world was dominated by men who didn’t trust students who went abroad, since — as in Nakamura’s case — it often meant rejecting Japanese methods of music pedagogy. Ozawa fled back to Europe and the U.S., but Nakamura stayed to become a concert pianist in Japan, a decision that was doubly difficult since she was a woman. However, it was her gender, combined with a proud temperament that was a natural product of her privileged upbringing, which provided her with the means to stand out in a field of inherently interchangeable pianists. Her dominance of that field was also a function of postwar socioeconomics. In 1992, my partner and I interviewed Nakamura for a local magazine, and one of our themes was the inordinately large number of female classical musicians in Japan, both as students and professionals. At the time in America and, especially, Europe, classical music was still a man’s game. “Boys are not usually encouraged to become professional musicians,” she said, speaking about the situation in Japan. “You have to sacrifice your everyday life, starting when you’re 3 or 4 years old.” Middle-class parents, anxious about their male offsprings’ prospects, would rather they enter into competition for the best jobs at the earliest age, which meant getting on an educational track that leads to the best schools. And as she pointed out, even for boys from rich families who dream of a music career, “there’s no guarantee you’re going to be the next Horowitz.” This explained why boys weren’t becoming musicians, but not why so many girls were, and she was uncharacteristically modest when she theorized that most didn’t enter music school with the idea of becoming professionals. In truth many did, and they were inspired by Nakamura, who was not only talented but openly ambitious, a trait Japanese women at the time were discouraged from displaying. Her first coup as a professional was economic. She became Sony Records’ first “exclusive” artist in 1968, at a time when classical record sales were monopolized by foreign artists. Sony gave her a platform from which to spread the classical gospel to average people just as their incomes were increasing to a level where they could enjoy a wider range of leisure activities. Previously only the elite attended concerts, but she made a point of not only playing for everyone, but proselytizing in a way that didn’t patronize. However, she did it without abandoning her patrician airs. Nakamura was the consummate ojosan (well-bred young lady), happily ostentatious in her appetites. She married an award-winning novelist , lived in a luxurious apartment with a view of Tokyo Tower, and surrounded herself with people of high social standing, many of whom were not Japanese. She never made as big a splash internationally as her contemporary Mitsuko Uchida did, because she wasn’t as good a pianist, but given her prerogatives as a professional, this didn’t bother her. Being a big fish in a small pond suited her ego and her capabilities, and she was rewarded handsomely for it. In our interview she was candid about the classical music world, wryly critical of its embedded prejudices while expressing no reservations about her own. Later, after cooler retrospection, she asked to have some comments cut, afraid they might offend certain parties. We relented but then wondered what she was worried about. She was Hiroko Nakamura; if she couldn’t be an iconoclast, who could?


Abe wants to raise construction site productivity with drones, AI

Abstract: The government unveiled has unveiled a campaign to raise productivity at construction sites by 20 percent by 2025 through the use of drones and artificial intelligence. At an inaugural meeting of officials and private-sector experts tasked with formulating new growth strategy policies, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe vowed Monday to wipe out the image of construction work as dangerous, dirty and demanding, and “drastically” change the work environment. The government envisions using drones to carry out surveying at public works sites such as tunnels, bridges and dams. The use of artificial intelligence is aimed at dramatically reducing the time required to carry out land surveys. The government plans to discuss topics to be included in its new growth strategy until around January and compile the strategy around the middle of next year. “We will shed light on impediments to employing the remarkable technological innovations of recent years in people’s lives and society, and push forward with reforms,” Abe said at the meeting. With Japan’s population shrinking and graying, proposals to employ artificial intelligence are likely to involve replacing construction machinery with machines that can be operated automatically so work can be carried out with a small number of skilled workers. The plan may involve rolling out tax breaks and financial support to aid regional public works projects and small and medium-size construction firms in adopting information and communication technologies. At a separate meeting Monday, Abe vowed to make Japan the world leader in business innovation and make public services more convenient by streamlining bureaucratic procedures using so-called information and communications technology. A growth strategy is one of the three “arrows” of the Abenomics economic policy package that Abe has pushed since regaining power at the end of 2012 with the aim of pulling Japan out of a decades-long deflationary trend, the other two being monetary easing and massive fiscal spending.

ai
drones
growth strategy
construction industry


New website to help track Diet members' money trails

Abstract: OSAKA - Traditionally, one succeeded in Japan as a politician by ensuring strength in just three areas: money, connections and popularity. Money, in the form of campaign funds that were returned to supporters via all manner of public works’ projects, was — and remains — the most important. But journalists, scholars and interested members of the public hoping to follow the money trail to its sources have been confronted with daunting amounts of time-consuming paperwork. Under the Political Funds Control Law, all Diet members must report their sources of income. But the amount of time needed to track down who gave what to whom has been seen as a considerable obstacle. In an effort to simplify the process of tracing the funds, an Osaka-based nonprofit organization recently announced that it will create an online group dedicated to letting any member of the public follow the money. Starting Oct. 21, the group, which calls itself Japan Center For Money and Politics Foundation in English, will post online the reports of about 2,200 political organizations donating to politicians in both chambers of the Diet. There will also be online explanations of the law regarding political funds, as well as plans to offer training sessions on the most efficient ways of using the site. Visitors to the site will be able to easily look up politicians such as Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and see the names of political groups that support them. They can then check to see how much each group has donated over the years, and then download a report in PDF form. While a group’s name alone can often point to the politicians they support, some are so vaguely worded that it is nearly impossible for the uninitiated to connect a group to a specific lawmaker. The new website is designed to make such a search easier. While it is unlikely to solve the old problem of money politics, the site will be one more tool for those working to determine who is behind the cash. The website, in Japanese only, will launch Oct. 21 at openpolitics.or.jp


Kansai uses subsidies to fill empty homes, but persuading aging population to pull up stakes remains a challenge

