Foucault and Governmentality
Autor: Rodrigo Guim | Publicado: 2017-01-28T17:30:00-08:00


Independent Study

Foucault and Governmentality

Professor Richard Shapiro

Spring 2010













Foucault and Governmentality







Rodrigo Gomes Guimarães



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 







&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In
the book, based on the lecture of the same name, Security, Territory,
Population (1977-1978), Foucault demonstrates that biopolitics is part of a
certain “governmentality” that in our present still exists, in the form of
“neoliberal governmentality”.&nbsp; The book
reads:



By
this word “governmentality” I mean three things.&nbsp; First, by “governmentality” I understand the
ensemble formed by institutions, procedures, analyses and reflections,
calculations, and tactics that allow the exercise of this very specific, albeit
very complex, power that has the population as its target, political economy as
its major form of knowledge, and apparatuses of security as its essential
technical instrument.&nbsp;&nbsp; Second, by
“governmentality” I understand the tendency, the line of force, that for a long
time, and throughout the West, has constantly led towards the pre-eminence over
all other types of power -&nbsp; sovereignty,
discipline, and so on – of the type of power that we can call “government” and
which has led to the development of a series of specific governmental
apparatuses (appareils) on the&nbsp;
one hand [and, on the other] to the development of a series of
knowledges (savoirs).&nbsp; Finally, by
“governmentality” I think we should understand the process, or rather, the
result of the process by which the state of justice of the Middle Ages became
the administrative state in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and was
gradually “governmentalized”.



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Foucault
here emphasizes the objectives of his study, explaining what he meant when he
explained this study as a “history of governmentality”.&nbsp; For the sake of the history he was speaking
of, which is also a history of the present in Foucault's genealogical work, I
will quote him extensively before giving my own understanding of what he
said.&nbsp; I do not claim to be an expert on
Foucault, since this is precisely one of the processes Foucault critiques: of
knowledge based on first principles, foundations. Knowledge is nothing more
than arbitrary, although inextricably tied by power relations, to social
praxis, to the construction of discourses on truth,&nbsp; and based on the various subject positions
(of class, race, gender, nation, language, culture, history, etc.) that are
present in any justification for knowledge.&nbsp;
Knowledges, for Foucault, are avenues for the naturalization of time and
space, or of the discourses that surround them. Knowledge, as based on
metaphysics as cultural practice, on Christian secular culture, on political
economy as its language that is premised on the concepts of neutrality, and on
the State, the arbitrer of apparatuses of security that works in the name of
Universal Rationality – knowledge in this legacy acts dominantly in the service
of such that are the forms of dominant Western culture.&nbsp; Foucault's relation to Western thought is so
intimate, that he cannot be categorized within the binaries of Western thought,
of True and False, Right or Wrong.&nbsp;
Knowledge for him is unstable, and even when dominant, it needs to
continually reaffirm itself to hold on to its dominance.&nbsp;&nbsp; Knowledge is produced within specific
sociocultural and historical trends.&nbsp; And
it is intimately tied to identity politics. &nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Governmentality
is then produced through a history of a process of “governmentalization”. What
we know today as “government” is an ensemble of forces, linked to forms of
knowledge, of which the dominant form is political economy, and object/subject
double, called the population, the “target” of government, seen at one time as
origin of government itself, and as its product (for population is to be
maximized, freed from its “bad” aspects), and the techniques of rationalization,
or apparatuses of security that inform rationalization of everyday life
(bureaucratization, management, and other administrative processes of rational
control that equates rationality and freedom, and thus produces a specific type
of controlled freedom).&nbsp; Governmentality
is the possibility of the naturalization of these processes of rational
economic management of civil society by the state.&nbsp; The state itself is rationalized to only act
in the pursuit of freedom understood as the continuity of this rational
management.&nbsp; The state appears then in a
double bind: on the one hand, it needs to fully provide this rationalization so
subject can understand themselves to be acting freely and based on their
self-interest; on the other hand, the state needs to do this in a way that
invisibilizes itself as acting power.&nbsp;
This operates in a way that produces a discourse on the state as the
center of power.&nbsp; 



