Origem histórica  e  desenvolvimento  social  do  Funcionalismo
Autor: Armando Leite | Publicado: 2013-09-15T12:21:00-07:00

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<![endif]-->As&nbsp; raízes&nbsp;
históricas&nbsp; do&nbsp; funcionalismo&nbsp;
se&nbsp; referem&nbsp; à&nbsp;
questão&nbsp; do&nbsp; significado&nbsp;
das&nbsp; formas&nbsp; culturais&nbsp;
ou&nbsp; padrões&nbsp; de&nbsp;
comportamento&nbsp; em&nbsp; termos&nbsp;
de&nbsp; consequências, além&nbsp; da&nbsp;
forma&nbsp; ou&nbsp; estrutura&nbsp;
particular, e&nbsp; estas remontam&nbsp; desde&nbsp;
a &nbsp;longínqua&nbsp; Roma Antiga&nbsp;
como&nbsp; veremos&nbsp; abaixo.

<!--[if gte mso 9]>
 
  
 
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A&nbsp;
respeito&nbsp; de&nbsp; patrícios&nbsp;
e&nbsp; plebeus, conta-se&nbsp; que, certa&nbsp;
feita, por&nbsp; não&nbsp; terem acesso a magistraturas,&nbsp; os&nbsp;
plebeus&nbsp; ameaçaram&nbsp; os&nbsp;
patrícios&nbsp; de&nbsp; os&nbsp;
abandonarem &nbsp;e&nbsp; irem&nbsp;
fundar&nbsp; outra&nbsp; cidade no monte sagrado. Diante&nbsp; da&nbsp;
ameaça, os&nbsp; patrícios&nbsp; procuraram&nbsp;
agradar&nbsp; os&nbsp; plebeus. Para &nbsp;delegaram Menênio&nbsp; Agripa&nbsp;
que, segundo&nbsp; o&nbsp; historiador&nbsp;
Tito&nbsp; Lívio&nbsp; em&nbsp;
seu&nbsp; livro&nbsp; Ab Urbe condita libri (Desde a fundação da
cidade), os&nbsp; convenceu&nbsp; com&nbsp;
o&nbsp; seguinte apólogo :

“ Quando&nbsp; não&nbsp;
reinava&nbsp; ainda&nbsp; a&nbsp;
harmonia&nbsp; no&nbsp; corpo&nbsp;
humano, e&nbsp; cada&nbsp; membro&nbsp;
tinha&nbsp; liberdade&nbsp; de&nbsp;
ação, todas&nbsp; as&nbsp; partes&nbsp;
do&nbsp; corpo&nbsp; se&nbsp;
indignaram, porquê&nbsp; todos&nbsp; os&nbsp;
seus&nbsp; cuidados&nbsp; e&nbsp;
esforços&nbsp; terminavam&nbsp; em&nbsp;
proveito&nbsp; unicamente&nbsp; do&nbsp; estômago:
somente&nbsp; ele usufruía os&nbsp; prazeres que&nbsp;
lhe&nbsp; eram&nbsp; apresentados.

Combinou-se&nbsp; então&nbsp; que&nbsp; as&nbsp;
mãos&nbsp; não&nbsp; mais&nbsp;
levariam&nbsp; os&nbsp; alimentos&nbsp;
à&nbsp; boca; a&nbsp; boca&nbsp;
não mais &nbsp;os&nbsp; receberia; os&nbsp;
dentes não&nbsp; mais os&nbsp; triturariam. Resultado: o&nbsp; corpo&nbsp;
definhou&nbsp; de&nbsp; modo&nbsp;
total. Viram &nbsp;os&nbsp; membros&nbsp;
que&nbsp; o&nbsp; estômago&nbsp;
cumpria&nbsp; funções úteis&nbsp; e&nbsp;
que&nbsp; ele&nbsp; alimentava&nbsp;
tanto&nbsp; quanto&nbsp; era&nbsp;
alimentado. Mostrando&nbsp; então &nbsp;a&nbsp;
semelhança&nbsp; que&nbsp; havia entre&nbsp;
esta&nbsp; dissensão &nbsp;intestinal&nbsp;
do&nbsp; corpo&nbsp; e&nbsp;
a&nbsp; cólera&nbsp; da&nbsp;
plebe&nbsp; contra as instituições &nbsp;e classes sociais da república. Ao encerrar,
Menênio Agripa conseguiu pacificar&nbsp; os
espíritos, obteve a concordância dos plebeus e a greve encerrou-se com todos
acompanhando-o de volta à Roma”. (Shakespeare, séculos depois, ficou tão entusiasmado
com essa exposição, digna da melhor sofística, que a reproduziu em grande parte
no Ato Primeiro da sua peça "Coriolano", de 1608 (Ato Primeiro, Cena
I).

O fato&nbsp; ocorrido no&nbsp;
ano&nbsp; de 494 a.c. ficou&nbsp; conhecido&nbsp;
como a&nbsp; Revolta&nbsp; do&nbsp;
Monte&nbsp; sagrado ( ou a secessão da
plebe) e&nbsp; resultou&nbsp; na&nbsp;
criação magistraturas plebeias: o tribunato, &nbsp;a edilidade da plebe e Lei das Doze Tábuas
(Lex Duodecim Tabularum). Séculos &nbsp;mais &nbsp;tarde &nbsp;como&nbsp; um&nbsp;
argumento&nbsp; análogo&nbsp; também tentou&nbsp;
buscar&nbsp; soluções para as&nbsp; contradições&nbsp;
sociais&nbsp; apresentadas&nbsp; pelo&nbsp;
sistema&nbsp; da&nbsp; época, o&nbsp;
capitalismo&nbsp; industrial,&nbsp; tornando-se&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; das mais importantes
correntes&nbsp; do&nbsp; pensamento&nbsp;
sociológico&nbsp; moderno. Mas&nbsp; suas&nbsp; raízes&nbsp; profundas&nbsp;
através&nbsp; da&nbsp; história&nbsp;
podem&nbsp; ser&nbsp; comprovadas&nbsp;
pelas&nbsp; palavras &nbsp;dos autores Wilbert E. Moore :

“examinarei&nbsp; o&nbsp;
funcionalismo&nbsp; como&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
estrutura&nbsp; mais&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
menos&nbsp; sistemática&nbsp; de&nbsp;
analise&nbsp; social&nbsp; e, como&nbsp;
essa&nbsp; ressalva, iniciarei&nbsp; sua&nbsp;
história&nbsp; por&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
fase&nbsp; recente, como&nbsp; a&nbsp;
segunda&nbsp; metade&nbsp; do&nbsp; século&nbsp; passado. Minha&nbsp; intenção&nbsp;
não é&nbsp; negar&nbsp; que&nbsp;
algumas&nbsp; das&nbsp; ideias&nbsp;
fundamentais&nbsp; são&nbsp; da&nbsp;
antiguidade&nbsp; impressionante&nbsp; em&nbsp;
filosofias&nbsp; registradas, e, por
conseguinte, de antiguidade&nbsp;
provavelmente&nbsp; maior&nbsp; na&nbsp;
sabedoria&nbsp; popular&nbsp; não-registrada”.



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A&nbsp;
realidade&nbsp; das transformações&nbsp; sociais&nbsp;
fundamentais&nbsp; que&nbsp; acompanham&nbsp;
a&nbsp; expansão&nbsp; do&nbsp;
capitalismo&nbsp; industrial&nbsp; foi&nbsp;
a&nbsp; principal&nbsp; preocupação&nbsp;
de&nbsp; Saint-simon&nbsp; e&nbsp;
Conte, com&nbsp; sua&nbsp; busca&nbsp;
de&nbsp; uma&nbsp; nova&nbsp;
ordem&nbsp; social&nbsp; racionalmente&nbsp;
constituída&nbsp; um&nbsp; tema&nbsp;
um&nbsp; tanto&nbsp; implícito, existe&nbsp; sob&nbsp;
as&nbsp; novas&nbsp; formas&nbsp;
de&nbsp; interdependência&nbsp; social&nbsp;
estabelecidas&nbsp; por&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
economia&nbsp; e&nbsp; estrutura&nbsp;
política&nbsp; altamente&nbsp; racionalizada. Esse&nbsp; tema é&nbsp;
a&nbsp; ordem&nbsp; e&nbsp; a&nbsp; mudança.&nbsp;
Foi&nbsp; o desaparecimento das&nbsp; velhas&nbsp;
ordens&nbsp; sociais,
presumidamente&nbsp; estáveis, que&nbsp; provocou&nbsp;
a&nbsp; preocupação&nbsp; dos&nbsp;
eruditos. Comte&nbsp; adotou&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
interpretação&nbsp; essencialmente
evolucionária, com&nbsp; suas&nbsp; fases&nbsp;
teológica, metafisica&nbsp; e&nbsp; positivista (científica )&nbsp; dos&nbsp;
sistemas sócio-culturais.

O positivismo, que fundamenta a
interpretação do mundo exclusivamente na experiência, adota como ponto de
partida a ciência natural e tenta aplicar seus métodos no exame dos fenômenos
sociais. Assim, os primeiros conceitos da nova disciplina foram elaborados de
acordo com analogias orgânicas, três das quais são fundamentais para a
compreensão dessa corrente sociológica:

O conceito teleológico da
natureza, que implica uma postura fatalista, já que as metas a serem alcançadas
estão predeterminadas (Determinismo), o que impede qualquer tentativa de
alterá-las; e a crença de que a relação existente entre as diversas partes que
compõem a sociedade é semelhante à relação que guardam entre si os órgãos de um
organismo vivo.