Abstract: NARA - For the casual visitor to one of Japan’s crowded megacities — and even some natives who rarely see the rest of the country — it’s easy to assume housing demand is high nationwide. But with over 8.2 million homes nationwide now vacant due to an aging population, declining birthrate and mass migration of younger workers to megacities, some rural regions, and even some cities, are struggling to deal with the abandoned homes, called akiya , which are not only eyesores but also fire hazards. In the six major prefectures of the traditional Kansai region, Osaka, Kyoto, Nara, Hyogo, Shiga and Wakayama, the problem is not as acute as it is elsewhere. But prefectures like Hyogo, and even cities like Kyoto and Nara, are increasingly adopting measures to reduce the number of vacant homes, including via subsidies for owners. A 2013 survey by the central government showed 18.1 percent of Wakayama Prefecture homes, including apartments and condominiums, were officially considered empty — the highest percentage among Kansai’s six prefectures. In Osaka Prefecture, 14.8 percent of homes were empty, while the figure for Nara Prefecture stood at 13.8 percent. This was followed by Kyoto at 13.3 percent, Hyogo at 13 percent and Shiga at 12.9 percent. By contrast, 11.1 percent of homes in Tokyo were empty in 2013 and the national average of the 47 prefectures was 13.5 percent. Hyogo has been particularly busy in working to fill their abandoned homes. Those who remodel empty houses there for living, businesses or community exchange purposes, including educational exchanges, and agree to use them for at least 10 years are eligible for subsidies. These funds can cover anywhere from one-third to one-half the costs of a basic renovation, depending on the purpose of the remodeling. For residential or business purposes, this would mean up to an estimated ¥3 million in subsidies. For community exchange purposes, the funds could amount to as much as ¥1 million. The money can’t always be used as the owner wishes, but is intended for specific remodeling work such as installing modern toilets and for weatherproofing. Other conditions include guarantees that owners will follow laws and regulations. If, for example, they open a restaurant or a store selling local produce, a strict adherence to the agricultural law is required. Following the Hotel Business Law to a tee is another requirement for potential owners after the nationwide emergence of illegal minpaku facilities, where guests, especially from abroad, stay in a residence either because they couldn’t find or didn’t want to stay in a licensed hotel or inn. In the city of Kyoto, surging tourist numbers combined with a hotel shortage have kick-started the minpaku business, legal and illegal. This has been partially due to an ample supply of empty houses and apartments in some wards that lets the area meet the growing demand for short-term stays. In the city’s Higashiyama Ward, an area that includes popular tourist destinations like Yasaka Shrine, the traditional Gion district and Kiyomizu Temple, 22.5 percent of apartments and homes were officially listed as akiya in 2013, the highest percentage in the prefecture. While Kyoto has long had various forms of assistance for those looking to relocate to traditional machiya townhouses, problems associated with tourists staying in officially empty homes and apartment buildings is causing headaches. And while the city has begun to take countermeasures, the problem shows no sign of abating anytime soon. “At present, of 118 apartment realtors that are members of our organization, about half manage homes and apartments that are only for residential purposes,” said Chiaki Tanigaki, who represents a Kyoto-based nonprofit organization formed to promote better management of housing facilities in the Kyoto and Shiga areas. “Recently, a number of them have been used as private lodging facilities for visitors, especially those facilities located near famous shrines and temples that draw a lot of tourists. Many of the owners, be they foreigners or Japanese, don’t actually reside in the apartments, and advertise them as minpaku on the Internet,” Tanigaki said. Elsewhere in the region, local governments, mindful of Kyoto’s minpaku experience, are looking at Hyogo’s akiya policy and beginning to offer detailed proposals to fill the empty homes and spur community development. Under a new plan announced at the end of last month, the city of Nara will provide financial assistance of up to ¥4 million to those who wish to remodel empty homes and facilities for the purpose of aiding community redevelopment. The money is not to be used for individuals seeking their own homes. Instead, Nara is offering the subsidies in hopes of creating more lodging facilities, restaurants or shops that sell locally produced food, as well as sports facilities, art galleries and hands-on learning centers, especially those centering on children’s activities. “A city survey last year showed there were 2,722 empty houses, not including deserted apartments,” said Hitomi Hirata, an official with the city’s brand promotion section. “We’re now in the process of accepting applications from those applying for the funding, and will make a decision on who gets how much by November.” As a study last year by Nomura Research Institute predicted that the number of empty homes and apartment buildings nationwide would skyrocket to 21.5 million by 2033 from the 8.2 million in 2013, competition to fill the sites is likely to be fierce both in Kansai and elsewhere. Perhaps more daunting may be the challenge of persuading a shrinking and aging population to pull up roots and move from the cities they’ve lived and worked their entire lives into the growing number of abandoned homes. For those with sufficient capital who are willing to relocate, this could well prove to be a buyer’s market. However, whether increased financial assistance and other measures will be enough to lure sufficient numbers of people out of the megacities and spark local economic revitalization is another question altogether.


Yasukuni Shrine glows in its traditional mid-summer show

Abstract: It’s like a midsummer night’s dream. In mid-July, Yasukuni Shrine in central Tokyo was lit up in orange by 30,000 lanterns lining the approach to the annual Mitama Matsuri festival, creating a nostalgic atmosphere. The festival’s location, often a point of diplomatic contention with neighboring countries because it honors Class-A World War II war criminals along with the nation’s war dead, is a focal point of prayer for the peaceful repose of the lost souls. But for many visitors, it’s an attractive tourism spot that offers a glimpse of Japan’s traditional festivals with Awa odori and Bon odori dance performances and parades of men carrying mikoshi portable shrines. The event’s crescendo happens when visitors, some wearing yukata casual kimono, and the Bon odori performers dance together in the heat of a summer night. One of the biggest summer festivals in Tokyo, and held since 1947, the four-day event attracts about 300,000 visitors from home and abroad every year. The festival takes place during Tokyo’s traditional Bon period in July. Tourists can be seen taking selfies amid the orange lanterns and vividly colored streamers that hang down from above. The food and drink stands that once dotted the shrine’s approach have been banned during the event from last year, as many young people, some inebriated, caused a bit of a ruckus. Women in yukata casual kimono take a selfie with their smartphone at the Mitama Matsuri festival at Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo’s Chiyoda Ward on July 16. | YOSHIAKI MIUIRA Children and adults perform the Awa odori dance at the Mitama Matsuri festival at Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo’s Chiyoda Ward on July 16. | YOSHIAKI MIURA A couple kiss among rows of orange lanterns at the Mitama Matsuri festival at Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo’s Chiyoda Ward on July 16. | YOSHIAKI MIURA Men carry a mikoshi portable shrine as they parade during the Mitama Matsuri at Yasukuni Shrine in Chiyoda Ward, Tokyo, on July 16. | YOSHIAKI MIURA Japanese calligraphy on a lantern at Yasukuni Shrine during the Mitama Matsuri reads ‘Rest in peace, my loved one, watch over me, my loved one.’ | YOSHIAKI MIURA Tourists from home and abroad dance with Bon odori performers during the Mitama Matsuri festival at Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo’s Chiyoda Ward on July 16. | YOSHIAKI MIURA


