The Politics of Dualism: right and left
Autor: Rodrigo Guim | Publicado: 2017-01-28T17:39:00-08:00


The Politics of
Dualism: right and left



Rodrigo G. Guimarães&nbsp;





The Culture of
Right and Left



This essay will try to navigate an issue that is seen
to harbor controversy; actually, to embody controversy itself.&nbsp; It is the issue of the left/right dualism in
politics.&nbsp; The subject in the
contemporary West assimilates from an early age the fears and anxieties that a
clash of 'left' and 'right' is supposed to be marked by: the fears and
anxieties of loosing control over one's life if from one moment to the next
life is to be governed by completely different rules, not in accord with what
one understands it to be.&nbsp; The subject is
urged to pick one side, or even to pick both, but nevertheless to be able to
recognize the supposedly inherent differences between them.&nbsp; Everything from the arts to the sciences,
politics, everyday life, culture, and even spirituality is made into an object
that possesses an identitarian component to it. Everything is seen as falling
into the left/right spectrum, as if from left to right, or vice-versa, the
world could be re-presented.&nbsp; Everything as in a duplication of the world
by a polar spectrum.&nbsp; Subjects, events
and objects are to be measured in a rather quantitative fashion, as "Just
how much to the right is this affirmation?&nbsp;
Is it not center-right?".&nbsp;
The world as a metric, polar ruler. The political dualism stands as one
of the main forces of identitarian dualisms, whereby one is asked to identify
as either left or right, for or against some issue.&nbsp; The non-identification on one of the sides is
regarded as a sign of political immaturity or outright personal failure.

The essay will not be moralistic, saying what should
be done with regards to left and right in the terms they are rather familiar
with, such as good/evil.&nbsp; This will not
be a call for an "end of all dualisms", or for a "holistic"
paradigm.&nbsp; These reactive responses with
regards to the political dualism reproduce the same narrative of the inherently
dual world experience.&nbsp; Rather, this
essay will link claims on the foundations of left and right to systems of
thought and institutional practices. What is most relevant in this venture is
not to explain the 'origin' of the dualism, or to offer a final statement on
'what should be done', but to understand the events in their multiple and
contradictory effects in the world.&nbsp; To
look critically at this dualism is not the same as being "beyond" it.&nbsp; Nor is it the same as offering a
"neutral" perspective. Social-political movements and forms of
thought as diverse as feminism, anarchism, postcoloniality, and anthropology
are helpful in thinking over the effects of the left/right dualism in lived
worlds.&nbsp;&nbsp; Michel Foucault’s thoughts on
politics as “war” and “racism” will also be central.&nbsp; The thoughts presented here, though, are only
a sketch of a work-in-progress.



Political
Science and the Personification of Left/Right Dualisms



As with every institution of the State apparatus,
party politics also has today its legitimization through forms of scientific
knowledge.&nbsp; Out of these, political
science stands out as one of the main doctrines of constant maintenance of the
institutional status quo.&nbsp; Clearly, there are resistances within the
discipline, many of which are very much in agreement with what will be exposed
in this text.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[1]<!--[endif]-->&nbsp; However, for reasons I am about to show, the
books and thoughts on the subject that get more attention have been the ones
that either 1) affirm the maintenance of the left/right dualism as inevitable
or 2) propose an ethic of moving 'beyond' the dualism.



Norberto Bobbio and the
"dyad"



Of the works of most impact on the subject, Norberto
Bobbio's Right and Left: Reasons and
Significance of a Political Distinction<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[2]<!--[endif]-->
certainly stands out.&nbsp; Its impact, as I
will show, is not due to its thoughts being in direct correspondence to
politics as a 'thing in itself', as the book claims in a rather Kantian
fashion.&nbsp; The book is, instead, a great
representation of the dominant discourse about the left/right dualism, or
“dyad”, as Bobbio calls it.&nbsp; His thesis -
better said - the way that the dominant discourse on left and right has
presented itself, can be ascribed to the traditional Western metaphysical
approach, although that is not its “origin”.&nbsp;
Dualisms - for our understanding here, forms of thought and action that
are organized around oppositions that together supposedly represent a totality
of possibilities - have been central to Western culture.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[3]<!--[endif]-->&nbsp; Bobbio states:



"In
a universe as conflicting as that of politics, which demands continually the
idea of the game of parts and the effort to defeat the opponent, the division
of the universe in two hemispheres is not a simplification, but an accurate
representation of reality."<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[4]<!--[endif]-->



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Clearly, politics is a
conflicting business.&nbsp; The belief that
universal harmony can be achieved is utopian and, historically, has been
tyrannical.&nbsp; But Bobbio is saying
something very different, of course (and interestingly opposite).&nbsp; For him, politics is about defeating an "opponent", and not people meeting to
negotiate their differences and their needs from one another, for example (or
coming together to affirm and be different things?).&nbsp; The "universe" is seen as inherently,
fundamentally dual, and these two sides are in a struggle of
domination/subordination.&nbsp;
"Politics" is equated with this "game", in which,
according to Bobbio, one has to pick a side, as a viewer of a sports match
inevitably does (he would be very disappointed to know that I am a Brazilian
that watches soccer games and usually does not pick a side).&nbsp; The 'enemy' exists in this ethic as something
to be annihilated, or to be made "like us", and according to Bobbio,
as both sides will tend to regard one another as 'evil', they will make it
central to their discourse the annihilation or incorporation of the Other.&nbsp; Bobbio explains the myth of the eternal
cosmic war:



"In human
relations, the extreme example of antithesis is constituted by war; but the
dichotomous logic, on the other hand, is not strange to the proper traditional
view, religious or metaphysical, including the one on the natural world
(light-darkness, order-chaos and, at the limit, God-demon)."<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[5]<!--[endif]-->



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 

What motivates, according to Bobbio, the need for wars
- and politics as war - is an innate, cosmic-oriented quality that, "at
the limit…" is governed by the dualism "God-demon".&nbsp;&nbsp; Bobbio claims to see the true meaning of all
religions and metaphysical "traditional" views.&nbsp; Metaphysics has had as one of its
methodological instruments, and even foundational grounds, the view that the
world can be explained through dualisms - because the world has been regarded
as inherently dual and moral.&nbsp; It has
done this regardless of the effects of its theories on the world, since it
considers itself as true in every way, and every metaphysical Truth has been
seen (by metaphysicians) as natural and therefore somehow gentle.&nbsp; Clearly, this comes to mind as a paradox,
because since when war is gentle?&nbsp;&nbsp; Since
metaphysics, in claiming to see Reality and Truth without acknowledging their
effects in the world, such as justifying war for example, made it look so.&nbsp;&nbsp; Bobbio fails to see that his political
stance - because that is what it is - that politics is war, ultimately fought
by two sides, cosmically participating in the "game" of
"God-demon", is a particular Christian tradition,<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[6]<!--[endif]-->
and can never hope to speak for "human relations" or for all
religions.

Foucault, in his analysis of the present political
culture, claims that politics has come to be seen as “war continued by other
means.”<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[7]<!--[endif]-->
He states: 



"This reversal of
Clausewitz's assertion that war is politics continued by other means has a
triple significance: in the first place, it implies that the relations of power
that function in a society such as ours essentially rest upon a definite
relation of forces that is established at a determinate, historically
specifiable moment, in war and by war.&nbsp;
Furthermore, if it is true that political power puts an end to war, that
it installs, or tries to install, the reign of peace in civil society, this by
no means implies that it suspends the effects of war or neutralizes the
disequilibrium revealed in the final battle.&nbsp;
The role of political power, on this hypothesis, is perpetually to
re-inscribe this relation through a form of unspoken warfare; to re-inscribe it
in social institutions, in economic inequalities, in language, in the bodies
themselves of each and every one of us."<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[8]<!--[endif]-->