O organicismo biológico,
inspirado nas teorias evolucionistas &nbsp;de
Charles Darwin, considerava a sociedade como um organismo biológico em sua
natureza, funções, origem, desenvolvimento e variações. Segundo essa corrente,
praticamente extinta, o que é válido para os organismos é aplicado aos grupos
sociais. A segunda etapa clássica do organicismo positivista, também chamada de
sociologia analítica, foi marcada por grandes preocupações metodológicas e teve
em Ferdinand Tönnies, Émile Durkheim e Robert Redfield seus expoentes máximos.

O&nbsp;
interesse&nbsp; de&nbsp; Durkheim&nbsp;
pelos&nbsp; problemas&nbsp; da&nbsp;
integração&nbsp; social&nbsp; manifestou-se&nbsp;
desde&nbsp; cedo, e&nbsp; foi&nbsp;
constante. Não&nbsp; só&nbsp; em&nbsp;
A&nbsp; Divisão&nbsp; do&nbsp;
trabalho, mas&nbsp; também&nbsp; em&nbsp;
livros subsequentes&nbsp; e&nbsp; em&nbsp; ensaios,
uma&nbsp; grande&nbsp; parte&nbsp;
de&nbsp; sua&nbsp; obra&nbsp;
se&nbsp; focalizou&nbsp; na&nbsp;
manutenção&nbsp; da&nbsp; ordem&nbsp;
moral, na&nbsp; fuga&nbsp; à&nbsp;
anomia, isto é, na&nbsp; ausência&nbsp; de&nbsp;
regras. O&nbsp; enfoque&nbsp; persistente&nbsp;
de&nbsp; Durkheim&nbsp; revela&nbsp;
um&nbsp; esforço&nbsp; de&nbsp;
construir&nbsp; uma&nbsp; ciência&nbsp;
da&nbsp; sociedade, ou pelo&nbsp; menos&nbsp;
dos&nbsp; fenômenos&nbsp; sociais, onde&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; cultura&nbsp; devia&nbsp;
ser&nbsp; visto&nbsp; como&nbsp;
um&nbsp; todo&nbsp; integrado, no&nbsp;
sentido&nbsp; inclusivo&nbsp; de&nbsp;
conhecimento, crenças&nbsp; e&nbsp; regras&nbsp;
de&nbsp; conduta, mas&nbsp; também&nbsp;
de&nbsp; padrões&nbsp; de&nbsp;
comportamento&nbsp; e&nbsp; formas&nbsp;
de&nbsp; organização&nbsp; social. A&nbsp;
explicação&nbsp; de&nbsp; qualquer&nbsp;
crença, regra, estrutura&nbsp; ou&nbsp; prática&nbsp;
devia&nbsp; ser encontrada seja&nbsp; através&nbsp;
dos&nbsp; elos&nbsp; com&nbsp;
outras&nbsp; partes&nbsp; do&nbsp;
sistema&nbsp; ou&nbsp; em&nbsp;
sua&nbsp; contribuição&nbsp; para&nbsp;
a&nbsp; sobrevivência&nbsp; do&nbsp;
sistema&nbsp; e&nbsp; de&nbsp;
seus&nbsp; membros.

Durkheim fez&nbsp; esforço&nbsp;
modesto para&nbsp; explicar&nbsp; o&nbsp;
fenômeno da&nbsp; diferenciação&nbsp; crescente, contrastando&nbsp; a&nbsp;
solidariedade&nbsp; orgânica&nbsp; com&nbsp;
a&nbsp; solidariedade&nbsp; mecânica.

Durkheim&nbsp; afirmava&nbsp;
que&nbsp; os&nbsp; fatos&nbsp;
sociais&nbsp; têm&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
realidade&nbsp; sui&nbsp; generis, e&nbsp;
por&nbsp; isso&nbsp; devem ser&nbsp;
explicados&nbsp; por&nbsp; outros&nbsp;
fatos&nbsp; sociais, e&nbsp; portanto&nbsp;
não&nbsp; devem&nbsp; ser&nbsp;
reduzidos&nbsp; a&nbsp; estados&nbsp;
psicológicos&nbsp; dos&nbsp; atores.

Foi&nbsp; a&nbsp;
percepção&nbsp; correta&nbsp; de&nbsp;
Durkheim; de&nbsp; que&nbsp; a&nbsp;
interdependência&nbsp; não&nbsp; assegura&nbsp;
a&nbsp; solidariedade&nbsp; do&nbsp;
sistema&nbsp; como&nbsp; um&nbsp;
todo, que&nbsp; o&nbsp; levou&nbsp;
a&nbsp; explorar&nbsp; a&nbsp;
função&nbsp; dos&nbsp; valores&nbsp;
finais&nbsp; das&nbsp; crenças&nbsp;
que&nbsp; não&nbsp; estão&nbsp;
sujeitas&nbsp; ao&nbsp; questionamento.



Herbert Spencer na Inglaterra
similarmente argumentava que as leis da organização humana poderiam ser
desenvolvidas. Essas leis iriam concentrar-se no crescimento e na complexidade
da sociedade, visto que essas causas criavam pressões para o aumento da
interdependência e troca entre as pessoas e organização de uma sociedade;&nbsp; e o aumento do uso do poder para regular,
controlar e coordenar as atividades desses membros e unidades organizacionais.
Spencer fundou uma teoria sociológica conhecida como funcionalismo, em que a
função de uma estrutura social na manutenção da sociedade era enfatizada.

Particularmente&nbsp; na&nbsp;
obra&nbsp; de&nbsp; Herbert&nbsp;
Spencer, foram desenvolvidas&nbsp;
analogias&nbsp; complexas&nbsp; entre&nbsp;
unidades&nbsp; e&nbsp; especialidades&nbsp; da&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; e&nbsp; partes&nbsp;
do&nbsp; corpo&nbsp; humano. A&nbsp;
doutrina&nbsp; evolucionária&nbsp; oferecia&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; justificativa&nbsp; lógica fácil&nbsp;
para&nbsp; a diferenciação, através
da&nbsp; variabilidade&nbsp; genética&nbsp;
e&nbsp; para&nbsp; o&nbsp; uso
ou&nbsp; função&nbsp; das&nbsp;
partes&nbsp; orgânicas&nbsp; pela&nbsp;
sua&nbsp; contribuição&nbsp; à&nbsp;
sobrevivência&nbsp; do&nbsp; organismo.

Ëmile Durkheim adotou as ideias
de Spencer, mas deu continuidade à tradição francesa de enfatizar a importância
das ideias culturais para a integração da sociedade. Como Spencer, ele era um
funcionalista e acreditava que as leis da organização humana poderiam ser
descobertas, mas acrescentou à teoria de Spencer a importância de se descobrir
as causas e funções dos símbolos que buscam integrar a sociedade.

Se&nbsp; existe&nbsp;
e&nbsp; persiste, deve&nbsp; ter&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; função&nbsp; de&nbsp;
manutenção&nbsp; do&nbsp; sistema.

O&nbsp;
estruturo- funcionalismo, ou funcionalismo estrutural, foi&nbsp; a&nbsp;
perspectiva&nbsp; dominante de&nbsp; antropologistas&nbsp; culturais&nbsp;
e&nbsp; sociólogos&nbsp; rurais&nbsp;
entre&nbsp; a&nbsp; II&nbsp;
Guerra&nbsp; Mundial&nbsp; e&nbsp;
a&nbsp; Guerra&nbsp; do&nbsp;
Vietnã. O&nbsp;
estruturo-funcionalismo&nbsp; tem&nbsp; a&nbsp;
visão&nbsp; de&nbsp; que&nbsp;
a&nbsp; sociedade&nbsp; é&nbsp;
constituída&nbsp; por&nbsp; partes (polícia, hospitais, escolas, fazendas,etc...)
cada&nbsp; parte&nbsp; possui&nbsp;
suas&nbsp; próprias&nbsp; funções&nbsp;
e&nbsp; trabalhando&nbsp; em&nbsp;
conjunto para&nbsp; promover&nbsp; a&nbsp;
estabilidade&nbsp; social.

Parsons, em&nbsp; The&nbsp;
Social&nbsp; System,&nbsp; constrói&nbsp;
um&nbsp; modelo&nbsp; um&nbsp;
modelo&nbsp; complexo&nbsp; das&nbsp;
sociedades&nbsp; nas&nbsp; quais&nbsp;
o&nbsp; sistema&nbsp; social&nbsp;
oferece&nbsp; um&nbsp; elo&nbsp;
com&nbsp; dois&nbsp; outros&nbsp;
sistemas analiticamente&nbsp;
distintos: personalidade&nbsp; e&nbsp; cultura.

Autores&nbsp; como&nbsp;
Robert&nbsp; Sutherland&nbsp; e&nbsp;
Julia Woodward&nbsp; organizam&nbsp; seu&nbsp;
material&nbsp; em&nbsp; torno&nbsp;
das&nbsp; principais&nbsp; instituições&nbsp;
sociais, ou&nbsp; seja, a&nbsp; família, a&nbsp;
economia, a&nbsp; estrutura&nbsp; política, a&nbsp;
religião, a&nbsp; educação&nbsp; e&nbsp;
assim&nbsp; por&nbsp; diante.

A reformulação do conceito de
sistema foi o centro de todas as interpretações que constituem a contribuição
do funcionalismo, última grande corrente do pensamento sociológico e integrada
por dois importantes ramos: o macrofuncionalismo, derivado do organicismo
sociológico e da antropologia, e o microfuncionalismo, inspirado nas teorias da
escola psicológica da Gestalt e no positivismo. Entre os adeptos do
funcionalismo estão os antropólogos culturais Bronislaw Malinowski e A. R.
Radcliffe-Brown.