We
know the fascination that the love or horror of the state exercises today; we
know our attachment to the birth of the state, to its history, advance, power,
and abuses.&nbsp; I think this overvaluation
of the problem of state is basically found in two forms.&nbsp; An immediate, affective, and tragic form is
the lyricism of the cold monster confronting us.&nbsp; But there is a second way of overvaluing the
problem of the state that is paradoxical because apparently reductive.&nbsp; This analysis consists in reducing the state
to a number of functions like, for example, the development of the productive
forces and the reproduction of the relations of production.&nbsp; But the state, doubtless no more today than
in the past, does not have this unity, individuality, and rigorous
functionality, nor, I would go so far as to say, this importance.&nbsp; After all, maybe the state is only a
composite reality and a mythicized abstraction whose importance is much less
than we think.&nbsp; Maybe.&nbsp; What is important for our modernity, that is
to say, for our present, is not then the state's takeover (étatisation) of
society, so much as what I would call the “governmentalization” of the
state.&nbsp; 





&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The
modern state is partially the result of a historical process called
governmentality.&nbsp; However, in no way does
Foucault reduce the state to governmentality as its only place of production.&nbsp; Governmentality is what has permitted the
modern nation-state to rise and take shape, to construct a discourse for itself
as both natural and in continuous development or progress (depending on which
state we are looking at).&nbsp; The discourse
of the state's “takeover” of society is precisely the discourse of “neoliberal
governmentality”, which posits the state as an actor that needs to act only
when individual actions of individuals or groups of civil society fail to act
in relation to each other in ways that guarantee that the game of economics and
politics are played with “fairness”.&nbsp;&nbsp;
The state is that agent that civil society would like to do without, but
cannot when individual self-interests collide or go against each other.&nbsp; Then, and only then, is the state seen as a
rational actor and legitimized in its interventions.&nbsp; 



We
live in the era of a governmentality discovered in the eighteenth century.&nbsp; Governmentalization of the state is a
particularly contorted phenomenom, since if the problems of governmentality and
the techniques of government have really become the only political stake and
the only real space of political struggle and contestation, the
governmentalization of the state has nonetheless been what has allowed the
state to survive.&nbsp; And it is likely that
if the state is what it is today, it is precisely thanks to this
governmentality that is at the same time both external and internal to the
state, since it is the tactics of government that allow the continual
definition of what should or should not fall within the state's domain, what is
public and what private, what is and is no within the state's competence, and
so on.&nbsp; So, if you like, the survival and
limits of the state should be understood on th bases of the general tactics of
governmentality. 





&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Foucault
learned to see history in flux, or rather, to see everything as flux,
dynamically historical, where the present is always already multiple and
contradictory to itself.&nbsp; He learned
this, partially, from Nietzsche, for whom the eternal recurrence of the same is
the eternal recurrence of difference.&nbsp;&nbsp;
For anything to maintain itself dominant (in society, politics,
economics, religion, history, language and culture), a constant reaffirmation
of borders becomes necessary to keep the contours of the political landscape moving
in ways that obfuscate from vision and from thinking, historical dynamics and
with them, dynamics of knowledge and of power. He linked discourse to power
relations in ways that show how forms of knowledge legitimate and reproduce
power relations and subject positions aligned with those.&nbsp; In today's “neoliberal governmentality”, the
production of the “homo economicus” was an effect&nbsp; of certain power relations.&nbsp; There is here no subject prior to history:
subjectivity has a history, and this history is intimately tied to the
configurations of power through institutions, language, and cultural
practices.&nbsp; 



And maybe, in a completely general, rough, and
therefore inexact way, we could reconstruct the major forms, the major
economies of power in the following way: first, the state of justice, born in a
feudal type of territoriality and broadly corresponding to a society of
customary and written law, with a whole interplay of commitments and
litigations; second, the administrative state that corresponds to a society of
regulations and disciplines; and finally, a state of government that is no
longer essentially defined by its territoriality, by the surface occupied, but
by a mass: the mass of the population, with its volume, its density, and, for
sure, the territory it covers, but which is, in a way, only one of its
components.&nbsp; This state of government,
which essentially bears on the population and calls upon and employs economic
knowledge as an instrument, would correspond to a society controlled by
apparatuses of security.&nbsp; 