&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; For Foucault, then, the
political ethic that has become dominant since the 17th century is
one whereby history is a field installed through battle, that requires subject
positions to be configured as in war. He called this supposed dependence
between history and war, “historicism”.&nbsp;
It is based on a discourse on biological imperatives that make up
historical “races”, and this is why Foucault interprets the functioning of
historicism as “racism”.&nbsp; This is because
it depends upon the raising of arms against the “enemy”, biologically or
naturally locatable. What happened in the 19th century is that
another discourse, inverting and at the same time completing the previous one,
comes to the fore.&nbsp; It also works through
the war logic, only now with more subtlety.&nbsp;
It locates war in the present, instead of ascribing it to an original
battle.&nbsp; The dominant discourse on left
and right partakes of this. The “enemy”, in socialist discourse, for example,
has been named “capitalist”, “tyrant” or otherwise, and these were, of course,
named in order to be fought against, to be dealt with from inside the
malfunctioning living unit.&nbsp; This
discourse is part of what Foucault termed “biopower”, since its legitimacy
depends on the assumption of natural roots to politics, located in the
biological construction named “population”.&nbsp;
It is politics functioning through the power technology of war, by
“racism”.

&nbsp;&nbsp; For Bobbio,
the right can be summed up as a position of inequality (including “natural”
inequality), while the left would be for equality.&nbsp; Bobbio's criteria of equality/inequality is
underpinned by his question of "which people
must be considered equal and which must be considered unequal."<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[9]<!--[endif]-->
[emphasis added].&nbsp; We see here that the
"criteria" with which he works to get to his theory of equal/unequal
involves a fundamental search for political identity.&nbsp; Which "people"? is his question, not events, contexts, circumstances,
understandings, histories, etc.&nbsp; A "people" is made into an
essentialized substance, with inherent characteristics that can be measured, identified.&nbsp; All of Bobbio's claims to an
"analysis" of the dyad is of a fundamentally identitarian,
person-centered politics.&nbsp; This has been
the traditional understanding of identity in Western liberalism.&nbsp; That the identities are reduced to either equal
or unequal, even if this is done relationally, gives evidence of how rationally
satisfying dualisms have been regarded.&nbsp;
The unconscious working is that if you explain "both sides",
you have explained it all.&nbsp; Moreover,
regarding "people" as inherently equal or unequal in relation to
others also has a moral underpinning.&nbsp;
One can read this affirmation as saying that there is some fundamental
quality in each of us that will make us more or less tolerant of
difference.&nbsp; Some fundamental "human
nature" that drives us into good and evil morality, reminding and
reaffirming Bobbio's dualistic cosmos. 



The 'dyad' and
social movements 



For many movements of social justice, the division of
equal/unequal does not represent their interests.&nbsp; It is clear to them, as in the case of
Afro-Brazilians and African Americans, for example, that they want both to be recognized as equal and unequal.&nbsp; They strive for equal rights and
acknowledgements in some areas, while demanding unequal, or different ones in
different matters.&nbsp; Also, depending on which Afro-Brazilian or African American
groups and struggles we are talking about, they will differ from community to
community, inside the racial/cultural categories I am talking about. Whenever
"equality" is used, or "inequality", it is just a
discursive, or moral, category; never objective, never existent in itself.&nbsp; It is a tool of discourse, and as such can be
used for different and contradictory purposes.&nbsp;
The question then becomes: Why then use them at all?&nbsp;&nbsp; Because they are part of history and can be
effective for political purposes, exactly because of their moral tone.&nbsp;&nbsp; We live in a moralistic culture, and both
right and left have used and abused this. Bobbio’s notion of
"equality" as a "thing" that is ultimately transparent,
scientifically provable, presupposes that all difference can be and is represented
as either left, right, or center.&nbsp; The
promise is that of a reconciliation, a full understanding of these as
fundamental and eternal differences, which it is the task of knowledge to
ascertain us of.&nbsp; Bobbio wants to show us
the way to the True, so that left and right can live happily ever after.&nbsp; 