The gene that may benefit sumo giants

Abstract: Samoa, with its string of beautiful islands and coral atolls in the South Pacific, is attracting more than just tourists these days. Scientists are heading there, too. The nation holds the uneviable position of being No. 1 in the world for obesity. Among Samoan men, 80 percent are either overweight or obese, and that figure reaches 91 percent for Samoan women. They are the fattest people in the world, and they are proving revealing subjects for genetics studies. I learned about obesity in Samoa after seeing a recent report on a genetic analysis of more than 5,000 people on the islands. The study, led by Ryan Minster of the University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, uncovered a gene variant that boosts obesity risk by 30-40 percent. It’s worth stressing that this isn’t an “obesity gene.” With complex traits such as this (intelligence is another one), there isn’t likely to be a single gene that determines whether you do or do not have the trait. And, of course, environmental factors such as diet and exercise play a big part. To date, however, no other gene has been found to be so influential in obesity as this particular gene. It goes by the instantly forgettable name of CREBRF. My first thought was to question what the gene does. My second was about famous former sumo wrestlers Musashimaru and Konishiki. Musashimaru, who reached the top rank of yokozuna (grand champion) in 1999, was born in Samoa, while Konishiki, who made ozeki (the second-highest rank) in 1987, was born in Hawaii of Samoan descent. They are big men and, at their peak weights, were colossal. Musashimaru reached 235 kilograms, while Konishiki is the heaviest sumo wrestler in history, weighing 287 kilograms. What do their genes look like? The way men put on weight when they are professional sumo wrestlers is very different to how sedentary people get fat on a diet of junk food (we’ll come back to this), but I can’t help thinking about their genetics and, indeed, about the genetics of the sumo population in general. After all, most sumo wrestlers have a body mass index of 40 or above, which is the category where “morbidly obese” begins. And since there’s only one weight class in sumo, there is an incentive to put on as much weight as possible. People with genes that aid in tremendous weight gain would be at an advantage. Back to the CREBRF gene. Minster’s team made cells in the lab that carried the CREBRF variant. By measuring how the cells grew, the team found that the gene variant enabled the cells to store more fat. In effect, the cells became thrifty. They preferred to hoard fat than to release it. Around 25 percent of Samoans carry the gene, Minster says. You can see how having the gene would have been useful in the past. Around 3,500 years ago, people from Australia and the South Pacific started settling the more isolated islands in the region. There is evidence of human settlement dating back to about 3,000 years ago on Samoa. To survive the voyages across the open ocean, and to endure and thrive when they arrived on the islands, the people needed to be thrifty and to conserve energy wherever possible. Any gene that aids this goal will be selected. The problem now, of course, is that the environment and their way of life has changed radically. Levels of physical exertion are lower than they were even a few decades ago. Fast food is easily available, and, by some measures, 40 percent of children are overweight — even by the time they are 15 months old. In this new environment, you can see how a gene that is intent on hoarding as much fat as possible can contribute to obesity. That’s why I expect many professional sumo wrestlers have the CREBRF gene variant. I read a piece in the Asia Pacific Journal of Sport and Social Science arguing that obesity is a professional requirement for sumo wrestlers. Surprisingly, sumo wrestlers have the largest fat-free mass of all professional athletes. This means that ignoring the fat, they have large body masses. The fat they put on is different to how the rest of us get fat. Sumo wrestlers lay down subcutaneous fat that doesn’t inhibit muscle development and which can be more easily accessed for energy use. The rest of us tend to put on visceral fat in the abdomen, around the organs, and this is much less healthy. Sumo wrestlers also eat differently from the rest of us. They consume large amounts of food in two sittings per day, unlike the rest of us who typically have three meals a day. (I once heard that sumo wrestlers have their intestines massaged so they can fit in more food — does anyone know if this is true?) And the food they eat — the famous chanko nabe hot pot — is highly nutritious (not to mention tasty). A sumo wrestler eats about 5,000 calories per day, compared to around 2,200 for the average Japanese. Interestingly, although obesity is a strong risk factor leading to diabetes, Minster’s team found that people with CREBRF had lower rates of diabetes. If the variant is common in sumo wrestlers, as I suspect it is, this is good news for their health when they retire.


With deft political move, Japan's Emperor seeks to cement the role he created

Abstract: It has been more than a month since NHK reported that Emperor Akihito had expressed a desire to step down from the Imperial throne before he died, and during that time the Emperor himself has addressed the matter in a prerecorded message to the nation. There has also been a great deal of discussion about the constitutionality of “abdication,” how the government will respond and whether or not the Emperor has any human rights . Something that hasn’t been discussed much is the original report. NHK first aired the story on its 7 p.m. news show on July 13. Every other media outlet was caught completely off guard and scrambled to confirm it. According to an article in the Aug. 5 issue of Shukan Post , the press club of the Imperial Household Agency “was in total chaos,” with reporters running around, cellphones glued to their ears. The NHK bulletin, delivered in the passive voice, stated that the Emperor had “indicated his will” to step down “in a few years” so that Crown Prince Naruhito could ascend the throne “before (the present Emperor) dies,” and that this desire had been accepted by the rest of the Imperial family. “Did anyone know where NHK got its information?” the reporters kept asking one another. The Asahi Shimbun was the first to file the agency’s official disavowal of the story, several hours after NHK reported it. In the meantime, NHK ran it unchanged on its 9 p.m. news show and again at 11. Now reporters were running around with a different question: Would the Imperial Household Agency lodge an official protest with NHK and post it on its home page, as it did in 2013 after the Shukan Shincho magazine published a similar story about abdication? No protest was made, which means the NHK story was probably true. The Emperor’s subsequent prerecorded video effectively corroborated it after the fact. But who contacted NHK? Shukan Post talked to a “major newspaper source” who says he learned that only a handful of people at the public broadcaster were privy to the leak, including the reporter in charge of Imperial affairs, and that NHK’s political desk was informed just before the news was aired. The source believes it came from “a high-ranking official in the agency,” due to the fact that NHK is not the type of news outlet that would make such a report behind the agency’s back. So the real mystery is why the report was made in such a roundabout way. Yuichi Nishimura , a young constitutional scholar at Hokkaido University, told the Asahi that whoever leaked the news wanted to appear to be bypassing the Cabinet, which has authority over the Imperial Household Agency. At the time it seemed as if the government was just as surprised as the media was when the report aired. The government, which currently represents the desires of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his Liberal Democratic Party, is working to revise the Constitution, and one of the things they want to change is the status of the Emperor from a “symbol” ( shōchō ) of the state to its “sovereign head” ( genshu ), which is what he was before Japan lost World War II. Toshiya Sakiyama, a reporter who covers the Imperial household, speculated on TBS radio that the Cabinet probably knew about the Emperor’s “intentions” before the leak and did nothing to stop it, but he “can’t confirm” that supposition. In any case, if the Cabinet didn’t know about it, then it was remiss in its responsibilities, because while the Emperor’s duties are stipulated in the Constitution, those he actually performs are carried out at “the discretion of the Cabinet.” The distinction is important because the Emperor has taken his role as a symbol to heart. This is a point that has been made by overseas experts but not so much by the Japanese media. Emperor Hirohito never quite grasped what being a symbol entailed, but his son developed his own interpretation of what it means and endeavored to make the most of that role, which has involved tasks not mentioned in the Constitution. Emperor Akihito invented his job. His visit last week to Nippon Budokan Hall to express remorse for World War II is not something he’s required to do, and thus he can only do it with the permission of the Cabinet. The same goes for all those trips he and Empress Michiko have made to former battle sites to pray for those who perished in the war, not to mention visiting disaster areas to commiserate with evacuees. These “duties” ( kōmu ) are, legally speaking, not duties at all. Real kōmu are restricted to religious rituals, rubber-stamping documents and meeting foreign dignitaries. These newer tasks are simply things the Emperor wants to do, and now that he’s established a precedent in the minds of the people, he insists that his heirs continue this work, which is why he wants to step down. In order for that work to proceed smoothly, it shouldn’t be slowed down or interrupted by his own failing health and inevitable death. The Crown Prince should take over. It’s not a question of succession; it’s about productivity. The problem for the government goes beyond changing the law to allow for abdication. As Nishimura points out, this “role” the Emperor has assumed negates that of “sovereign head of state.” Though the nuance may be lost on the general population, the majority appreciates the Emperor’s interpretation of his status, which might make it difficult to change that part of the Constitution. This possibility explains the leak to NHK. Sakiyama says he received information that the announcement of the Emperor’s intention to step down was originally going to be made on the Emperor’s birthday in December, and while no one in the media has said so explicitly, the feeling is that it was moved up because of the LDP’s victory in the Upper House election in July. Before the government starts fiddling with the national charter, the Emperor wants the people involved and thus has injected his “will” into the matter. Such a scheme is clearly political and outside the Emperor’s job description, but when you create an occupation for yourself, you get to say how it’s carried out.