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As&nbsp; ideias&nbsp;
centrais&nbsp; da&nbsp; perspectiva&nbsp;
funcionalista&nbsp; podem&nbsp; ser&nbsp;
apresentadas&nbsp; de&nbsp; maneira&nbsp;
bastante&nbsp; simples. Os&nbsp; agregados&nbsp;
sociais&nbsp; humanos&nbsp; envolvem&nbsp;
unidades&nbsp; diferenciadas&nbsp; que&nbsp;
são&nbsp; interdependentes. Essas
unidades&nbsp; podem&nbsp; ser&nbsp;
pessoas, famílias e&nbsp;
estruturas&nbsp; de&nbsp; parentesco, aldeias&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
estruturas&nbsp; analíticas&nbsp; como&nbsp;
categorias&nbsp; de&nbsp; idade, sexo&nbsp;
ou&nbsp; grupos&nbsp; de&nbsp;
status&nbsp; mais&nbsp; amplos, dos&nbsp;
quais&nbsp; outras&nbsp; unidades&nbsp;
concretas&nbsp; ou&nbsp; analíticas&nbsp;
tornam-se&nbsp; assim, partes &nbsp;de&nbsp;
subconjunto.

Nas&nbsp; ciências&nbsp;
sociais, especificamente na&nbsp;
antropologia e na&nbsp; sociologia
ocultural, o&nbsp; funcionalismo (também&nbsp; chamado&nbsp;
análise&nbsp; funcional)&nbsp; é uma&nbsp;
filosofia&nbsp; sociológica&nbsp; que&nbsp;
originalmente&nbsp; tenta&nbsp; explicar&nbsp;
as&nbsp; instituições&nbsp; sociais&nbsp;
como&nbsp; meios&nbsp; coletivos&nbsp;
de&nbsp; satisfazer&nbsp; necessidades&nbsp;
biológicas&nbsp; individuais,
vindo&nbsp; mais&nbsp; tarde&nbsp;
à&nbsp; se&nbsp; concentrar&nbsp;
nas&nbsp; maneiras&nbsp; como&nbsp;
as&nbsp; instituições&nbsp; sociais&nbsp;
satisfazem&nbsp; necessidades&nbsp; sociais, especialmente&nbsp; a&nbsp;
solidariedade&nbsp; social.
Juntamente&nbsp; com&nbsp; a&nbsp;
teoria&nbsp; do&nbsp; conflito&nbsp;
e&nbsp; o&nbsp; internacionalismo. O&nbsp; funcionalismo&nbsp;
é&nbsp; tradicionalmente&nbsp; associado&nbsp;
a&nbsp; Émile&nbsp; Durkheim.

Para&nbsp; ele&nbsp;
cada&nbsp; instituição&nbsp; exerce&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; função&nbsp; específica&nbsp;
na&nbsp; sociedade&nbsp; e&nbsp;
o&nbsp; seu&nbsp; mau&nbsp;
funcionamento&nbsp; significa&nbsp; um&nbsp;
desregramento&nbsp; da&nbsp; sociedade. A&nbsp;
sua&nbsp; interpretação&nbsp; de&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; está&nbsp; diretamente&nbsp;
relacionada&nbsp; com&nbsp; o&nbsp;
estudo&nbsp; do&nbsp; fato&nbsp;
social&nbsp; que segundo&nbsp; Durkheim, apresenta&nbsp; características&nbsp; específicas: exterioridade&nbsp; e&nbsp;
a&nbsp; coercividade.&nbsp; O&nbsp;
fato&nbsp; social&nbsp; é&nbsp;
exterior, na&nbsp; medida&nbsp; em&nbsp;
que&nbsp; existe&nbsp; antes&nbsp;
do&nbsp; próprio&nbsp; individuo, e&nbsp;
coercivo, na&nbsp; medida&nbsp; em&nbsp;
que&nbsp; a&nbsp; sociedade&nbsp;
se&nbsp; impõe, sem&nbsp; o&nbsp;
consentimento&nbsp; prévio&nbsp; do&nbsp;
conhecimento.

A&nbsp;
ideia&nbsp; de&nbsp; função&nbsp;
tem&nbsp; um&nbsp; papel&nbsp;
muito&nbsp; importante&nbsp; no&nbsp;
funcionalismo, modelando&nbsp; o &nbsp;desenvolvimento&nbsp; de&nbsp;
toda&nbsp; a análise&nbsp; funcional. De&nbsp;
fato, o&nbsp; funcionalismo&nbsp; é&nbsp;
basicamente&nbsp; o&nbsp; estudo&nbsp;
das&nbsp; funções&nbsp; e&nbsp;
suas&nbsp; consequências. É&nbsp; um&nbsp;
tipo&nbsp; de&nbsp; determinismo&nbsp;
funcional&nbsp; geral, isto é, que&nbsp; várias&nbsp;
funções&nbsp; devem&nbsp; ser&nbsp;
desempenhadas para&nbsp; que&nbsp; a&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; sobreviva. A&nbsp; forma&nbsp;
deve&nbsp; ajustar-se&nbsp; à&nbsp;
função. Há&nbsp; uma&nbsp; coerência&nbsp;
necessária, que&nbsp; podemos&nbsp; chamar&nbsp;
de&nbsp; adequação&nbsp; estrutural.

Função&nbsp; social&nbsp;
: uma&nbsp; função&nbsp; social é&nbsp;
a&nbsp; contribuição&nbsp; que num fenômeno provê a um&nbsp; sistema maior&nbsp;
do&nbsp; que&nbsp; aquele&nbsp;
ao&nbsp; qual&nbsp; o&nbsp;
fenômeno&nbsp; faz&nbsp; parte. Esse&nbsp;
uso&nbsp; técnico&nbsp; não&nbsp;
é&nbsp; o&nbsp; mesmo&nbsp;
da&nbsp; ideia&nbsp; popular&nbsp;
de&nbsp; função&nbsp; como&nbsp;
um&nbsp; evento, ocasião, obrigação,
responsabilidade, ou&nbsp; profissão. 

Durkheim&nbsp; deu&nbsp;
à&nbsp; combinação&nbsp; da&nbsp;
diferenciação&nbsp; e&nbsp; integração&nbsp;
o &nbsp;nome&nbsp; de&nbsp;
solidariedade&nbsp; orgânica.

Segundo&nbsp; as&nbsp;
teses&nbsp; de&nbsp; funcionalistas&nbsp; como&nbsp;
Talcott&nbsp; Persons, a&nbsp; sociedade e&nbsp;
a&nbsp; respectiva&nbsp; cultura&nbsp;
formam&nbsp; um&nbsp; sistema&nbsp;
integrado&nbsp; de&nbsp; funções.

O Funcionalismo&nbsp; Estrutural distingue&nbsp; entre&nbsp;
estruturas&nbsp; concretas&nbsp; e &nbsp;analíticas. As&nbsp;
primeiras&nbsp; constituem&nbsp; os grupos&nbsp;
com&nbsp; membros ( como&nbsp; famílias&nbsp;
e&nbsp; linhagens) ou&nbsp; agregados (como as&nbsp; classes&nbsp;
não-organizados). A&nbsp;
participação&nbsp; nesses&nbsp; grupos&nbsp;
é&nbsp; exclusiva&nbsp; dentro&nbsp;
de&nbsp; seu&nbsp; tipo, isto&nbsp;
é, o&nbsp; indivíduo&nbsp; pertence&nbsp;
a&nbsp; um &nbsp;grupo&nbsp;
de&nbsp; parentesco&nbsp; e&nbsp;
não&nbsp; a&nbsp; outros, a&nbsp;
um&nbsp; grupo&nbsp; ocupacional&nbsp;
e&nbsp; não&nbsp; a&nbsp;
outros.

As&nbsp; estruturas&nbsp;
analíticas&nbsp; são&nbsp; identificadas&nbsp;
essencialmente&nbsp; pelas&nbsp; suas&nbsp;
funções (consequências para&nbsp;
o&nbsp; sistema).

As&nbsp; estruturas&nbsp;
econômicas&nbsp; compreendem&nbsp; todos&nbsp; os&nbsp; padrões&nbsp;
relevantes&nbsp; para&nbsp; a&nbsp;
produção&nbsp; e&nbsp; distribuição&nbsp;
de&nbsp; bens&nbsp; e&nbsp;
serviços. Embora&nbsp; existem&nbsp; organizações&nbsp;
predominantemente&nbsp; econômicas&nbsp; que&nbsp;
são&nbsp; estruturas&nbsp; concretas – empresas&nbsp; manufatureiras, fazendas&nbsp; coletivas, associações&nbsp; de&nbsp;
comércio, lojas&nbsp; de&nbsp; varejo – elas&nbsp;
não&nbsp; compreendem&nbsp; a&nbsp;
totalidade&nbsp; da&nbsp; economia, nem&nbsp;
são&nbsp; exclusivamente&nbsp; econômicas, na&nbsp; forma&nbsp;
ou&nbsp; na&nbsp; função. A&nbsp;
economia&nbsp; é&nbsp; generalizada. Nenhum&nbsp; membro&nbsp;
individual&nbsp; da&nbsp; sociedade&nbsp;
pode&nbsp; deixar&nbsp; de&nbsp;
participar&nbsp; da&nbsp; economia&nbsp;
e&nbsp; continuar&nbsp; vivo. Praticamente&nbsp; todo&nbsp;
grupo ou&nbsp; associação&nbsp; tem seus&nbsp;
aspectos&nbsp; econômicos. Por&nbsp; outro&nbsp;
lado, as&nbsp; empresas&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
associações&nbsp; profissionais&nbsp; são&nbsp;
também&nbsp; órgão&nbsp; políticos, preocupados com&nbsp; a&nbsp;
obediência normativa&nbsp; e&nbsp; a&nbsp;
manutenção&nbsp; da&nbsp; ordem, tendo&nbsp;
também&nbsp; uma&nbsp; variedade&nbsp;
de&nbsp; seus&nbsp; efeitos&nbsp;
sobre&nbsp; as&nbsp; famílias&nbsp;
dos&nbsp; membros.

