LA Times,em 2000,contou minha história,que o drama atual de Freixo reedita
Autor: Luiz Eduardo Soares | Publicado: 2011-11-01T13:10:00-07:00

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A Case Study in the Power of Brazil's Corrupt Cops

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Monday, June 12, 2000

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; A Case Study in the Power of Brazil's Corrupt Cops
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The official who sought to reform the force in Rio de Janeiro state is 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; now living in exile in New York.


By SEBASTIAN ROTELLA, Times Staff Writer

&nbsp;-------------FOTO---------------
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Luiz Eduardo Soares, shown in New York City, accuses Rio's governor 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; of dropping reform efforts in favor of political ambitions. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; CARMEN MENDEZ/For The Times____________________________&nbsp;

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; NEW YORK--A cold spring rain blows through the high-rise canyons, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; making Luiz Eduardo Soares feel even farther from Rio de Janeiro.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Shoulders hunched in his leather jacket, the bearded 46-year-old 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Brazilian walks the streets hunting for an apartment, rebuilding his life 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; in the anonymity of exile. After 15 months leading Brazil's most ambitious 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; attempt at police reform in memory, he once again has time to read, write 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; and reflect.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares remains first and foremost a scholar, despite his explosive 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; accusations against fellow police officials in Rio and his harrowing 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; clandestine departure from Brazil in March. He has written eight books and 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; has degrees in anthropology, sociology, political science and philosophy.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; When he recounts his odyssey of death threats, wiretapped phones and 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 30 bodyguards protecting him from his own officers, he sounds like a 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; philosopher-cop. He quotes Holocaust survivor and novelist Primo Levi on 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "the terror of uncertainty" to explain why some inhabitants of Rio's slums 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; prefer drug lords to marauding police. He describes the nightmarish 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; station-house bureaucracy like this: "If Hegel had been a Brazilian 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; policeman, he would have never achieved synthesis. He would still be lost 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; in the endless labyrinth of procedures."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Like many left-leaning Brazilian intellectuals, Soares has dedicated 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; his talents to questions of crime and justice. In a region where violence 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; and impunity are endemic, the political challenge is reforming renegade 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; police forces whose power poses a threat to democracy much as the Latin 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; American militaries of decades past did.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "When we talk about changing the police, we are talking about the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; future of democracy itself," Soares said in a recent interview in a 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; restaurant in Manhattan.
&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;In late 1998, Gov. Anthony Garotinho, a charismatic young politician 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; with presidential aspirations, made Soares his point man on justice issues 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Soares was to deliver on Garotinho's major 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; campaign promise: a law enforcement policy that would be progressive and 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; aggressive.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The moment seemed right: a popular politician, a top-notch brain 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; trust, a crime rate that had dipped enough to open a window for change.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In a sadly familiar denouement, however, Soares now accuses the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; governor of allying himself with a gangster cabal of police commanders 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; known as "the Rotten Bunch." The governor, who denies the allegations, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; fired Soares as state public security coordinator in March.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "At first, Garotinho wanted to support the reforms as a whole," 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares said. "But then he realized the best thing would be to have all the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; projects in place but not go forward on them to avoid confrontations with 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; the police. His obsession was to be the next president. Everything would 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; have to be subordinate to the electoral timetable for 2003."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; If that is true, the governor joined the ranks of politicians in 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; other Brazilian states who have capitulated to threats, police strikes and 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; rebellions, and even police-induced crime waves. Although Brazil is a 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; healthy democracy in many respects, the seeming omnipotence of police 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; forces in such political clashes shows that the power of civilian leaders 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; has alarming limits.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "The police in any given state have the power to destabilize, to 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; bring the state government to its knees," said independent human rights 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; advocate James Cavallaro, until recently the representative of Human 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Rights Watch in Brazil. "It's a form of a coup."