nhk
emperor akihito
constitution
abdication
imperial family


An awakening gives birth to modern medicine

Abstract: Illness we share with our ancestors. Diagnosis and remedies set us and them apart. Imagine yourself a Kyoto noble 1,000-odd years ago. You’re feeling unwell. “One of two things,” you muse to yourself, “either my yin-yang balance is upset, or …” The second possibility makes you shudder: “Am I possessed by an evil spirit?” Yin and yang were the elemental components of the universe: dark, moist, female yin; bright, dry, male yang. A yin-yang imbalance caused natural disasters and political upheaval in the world, disease in the body. A physician could deal with the latter. He was a sage, a learned man — learned, however, not in what we today call science but in ancient Chinese literary classics that defined health as it defined morality — a matter of being in tune with the forces of the universe. With acupuncture, moxibustion and herbal medicines he labored to restore the ailing body to its rightful universal alignment. How effective was he? The centuries and centuries it took for doubts to creep in may testify to the slowness of human intellectual progress — or it may constitute a partial rebuttal to modern medical practitioners who dismiss ancient wisdom as rubbish. When the physician failed, he made way, more or less graciously, for the exorcist. The 11th-century novel “The Tale of Genji” shows us an exorcist at work. Genji’s wife, Murasaki, is dying, possessed by the vengeful spirit of one of Genji’s past loves. At last the exorcist’s prayers prove too much for it. Subdued, the spirit cries, “You have plagued me mercilessly during all these months with your prayers and spells … and so at last I have manifested myself.” The medium, a young girl, shrieks and curses — but she’ll get over it and be fine. And Murasaki recovers, though a relapse not long afterward proves fatal. Seven hundred years later, exorcism was alive and well in the bustling new capital Edo (present-day Tokyo). A persistent blot on the Buddhist respect for life that somehow survived centuries of civil war is the casual ease with which parents aborted or murdered unwanted children. The first Europeans to visit Japan — 16th-century Christian missionaries — were shocked by it. The current euphemisms were kaesu and modosu — “sending back.” Children under 7, it was held, had yet to acquire a soul. You can justify anything, it seems, with a little philosophy and religion. A popular exorcist of the early 18th century was a monk named Yuten, whose clientele ranged the social spectrum from the merest commoners all the way up to the mother of the shogun. Historian Beatrice Bodart-Bailey explains: “In his most famous cases young women are haunted by the women and children their fathers had murdered or caused to be aborted, crimes that went unacknowledged (and) unpunished. The women fall ill and are deemed possessed on reaching the age where they might well experience the same cruelties their fathers had inflicted upon other women. … The priest Yuten was exceptional in going beyond the religious conventions of his times, recognizing the trauma caused to women by the violence inflicted on their bodies and their children. … The person deemed possessed returns to normal health once the crime is acknowledged and atoned for” through ritual and prayer. To heal the human body you have to know the human body. That seems a truism, and yet, in Japan as in the West, it had to be fought for; its acceptance marks the birth of modern medicine. Dissections of criminals and rebels occurred fitfully in ancient China. The primitive anatomical charts that resulted were brought to Japan in the 14th century by a monk-physician named Kajiwara Shozen. But it was an ugly business, with grim theological overtones. Buddhism in Japan, like Christianity in the West, saw in it a violation of life’s sacredness. Texts, venerable and revered, were the preferred sources of knowledge — Confucian in Japan, ancient Greek and Roman in Europe. Blood and guts were for the lowly, not for scholars. In Japan, the lowly who handled the blood and guts were the eta , the despised outcasts of old Japan. They did society’s filthiest work. They were butchers, tanners, executioners — and dissectionists. Medical students had to see some viscera, after all. They watched while, for their benefit, the eta cut open the bodies of executed criminals. In 1771, a budding physician named Sugita Gempaku happened upon a Western book on anatomy in Nagasaki, a Dutch translation of a German text written in 1731. “I couldn’t read a word, of course,” Sugita later wrote, “but the drawings of the viscera, bones and muscles were quite unlike anything I had seen before, and I realized that they must have been drawn from life.” This itself was a major leap forward. Later Sugita attended a dissection. The dissectionist was a 90-year-old eta who had been doing this sort of thing all his life. He “would point to a certain part he had exposed,” Sugita wrote, “and inform the spectators that it was the lungs or that another organ was the kidneys.” “Since of course,” he comments sarcastically, “the name of the organ was not written on it, the spectator would have to content himself with whatever the eta told him.” Sugita at that point did something simple and marvelous. He compared the exposed viscera to the diagrams in his newly procured book — and discovered “that everything was exactly as depicted.” Classical Chinese medicine had received a blow from which it never recovered. An amazing man, Sugita. Not knowing a word of Dutch, he and his friends made up their minds to translate the book into Japanese. It took years, but they did it. A generation later a disciple assessed the achievement: “For long years we have been imitating (China), senselessly delighting in their ways without thinking of anything else. This has led to our excessive stupidity … and to a limitation to the knowledge we have gained with our eyes and ears.”