If some of the more vociferous and radical tendencies
of these groups have tended to the left, it is not because the left has some
inherent quality in it, called 'equality', that brings them to its side. &nbsp;It is rather because of the way politics has
been systematically produced, as the embattling of opposite forces,
complicitous in many ways one to the other, that a space, the left, has
governed the lead for revolt, change, pursuit of justice, while the right has
been concerned mainly with maintenance of priviledge (and here, of course, I am
naming “right” even many that self-identify as “center”).&nbsp; However, there is an assumption among
leftists and in the culture at large that all those that are for emancipatory
practices share fundamental mind- sets or practical realities that are
interchangeable.&nbsp; The idea is that if you
are somewhat critical of some cultural-political aspect, you should therefore
place yourself on the left.&nbsp; Conversely,
if you accept the way things are, or if you claim a return to lost origins, you
are on the right.&nbsp; This has been
happening, although not as assumed: there is no fundamental division of life
that sets people on the "for" or "against" ranks,
primarily.&nbsp; Rather, it is a historical,
cultural, aspect of modern nation-states that has set politics as an antagonism
of opposite forces, and some of the most radical political activists have been
reproducing the practices of a stronger and fascism-bearing right, by assuming
that the left has to be all-inclusive of resistance.&nbsp; It is a historical and identitarian
component, akin to Nietzsche's master-slave dynamic, that has taken place
here.&nbsp; In this struggle, or war in
Bobbio's imagination, the left has been systematically informed by and
empowered to the degree that it can stand as a -many times reactive,
reproductive, and direct - response to the right.&nbsp; Though many times needed, and important as it
has been for "equality", "justice", "freedom"
(which are always multiple and contradictory), the left has given the right the
power that it needs.&nbsp; More importantly
here, though, is the relation that asks from each side a racial purity, the
road to which is war, both external and internal.



Anthony Giddens
and the “third way”



Another proponent of the "beyond" is Anthony
Giddens, author of Beyond Left and Right:
The future of radical politics.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[10]<!--[endif]-->&nbsp; Again, like Bobbio, Giddens assumes that
there is a universal left and a right.&nbsp;
The left is equated with future orientation, and the right with past
orientation, linked to a notion of tradition.&nbsp;
The dualism is taken as a fundamental fact of life, rather than a
historical construction.&nbsp; Giddens wants
to show us that there has been a synthesis going on since the late 20th
century that we have been blinded to.&nbsp;
This is the coming of "reflexivity", a way of being that is
beyond traditions "as they were understood to be", and it supposedly
means greater freedom for everyone.&nbsp; The
annihilation of peoples and cultures is trasnposed onto the trajectory of a unilinear
history.&nbsp; Freedom lies, for Giddens, in
realizing the beauty of reflexivity, of taking risks, and of producing
"active trust".&nbsp; All of these
mediated by the power of capital and of the individual. Giddens assumes an inherent eqüity in
power between any two or more parties, a power vacuum. &nbsp;One is left wondering how he can say that we
have to disregard "productivism", when his central concerns are
forces that can actually reinforce it.&nbsp;
Giddens cannot see that, because he is concerned with the subjective;
all his propositions rely on a properly-prepared subject, one that can manage
all of its affairs because it is knowledgeable.&nbsp;
Even an environmental problem as macrospatial as climate change, is
regarded by Giddens as a problem for the properly-prepared subject to
solve.&nbsp; This only foregrounds the claim
that I have made about Bobbio as well: that the left/right discourse is
primarily an identitarian one.&nbsp; It is
subjects, not issues and events in the world, that are the concern of the
demarcation.&nbsp; For Giddens, the “solution”
lies in a subject that is the synthesis of left and right.&nbsp; He therefore needs to presume the natural
existence of those two in order to formulate his synthesis, which would, of
course, be nothing more than the sum of what Good there is in those two
“sides”.

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 

Closing



Giddens shares with Bobbio, and with the dominant
discourse on left/right dualisms, the conviction that the farthest extremes of
both present us with totalitarianism.&nbsp; On
the extreme right and the extreme left, fascism is believed to reside.&nbsp;&nbsp; The historical appearance of Nazism and
Stalinism serve for the dominant discourse on the dyad as a proof that
political action is at its limits when productive of fascisms.&nbsp; That is why, for both Bobbio and Giddens,
left and right need to be uplifted.&nbsp; For
the former, in a way that recognizes their natural right to exist; for the
latter, a synthesis of the dyad is what is necessary for their teleological
confirmation.&nbsp; Both authors believe that
the human political experience has tyranny as its natural walls, not freedom,
or neither of the two.&nbsp; The politics of
dualism is, for these authors, and for the dominant society they represent,
legitimated by the belief that, when at its extremes - if there really are any
-&nbsp; human political action will always
produce tyranny.&nbsp; Biopower, the
functioning of regulating mechanisms that continually inscribe homeostasis,
stability, and equilibrium, requires this escape from supposed excess.&nbsp; And “racism”is that configuration of
legitimate vs. Illegitimate selves – who should live and who should die – or
who counts as a political being and who does not.