&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Debate Where Once There Was None
&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Nonetheless, Cavallaro and others say, Soares pushed the issue to the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; forefront of the political debate.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "He had an incredible year because he created an agenda for police 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; which was not there before in terms of very concrete institutional 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; changes," said Rubem Cesar Fernandes, a sociologist who founded the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; influential Viva Rio civic coalition with Soares seven years ago.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The repercussions continue. A special state commission is 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; investigating the charges Soares filed in March against top commanders, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; including current chief Rafik Louzada.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Among the alleged crimes: "selling" lucrative police districts to 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; aspiring commanders, taking payoffs from all-powerful drug and gambling 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; mafias, releasing criminals in exchange for bribes, and wiretapping. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Numerous officers have been charged, disciplined or investigated in 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; several ongoing probes of the investigative, or "civil," police, which in 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Brazil is separate from the uniformed patrol force.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In a toughly worded editorial in April, the Jornal do Brasil 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; newspaper called for the chief's ouster, declaring, "The governor . . . 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; keeps a man in command of the police about whom doubts are accumulating."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Nonetheless, Gov. Garotinho stands by Chief Louzada. The governor 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; insists that the cleanup has not suffered since Soares' departure. While 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; giving his former aide credit for designing the reforms, Garotinho says 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares was an inexperienced administrator who was not up to the massive 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; task of transforming police culture.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "It is not true that there is any kind of alliance with the so-called 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Rotten Bunch--our government has always, and he knows this, insisted on 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; cleaning up the police," Garotinho declared in his written responses to 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; questions from The Times. "[Soares] did not have the patience to see the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; reforms become concrete."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The governor's popularity remains an impressive 71%, down from 78% in 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; September. He is 40, a former champion chess player and a member of the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; evangelical Christian community, whose clout is growing in Brazil. His 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; undeclared campaign for the presidency is progressing at full steam.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; If he indeed runs for the office, however, his law enforcement woes 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; are likely to receive renewed national attention. Critics say the governor 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; and Soares failed to recognize that police corruption is integral to a 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; profoundly corrupt political structure in the state of Rio, which has a 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; population of about 12.5 million.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "All this was an electoral facade, and Luiz Eduardo allowed himself 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; to be the governor's propaganda boy," declared state legislator Helio Luz, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; a 25-year police veteran who was a reformist chief from 1995 to 1997. "The 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Rotten Bunch in the police is not autonomous. In reality, the Rotten Bunch 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; is the Brazilian state itself."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The problems of police in Brazil go back to the force's 19th century 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; origins as the palace guard of the emperor, Luz said. Its role ever since 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; has been to protect the elite against the masses, he said.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Recently, the special commission announced it had not turned up 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; evidence to implicate or exonerate the officials accused by Soares. The 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; probe was extended for 120 days, but complaints that commissioners lack 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; basic investigative powers have worsened fears of a whitewash in the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; making.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Although critics suggest Soares was a bookworm overwhelmed by gritty 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; realities, the man whom the police called "Professor" comes off as both 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; cerebral and streetwise. He has the engaging good humor of a Rio native, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; or Carioca. Only the weariness of his eyes and the relentless flow of his 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; ideas hint at the obsessive battles he fought.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; As a student in the 1970s, Soares was active in resistance against 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; the military dictatorship. He says his scholarly epiphany came a few years 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; ago when he studied with Stanford professor Richard Rorty, a noted 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; philosopher.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares helped fellow academic Fernandes found Viva Rio in the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; bullet-riddled early '90s, bringing together intellectuals and civic 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; leaders who wanted to save the city from lawlessness. They felt the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; political left could no longer either romanticize or ignore crime while 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; yearning for enlightened economic policies that would bring peace to the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; streets.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The chemistry in early 1998 when Soares met Garotinho, then a 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; candidate, was immediate. The two wrote a book on public safety that 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; became the centerpiece of the campaign. It was clear from the start of the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; governor's term that Soares was in charge of law enforcement matters, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; though he was officially subordinate to the top official in the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; secretariat of public safety. Soares said he and the governor talked on an 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; almost daily basis.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Crime had declined when the new team took office in January of last 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; year. Homicides had dropped 30% from their peak in 1994 but remained 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; alarmingly high at 47 per 100,000 inhabitants--about five times the rate 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; in Los Angeles.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The two police forces, which together total about 40,000 officers, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; had veered from attempted reform to old-fashioned militarism. The previous 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; public safety chief, a retired army general, scoffed openly at human 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; rights groups and paid his officers "bravery" bonuses for shooting 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; suspects. Individual police knew a lot about the underworld, sometimes 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; because they were in cahoots with crooks, but the institution was in dire 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; need of information, analysis and intelligence-gathering.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The "culture of planning" that Soares introduced mixed common sense 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; and ideas based on reforms around the world. Copying a breakthrough in New 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; York City, he initiated regular meetings among commanders to analyze 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; trends and map strategy. He poured resources into training, technology, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; internal affairs and unprecedented programs to protect women (headed by 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; his wife, Barbara, also an academic), blacks, street children and gays.