The content of culture: In Osaka, who should pay?

Abstract: A report released by a Kansai business group earlier this month notes the amounts for the art and culture budgets of Osaka prefecture and Osaka city are well below national averages on a per person level, and has a lot of tongues wagging about Osaka being run by a bunch of philistines. That’s nothing new among local cynics who guffaw when Osaka Gov. Ichiro Matsui puts ice cubes in his red wine (to freshen up that old Chateau Margaux). But it at least shows that influential Osakans are worried about being perceived as rubes even though one can usually, and with corporate and government official statements virtually always, replace the word “important” with “money-making schemes” and not risk being seriously misunderstood. One of the more nontraditional ways in which culture is important to local governments around Japan is the promotion of what is known as contents tourism. Trying to define what constitutes contents tourism can be a bit tricky, but it often evolves from a desire to visit somewhere based on a pop culture image and includes things such as traveling to the location of a popular film or television series, or perhaps visiting the old haunts of a now famous singer Last month at Hokkaido University, a British Association of Japanese Studies meeting discussed contents tourism in Japan. One of the messages was that organic, local and individual efforts toward providing tourists with good experiences based on their images of a certain place are often preferable to the heavily top-down administrative efforts of “local cultural promotion” that so many bureaucratic types, especially in Osaka, have long advocated. Another presentation looked at issues local governments face when confronted with the arrival of massive cruise ships, filled with 4,000 foreign tourists who need to go through immigration and customs and who may only have a limited time onshore to shop and sightsee. Given the central government’s basic policy toward cruise ships is to welcome all who come, this can sometimes put a strain on smaller port cities that have limited manpower, and can impact the overall tourism experience. Though the meeting did not address the issue, the policy also raises security questions at a time when too many officials (and media) seem to think terrorists would only enter Japan through a half dozen major international airports. For Osaka, though, contents tourism and the various possibilities it presents are things that don’t seem to be all that prominent in the minds of local political leaders. There is an attitude of “if contents tourism is important, let private firms pay for the facilities and promotional efforts because it’s a waste of government money otherwise.” The possibility that properly done contents tourism activities can be important for the local tax base seems to have escaped them. To be sure, local government funding for traditional Japanese culture (in Osaka, that would be bunraku, kabuki and manzai comedy) as well as long-established forms of Western culture (local symphony orchestras, ballet troupes and art museums featuring international exhibitions) is critical. It’s to the credit of Osaka’s more enlightened residents that they were able to ensure Matsui and his allies didn’t entirely eliminate the arts and culture budget altogether. But in the battle over the future funding of culture, Osaka’s corporate and government leaders need to be more creative and flexible. Especially when it comes to thinking about funding a long-term contents tourism strategy that promotes a form of culture they may know little about. As a merchant town, Osaka’s leaders too often assume that if culture is made to become profitable it can also become important. They have it backward. If it’s considered important, culture can become profitable — and in ways corporate and government philistines have never dreamed of.


Single mothers courted to plug Japan's local labor gaps

Abstract: Owing to various social, cultural and legal factors, single-parent households, in particular those headed by women, remain one of the poorest demographics in Japan. In recent years, the domestic media has been paying more attention to single mothers in light of the government’s pledge to make women “shine,” especially in the workplace. The labor ministry is set to release the latest results of its five-year survey of families, but in 2011, the last time they released results, there were 1.238 million single mothers in Japan whose average income was ¥2.23 million, and that includes government benefits and child support if the woman happens to be divorced. That amount represents about half the median income in Japan. What’s important to remember is that more than 80 percent of these women are employed, but the average income for single mothers is just ¥1.8 million a year. According to a Cabinet survey, 51 percent of single-mother households fall below the poverty line. The problem appears to be obvious: These women have to raise families and make a living all by themselves, and some employers are not sympathetic to their special circumstances. However, with regional areas losing population and certain employment sectors seeing huge deficits in personnel, some groups are trying to attract single mothers with offers that take their special circumstances into consideration. A recent article in the Tokyo edition of the Asahi Shimbun described a “social welfare corporation” in Machida, western Tokyo, that is specifically looking for single mothers as caregivers at the corporation’s nursing homes. The corporation, Gashoen, receives money from government programs to help run their facilities but has a problem with high turnover. Gashoen recently completed construction of a two-story, 200-square-meter employee dormitory where single-parent families can live. The dorm is in the style of a “share house,” with a common kitchen and living-dining area and isolated 20-sq.-meter bedrooms for the employees and their children. The dormitory is located three minutes on foot from the nursing home where the women would work. An elementary school is nearby as well as child day care centers. Up to five single-mother families can live in the dormitory. Rent is fixed at ¥45,000 a month, including utilities. Gashoen’s president told the Asahi that single mothers usually don’t like caregiving jobs because shifts tend to be irregular and they can’t take time off when a child-related emergency happens. Consequently, shifts at Gashoen’s nursing homes are fixed. Also, the nursing homes have play areas where employees can bring their children while they work if they have no other place to leave them and, in the case of an emergency, Gashoen staffers are dispatched to assist with employees’ children. They are also on hand to take care of kids right after an employee’s shift in order to allow single-mothers some time to themselves. “We’ve created an environment where single mothers can live independently,” the president said. “We want to provide them with an alternative to just receiving welfare.” Some local governments in rural areas are also soliciting single-parent households. In line with the central government’s scheme to “revitalize” regional towns and cities, local governments need to attract people from places like Tokyo. Single-parent households are especially appealing since they automatically come with children. Officials of Hamada, Shimane Prefecture, for instance, provide subsidies to single-parent families who profess a willingness to settle down in their city. The main condition is that the family comes from outside the prefecture. On top of that, children must be high school age or younger. Single mothers are offered work at nursing care facilities in the city, and will receive training, meaning that women with no experience are welcome. During the training period, the applicant receives a stipend of ¥150,000 a month. The city also will pay half her rent up to a maximum of ¥20,000 a month, as well as a “preparation allowance” that covers incidental expenses such as moving fees and deposits for housing. Niigata has a similar program that is prefecture-wide. For single-parent families who pledge to move to Niigata, the prefecture will provide up to ¥150,000 in moving expenses, education subsidies of up to ¥30,000 a month for children of high school age and even government-backed loans for children of college age. The single parent, in fact, is not required to start paying back the loan until her income rises above ¥3 million a year. If the single parent takes a job in a caregiving facility, she will also be eligible for other grants. Ueda, Nagano Prefecture, is supporting single-parent migration for a different reason. Ueda is famous for its Kakeyu hot spring, but due to a serious lack of manpower, various businesses cannot stay solvent. Some inns have gone out of business. Last week, Mainichi Shimbun profiled a local restaurant owner, Chizuko Iketa, who has been traveling to Tokyo to solicit single mothers to move to Kakeyu and settle down with their children. Using their own revitalization funds from the government, Iketa and her group, called Bambiyu, have so far paid for four single mothers to come to Ueda and reside there temporarily “to see what it’s like.” If they do like it, they will get jobs at local businesses. Kakeyu’s main appeal to these women is its “culture of mutual support.” Neighbors watch one another’s children, share food and information, and organically cultivate a community-based support system. “We cannot provide a lot in the way of money,” Iketa told the Mainichi, “but we think single mothers can raise their children here much more easily than in a big city.” They have limited their solicitations to single mothers with children of elementary school age or younger, since another reason for inviting single-mother families is to bring more young people to town who have a chance of staying there permanently. Bambiyu works to match recruits with employers, which range from tourist industry businesses to care providers, and looks for rental properties that accept single-parent families. With a level playing field and proper consideration given to the special needs of their families, single mothers should be able to make enough of a living to support themselves and their children, but as it stands many have to work multiple jobs just to get by. The aforementioned schemes are, of course, designed to be beneficial to employers, though Gashoen has won several business awards for its single-mother employment program. The point is to make it work for everyone.


