Anarchism after Metaphysics
Autor: Rodrigo Guim | Publicado: 2017-01-28T17:28:00-08:00


Anarchism after Metaphysics



“My point is not that everything is bad, but that
everything is dangerous, which is not exactly the same as bad.&nbsp; If everything is dangerous, then we always
have something to do.&nbsp; So my position
leads not to apathy but to a hyper- and pessimistic activism.”

Michel Foucault, On the
Genealogy of Ethics.

Dangers with Postanarchism

Postanarchism is not monolithic, but one of its
major challenges has been to rewrite understandings and practices tagged as
anarchist that have failed to speak to needs and desires of the disenfranchised
and marginalized.&nbsp; For Todd May, Saul
Newman, Lewis Call, and others, there has emerged a need to look critically at
how anarchism has produced an idea of a “revolutionary subject” that is deeply
embedded in nineteenth century humanism, which was born with the
Enlightenment.&nbsp; This rereading of
anarchism has come through the influence of what is termed
poststructuralism.&nbsp; The understanding
these authors have of both anarchism and poststructuralism, however, begs a
more radical insertion of difference, curiously enough, since both legacies
have emerged from preoccupations with social difference.&nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; There is no reason to
assume that either anarchism or poststructuralism can be corrected by
one-another, or that a synthesis of both is of necessary value for emancipatory
struggles.&nbsp; If these two legacies have
anything in common - and in making this assumption one has to be clear that
both are contested and contradictory – it is that they show up as
confrontations to dominance.&nbsp; In light of
this, their use value has to be asserted in contexts of dominance, and will
vary as context varies.&nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The authors that have
been considered under the rubric of postanarchism until now have invariably
situated the new kind of revolutionary subject.&nbsp;
In some instances, they have given way to new readings of anarchism that
would level it down to the reading they make of poststructuralism, challenging
macro-oppositions to the State or capital per
se, thus precluding the main targets of revolutionary activity in anarchism’s
tradition.&nbsp; There certainly are
possibilities that open up with the entry into anarchism of “micropolitics” and
the “decentered subject”, as these authors sustain.&nbsp; However, anarchism’s revolutionary politics
also has a lot of value, one that has been lived through history from the
communes, to worker’s councils, to May 68 and to the so-called
anti-globalization movement.&nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In this essay, I will
argue that a poststructuralist rereading of anarchism, and vice-versa, comes as
a necessary event.&nbsp; I will also argue
that this event is in itself multiple, and that unfortunately the authors
labeled as postanarchists have a unitary interpretation of both legacies that
will inevitably lead to challenges<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[1]<!--[endif]--> to their
voices as representative of either anarchism or poststructuralism as to these
legacies’ greatest strengths.&nbsp; I will
push for a discussion of these legacies that takes their challenges to
metanarratives and guides for action seriously, questioning thus the
reification of “micropolitics” and the “decentered subject” that is happening
within postanarchism and postmodern thought.&nbsp;
In the spirit of the Situationists, I write this essay as a bomb that
unveils the complicity of (post)modern thought and practice with the structures
of inequity.&nbsp; In that same spirit, I do
this with the hope that philosophy will –somehow- be realized.