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Thus
Foucault shows how “government” came to be on top of older forms of power that
are different from it, although “government” also came as an extension of the
role of territoriality and of administrative apparatuses that were then linked
to the “population” comprised within its borders and over which it came to see
itself as promoter of security and freedom, both seen as operating at the same
level of rationality.&nbsp; To practice
“security”, the state needed to found its action on the “population”, who is to
be maximized, that is, be managed in a way that produces maximum health,
happiness, normality and productivity to this same population.&nbsp; Within this system, the state is to cooperate
in the maximization of the population, together with authorities on truth as
presented in knowledge, markets and technology.&nbsp;
In no way is the state central in relation to power relations.&nbsp; Power operates from many relations, one of
which is the process of subjectivation linked to pastoral power.

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Let us now move to the end of the
lecture of February 1, 1978, at the middle of which I started the citations
above.&nbsp; To end the lecture of the day,
Foucault then says that he will next show

how this governmentality was born, [first], from the
archaic model of the Christian pastorate and, second, by drawing support from a
diplomatic-military model, or rather, technique, and finally, third, how it
could only acquire its present dimensions thanks to a set of very specific
instruments, the formation of which is exactly contemporaneous with the art of
government, and which is called, in the old, seventeenth and eighteenth century
sense of the word, police.&nbsp; I think the
pastoral, the new diplomatic-military technique, and finally, police, were the
three major points of support on the basis of which that fundamental phenomenom
in the history of the West, the governmentalization of the state, could be
produced.&nbsp; 





&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Pastoral
power represents one of the main forces of the history of the production of
governmentality.&nbsp; It has linked, like
never before, the “practices of self” (Foucault, 2005) to a condition of
knowledge as primary to action, and this knowledge as linked to a higher
authority on truth. The subject is produced in such a way that relations of
self to self operate as the highest priority and value.&nbsp; This means the denigration and regression of
the political realm, where relations to difference, to others, to the future as
open, to the incomensurability of reality, are also lost.&nbsp; In neoliberal governmentality, processes of
individualization are central, that is , the production of subjectivity through




procedures
of individualization that will in fact be implemented by the Christian
pastorate and its institutions.&nbsp; What the
history of the pastorate involves, therefore, is the entire history of
procedures of human individualization in the West.&nbsp; Let's say also that it involves the history
of the subject. (Foucault, 2008)