Pontos&nbsp; semelhantes aplicam-se&nbsp; também&nbsp;
à&nbsp; estrutura&nbsp; política&nbsp;
ou&nbsp; à&nbsp; estruturação&nbsp;
da&nbsp; desigualdade&nbsp; social. Isso&nbsp;
permite&nbsp; a&nbsp; observação&nbsp;
da&nbsp; interdependência&nbsp; entre&nbsp; estruturas&nbsp; diferentes,&nbsp;
não&nbsp; só&nbsp; através&nbsp;
de&nbsp; transformações&nbsp; ente&nbsp;
elas, ou&nbsp; de sua&nbsp; regulação&nbsp;
por&nbsp; um&nbsp; órgão&nbsp;
superior&nbsp; geral, como&nbsp; o&nbsp;
Estado, mas&nbsp; também&nbsp; através&nbsp;
de&nbsp; sua&nbsp; interpenetração&nbsp; concreta.

As&nbsp; escolas&nbsp;
são&nbsp; criadas&nbsp; para&nbsp;
educar&nbsp; os&nbsp; alunos, e&nbsp;
cumprem&nbsp; essa&nbsp; missão&nbsp;
com&nbsp; variados&nbsp; graus&nbsp;
de&nbsp; eficiência. Também&nbsp; servem, para&nbsp;
as&nbsp; crianças&nbsp; pequenas, como&nbsp; babás&nbsp;
ou&nbsp; centros&nbsp; de&nbsp;
cuidado&nbsp; durante&nbsp; o&nbsp; dia,
como&nbsp; contexto&nbsp; para&nbsp;
socialização&nbsp; grupal&nbsp; de&nbsp;
possíveis&nbsp; desviantes, como&nbsp; mecanismos&nbsp;
de&nbsp; seleção&nbsp; preliminar&nbsp;
para&nbsp; a&nbsp; colocação&nbsp;
de&nbsp; adultos, e possivelmente&nbsp; como&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; forma&nbsp; menos&nbsp;
indireta&nbsp; de&nbsp; diminuir&nbsp;
a&nbsp; discriminação&nbsp; racial&nbsp;
e&nbsp; étnica&nbsp; em questões&nbsp;
de&nbsp; domicilio&nbsp; e&nbsp;
emprego. Para&nbsp; jovens&nbsp; adolescentes, as&nbsp; escolas&nbsp;
servem&nbsp; para&nbsp; mantê-los&nbsp;
fora&nbsp; das&nbsp; ruas durante&nbsp;
as&nbsp; horas&nbsp; de&nbsp;
aula, e&nbsp; como&nbsp; reformatório&nbsp;
durante&nbsp; o&nbsp; dia para&nbsp;
delinquentes juvenis&nbsp; que&nbsp; não&nbsp;
foram&nbsp; condenados&nbsp; a&nbsp;
permanecer&nbsp; em&nbsp; reformatórios oficiais.

Os hospitais&nbsp; oferecem outro&nbsp; exemplo, pois&nbsp;
embora proporcionem; pelo&nbsp;
menos&nbsp; nominalmente,
tratamento&nbsp; médico&nbsp; aos&nbsp;
doentes, também&nbsp; proporcionam&nbsp; necessariamente&nbsp; serviços&nbsp;
de&nbsp; cuidados&nbsp; e&nbsp;
hotel&nbsp; e&nbsp; restaurante. Retiram&nbsp; as&nbsp;
pessoas&nbsp; doentes&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
agonizantes&nbsp; de&nbsp; suas&nbsp;
casas&nbsp; e, especialmente&nbsp; para&nbsp;
os&nbsp; moribundos, proporcionam&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
espécie&nbsp; de&nbsp; cenário&nbsp;
emocionalmente&nbsp; neutro&nbsp; para&nbsp;
a&nbsp; morte. A&nbsp; concentração&nbsp;
dos&nbsp; serviços&nbsp; médicos&nbsp;
num&nbsp; estabelecimento&nbsp; à parte&nbsp;
reduz&nbsp; os&nbsp; problemas&nbsp;
de&nbsp; coordenação&nbsp; de&nbsp;
serviços&nbsp; especializados.

Os&nbsp; clubes&nbsp;
de&nbsp; serviço&nbsp; reconhecem&nbsp;
seu&nbsp; objetivo&nbsp; de&nbsp;
melhorar&nbsp; suas&nbsp; comunidades, mas seus&nbsp; almoços&nbsp;
semanais&nbsp; constituem&nbsp; oportunidades&nbsp;
de&nbsp; contatos&nbsp; comerciais&nbsp;
e&nbsp; profissionais&nbsp; e&nbsp;
de&nbsp; desenvolver&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
clientela.

Merton sugeriu&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
distinção&nbsp; entre&nbsp; funções&nbsp;
manifestas&nbsp; e &nbsp;latentes. As&nbsp;
primeiras&nbsp; compreendem&nbsp; as&nbsp;
finalidades&nbsp; claras&nbsp; de&nbsp;
organizações; as&nbsp; segundas&nbsp; incluem&nbsp;
as&nbsp; consequências adicionais (
ou&nbsp; possivelmente&nbsp; alternativas) das&nbsp; atividades&nbsp;
das&nbsp; organizações. A&nbsp; substituição&nbsp;
das&nbsp; metas reconhecidas&nbsp; pelas&nbsp;
funções&nbsp; latentes&nbsp; pode&nbsp;
não&nbsp; ser&nbsp; intencional, e&nbsp; não&nbsp;
causar&nbsp; danos, ou&nbsp; ainda&nbsp;
ter&nbsp; consequências&nbsp; benignas.

As&nbsp; organizações&nbsp;
de&nbsp; pais&nbsp; e&nbsp;
professores, criadas&nbsp; para&nbsp; servir&nbsp;
de&nbsp; intermediarias&nbsp; e&nbsp;
melhorar as&nbsp; relações&nbsp; entre&nbsp;
as&nbsp; famílias&nbsp; e&nbsp;
as&nbsp; escolas, podem&nbsp; não&nbsp;
ter influência&nbsp; perceptível&nbsp; nessas&nbsp;
relações, mas&nbsp; podem&nbsp; sobreviver&nbsp;
devido&nbsp; às&nbsp; satisfações&nbsp;
recreativas&nbsp; e&nbsp; status&nbsp;
que&nbsp; seus&nbsp; membros&nbsp;
obtêm&nbsp; de&nbsp; suas&nbsp;
atividades&nbsp; e cargos.

As&nbsp; funções&nbsp;
determinam&nbsp; as&nbsp; estruturas&nbsp;
em um&nbsp; determinismo &nbsp;funcional. Há o&nbsp; conceito&nbsp;
de&nbsp; funções&nbsp; manifestas.

O macrofuncionalismo se
caracteriza pela unidade orgânica que considera fundamental: os esquemas em
larga escala. Foi o italiano Vilfredo Pareto quem permitiu a transição entre o
organicismo e o funcionalismo, quando concebeu o conceito de sistema,
conferindo-lhe correta formulação abstrata. A forma da sociedade, segundo ele,
é determinada pela interação entre os elementos que a compõem e a interação
desses elementos com o todo, o que implica a existência de uma determinação
recíproca entre diversos elementos: a introdução de qualquer mudança provoca
uma reação cuja finalidade é a recuperação do estado original (noção de
equilíbrio sistêmico).

O microfuncionalismo
desenvolveu-se na área de análise dos grupos em sua dinâmica e não na área do
estudo da sociedade como um sistema. O americano Kurt Lewin, com a teoria sobre
os "campos dinâmicos", conjuntos de fatos físicos e sociais que
determinam o comportamento de um indivíduo na sociedade, abriu novos caminhos
para o estudo dos grupos humanos.

Sociologia&nbsp; orgânica -&nbsp;
visto&nbsp; que&nbsp; a&nbsp;
análise&nbsp; funcional&nbsp; estuda&nbsp;
todas&nbsp; contribuições&nbsp; feitas&nbsp;
pelo&nbsp; fenômeno&nbsp; sócio-cultural&nbsp; para&nbsp;
os&nbsp; sistemas&nbsp; dos&nbsp;
quais&nbsp; fazem&nbsp; parte, muitos&nbsp;
funcionalistas&nbsp; argumentam&nbsp; que&nbsp;
instituições&nbsp; sociais&nbsp; são&nbsp;
funcionalmente&nbsp; integrados&nbsp; para&nbsp;
formar&nbsp; um&nbsp; sistema&nbsp;
estável&nbsp; e&nbsp; que&nbsp;
uma mudança&nbsp; em&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
instituição&nbsp; irá&nbsp; precipitar&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; mudança&nbsp; em&nbsp;
outras&nbsp; instituições. Esse&nbsp; fenômeno&nbsp;
é&nbsp; denominado&nbsp; analogia&nbsp;
orgânica&nbsp; por&nbsp; Durkheim.

Alternativa&nbsp; funcional (também&nbsp; chamada&nbsp;
equivalente&nbsp; funcional&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
substituto&nbsp; funcional, é&nbsp; o&nbsp;
fenômeno&nbsp; pelo&nbsp; qual&nbsp;
a&nbsp; mesma&nbsp; função&nbsp;
pode&nbsp; ser&nbsp; suprida&nbsp;
por&nbsp; mais&nbsp; de&nbsp; um&nbsp; componente&nbsp;
de&nbsp; um&nbsp; sistema&nbsp;
social.&nbsp; O&nbsp; conceito&nbsp;
pode&nbsp; servir&nbsp; como&nbsp;
um&nbsp; antídoto&nbsp; para&nbsp;
as&nbsp; suposições&nbsp; injustificadas da&nbsp; indispensabilidade&nbsp; funcional&nbsp;
de&nbsp; estruturas&nbsp; sociais&nbsp;
particulares.