***



Anarchism has been the tradition that perhaps
most continuously critiques the use of power.&nbsp;
As with Marxism, this power has been dominantly localized by anarchists
in class domination, acting through the State, Church, and the capitalist
structures of propriety, commodification and wage labor.&nbsp; However, the differential in anarchism has
been the thorough rejection of representative politics, in its electoral and
dictatorial forms.&nbsp; This critique of
representation, together with anarchism’s critiques of metaphysics, domination,
and its valorization of social difference, have recently made thinkers suspect
that a conversation between anarchism and poststructuralism might provide
important insights.&nbsp; In fact, in some
degree both legacies shared histories with many other social movements in art,
culture, and emancipatory thought and practice.&nbsp;
Suffice it to say that poststructuralism appeared more prominently after
May 68 in France, when anarchist thought had a major contribution to the
practical critique of Marxism-oriented representative politics.&nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The issue of oppressive
power came to the fore again in the 60’s. The failure of the “dictatorship of
the proletariat” having become obvious, the links between power, authority,
truth, and subjectivity became central concerns to many. These were treated in
various manners by different thinkers, including Foucault, Derrida, and
Deleuze.&nbsp; It would not be possible to
speak to all their contributions and differences within what has been termed
poststructuralism here.&nbsp; I will discuss,
therefore, what postanarchist authors have sensed is important for anarchists
to consider from those thinkers, and will provide thoughts that have not
appeared in discussions.&nbsp; These are
linked to the dualistic and reactive mode in which postanarchism is operating
until now.



Monolithic Representations



In their portrayals of anarchism and
poststructuralism, authors Saul Newman, Todd May, and Lewis Call have
invariably represented both legacies as monolithic.&nbsp; They all understand anarchism as being
suitably represented by the ‘classical’ anarchists such as Proudhon, Bakunin,
and Kropotkin.&nbsp; Not only have they
reduced their reading of anarchism to these few authors, but so-called
postanarchists have also made totalized and reductive readings of what those
few authors sustained.&nbsp; The charge, for
example, that “classical” anarchists reproduced the belief in a human nature
that would be freed from external powers can certainly be made.&nbsp; However, a poststructuralist reading of
anarchism should do more.&nbsp; If we take
Derrida’s claim seriously regarding the internal contradiction of texts, we
should, for example, understand together with most anarchist writers, that
freedom is socially constructed.&nbsp; Thus,
despite Bakunin’s claim that liberty is to obey natural laws that one has
recognized himself as such<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[2]<!--[endif]--> – and
here is one place where postanarchists charge him of essentialism – he also
says such things as “the general idea is always an abstraction, and for that
reason, in some sort a negation of real life”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[3]<!--[endif]--> and “I
can only consider and feel myself free in the presence and in relation to other
men”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[4]<!--[endif]-->.&nbsp; Although Bakunin can certainly be critiqued,
from a poststructuralist perspective, for believing in a linear, teleological
history that would lead to “salvation”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[5]<!--[endif]-->, he does
put forward the practice of freedom as an ongoing practice, by understanding it
as relational.&nbsp; Thus, Bakunin appears,
under a poststructuralist reading that looks for difference within texts, as
both reproducing beliefs in a human nature that is the origin of freedom, by
its capacity to align itself with natural laws, and as making freedom a social
practice that is ongoing and relational, even though he also believed in a telos for it.&nbsp;&nbsp; 

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; We have to ask
ourselves now why it is that postanarchist authors have not paid attention to
the contradictions within anarchist texts, if that is precisely one of the
major characteristics of so-called poststructuralism.&nbsp; Surely, the contradictions referred to do not
necessarily exclude one-another.&nbsp;
However, they do point to the complexity not only of thought, but also
of practice, since what Bakunin wrote about were lived relations, and to some
extent his writing shows attentiveness to social life as relational. That is
why the claim that anarchism is based on a theory of subjectivity that is
essentialist will only tell half, or less, of the story.&nbsp;&nbsp; One would have to explain why it is that
Kropotkin envisaged myriad, perhaps infinite, forms society would take after
his revolution (in The Conquest of Bread,
for example) if his theory of human subjectivity were as foundational as
postanarchists have maintained (and clearly, there is no theoretical contradiction here).&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
 

While Todd May sees anarchism and
poststructuralism as resembling each other on many fronts, Lewis Call wants to
see anarchism in the face of poststructuralism, and Saul Newman to change both,
one in face of the other.&nbsp; To do this,
they must consider anarchism as one single thing, and do that for
poststructuralism as well.&nbsp;&nbsp; 