&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Making Stations Less Threatening
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; A major innovation was the Delegacia Legal, or "Cool Police Station," 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; program. In Brazilian slang, legal also means "cool." The idea was to make 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; civil police stations professional and presentable and therefore less 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; threatening.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Traditionally, a crime victim venturing into a station was likely to 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; encounter a hostile, lethargic, perhaps even shirtless detective working 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; at a typewriter in a sweaty cavern. The stations invariably echoed with 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; the menacing clamor of crammed lockups functioning as miniature prisons.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Investigations often began a full week after a reported crime. To use 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares' word, the 121 stations were an "archipelago" of isolated fiefdoms 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; with their own arcane rules and procedures. Commanders were feudal barons 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; who got rich negotiating the outcome of cases with suspects and jailhouse 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; privileges with inmates, he says.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares decided to overhaul the stations one by one; 40 model stations 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; are scheduled to be completed by the end of this year. The 64 procedural 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; manuals were condensed into six. Hardened inmates were transferred to new 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; facilities. University students were hired as receptionists. Computer 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; specialists designed a computer grid to connect stations and enable 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; centralized monitoring of cases.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The uniformed police were generally receptive, Soares said, but the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; resistance in the civil police was immediate. The governor backed Soares 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; in his first skirmish, dismissing a hostile public safety secretary in 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; April of last year.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Meanwhile, Rio experienced high-profile killings that Soares and his 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; advisors suspected were part of a plot to sabotage them. The eight 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; slayings appeared to be random, and some--such as a drive-by shooting 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; outside a soccer game--seemed designed to cause an uproar. Proving a 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; conspiracy, however, was difficult.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares, the father of two college-age daughters, also received 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; telephone death threats. In August, Garotinho got a tip that a rogue 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; police group was planning a campaign of bloodshed, with Soares and the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; governor as the top targets. Both men beefed up their security details.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The year-end crime statistics were mixed. Officer-involved shootings 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; and bank robberies were down, crimes resulting in death had stayed about 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; the same, and street robberies and auto thefts were up.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Overall, Soares felt vindicated because crime had not worsened 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; dramatically amid the sometimes traumatic reorganization. And, he says, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; his team was more honest about statistics, publicizing voluminous data and 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; junking a practice of manipulating numbers with categories such as 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "suspicious deaths."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In December, however, the governor shocked Soares by appointing 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Louzada to run the civil police over his objections that the new chief was 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; corrupt. The governor replied that the suspicions were unfounded and that 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; the veteran detective had political support and a track record of results, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares said.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares almost resigned, but "I thought it would be irresponsible to 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; quit. There was so much work invested, so much hope in the society. I 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; thought I could fight back. But from that moment on, the trust was gone 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; with the governor."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The definitive break came soon. Soares clashed publicly with 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Garotinho over a curious case in which a wealthy documentary filmmaker 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; paid a youthful drug trafficker to abandon his violent ways and write a 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; book about his life. The filmmaker had consulted with Soares and the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; public safety secretary, who both told him the arrangement was legal.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; When the case became public, however, the police investigated the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; filmmaker for aiding a fugitive. The governor announced Soares' dismissal 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; on television--without telling him first.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "A law enforcement authority cannot be tolerant of crime," Garotinho 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; told The Times. He said Soares further defied him by taking allegations of 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; police corruption directly to prosecutors "before talking to me or the 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; security secretary."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Former Chief Luz doesn't think much of Soares' performance or his 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; allegations. But the legislator also scoffs at the governor's public 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; justification for the firing, accusing Garotinho of trying to divert 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; attention from allegations of corruption linked to gambling mafias.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "The governor was vulnerable because there are strong indications 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; that the [gambling mafias] are involved with the government," Luz said. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "To avoid becoming more vulnerable, he got rid of Luiz Eduardo."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Garotinho denies the accusations, calling them "the discourse of 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; political adversaries who have no proof."
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Meanwhile, Soares' world closed in on him. His phones were tapped. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; His family was under constant surveillance. An aide was pulled over by 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; civil police, provoking an armed confrontation with his bodyguards.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soares feared both outright violence and an attempt to smear him or 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; his family. He decided to move them to the United States. He left first, 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; taking elaborate precautions to throw off his enemies: Without luggage, he 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; took a domestic flight to Sao Paulo. Federal police officers dispatched by 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Brazil's justice minister met him on the airport runway and guarded him 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; until he boarded a flight to New York.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Ironically, Soares' departure occurred decades after many of his 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; friends and peers had gone into exile to escape Brazil's military regime. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; And his version of exile could be worse: Top Brazilian officials and 
&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;diplomats did their best to help him. The Ford Foundation has funded an 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; academic post for him at the Vera Institute of Justice, and he will be a 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; visiting scholar at Columbia University, where he will write a book about 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; his experience.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Nonetheless, he and his family had to abandon their lives in Rio. His 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; real-world sabbatical from academia was a searing lesson about how power 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; works in his homeland.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "This is what the police do: They investigate political leaders in 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; order to control them. They invert the hierarchy," he said. "The only 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; strategy is to confront these guys quickly, radically, deeply.
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "The poor people need the police, who are the most concrete 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; manifestation of the government. But if there is no change, the poor will 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; ultimately prefer the despotism of the drug lords, even while hating them. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Because at least the traffickers have a code--they have rules. The police 
&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;do not have rules or codes."

&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;Copyright 2000 Los Angeles Times
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