A&nbsp;
importância&nbsp; central&nbsp; da&nbsp;
diferenciação&nbsp; na&nbsp; perspectiva&nbsp;
funcionalista&nbsp; merece&nbsp; um&nbsp;
exame&nbsp; detalhado. Durkheim, a&nbsp; quem&nbsp;
frequentemente&nbsp; se&nbsp; atribui&nbsp;
a&nbsp; “criação”&nbsp; do&nbsp;
funcionalismo, dedicou&nbsp;
grande&nbsp; parte&nbsp; de&nbsp;
seus&nbsp; prolíficos&nbsp; e&nbsp;
eruditos&nbsp; escritos&nbsp; à&nbsp;
diferenciação&nbsp; e&nbsp; integração. Não&nbsp; obstante, em&nbsp;
A&nbsp; Divisão&nbsp; do&nbsp;
Trabalho&nbsp; ele&nbsp; demonstra&nbsp;
pela&nbsp; primeira&nbsp; vez, essa preocupação&nbsp; duradoura&nbsp;
de&nbsp; um&nbsp; modo&nbsp;
curioso; postulando&nbsp; um&nbsp; estado&nbsp;
fictício&nbsp; de&nbsp; coesão&nbsp;
social, baseado&nbsp; na&nbsp; semelhança, e não&nbsp; nas&nbsp;
diferenças&nbsp; interdependentes. Seu&nbsp; conceito&nbsp;
de&nbsp; solidariedade&nbsp; mecânica&nbsp;
só&nbsp; tem&nbsp; sentido&nbsp;
semântico&nbsp; se&nbsp; situado em&nbsp;
contraste&nbsp; com&nbsp; a&nbsp; solidariedade&nbsp; orgânica, com&nbsp;
suas&nbsp; conotações&nbsp; facilmente&nbsp;
perceptíveis&nbsp; de&nbsp; partes&nbsp;
diferenciadas&nbsp; que&nbsp; desempenham&nbsp;
várias&nbsp; funções&nbsp; interdependentes&nbsp; na&nbsp;
manutenção&nbsp; da&nbsp; viabilidade&nbsp;
do&nbsp; organismo&nbsp; complexo&nbsp;
como&nbsp; um&nbsp; todo.

O&nbsp;
tema&nbsp; da&nbsp; diferenciação&nbsp;
crescente&nbsp; não&nbsp; foi&nbsp;
original&nbsp; de&nbsp; Durkheim, pois baseava-se&nbsp; solidamente&nbsp;
em&nbsp; teorias&nbsp; evolucionárias, em&nbsp; particular&nbsp;
nas&nbsp; versões&nbsp; e&nbsp;
extensões&nbsp; pós-darwinianas .
Durkheim teve&nbsp; o&nbsp; mérito&nbsp;
excepcional&nbsp; de&nbsp; não&nbsp;
considerar&nbsp; o&nbsp; processo&nbsp;
como&nbsp; um&nbsp; dado; mas&nbsp;
perceber&nbsp; a&nbsp; importância&nbsp;
do&nbsp; crescimento&nbsp; e&nbsp;
densidade&nbsp; populacionais.

As&nbsp; duas&nbsp;
suposições&nbsp; mais&nbsp; fundamentais, como&nbsp; dissemos, são&nbsp;
a&nbsp; diferenciação&nbsp; e&nbsp;
a&nbsp; integração. Qualquer&nbsp; forma&nbsp;
cultural&nbsp; observada, ou&nbsp; padrão&nbsp;
de&nbsp; comportamento, deve enquadrar-se&nbsp; no&nbsp;
sistema, isto&nbsp; é, deve&nbsp; ter uma&nbsp;
função, onde&nbsp; na&nbsp; teoria&nbsp;
funcional&nbsp; não&nbsp; se&nbsp;
podia&nbsp; admitir&nbsp; que&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; forma&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
prática&nbsp; existente&nbsp; fosse&nbsp;
simplesmente&nbsp; acidental, ou&nbsp; fosse&nbsp;
um&nbsp; remanescente&nbsp; que&nbsp;
perdeu o&nbsp; significado&nbsp; e, portanto, não&nbsp; tivesse&nbsp;
relação&nbsp; com&nbsp; o&nbsp;
sistema, sendo&nbsp;
essencialmente&nbsp; irrelevante.

Foi&nbsp; a&nbsp;
percepção&nbsp; correta&nbsp; de&nbsp;
Durkheim, de&nbsp; que&nbsp; a&nbsp;
interdependência&nbsp; não&nbsp; assegura&nbsp;
a&nbsp; solidariedade&nbsp; do&nbsp;
sistema&nbsp; como&nbsp; um&nbsp;
todo, que&nbsp; o&nbsp; levou&nbsp;
a&nbsp; explorar&nbsp; a&nbsp;
função&nbsp; dos&nbsp; valores&nbsp;
finais, das&nbsp; crenças&nbsp; que&nbsp;
não&nbsp; estão&nbsp; sujeitas&nbsp;
ao&nbsp; questionamento.

Partes&nbsp; analiticamente&nbsp; distinguíveis&nbsp;
de&nbsp; qualquer&nbsp; sociedade&nbsp;
ou&nbsp; cultura&nbsp; devem&nbsp;
ser&nbsp; adequadas&nbsp; ao&nbsp;
resto&nbsp; do&nbsp; sistema, uma&nbsp;
uniformidade&nbsp; da&nbsp; simplicidade.

Segundo&nbsp; Robert&nbsp;
King&nbsp; Merton&nbsp; descreve&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; instituição&nbsp; como&nbsp;
funcional&nbsp; ou&nbsp; disfuncional, ou&nbsp; seja, equivale&nbsp; a&nbsp;
declará-la, respectivamente, recompensadora&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
punitiva.

O&nbsp;
castigo, argumentava&nbsp; Durkheim,
tinha&nbsp; significação&nbsp; crucial&nbsp;
não&nbsp; principalmente&nbsp; para&nbsp;
dissuadir futuros&nbsp; criminosos ,
mas como&nbsp; uma reafirmação&nbsp; dos&nbsp;
sentimentos&nbsp; morais&nbsp; da&nbsp;
comunidade. O&nbsp;
não-conformismo&nbsp; ou&nbsp; desvio&nbsp;
continua&nbsp; sendo&nbsp; um&nbsp;
problema&nbsp; teórico&nbsp; em&nbsp;
relação&nbsp; à&nbsp; integração.



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No Organicismo Durkheimiano -Termo&nbsp; que&nbsp;
exprime&nbsp; a&nbsp; ideia&nbsp;
de&nbsp; uma&nbsp; sociedade&nbsp;
vista&nbsp; como&nbsp; um &nbsp;organismo&nbsp;
vivo&nbsp; onde&nbsp; cada&nbsp;
parte&nbsp; tem&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
função ( semelhante&nbsp; à&nbsp; biologia).

Partindo da ideia de um
Organicismo da sociedade, o sociólogo Durkheim defende que cada instituição
exerce uma determinada função de forma análoga aos órgãos do corpo humano. Cada
instituição teria uma função essencial, cujo descumprimento acarretaria
diversas consequências ao “organismo” social como, por exemplo, a anomia.

O autor define anomia como o
colapso de todas as regras, observado na ausência do Estado Civil. Tal estado
anômico seria, mantendo-se na ideia organicista, semelhante à doença ao corpo
humano, ou seja, algo a ser combatido para que não leve ao fim da sociedade (
no caso da doença, fim da vida).

A interação causada pelas
instituições ao buscar evitar o estado de anomia gera na sociedade uma
solidariedade, solidariedade tal que pode ser classificada como orgânica, que
seria baseada na divisão específica de funções para garantir o funcionamento da
sociedade; ou mecânica, que seria baseada no compartilhamento de valores morais
por todos, sendo a divisão do trabalho igual entre os membros da sociedade. 

Durkheim, em sua obra “Regras
relativas à explicação do fato social” se aprofunda ainda na ideia do
Funcionalismo, atribuindo ao Direito a função de ressocializar os indivíduos
que se desfuncionalizassem agindo de forma individualista, de regular a vida em
sociedade, indo além do estabelecimento da ordem e da manutenção desta.

Segundo a organicidade, Durkheim
defende ainda que um fato social explica o outro, sendo estes relacionados à
coletividade, bem como às consciências que devem prevalecer de forma a evitar
que a passionalidade presente em consciências individuais acarretem à perda de
coesão da sociedade. A realidade social deve ultrapassar o indivíduo, evitando
assim a anomia.

A&nbsp;
anatomia&nbsp; e&nbsp; fisiologia&nbsp;
animais&nbsp; proporcionam metáforas&nbsp; e&nbsp;
analogias&nbsp; para&nbsp; a&nbsp;
relação&nbsp; das&nbsp; partes&nbsp;
com&nbsp; o&nbsp; todo, qualquer&nbsp; sistema&nbsp;
vivo. Compreendendo&nbsp; o&nbsp; todo&nbsp;
biológico&nbsp; o&nbsp; organismo revestido&nbsp; de&nbsp;
pele. Parsons, numa recapitulação&nbsp;
recente&nbsp; de&nbsp; aspectos&nbsp;
de&nbsp; sua&nbsp; posição&nbsp;
teórica, utiliza&nbsp; uma&nbsp; analogia&nbsp;
entre&nbsp; o&nbsp; sistema&nbsp;
biológico&nbsp; e&nbsp; o&nbsp;
sistema social.
O&nbsp;
uso&nbsp; de&nbsp; analogias&nbsp;
orgânicas na&nbsp; teoria&nbsp; sociológica&nbsp;
não&nbsp; se&nbsp; limita&nbsp;
às perspectivas&nbsp;
explicitamente&nbsp; funcionalistas.
A&nbsp; ecologia&nbsp; como&nbsp;
o&nbsp; estudo&nbsp; da&nbsp;
inter-relação&nbsp; do&nbsp; organismo&nbsp;
com&nbsp; seu&nbsp; ambiente, ou&nbsp;
da&nbsp; interdependência&nbsp; das&nbsp;
espécies&nbsp; vivas, estendeu-se&nbsp; não&nbsp;
só&nbsp; à&nbsp; distribuição&nbsp;
espacial&nbsp; das&nbsp; populações&nbsp;
humanas, mas&nbsp; também&nbsp; a sua&nbsp;
interdependência (simbiose).