Todd May says that anarchism has considered
power as a network of relationships, and conflates that with poststructuralist
discourses on power.&nbsp; While it may be
true of a great number of anarchist practices around domination, that they have
worked as if power is dispersed and relational, it is also true that many of
its practices have equaled power with domination, and centered on the State,
Capital, the Church, as founding causes.&nbsp;
Other stories May tells about anarchism that make it appear monolithic
include his view that all anarchists are for federalism (when many are simply
for local, closed communes, for example) and that the thought presented by
anarchism is founded upon
“essentialism or naturalism”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[6]<!--[endif]-->.&nbsp; To not recognize that anarchism has other -
if it indeed has any - foundations other than theoretical ones, like historical
circumstances for example, should be deeply suspicious to any “post-” thinker.&nbsp; Todd May had to stretch poststructuralism
quite a bit into a political philosophy framework, and anarchism into a
conceptual one, in order to configure the amount of similarities he could find
between them.&nbsp; Todd May’s project, as
well as Lewis Call’s and Saul Newman’s, has been to abandon humanism.&nbsp; However, they could not abandon Knowledge as
their primary site of thinking. And we know on which subject that thing must be
grounded.



Knowledge at the Origin



That power is not formed by a simple opposition
between rulers and ruled, that it relates to other forms of sociability, and
that it is always already historical and therefore nonsubjective in the sense
of a subject as origin, are all contributions made by Foucault to broader
definitions of power.&nbsp;&nbsp; Postanarchist
authors have regarded these definitions as truly
anarchist, as if anarchism had been waiting for its own revelation in history
of its true self.&nbsp; Thus, after critiquing
“classical” anarchism for its teleologies and essentialisms, and for its repressive
theory of power, they go on to affirm that true anarchism has appeared, through
a truer reading.&nbsp; While I have to agree
that those facets of anarchism’s theories should be questioned, I do not see
the need to incorporate Foucault, Nietzsche, Derrida, Deleuze and others into
the label “anarchist”.&nbsp; For one, both
Nietzsche and Foucault explicitly rejected such label, Nietzsche would be
particularly terrorized by it, and Foucault even rejected to be called a
poststructuralist<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[7]<!--[endif]-->.&nbsp; For these authors, these labels level down
their differences to sameness.&nbsp; 

The best explanation postanarchists seem to
offer, on how anarchism and poststructuralism might operate together in
practice, is through a synthesis between fragmentation and solidarity.&nbsp; Yes, we must see that there is difference
here from the metaphysical and liberal narratives of a singular political
identity that drives practice.&nbsp; However,
postanarchist authors seem content to nauseatingly repeat how political practice
needs to recognize “difference”, “otherness”, “contingency”, etc.&nbsp; These became themes of a doctrine called
postmodernism.&nbsp; Surely, this is not the
only way postmodernism functions, for it is not one thing, but



“It is sadly ironic that the contemporary discourse which talks the most
about heterogeneity, the decentered subject, declaring breakthroughs that allow
recognition of otherness, still directs its critical voice primarily to a
specialized audience, one that shares a common language rooted in the very
master narratives it claims to challenge.”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[8]<!--[endif]-->



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; There is at least one obvious reason for this, besides postmodern
authors’ alienation from social needs, and it is that the same discourse that
wants to challenge the sovereignty of the subject has not been able to
challenge knowledge as central to its concerns.&nbsp;
To challenge the humanist subject with knowledge alone is a task that is
bound to reproduce that subject’s sovereignty.&nbsp;
Interestingly enough, Nietzsche and Foucault told us this in many ways,
but so-called pomos have not
understood.&nbsp; There is no ground, no basis
for the most effective action.&nbsp; Only
context and practice can decide action, and even then they do not become
guides.&nbsp; The critique of humanism with its
theory of the subject, its teleologies, and the normalization that it produces,
have only become important because of historical conditions.&nbsp; That critique cannot be made into a guide for
action, as much as they have become important in order to rethink our actions
in this moment.&nbsp; In critiquing
“identity”, the “Same”, “essentialism”, or “universal truths”, postmodern
thought has contributed to multiplying possibilities for emancipation.&nbsp; That same movement, however, has come about
precisely at the historical moment of a worldwide process of
decolonization.&nbsp; Which came first: the chicken
or the egg?&nbsp; That is not my task
here.&nbsp; Resistance reproduces forms of
oppression – can we learn the lesson?