Taiwan police take aim at Pokemon gamers driven to distraction

Abstract: Taipei - The launch of the “Pokemon Go” game in Taiwan has sparked a sharp rise in traffic violations by commuters using their smartphones to play while driving. Authorities have issued 1,210 tickets for smartphone use in traffic between last Saturday, when the game was released in Taiwan, and Monday. More than 1,100 of the tickets were dished out to scooter riders. “The whole country is using their smartphones like crazy playing this internet game,” said Yen San-lung, head of law enforcement in the traffic division of Taipei’s police department. Police have warned gamers against playing in traffic, issuing fines of 3,000 New Taiwan dollars ($95) for car drivers, while scooter riders face a NTD 1,000 ($32) ticket, according to media reports. “When driving, it’s easy to be distracted when using your mobile phone and this causes accidents. So the police will enhance efforts to fine drivers who use their mobile phones,” Yen said. Game players use mobile devices to search for virtual Pokemon characters that appear to pop up at places where people are known to gather, including offices, restaurants and museums. Authorities in Taiwan have urged gamers to resist the urge to play in certain locations, most notably Taiwan’s presidential palace and the National Palace Museum. At the Taipei Zoo, many visitors could be seen using their phones instead of looking at the animals. Many of the enclosures house virtual Pokemon characters along with real creatures. Chen Ting-ju said her boyfriend kept playing during their visit to the zoo. “I’m very dissatisfied because from the moment we entered he started to take out his phone and play. Play, play, play nonstop,” Chen said.


Terror financing laws limited by burden of proof

Abstract: Last month it was revealed that a Bangladeshi former associate professor at Kyoto’s Ritsumeikan University was wanted by police for his suspected involvement in the Dhaka terrorist attack that killed 20 people in a cafe, including seven Japanese. Mohammad Saifullah Ozaki had been teaching business administration but disappeared from Japan sometime last year. He was finally fired in March. Police in both countries are investigating whether Ozaki sent money to groups with suspected Islamic State links. While there is growing attention in Japan on physically preventing terrorist attacks, especially ahead of the Tokyo 2020 Olympics, this case shows how funding from Japan to suspected terrorists abroad is also a problem. Japan has laws to halt terrorism funding, but are they sufficient? What are the main laws used to block fund transfers to terrorist organizations abroad? In November 2014, Japan passed three bills to crack down on terrorism funding and money laundering. Two of the three amended the Terrorism Financing Act, established in 2002, and the law on the Prevention of the Transfer of Criminal Proceeds. The third is designed to freeze terrorist assets by criminalizing the provision of direct or indirect financing to terrorists, including goods and real estate. It also allows the government to freeze assets quickly and requires both the financial and nonfinancial sectors to practice better due diligence on customers by forcing them to adopt better security processes and procedures. The laws were enacted in response to international criticism that Japan drags its feet on terrorist financing. After the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks in New York and Washington D.C., the Financial Action Task Force was set up under the OECD to combat money laundering and terrorist financing. In its June 2014 report, it expressed concern about Japan’s “continued failure to remedy the numerous and serious deficiencies” in tackling the issue. Curbing all forms of such financing continues to be a big issue when the world’s financial and central bank chiefs meet. Koji Kanazawa, a lawyer with Tokyo-based Chuo Sogo Law Office P.C. who is licensed to practice in Japan and New York, said the new laws are important as they criminalize all assets, not just money. Financing that provides land, buildings, goods, and services to those who intend to commit terrorist acts is now illegal. How are the laws applied? The original 2002 terrorism financing law was intended to punish the funding of offenses constituting “public intimidation,” or those committed with the intent to make a threat to the public, the State or a local public entity, or a foreign government, municipality or any other organization established on the ground of an international agreement. Specific examples cited by the act include the murder or injury of people via lethal weapons, capturing or abducting them, or taking them hostage. It also outlaws attacks on airplanes, ships, roads, parks, trains and bus stations, as well as infrastructure including natural gas and nuclear power facilities. The new laws are applied to parties identified by the United Nations Security Council as connected to terrorist groups. At present, Japan has frozen the financial assets of 394 individuals and 80 organizations the U.N. has found linked to the Taliban, al-Qaida and ISIL (also known as the Islamic State group or Daesh). The assets of another seven individuals and 18 groups linked to other terrorists and terrorist groups have also been frozen, the Foreign Ministry said. What are laws’ weaknesses? First and foremost is the difficulty of confirming that money sent from an account in Japan actually ended up in the hands of an individual or organization on a terrorist watch list. The sophistication of international financing for terrorist networks is such that distinguishing between transfers to a legitimate account (say, for a relative, charity or family business) is extremely difficult. This is so even with the best of cooperation and the investigative resources needed from authorities in Japan and overseas. Kanazawa also said the laws require that those providing the financing had intended to facilitate terrorist acts. This could be difficult to prove in court if there is no evidence that said financing relates directly to terrorist attacks. But he noted that the second of the two amendments to the 2002 law, the one that cracks down on transferring criminal proceeds, takes effect in October. This will require Japanese banks and financial institutions to increase their scrutiny of customers.