The centrality of Self in Westernized
societies has a fundamental share on the politics of dualism.&nbsp; Left and right depend on a self that sees
itself as the space of autonomy.&nbsp; The
self here is understood as inherently moral, and so is history.&nbsp; The dualisms of left and right, self and
other, have authority on the basis of a history that is supposedly moral. That,
together with a self that understands itself to be the fundamental space of
assessment, as if the "outer" world was only secondary or even
irrelevant in the assessment, has provided the grounds for domination.&nbsp; Left and right as universal categories are
able to be in a culture that is made up of a moral ethos, in which the
individual does not examine politics as anything greater that might be
overwhelming to and unidentifiable with the Self.&nbsp; It is the tyranny of interiority over social
life, which mistakes identity for practice.&nbsp;
Alienation will provide that we remain content as long as we can say if
we are "left", "right", or anything in between.&nbsp; It will also cheer us up, though, when we
think we can be fully removed from dual politics.&nbsp; That might happen even when we say to
ourselves "I am fully removed form left and right reduction, because I see
the whole thing."&nbsp; Actually, that
discourse is located within a metaphysical thinking, and therefore one that
reproduces the exact power structures it is supposedly critiquing.&nbsp; We can strive to question the dualism of left
and right, and even claim it as reductive, but to then reduce it to a
"thing" that we can be fully "beyond" is to play within the
same rules.&nbsp; It is to accept that the world
is double by trying to provide a "higher synthesis".&nbsp; The dominant struggle against the dualism,
then, is working within the same Law that says that the world is dual.&nbsp; Resistance against the politics of dualism
can only be effective if it questions the metaphysics and moral underpinnings
that form worlds as dual.&nbsp; This will not
come through a fuller integration or something of the sort, but through, as
Nietzsche thinks, an affirmation from a different “place”.&nbsp; And this place cannot be reduced to a
concept, such as equality - or liberation, emancipation.&nbsp; When talking about political practices, there
is always something undemonstrable. An affirmation from a different place here
means one that would not understand itself to be constrained by the fictive
certainty of a polar world, and the annihilations that accompany it.

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 










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<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->



<!--[endif]-->




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[1]<!--[endif]--> Although not strictly related to the
topic, an important reference: Shanley, M.L.; Narayan, U.&nbsp; Reconstructing Political
Theory: Feminist perspectives.&nbsp;
Pennsylvannia: The Pennsylvannia State
University Press.&nbsp; 1997. 210p.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[2]<!--[endif]--> Bobbio,
Norberto.&nbsp; Direita e esquerda: Razões
e significados de uma distinção política.&nbsp;
2a ed.&nbsp; São Paulo:
Editora Unesp.&nbsp; 1995.&nbsp; 187p.




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[3]<!--[endif]--> Note that the definition of
"dualism" is always contextual, in this case referring to the
left/right dualism.&nbsp; To phrase it in a
final definition would be a claim to total knowledge, and the reproduction of
dualisms themselves. 




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[4]<!--[endif]-->
Bobbio, op. cit. p.11. [Author’s Translation]




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[5]<!--[endif]-->
Bobbio, op. cit. p.83. [A.T.]




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[6]<!--[endif]--> And this is not to say that this is the only way Christianity has been practiced, or that it is the
'origin' of dualisms.&nbsp; 




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[7]<!--[endif]--> Foucault, Michel.&nbsp; Em Defesa da Sociedade.&nbsp; São Paulo: Martins Fontes.&nbsp; 2002.&nbsp; p.22&nbsp;
[A.T.]




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[8]<!--[endif]--> Foucault, Michel.&nbsp; Power/Knowledge.&nbsp; New York: Pantheon Books.&nbsp; 1980.&nbsp;
p.90




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[9]<!--[endif]-->&nbsp; Bobbio,
op. cit. p.34.&nbsp; [A.T.]




<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[10]<!--[endif]--> Giddens, Anthony.&nbsp; Beyond
Left and Right: The future of radical politics.&nbsp; Stanford: Stanford University Press.&nbsp; 1994.&nbsp;
253p.