In locating liberation in the thought of a
decentered subject, or a micropolitical intervention, and in judging it as
necessarily better than their opposites, postmodern thought settles for an
ideology.&nbsp; Regarding postanarchism, it
has become, because it is centered on knowledge as a guide for action, a dead
end.&nbsp; The thoughts presented by
postanarchists oppose themselves to
what they configured as “modern”.&nbsp; In
their disconnection to life as it is lived, they propose the “right” kind of
subject, and most annoyingly, the new theory of the “human” as nomadic.&nbsp; This is a reversal of values - to play the
dualistic game of metaphysical culture.&nbsp;
You say Yes, I say No, you say centered, I say decentered, you say
Statist, I say nomadic.&nbsp; Nietzsche would
shout “slave morality!” and laugh at what has become of postmodernity.&nbsp;&nbsp; 

In order to break more fully with metaphysical
moral culture, postanarchism could not have been this reactive, and it could
not have centered its task on knowledge alone.&nbsp;
Radical critique must be a space where voices and struggles are part of
the production of knowledge.&nbsp; As much as
the overly abused assertion of difference in postmodernism has contributed to
practices of freedom, it has also, when restricted to the “theory”,
“philosophy”, or “ethics” regarding those thoughts, made itself problematic and
doomed to reproduce serious oppressions.&nbsp;
That is the destiny of any ideology that wants to become a guide for
“human” action.&nbsp; Postanarchism can be
relevant if it stops preaching and starts making its critiques within action in
the world, and not as a provider of the basis for that action.&nbsp; It is failing to speak to lived life.&nbsp; Not only does it need to be more inclusive of
thinkers outside academia, it also needs to think its important thoughts within
struggles of people and communities that are oppressed.&nbsp; Nothing is more important for anarchist
thinkers.&nbsp; 

Postanarchist authors, in their wish to provide
a new synthesis between anarchism and poststructuralism, partake of the
modernist projects around truth, power, and subjectivity.&nbsp; In making knowledge their central concern,
they yield to one of the greatest imperative creeds of Western culture, one
that was unveiled most brilliantly by Nietzsche: the primacy of Knowledge over
action.&nbsp; Knowledge as I am referring to
is the same as Truth.&nbsp; And Truth has dominantly
appeared through the use of dualisms and reactive modes of thought.



Anarchist Dualisms



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Anarchism, in Western
culture, partakes of the “fundamental duality of Western consciousness.”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[9]<!--[endif]-->&nbsp; The theory of power as repression intersects
at many points with the good and the evil, the (totally) free and the
unfree.&nbsp; Power then has been out on the
extreme of the “evil”.&nbsp; The world appears
as a polarity.&nbsp; This discourse is also
the one of normalization, where the normal is opposed to what it is not, or what
needs to become it.&nbsp; Foucault identified
these discourses of truth with morality, following Nietzsche, and showed how
they functioned in specific mechanisms of power.&nbsp; An interesting study could be made regarding
anarchism’s normalization.&nbsp; We could look
at how its discourse navigates within good/evil, oppressor/oppressed dualisms,
what complicities this has marked with dominant cultures, and what effects and
resistances it has also propelled in history.&nbsp;
That would be a task for thinkers of anarchism and poststructuralism (or
postmodernism?).&nbsp; Of course, such a study
would have to question its own assumptions about what is anarchism or poststructuralism.