Algumas&nbsp; contradições

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A&nbsp;
ignorância&nbsp; e&nbsp; o&nbsp;
erro&nbsp; levam&nbsp; a&nbsp;
fracassos&nbsp; parciais, aos
quais&nbsp; dão&nbsp; o&nbsp; nome&nbsp; de&nbsp;
disfunções&nbsp; latentes. A
possibilidade de funções latentes também pode provocar&nbsp; engano&nbsp;
intencionalidade&nbsp; de&nbsp; funções&nbsp;
latentes&nbsp; também&nbsp; podem&nbsp;
provocar &nbsp;engano&nbsp; intencional. As&nbsp; falsas&nbsp;
organizações&nbsp; filantrópicas, as
organizações&nbsp; de&nbsp; fachada&nbsp;
para&nbsp; espionagem, negócios&nbsp; nominalmente&nbsp;
legítimos&nbsp; que&nbsp; servem&nbsp;
de&nbsp; disfarce ao&nbsp; crime&nbsp;
organizado, legislaturas&nbsp; que&nbsp; servem&nbsp;
aos interesses&nbsp; dos&nbsp; ricos, que contribuem&nbsp; para&nbsp;
a&nbsp; campanha&nbsp; eleitoral, ou&nbsp;
dos&nbsp; subornadores, e não&nbsp; aos&nbsp;
seus&nbsp; eleitores, tudo isso
contribui essencialmente, sendo&nbsp; uma
disparidade&nbsp; entre&nbsp; as&nbsp;
intenções&nbsp; reais, que&nbsp; foram&nbsp;
disfarçadas, dos participantes, e a&nbsp;
aparência&nbsp; de&nbsp; visarem&nbsp;
a&nbsp; outros&nbsp; objetos considerados&nbsp; adequados&nbsp;
pelos elementos&nbsp; expressivos&nbsp; do&nbsp;
público.

O&nbsp;
desvio&nbsp; não&nbsp; é, então, apenas&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
manifestação&nbsp; de&nbsp; desorganização&nbsp; por&nbsp;
falta de&nbsp; uniformidade&nbsp; consensual, mas&nbsp; deriva da&nbsp;
incapacidade&nbsp; do sistema&nbsp; de&nbsp;
proporcionar&nbsp; ligações&nbsp; uniformemente&nbsp;
adequadas&nbsp; entre&nbsp; procedimentos&nbsp;
aprovados&nbsp; e&nbsp; propósitos&nbsp;
confessados. É uma negação&nbsp;
profunda&nbsp; do&nbsp; modelo&nbsp;
de&nbsp; integração&nbsp; social.

O&nbsp;
não-conformismo&nbsp; deriva&nbsp; de&nbsp;
incoerências&nbsp; na&nbsp; própria&nbsp;
estrutura, as&nbsp; inovações&nbsp; evasivas prejudicam&nbsp; noções&nbsp;
de&nbsp; fixidez&nbsp; inerentes&nbsp;
aos&nbsp; sistemas sociais. Como
inovação&nbsp; deve&nbsp; ser&nbsp;
aceita, modificada&nbsp; ou&nbsp; rejeitada, são&nbsp; necessárias&nbsp;
novas&nbsp; regras: daí&nbsp; o&nbsp;
princípio&nbsp; de&nbsp; uma acumulação&nbsp; normativa.

Chegamos&nbsp; a&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; posição que&nbsp; fica&nbsp; a&nbsp; certa&nbsp;
distância&nbsp; de&nbsp; um&nbsp;
modelo&nbsp; estável&nbsp; de&nbsp;
integração&nbsp; da&nbsp; sociedade, que&nbsp; mantenha&nbsp;
um&nbsp; equilíbrio&nbsp; entre&nbsp;
as&nbsp; partes&nbsp; por&nbsp;
vários&nbsp; mecanismos&nbsp; homeoestáticos como&nbsp; o&nbsp;
modelo&nbsp; dos&nbsp; economistas&nbsp;
clássicos&nbsp; para&nbsp; a&nbsp;
economia&nbsp; de&nbsp; mercado auto-regulada.

Sabemos, por&nbsp; um&nbsp;
princípios sociológico&nbsp;
tradicional, que&nbsp; até&nbsp; certo&nbsp;
ponto&nbsp; a&nbsp; maior&nbsp;
ameaça&nbsp; externa, ou&nbsp; conflito externo&nbsp; aumenta&nbsp;
a&nbsp; coesão&nbsp; dos&nbsp; grupos&nbsp; sociais. Grupos&nbsp; políticos dissidentes, ideologicamente&nbsp; orientados, não&nbsp; só&nbsp;
estão&nbsp; em&nbsp; conflito&nbsp;
com&nbsp; o&nbsp; regime&nbsp;
político existente, mas&nbsp; com&nbsp; frequência&nbsp;
também&nbsp; com&nbsp; outros&nbsp;
grupos&nbsp; dissidentes, de&nbsp; diferentes&nbsp;
orientações ideológicas. Esses&nbsp;
últimos&nbsp; conflitos&nbsp; têm&nbsp;
suas&nbsp; esperadas&nbsp; consequências&nbsp;
favoráveis&nbsp; para&nbsp; a&nbsp;
solidariedade&nbsp; do&nbsp; grupo, a expensas&nbsp; de uma&nbsp;
oposição&nbsp; de&nbsp; base&nbsp;
mais&nbsp; ampla&nbsp; que&nbsp;
poderia&nbsp; derrubar&nbsp; o&nbsp;
governo. Funcionários&nbsp; bem&nbsp; informados&nbsp;
percebem&nbsp; essa&nbsp; realidade, estimulam&nbsp; os&nbsp;
conflitos&nbsp; entre&nbsp; os&nbsp;
dissidentes, seguindo&nbsp; o&nbsp; preceito tradicional: “Dividir para&nbsp; reinar”.

Os&nbsp; conflitos&nbsp;
existem, é claro, nas&nbsp;
sociedades&nbsp; complexas (Eles
existem certamente&nbsp; também&nbsp; nas&nbsp;
sociedades não-letradas). Esses&nbsp;
conflitos&nbsp; tendem&nbsp; a&nbsp; não&nbsp; ser&nbsp;
descritos&nbsp; em&nbsp; monografias antropológicas, e podemos
suspeitar que&nbsp; passam&nbsp; despercebidos&nbsp;
devido à&nbsp; aceitação, pelos
observadores, de&nbsp; um&nbsp; modelo&nbsp;
de&nbsp; sistema&nbsp; integrado, ou&nbsp;
são&nbsp; rejeitados&nbsp; como&nbsp;
simples exemplos&nbsp; de&nbsp; desvio&nbsp;
relativamente&nbsp; sem&nbsp; importância. Os conflitos têm&nbsp; fontes&nbsp;
e&nbsp; manifestações&nbsp; variadas, que&nbsp;
incluem discordância&nbsp; quase&nbsp; que&nbsp;
puramente ideológicos, como&nbsp;
as&nbsp; existentes&nbsp; entre várias&nbsp;
seitas&nbsp; em&nbsp; suas&nbsp;
orientações&nbsp; religiosas&nbsp; e&nbsp;
teleologias, e&nbsp; as&nbsp; que&nbsp;
refletem&nbsp; opiniões diferentes
de&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; ideal, e&nbsp; que&nbsp;
vão&nbsp; da&nbsp; deformação&nbsp;
nostálgica&nbsp; de&nbsp; um&nbsp;
passado&nbsp; mais&nbsp; simples&nbsp;
a&nbsp; visão&nbsp; igualmente&nbsp;
deformada&nbsp; de&nbsp; um&nbsp;
futuro&nbsp; mais&nbsp; igualitário. Os conflitos&nbsp; de caráter&nbsp;
mais imediato&nbsp; e&nbsp; pragmático&nbsp;
também&nbsp; são&nbsp; evidentes: entre a&nbsp; administração&nbsp;
e&nbsp; o&nbsp; trabalho, entre&nbsp; produtores&nbsp;
e&nbsp; mercadores, de&nbsp; um&nbsp;
lado, e&nbsp; os&nbsp; consumidores, do&nbsp; outro, entre&nbsp;
aqueles&nbsp; que&nbsp; querem&nbsp;
ampliar&nbsp; a&nbsp; influência&nbsp;
do&nbsp; governo&nbsp; e&nbsp;
os&nbsp; que&nbsp; desejam&nbsp;
reduzi-la.