&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; What
pastoral power produced, as a process of governmentality, and in relation to
this procedure called individualization, is a mode of subjectivity where the
relation of self to self, mediated by authority on truth, impedes the
politicization of knowledge through which “relational knowledge” (Foucault,
2005) would be prioritized.&nbsp; In this
system of thought, liberation comes through confession of truth of self to an
authority on truth, and submission to this authority is considered
freedom.&nbsp; In the present, neoliberal form
of governmentality, the self looks to maximize itself, in a self-interested obedience
to authority.&nbsp; Obedience to authority
rests on the identity of the truth held by that authority and the truth of the
self.&nbsp; This form of subjugation and
subjectivation is what is called freedom.&nbsp;
In it, links to communities, to struggles, to the political, are erased
in the name of the subject's maximizing of itself as a political economic
resource.&nbsp; Apparatuses of security come
in here to make sure that the subject will be able to affirm itself in a
rationalized market, where its needs and desires can all be met if the subject
is linked to markets, technology and knowledge that will affirm the truth of
self.&nbsp; Understanding governmentality is
to understand how the dominant forms of subjectivity in the West, produced in
the legacy of Christian narratives of the salvation of the soul and of the
doubleness of heart, are part of the political problem.&nbsp; It is not that by founding a new subjectivity
by itself, that then resistance is guaranteed.&nbsp;
Subjectivation happens within institutional, discursive, and cultural
historic practices that are linked to each other.&nbsp; Such that if institutions and practices do
not change, the change of subjectivity means little to nothing in the political
order, since it is this order that subjectivizes.&nbsp;&nbsp; Resistance to the organization of practices
of self is certainly necessary.&nbsp; However,
political resistance would realize the need for alliances between social
movements to make possible social change that is not subject or truth-centered.&nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Liberal
political culture produces the obedience to self as the avenue to escape
oppression.&nbsp; It does not think the
process of subjectivation of self as political practice.&nbsp; What governance in liberalism does is to
protect the sanctity of private subjects.&nbsp;
In this order, the only job of the political sphere is to safeguard
individual, private liberties and interests.&nbsp;
The state only acts when private interests are threatened, and this is
seen as political action, when in fact it is the maintenance of
individualization as the only desirable action.&nbsp;
In its forms of knowledge, the knowledges that it legitimates, which
speak the language of political economy, this order is based on the dualisms of
individual vs. society, or state vs. civil society.&nbsp; Society is the constant threat to the individual
here.&nbsp; And the state is the constant
threat to civil society.&nbsp; The state,
equated with the political, or the political reduced to the rationalized action
of the state, is politics that must act in a way that invisibilizes its own
actions.&nbsp; It must only do that which
civil society cannot manage to do alone.&nbsp;
It must let Nature, or Civil Society, act, but it must also, in the same
action even, correct Nature, or Civil Society, when its actions disrespect the
interest of rationality, mobility, circulation and distribution of
resources.&nbsp; These actions, discoursed as
the political itself, happen through apparatues of secutrity.&nbsp; Apparatuses of security are mechanisms that
support, according to the high value put on rational self-interest that is to
be the basis of political action, or rather the limit to political action, the
maximization of people and things as resources.&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Liberalism
thus fetishizes the technological, as its example of the highest
rationality.&nbsp; It instrumentalizes
rationality and then uses its own instrumentalization to justify rationality as
its foundation.&nbsp; Security is applied on
the population as an object-subject double, as both the object to be known and
through this knowledge, managed and controlled, as well as the subject on whom knowledge
is grounded, that is, knowledge is possible because the population is always
seeking to maximize itself, or rather, is the “motor of history” where progress
and evolution can be verified.&nbsp; In this
narrative, every violence is justified as part of a continuous process of
progress and development.&nbsp; Those that
fail or resist individualization are seen as lacking, and this “biopolitical
order” (Foucault, 2008) will make sure that they are either annihilated or incorporated.&nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Where
is the political to be found today, that is not action within biopolitics and
neoliberal governmentality?&nbsp;&nbsp; Social
movements today reproduce biopolitics and neoliberalism when they insist on a
truth of themselves that is an identity that holds their unity.&nbsp; Identity politics is one of the spaces where
this reproduction occurs.&nbsp; However, there
are movements that not only reproduce but also challenge the biopolitical
order.&nbsp; For example, the queer movement
in the U.S. chose for itself the name queer as a way to resist the confining
identities that are based on sexuality as a truth of the subject.&nbsp; However, there is tremendous variety within
this movement itself, and in it we find as well the old identity politics that
ascribes truth to subjects – with sex as an interior truth of
subjectivity.&nbsp; Besides this example, we
can say that all social movements today, because they are living within forms
of neoliberalism, reproduce biopolitics in one form or another.&nbsp; To resist neoliberal governmentality, because
it reduces possibilities for political action, means to promote knowledges,
forms of subjectivation, and political alliances that are not based on truth or
identity.&nbsp; It means cultivating alliances
across differences, making possible political action based on striving for
justice that is non-foundational.&nbsp;&nbsp; 





References

Foucault, Michel. The Birth of Biopolitics: lectures at the Collège
de France,1978-1979.&nbsp; New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

Foucault, Michel.&nbsp; The
Hermeneutics of the Subject: lectures at the Collège de France, 1981-1982.&nbsp; New York: Picador, 2005.
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Foucault, Michel.&nbsp; Security,
Territory, Population: lectures at the Collège de France,1977-1978. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.