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; One of anarchism’s
dualisms has been reform/revolution.&nbsp; The
movement has with few exceptions historically identified itself with the second
of the pair.&nbsp; Postanarchists can be congratulated
for their (sometimes, immanent) critique of this dualism.&nbsp; I must say, though, that they have also
killed part of the action that was foundational to that dualism.&nbsp; The important thing for either a reform or a
revolution was that something happened.&nbsp; In that sense they proved more efficient than
what postanarchists push us to do: to think before
acting.&nbsp; To think “decentered” at the
“micropolitical”, in their use of it, is to understand the world as
fundamentally dual, and therefore dead.&nbsp;
They are remaking what they critique, something which Foucault for
example went far from doing as transparently.&nbsp;


It is claimed by postanarchists that we are
able to see now, thanks to poststructuralism, “nodes” in the “webs” of
power.&nbsp; The relationality of power has
been described this way, and the task that is now put to us is to analyze which
“nodes” have more importance than others for intervention<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[10]<!--[endif]-->.&nbsp; These explanations of the mechanisms of power
can be of great effect, and were put to use majestically by Foucault in his
works, although he called these fictions.&nbsp;
Foucault was suspicious of any
narrative that tries to unveil power as it lives, as if it were mirrored
directly on forms of knowledge, since he disbelieved any translation as a
one-to-one correspondence.&nbsp; In explaining
knowledge and power as related, he never equated them.&nbsp; His work was geared towards effects in the
world, effects in the prison reform, gay, or anti-psychiatry and other
movements of which he was part.&nbsp; The
description of how power or knowledge functions was an exercise that always
failed, therefore his allusion to his work as fiction.&nbsp; Nevertheless, fictions also have effects in
the world, and he certainly knew how to write them in order to provoke
important effects.&nbsp; Foucault did, as
postanarchists claim, believe that revolutions cannot deliver what they usually
promise: total liberation.&nbsp; Moreover,
forms of domination are always present.&nbsp;
He states it clearly:



“Humanity does not progress from combat to combat until it arrives at
universal reciprocity, where the rule of law finally replaces warfare; humanity
installs each of its violences in a system of rules and thus proceeds from
domination to domination.”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[11]<!--[endif]--> 



Clearly, then, for Foucault any social action
will always reproduce forms of domination.&nbsp;
In trying to liberate ourselves, we will inevitably reproduce
oppression.&nbsp; In order to work within
reproduction, Foucault proposes that we look at the mechanisms of power that
affect spaces that are important to us, and analyze those.&nbsp; Within them, there will always be what he
calls the “micropolitical” level, which corresponds to the contingencies and
practices of power that directly and effectively relate to the space we are
analyzing.&nbsp; This kind of intervention
surely marks its difference from the traditional anarchist emphasis on
revolution as a grand change of society, but Foucault’s commitment to change
was also great.&nbsp; He also considered that
he practiced revolutionary action with regards to his prison reform work, which
he defined as “the simultaneous agitation of consciousness and institutions”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[12]<!--[endif]-->.