Não&nbsp; obstante, o&nbsp;
conflito&nbsp; prejudica&nbsp; claramente&nbsp;
qualquer&nbsp; modelo&nbsp; da&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; baseada&nbsp; na&nbsp;
integração&nbsp; consensual. Até&nbsp; mesmo&nbsp;
Parsons, habitualmente&nbsp;
identificado&nbsp; como o&nbsp; mais ardente&nbsp;
defensor&nbsp; do&nbsp; consensualismo, inclui&nbsp; em&nbsp; seu
modelo&nbsp; do&nbsp; sistema&nbsp;
social&nbsp; a administração&nbsp; das &nbsp;tensões. Fieldman&nbsp; e&nbsp;
Moore&nbsp; foram&nbsp; um&nbsp;
pouco mais&nbsp; longe, sugerindo&nbsp; um&nbsp;
modelo&nbsp; da&nbsp; sociedade&nbsp;
baseado&nbsp; na&nbsp; administração&nbsp;
da&nbsp; tensão, observando&nbsp; a&nbsp;
vantagem&nbsp; de&nbsp; tornar&nbsp;
problemática&nbsp; tanto&nbsp; a&nbsp;
ordem&nbsp; quanto&nbsp; a&nbsp;
desordem. Como&nbsp; nenhuma&nbsp; sociedade, inclusive&nbsp; as&nbsp;
sociedades&nbsp; supostamento “sem&nbsp; classes”, na&nbsp;
realidade&nbsp; elimina as&nbsp; fontes&nbsp;
do&nbsp; conflito, a&nbsp; administração&nbsp;
da&nbsp; tensão&nbsp; se&nbsp;
torna&nbsp; uma parte&nbsp; necessária&nbsp;
de&nbsp; qualquer&nbsp; sistema&nbsp;
social&nbsp; viável.



Os&nbsp; conflitos&nbsp;
existem, é claro, nas&nbsp;
sociedades&nbsp; complexas (Eles
existem certamente&nbsp; também&nbsp; nas&nbsp;
sociedades não-letradas). Esses&nbsp;
conflitos&nbsp; tendem&nbsp; a&nbsp;
não&nbsp; ser&nbsp; descritos&nbsp;
em&nbsp; monografias antropológicas, e
podemos suspeitar que&nbsp; passam&nbsp; despercebidos&nbsp;
devido à&nbsp; aceitação, pelos
observadores, de&nbsp; um&nbsp; modelo&nbsp;
de&nbsp; sistema&nbsp; integrado, ou&nbsp;
são&nbsp; rejeitados&nbsp; como&nbsp;
simples exemplos&nbsp; de&nbsp; desvio&nbsp;
relativamente&nbsp; sem&nbsp; importância. Os conflitos têm&nbsp; fontes&nbsp;
e&nbsp; manifestações&nbsp; variadas, que&nbsp;
incluem discordância&nbsp; quase&nbsp; que&nbsp;
puramente ideológicos, como&nbsp;
as&nbsp; existentes&nbsp; entre várias&nbsp;
seitas&nbsp; em&nbsp; suas&nbsp;
orientações&nbsp; religiosas&nbsp; e&nbsp;
teleologias, e&nbsp; as&nbsp; que&nbsp;
refletem&nbsp; opiniões diferentes
de&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; ideal, e&nbsp; que&nbsp;
vão&nbsp; da&nbsp; deformação&nbsp;
nostálgica&nbsp; de&nbsp; um&nbsp;
passado&nbsp; mais&nbsp; simples&nbsp;
a&nbsp; visão&nbsp; igualmente&nbsp;
deformada&nbsp; de&nbsp; um&nbsp;
futuro&nbsp; mais&nbsp; igualitário. Os conflitos&nbsp; de caráter&nbsp;
mais imediato&nbsp; e&nbsp; pragmático&nbsp;
também&nbsp; são&nbsp; evidentes: entre a&nbsp; administração&nbsp;
e&nbsp; o&nbsp; trabalho, entre&nbsp; produtores&nbsp;
e&nbsp; mercadores, de&nbsp; um&nbsp;
lado, e&nbsp; os&nbsp; consumidores, do&nbsp; outro, entre&nbsp;
aqueles&nbsp; que&nbsp; querem&nbsp;
ampliar&nbsp; a&nbsp; influência&nbsp;
do&nbsp; governo&nbsp; e&nbsp;
os&nbsp; que&nbsp; desejam&nbsp;
reduzi-la.

Não&nbsp; obstante, o&nbsp;
conflito&nbsp; prejudica&nbsp; claramente&nbsp;
qualquer&nbsp; modelo&nbsp; da&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; baseada&nbsp; na&nbsp;
integração&nbsp; consensual. Até&nbsp; mesmo&nbsp;
Parsons, habitualmente&nbsp; identificado&nbsp; como o&nbsp;
mais ardente&nbsp; defensor&nbsp; do&nbsp;
consensualismo, inclui&nbsp; em&nbsp; seu modelo&nbsp;
do&nbsp; sistema&nbsp; social&nbsp;
a administração&nbsp; das&nbsp; tensões. Fieldman&nbsp; e&nbsp;
Moore&nbsp; foram&nbsp; um&nbsp;
pouco mais&nbsp; longe, sugerindo&nbsp; um&nbsp;
modelo&nbsp; da&nbsp; sociedade&nbsp;
baseado&nbsp; na&nbsp; administração&nbsp;
da&nbsp; tensão, observando&nbsp; a &nbsp;vantagem&nbsp;
de&nbsp; tornar&nbsp; problemática&nbsp;
tanto&nbsp; a&nbsp; ordem&nbsp;
quanto&nbsp; a&nbsp; desordem. Como&nbsp; nenhuma&nbsp;
sociedade, inclusive&nbsp; as&nbsp; sociedades&nbsp;
supostamento “sem&nbsp; classes”,
na&nbsp; realidade&nbsp; elimina as&nbsp;
fontes&nbsp; do&nbsp; conflito, a&nbsp;
administração&nbsp; da&nbsp; tensão&nbsp;
se&nbsp; torna&nbsp; uma parte&nbsp;
necessária&nbsp; de&nbsp; qualquer&nbsp;
sistema&nbsp; social&nbsp; viável.

Os&nbsp; sistemas&nbsp;
perfeitamente&nbsp; integrados&nbsp; não&nbsp;
existem&nbsp; em estado&nbsp; natural. Ao&nbsp;
desvio&nbsp; e&nbsp; conflitos&nbsp;
devemos acrescentar&nbsp; a
distância&nbsp; entre valores&nbsp; ideais, metas&nbsp;
e&nbsp; padrões&nbsp; normativos, e&nbsp;
práticas&nbsp; e&nbsp; realizações&nbsp;
reais. Também&nbsp; essa&nbsp; distância&nbsp;
convida&nbsp; à&nbsp; inovação, inclusive&nbsp; tentativas&nbsp;
de administração&nbsp; da&nbsp; tensão, mas&nbsp;
também&nbsp; incluindo&nbsp; modificações&nbsp;
na&nbsp; estrutura&nbsp; política, nos&nbsp;
sistemas&nbsp; econômicos e&nbsp; modos&nbsp;
de&nbsp; distribuição&nbsp; de&nbsp;
posições&nbsp; e&nbsp; benefícios&nbsp;
sociais.



Mesmo que&nbsp; as&nbsp;
funções sejam&nbsp; estipuladas&nbsp; como&nbsp;
consequência&nbsp; necessárias&nbsp; para&nbsp;
a&nbsp; sobrevivência&nbsp; do&nbsp;
sistema, o&nbsp; determinismo&nbsp; estrutural dificilmente&nbsp; pode&nbsp;
ser&nbsp; considerado&nbsp; como&nbsp;
completo&nbsp; e&nbsp; definitivo.

O&nbsp;
enfoque&nbsp; sobre&nbsp; os&nbsp; sistemas&nbsp; independentes&nbsp;
constitui&nbsp; uma&nbsp; fuga&nbsp;
da&nbsp; possibilidade&nbsp; de&nbsp;
se&nbsp; esperar&nbsp; combinações&nbsp;
meramente&nbsp; ecléticas&nbsp; da&nbsp;
ampla&nbsp; gama de&nbsp; opções&nbsp;
disponíveis&nbsp; para&nbsp; qualquer resultado&nbsp; essencial&nbsp;
de&nbsp; desempenho.

Os&nbsp; partidários&nbsp;
da&nbsp; tradição&nbsp; marxista&nbsp;
procuram&nbsp; demonstrar&nbsp; o&nbsp;
caráter fundamental&nbsp; da&nbsp; estrutura&nbsp;
econômica&nbsp; e&nbsp; a&nbsp;
dependência da&nbsp; superestrutura&nbsp; não-econômica. Os críticos&nbsp; dessa&nbsp;
interpretação&nbsp; argumentam&nbsp; em&nbsp;
favor&nbsp; da&nbsp; equivalência, em&nbsp; importância , de&nbsp; outras&nbsp;
características estruturais. Não&nbsp;
há&nbsp; nada&nbsp; inevitável&nbsp;
na&nbsp; sobrevivência&nbsp; das&nbsp;
sociedades, tal&nbsp; como&nbsp; a&nbsp;
história registra, e&nbsp; por uma&nbsp; dedução justificável, embora especulativa, a
história não-registrada&nbsp; confirmaria.
A&nbsp; introdução&nbsp; de&nbsp; uma
posição&nbsp; de&nbsp; valor, digamos, uma&nbsp; sociedade&nbsp;
justa, humana&nbsp; ou&nbsp; mesmo&nbsp;
totalmente, tolerante, serviria&nbsp;
para&nbsp; argumentar&nbsp; que&nbsp;
certas&nbsp; sociedades&nbsp; não&nbsp;
sobreviveriam, tal&nbsp; como&nbsp; atualmente&nbsp;
constituídas.