'Pokemon Go'-like app allows living to plan missives from beyond the grave

Abstract: Now that the explosive popularity of “Pokemon Go” has brought augmented reality technology within the reach of ordinary people, a tombstone company in Chiba Prefecture is taking it beyond the grave. By allowing people to “catch” pre-recorded video messages from the departed in cemeteries, the firm hopes to create an effect similar to snagging Pokemon characters, but with a more personal touch. Yoshiyuki Katori, president of Ryoshin Sekizai in Katori, Chiba, said the firm’s new app, named “Spot message,” realizes his longtime dream of preserving memories of the deceased for the living. “My uncle, who ran a paint store, died eight years ago after he fell from a tall structure at work,” said Katori, 33. “His death was so sudden, and it shattered the lives of his family. I also respected him a lot, so I would often visit his grave, consulting with him in my mind whenever I had issues concerning my business. I wondered how comforting it would be if he could talk to me at his grave, with messages like ‘How are you doing?’ and ‘Hang in there.’ ” Katori then came up with the idea of using augmented reality to plant video messages from the dead at their resting places and other locations dear to them. The concept mixes virtual images with real-life landscapes captured by the camera of a smartphone or tablet. The web-based service targets people who want to prepare videos and photos to be shown to their families and close friends after they die, Katori said. But the service can also be used for other purposes: A husband could, for example, leave a surprise message at the spot where he proposed, to be picked up by his wife on their anniversary. Or, people could prepare congratulatory messages for friends who are climbing mountains, to be retrieved at the summit, he said. Anyone can use the service for free by downloading the app, registering with the firm and submitting up to 10 messages. Paying members can store larger amounts of data on the firm’s cloud servers and can keep up to 30 messages and share them with up to 200 people for a monthly fee. The timing of the app’s launch — just one month after the release of Pokemon Go — is purely coincidental, Katori said, but he is sure that now is the prime time to market the service. More than 100 people downloaded the “Spot message” app in just one day since the Android version’s launch on Monday, he said. A version for iPhone will be available in early September.


Nebraska man in boxer shorts jumps fence, crashes pickup into plane

Abstract: MILWAUKEE - A man was arrested after he stripped down to his boxer shorts, scaled a fence and rammed a pickup truck into a Southwest Airlines plane parked at Eppley Airfield on Thursday in Omaha, Nebraska, police said. Two crew members suffered minor injuries on the Southwest flight, bound for Denver, as passengers were boarding at 9:30 p.m. when the man drove the truck into the plane’s nose gear, said Omaha Airport Authority Chief of Police Tim Connahan. One of the 18 passengers on board was also injured in the incident, the airline said in a statement. The unidentified man was taken into custody and there was no suggestion the incident was an act of extremism, Connahan said. He said airport security personnel had noticed a man “acting in a bizarre manner” near the perimeter of the airport. The man then stripped down to his boxer shorts, climbed over a fence and ran onto an airport runway as officers gave chase. The man then jumped into a parked truck, which had its engine running, and drove it into the nose gear of the plane. He was then apprehended by police, Connahan said.


WWII veteran, 93, finishes run across America

Abstract: ST., SIMON'S ISLAND GEORGIA - After two years and 10 months, 93-year-old Ernie Andrus has made it across America. The World War II veteran dipped his toes in the Atlantic Ocean Saturday morning, ending a cross-country run that started in San Diego. Local media reported that Andrus was surrounded by hundreds of people including family members and friends who have joined him at different parts along his journey. He started his trek Oct. 7, 2013 on the sands of San Diego, weaving his way over the months and years through the southern United States until he reached St. Simon’s Island in Georgia on Saturday morning. “Oh, it’s great,” Andrus told The Brunswick News after the run was over. “I’m glad to have finished and met the goal. But I wish it wasn’t over.” People traveled from as far away as Arizona and New York to be there at the end of his journey. A marching band welcomed him, and the crowds shouted his name. “All these people, it’s so wonderful,” he said. “This is great, this is the biggest crowd I have had, ever.” John and Michelle Crosby met Andrus when he ran through Madisonville, Louisiana, last year and went on to accompany him on 15 legs of his journey, including his trek through Mobile, Alabama, in February. Along the way they have helped him with police escorts. But this was the first time they had seen him since Mobile. Mobile City Councilman John Williams met Andrus when he ran into the district Williams represents. “It didn’t take long after his arrival to know we had a special person in our city,” Williams told AL.com . Andrus turned 93 on Friday. He was running to raise money to return a WWII-era ship in Indiana to Normandy, France, for the 75th anniversary of the D-Day landing. He was a medic on a similar ship during the war. Now that this epic run is finished, Andrus has already planned a new adventure. He’s going to drive his motor home to Alaska where his stepdaughter lives and drive the Alaska Highway.