Foucault’s use of the term agitation is significant.&nbsp; It
points to the uncontrollable nature of revolutionary action.&nbsp; It is also, interestingly, a term used by
both revolutionaries and reactionaries throughout history.&nbsp; The term clearly implies that the
consequences of those actions will not correspond directly and totally with the
intentions put on them.&nbsp; It also implies that the points, or “nodes”
of intervention chosen by subjects may not be the most effective ones for
liberation.&nbsp; It is here that the
postmodern discourse on the “micropolitical” collapses.&nbsp; If the so-called “nodes” that are most
effective for a certain liberation are inextricably linked to positions
occupied in the State or in factories, for example, can we act effectively to
transform those and thereby propel some forms of freedom?&nbsp; In acting at the macropolitical level, if this thing exists at all, have we not been
relatively successful, as the histories of the communes, the Spanish Civil War,
or May 68 showed?&nbsp; In fact, can we really
be sure of the line that divides the micro and the macro?&nbsp; In their attempts to regard the
micropolitical as the primary site for intervention, and thereby rejecting
revolutionary action against the State or Capital, postanarchist authors reduce
the possibilities for these actions.&nbsp;
Surely, the State for example is not a monolith, it does not operate
solely from above, rather, it lives through subjects (in the double sense of
the word).&nbsp; Nevertheless, to affirm that
there is no ground on which to challenge the State as a whole through analysis
or action is to neglect important thinkers of both anarchism and
poststructuralism.&nbsp; Most importantly, it
is to deny what they have done.&nbsp; Foucault
critiqued the view that the State played an exclusive role in domination, but
he said he did not want to “minimize the importance and effectiveness of State
power”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[13]<!--[endif]-->.&nbsp; It so remains that the anarchist critique of
the State as a site of struggle is not inherently in conflict with a
poststructuralist perspective.&nbsp;
Foucault’s worries were that in affecting the State, revolutionary
action would not affect the power mechanisms that act to sustain its
dominations, such as those residing in family, propriety, subjectivity,
knowledge, and others.&nbsp; However, Foucault
never positioned himself against macropolitics per se.&nbsp; This is because he
did not partake of the creed in knowledge as origin of action.&nbsp; He did not believe that the grounds for
political effectiveness can be finally established.&nbsp; As life changes, political understandings
must also change.&nbsp; His “micropolitics” is
an intervention into the discourses of his time that were geared towards total
liberation.&nbsp; They are not to be made into
an ideology. Interestingly enough, postanarchist authors have interpreted
“micropolitics” as the most effective mode of revolutionary action.&nbsp; 



Ok.&nbsp;
Enough.



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Radical thought needs
to speak to lived problems.&nbsp; Thought can
be a lived problem.&nbsp; However, by making
thought our central concern, we will inevitably be enslaved.&nbsp; The critique of thought has to be made with
regards to its effects in the world, and not in order to contribute to an
already defective knowledge.&nbsp; In
declaring themselves against humanism
as knowledge, postanarchists show their “aversion to life”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[14]<!--[endif]-->, since
every thought can and does produce life.&nbsp;
In order to resist oppression, people need many times to assert their
“humanity”, their crippling identities, no matter how much that furthers
domination upon them.&nbsp; But I must confess
I am pretty glad at the oppositional, dualistic, reactive stance of postmodern
discourses towards humanism.&nbsp; Perhaps
even anti-dialecticians need dialectics after all – perhaps.

I only used the term postanarchist here so that
I would not have to repeat the names of the three authors commented upon.&nbsp; Postanarchism is not a thing, and all those authors do have important insights to
offer.&nbsp; Even so, I think that they have
developed totalizing frameworks that exclude some of the best thoughts and practices
developed by both anarchists and poststructuralists.&nbsp; Those thoughts make knowledge secondary to
effective action in the world; knowledge becomes a lived practice.&nbsp; There is no way to engage that unless by
refusing to live within the dualisms of Western culture, and to engage the
“Others” of this culture in this practice.&nbsp;
No universal foundations for action exist, not even the anti-humanism of
some postmodern paranoia.&nbsp; Thinking
through action is more needed than ever. 



Go On



The humanist subject is not a foundation
without which the State or Capital would fade away.&nbsp; And still anarchism needs to remove them.



“So there is no sense at all to the proposition that a
long narrative is now finished, and that another narrative is under way.”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[15]<!--[endif]-->



So we probably need to do work
beyond knowledge.







References
cited

Bakunin, Michael.&nbsp; (1970).&nbsp;
God and the State.&nbsp; New York: Dover Publications.&nbsp; 86p.

______________&nbsp;
(1980).&nbsp; Guérin, Daniel
(ed.).&nbsp; Textos Anarquistas (Anarchist Texts).&nbsp; Porto
Alegre: L&amp;PM Editores.&nbsp; 190p.



Call, Lewis.&nbsp;
(2002).&nbsp; Postmodern Anarchism.&nbsp; Maryland:
Lexington Books.&nbsp; 139p.



Cohn, Jesse &amp; Wilbur, Shawn. (2003). What’s Wrong With Postanarchism?&nbsp; Retrieved from http://www.anarchist-studies.org/article/articleview/26/1/1/



&nbsp;Foucault, Michel.&nbsp; (1998).&nbsp;
Aesthetics, Method, and
Epistemology.&nbsp; In Faubion, James D.
(ed). Essential Works of Foucault 1954-1984 Volume 2.&nbsp; New York: The New Press.&nbsp; 477p.

______________ (1977).&nbsp; Language,
Counter-Memory, Practice.&nbsp; New York:
Conell University Press.&nbsp; 233p.

_____________&nbsp;&nbsp; (1998).&nbsp; "On the
Genealogy of Ethics" in Ethics:
Subjectivity and Truth. &nbsp;New York:
The New Press.&nbsp; 334p.



hooks, bell.&nbsp;
(1994).&nbsp; “Postmodern Blackness”.
In Williams, P. &amp; Chrisman, L. (eds.) Colonial
Discourse and Post-Colonial Theory: A Reader.&nbsp; New York: Columbia University Press.&nbsp; 547p.



Kropotkin, Peter.&nbsp; (1910).&nbsp; A Conquista do Pão (The
Conquest of Bread).&nbsp; Lisbon:
Guimarães Editores.&nbsp; 269p.



May, Todd. &nbsp;(1994).&nbsp;
The Political Philosophy of
Poststructuralist Anarchism.&nbsp;
Pennsylvannia: The Pennsylvania State University Press.&nbsp; 155p.



Newman, Saul.&nbsp; (2001).&nbsp;
From Bakunin to Lacan.&nbsp; Maryland: Lexington Books.&nbsp; 208p.



Nietzsche, Friedrich. (1967).&nbsp; On The
Genealogy of Morals.&nbsp; New York:
Random House.&nbsp; 198p.

_________________ (1974).&nbsp; The Gay
Science.&nbsp; New York: Vintage
Books.&nbsp; 375p.









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<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->



<!--[endif]-->




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[1]<!--[endif]--> A challenge to these author’s interpretation of anarchism has been
made by Jesse Cohn and Shawn Wilbur in What’s
Wrong With Postanarchism?




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[2]<!--[endif]--> Bakunin, Michael.&nbsp; God and the State, p.30.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[3]<!--[endif]--> Ibid, p.54.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[4]<!--[endif]--> Bakunin, Michael. “Deus e o Estado” (God and the State). In Textos Anarquistas (Anarchist Texts).




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[5]<!--[endif]--> Bakunin, Michael.&nbsp; God and the State, p.21.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[6]<!--[endif]--> May, p.63




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[7]<!--[endif]--> See “Structuralism and Poststructuralism” In Aesthetics,
Method, and Epistemology.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[8]<!--[endif]--> hooks, bell.&nbsp; “Postmodern
Blackness”.&nbsp; 




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[9]<!--[endif]--> Foucault, Michel.&nbsp;
“Revolutionary Action: Until Now.” In Language, Counter-Memory,
Practice. p.230.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[10]<!--[endif]--> May, Todd. The Political Philosophy of Poststructuralist
Anarchism. p.96




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[11]<!--[endif]--> Foucault, Michel.&nbsp;
“Nietzsche, Genealogy, History”. In Language, Counter-Memory,
Practice. p.151.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[12]<!--[endif]--> Foucault, Michel.&nbsp;
“Revolutionary Action: Until Now.” In Language, Counter-Memory,
Practice. p.228.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[13]<!--[endif]--> In Questions on Geography…olhar




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[14]<!--[endif]--> Nietzcshe, Friedrich.&nbsp; On The Genealogy of Morals, 3rd
essay, section 28.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[15]<!--[endif]--> Foucault, Michel.&nbsp;
“Structuralism and Poststructuralism”. In Aesthetics, Method, and
Epistemology, p.449