Osaka urged to spend more on arts ahead of Olympic extravaganza

Abstract: OSAKA - A call by an influential Kansai business group for the Osaka prefectural and municipal governments to increase their budgets for art and culture has sparked debate between the governor and business circles over how to best do that. Earlier this month, the Kansai Association of Corporate Executives issued a formal appeal for both local governments to put more money into artistic and cultural events and activities, saying that, compared with what other governments are spending, the current amount is quite low. “The private sector will do what it can. But we want Osaka Prefecture and the city of Osaka to increase their budgets,” said Tomohisa Sakai, head of the association’s art and culture committee, at a news conference announcing the appeal. In fiscal 2014, the prefectural art and culture budget was ¥703 million, according to the association. That works out to about ¥79 per resident in a prefecture with a population of about 8.84 million people. By contrast, Tokyo’s 13.5 million residents were paying ¥1,127 each for the capital’s art and culture budget. In Kansai, adjacent Kyoto Prefecture, with a population of 2.6 million, had an art and culture budget that worked out to ¥254 per resident. And Nara, with a population of about 1.36 million, had an art and prefecture budget that amounted to ¥708 per person. The nationwide average for all 47 prefectures was about ¥600. A comparison of municipal art and culture budgets in 20 major cities shows that residents of Osaka, with a population of 2.7 million, were paying about ¥814 each for the art and culture budget. Only Okayama, with a population of 720,000, was spending less (¥562) on the arts. The average among the 20 cities was ¥2,179 per person. Sakai acknowledged that a major problem for all local governments in funding arts and culture was that artists, musicians and those involved with cultural events, as well as the audiences supporting them, often end up moving to Tokyo after getting locally established. “But Osaka should at least increase per-capita spending to the national average,” Sakai said. Osaka Prefecture’s low expenditure is largely a reflection of the low number of concert halls and facilities it owns. Toyama Prefecture (population 1 million), where per capita spending is officially ¥5,382, or the city of Sapporo (population 1.9 million), where the budget works out to ¥9,042 per resident, spend much of their “arts budgets” on things like building new facilities or maintaining ones they already have. In Osaka Prefecture, private firms are far more invested in theaters, concert halls and art galleries. This is by design. Since 2008, when Toru Hashimoto and his allies in Osaka Ishin no Kai, including current Osaka Gov. Ichiro Matsui, came to power, many artistic and cultural projects and organizations long funded by taxpayers were shut down, eliminated, forced to merge, or told they had to find other sources of private funding because neither the prefecture nor the city could afford to continue subsidizing them. In their appeal this month, the Kansai association called upon the private sector to make better use of its cultural facilities, but at the same time asked the prefecture and the city to build new facilities as needed. The central government, through the Cabinet Office and the Cultural Affairs Agency, has already launched plans for promoting cultural programs throughout the country following the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. As Osaka hopes to host the 2025 World Expo and there are still senior corporate leaders and politicians who want to host a Summer Olympics, the appeal from the Kansai Association of Corporate Executives is as much about ensuring Tokyo’s support and possible funding for major future international events in Osaka as it is about increasing the number of noh or kabuki performances, or community art festivals and music concerts. “The 2020 Olympics are an excellent opportunity to broadcast Osaka to the world and to establish a ‘cultural creation city’ for the mid-21st century,” the appeal read. Gov. Matsui, however, was defensive in his reaction to the appeal. “You can’t just simply compare the spending in different prefectures on the arts because if you look at other prefectures, you see that they’re spending a lot of money on managing and maintaining facilities that they own. If you eliminate the funds used by other prefectures just for these expenses, the amount of money Osaka Prefecture spends per resident on arts and culture isn’t that low by comparison,” Matsui said. “The association’s recommendations were based on figures that come from data compiled by the Cultural Affairs Agency. But each prefecture has different costs for managing and maintaining its art and cultural facilities. I have to wonder if (the agency’s calculation) isn’t a negative campaign against Osaka culture and Osaka itself,” he added. Over the coming months, however, senior business leaders are expected to continue to pressure Matsui to increase next year’s art and culture budget. But at the same time, Sakai said there were more practical things the prefecture and city could do to expand local arts and culture, including making it easier for people to register to use parks and public spaces for cultural events. Given Matsui’s reluctance to spend lots of money on arts and culture, and his interest in cutting bureaucratic red tape, this suggestion appears to be more likely to be accepted sooner than later.

osaka
arts
business
budget
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ichiro matsui


Osaka Ishin tactics strike chord with Koike but will LDP stand idly by?

Abstract: OSAKA - Is the Tokyo Metropolitan Government about to adopt Osaka’s approach to local government reform, leading to an Osaka-centric political party expanding its influence to the nation’s capital? The very thought might make proud Tokyoites shudder (and proud Osakans smirk or shake their heads in wonder). But comments by Tokyo’s new governor, Yuriko Koike, herself from the Kansai region, and senior Osaka Ishin no Kai officials over the past few weeks have created intense speculation that cooperation between her and Osaka Ishin is a real possibility. Koike’s promises of reform and cost-cutting, and her confrontation with Tokyo assembly members backed by the Liberal Democratic Party, which refused to support her candidacy, echo the situation in Osaka in 2008, when then-Gov. Toru Hashimoto challenged the establishment, took control and forced through numerous cost-cutting measures and bureaucratic reforms that were staunchly opposed by the local chapter of the LDP. Hashimoto’s efforts led his allies among reform-minded LDP members to quit and form their own local political party, which eventually won a plurality, but not a majority, of seats in the Osaka prefectural and municipal assemblies. Hashimoto and his friends then formed the national party now known as Osaka Ishin no Kai. On July 31, following Koike’s victory, Osaka Ishin Secretary-General Nobuyuki Baba told the media that if Koike is really serious about undertaking major reforms in Tokyo’s government, his party would be interested in cooperating with her in next year’s assembly election if she needs friendly candidates. A few days later, Koike said that the reform policies of Osaka Ishin mirrored her own ideas for Tokyo, and that she hoped to learn from the various reforms the prefecture and the city of Osaka enacted under Hashimoto, who served as governor and then mayor. Koike has already reached out to friends of Osaka Ishin. During last month’s race for Tokyo governor, she received the support of Nagoya Mayor Takashi Kawamura, who heads Genzei Nippon, a Nagoya-based political group that favors low taxes. Kawamura has had an on-again, off-again relationship with Osaka Ishin’s leadership over the years, but is generally seen as a political ally and an ideological soulmate. In addition, the Tokyo governor has already appointed to her administration someone who is close to Hashimoto and Ishin. Keio University professor Shinichi Ueyama, an expert on government reform, was called “Hashimoto’s brain” for his various ideas how to cut costs and trim the bureaucracy. For Osaka Ishin, a possible political tie-up with Koike, especially if it leads to forming her own political party that fields candidates in next year’s assembly election, offers great risks and great rewards. Following the Upper House election last month, Osaka Ishin increased its seat total to 12. But it has failed to make much headway outside Osaka, partially due to its name, which is expected be changed to Nippon Ishin no Kai on Tuesday. On the other hand, the risk for Osaka Ishin is that it ends up backing Koike, only to see her efforts go down in defeat at the hands of a furious LDP and create problems between senior LDP figures and the party. Osaka Ishin co-founder and Osaka Gov. Ichiro Matsui, who has especially good relations with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga, has been more cautious in his statements about Koike. “It’s easy to talk about reform, but once you begin, you find all sorts of opposition. We are extremely interested in how such opposition is handled, and we’ll be watching carefully,” Matsui said earlier this month when asked about how he viewed Koike’s victory.