A&nbsp;
evidência&nbsp; de&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
certa&nbsp; frouxidão&nbsp; sistémica&nbsp;
e&nbsp; indeterminação&nbsp; leva&nbsp; à&nbsp; ideia&nbsp;
paralela&nbsp; é&nbsp; moderadora&nbsp;
da&nbsp; substituibilidade&nbsp; estrutural. Partes do&nbsp; sistema&nbsp;
podem estar sujeitas&nbsp; a&nbsp; mudanças&nbsp;
evolucionárias&nbsp; acidental&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
deliberada, resultante&nbsp;
talvez&nbsp; de&nbsp; um&nbsp;
melhor&nbsp; ajustamento&nbsp; entre&nbsp;
as&nbsp; estruturas&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
de&nbsp; uma&nbsp; aproximação&nbsp;
maior&nbsp; dos&nbsp; ideais&nbsp;
articulados. É claro&nbsp; que a&nbsp; evolução&nbsp;
e&nbsp; o&nbsp; acidente, não&nbsp;
sendo&nbsp; conscientes, podem&nbsp; ter&nbsp;
consequências disfuncionais, e&nbsp;
erros&nbsp; no&nbsp; conhecimento&nbsp;
e&nbsp; nas&nbsp; estratégicas, na&nbsp; mudança planificada, também podem&nbsp; produzir&nbsp;
resultados&nbsp; imprevistos e&nbsp; lamentáveis. Essa&nbsp; opinião&nbsp;
argumenta&nbsp; em&nbsp; favor&nbsp;
da&nbsp; possibilidade&nbsp; e&nbsp;
probabilidade, de&nbsp; alteração
fragmentárias&nbsp; nas&nbsp; sociedades. A&nbsp;
opinião, baseada&nbsp; no&nbsp; valor, de&nbsp;
que&nbsp; os&nbsp; males&nbsp;
de&nbsp; um&nbsp; sistema são&nbsp;
tão&nbsp; generalizados&nbsp; e&nbsp;
interligados&nbsp; que&nbsp; só&nbsp; uma&nbsp; transformação&nbsp;
radical&nbsp; e&nbsp; total&nbsp;
será&nbsp; eficiente, representa&nbsp; um&nbsp;
compromisso&nbsp; mais&nbsp; fundamental&nbsp;
com&nbsp; a&nbsp; integração&nbsp;
determinante&nbsp; do&nbsp; que&nbsp;
o&nbsp; estruturalismo&nbsp; modificado&nbsp;
que&nbsp; estamos&nbsp; examinando&nbsp;
autorizaria. Encontramos, nesse&nbsp;
caso&nbsp; e&nbsp; mais&nbsp;
uma &nbsp;vez, o&nbsp; grau&nbsp;
de&nbsp; diferenciação&nbsp; estrutural.

O&nbsp;
modelo&nbsp; de&nbsp; integração&nbsp;
não&nbsp; se&nbsp; à&nbsp;
realidade por&nbsp; várias&nbsp; razões&nbsp;
já&nbsp; mencionadas. Não&nbsp; obstante, a&nbsp;
interdependência&nbsp; e&nbsp; o&nbsp;
problema&nbsp; da&nbsp; ordem&nbsp;
são&nbsp; intrínseco&nbsp; à&nbsp;
condição&nbsp; humana, de modo que&nbsp; uma certa&nbsp;
forma&nbsp; e&nbsp; grau&nbsp;
de&nbsp; integração&nbsp; são&nbsp;
necessários&nbsp; não&nbsp; só&nbsp;
a&nbsp; preservação do&nbsp; sistema, mas&nbsp;
à&nbsp; simples&nbsp; sobrevivência&nbsp;
biológica.

As&nbsp; sociedades que&nbsp; deixaram&nbsp;
de&nbsp; existir, ou&nbsp; persistam&nbsp;
apenas&nbsp; como&nbsp; subconjuntos&nbsp;
de&nbsp; sistemas mais&nbsp; abrangentes, sofreram&nbsp; essa&nbsp;
sorte&nbsp; em&nbsp; consequência&nbsp;
de&nbsp; conquista, enfermidades&nbsp; novas&nbsp;
ou&nbsp; desastres&nbsp; naturais; onde&nbsp; seu&nbsp;
teste de sobrevivência&nbsp; chama
a&nbsp; atenção&nbsp; para&nbsp;
as&nbsp; suas&nbsp; deficiências&nbsp;
estruturais&nbsp; como&nbsp; preparo&nbsp;
militar&nbsp; inadequado,
insuficiente&nbsp; tecnologia&nbsp; de&nbsp;
saúde pública&nbsp; e&nbsp; assistência&nbsp;
médica, falta de&nbsp; precaução contra
pragas&nbsp; de&nbsp; gafanhotos, secas, enchentes, terremotos
e&nbsp; erupções&nbsp; vulcânicas. As&nbsp; sociedades&nbsp;
existentes tiveram&nbsp; a&nbsp; boa&nbsp;
sorte de&nbsp; não&nbsp; enfrentar&nbsp;
adversidades&nbsp; potencialmente
devastadoras, ou&nbsp; de&nbsp; dispor&nbsp;
de&nbsp; meios&nbsp; para&nbsp;
enfrentar adversidades&nbsp;
potencialmente&nbsp; devastadoras,
ou&nbsp; de&nbsp;
dispor&nbsp; de&nbsp; meios&nbsp;
para&nbsp; enfrenta-las. Esses&nbsp; meios&nbsp;
têm&nbsp; um&nbsp; interesse&nbsp;
teórico&nbsp; em&nbsp; termos&nbsp;
da&nbsp; operação&nbsp; dos&nbsp;
sistemas&nbsp; sociais. Uma&nbsp; parte&nbsp;
do&nbsp; chamado&nbsp; imperativismo&nbsp;
funcional, foi&nbsp; a&nbsp; incapacidade&nbsp;
de&nbsp; levar&nbsp; em&nbsp;
conta&nbsp; o&nbsp; nível&nbsp;
de&nbsp; generalidade&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
particularidade&nbsp; envolvido&nbsp; na análise&nbsp;
funcional&nbsp; tentada. As&nbsp; exigências&nbsp;
de&nbsp; sobrevivência, vistas através&nbsp; do&nbsp;
prisma&nbsp; das&nbsp; sociedades&nbsp;
humanas, devem ser&nbsp; formuladas
de&nbsp; maneira bastante&nbsp; abstrata : assim, não&nbsp; preveem&nbsp;
as&nbsp; formas&nbsp; estruturais&nbsp;
exatas. Se&nbsp; o&nbsp; modelo&nbsp;
de integração&nbsp; da sociedade&nbsp; fosse&nbsp;
mais&nbsp; defensável, a&nbsp; observação&nbsp;
ou&nbsp; estipulação&nbsp; de&nbsp; uma&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
no&nbsp; máximo&nbsp; de&nbsp;
umas&nbsp; poucas&nbsp; estruturas&nbsp;
fundamentais deveria&nbsp;
possibilitar&nbsp; a&nbsp; previsão&nbsp;
das&nbsp; restantes.

Os estados&nbsp; autênticos&nbsp;
de&nbsp; anomia&nbsp; são&nbsp;
provavelmente&nbsp; raros&nbsp; e&nbsp;
transitórios, pois uma situação sem&nbsp;
regras&nbsp; provavelmente&nbsp; será&nbsp;
intolerável.

Apesar&nbsp; disso, a&nbsp;
conformidade&nbsp; universal&nbsp; as&nbsp;
expectativas&nbsp; é&nbsp; improvável, segundo as evidências existentes.

As&nbsp; analogias&nbsp;
orgânicas foram, é&nbsp; claro,
particularmente&nbsp; atraentes&nbsp; para&nbsp;
os&nbsp; evolucionistas&nbsp; sociais&nbsp;
pós-darwinianos. Herbert&nbsp; Spencer,
como&nbsp; prolífico&nbsp; expositor&nbsp;
dessa&nbsp; perspectiva, não&nbsp; teve&nbsp;
a&nbsp; cautela&nbsp; coerente&nbsp;
de&nbsp; lembrar&nbsp; que&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; analogia&nbsp; não&nbsp;
é&nbsp; uma&nbsp; equivalência.













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Proposto&nbsp; como&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
alternativa&nbsp; a&nbsp; explicações&nbsp;
históricas&nbsp; ao&nbsp; mesmo&nbsp;
tempo&nbsp; que&nbsp;&nbsp; o&nbsp;
bolchevismo se&nbsp; popularizava,
o&nbsp; funcionalismo&nbsp; foi&nbsp;
uma&nbsp; das&nbsp; primeiras&nbsp;
teorias antropológicas do século XX, até&nbsp;
ser&nbsp; superado&nbsp; pela análise estrutura-funcional&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
estrutural-funcionalismo.

Os&nbsp; adeptos&nbsp; desta&nbsp;
visão&nbsp; de&nbsp; mundo&nbsp;
foram&nbsp; muito&nbsp; significantes&nbsp;
para&nbsp; o&nbsp; avanço&nbsp;
cientifico. Dentre
eles&nbsp; podemos&nbsp; citar: Bronislaw&nbsp; Malinowski, Alfred&nbsp; Reginald&nbsp;
Radcliffe-Brown, Émile&nbsp; Durkheim,
Talcott&nbsp; Persons, Miklas&nbsp; Luhmann, George&nbsp; Murdoch, Kinglsey&nbsp; Davis, Wilbert&nbsp; Moore, Jeffrey&nbsp; Alexander, Louis Althusser, Nikos&nbsp; Poulantzas, Herbert&nbsp; Gans, Herbert&nbsp;
Spencer.



Os&nbsp; ataques&nbsp; contemporâneos&nbsp; ao&nbsp;
funcionalismo&nbsp; são&nbsp; feitos&nbsp;
habitualmente (embora não&nbsp;
exclusivamente&nbsp; por&nbsp; sociólogos&nbsp;
com&nbsp; uma orientação&nbsp; que&nbsp;
se&nbsp; auto-intitula&nbsp; de&nbsp;
crítica&nbsp; ou&nbsp; radical.



Anterior&nbsp; aos&nbsp; movimentos&nbsp;
sociais&nbsp; dos&nbsp; anos&nbsp;
60, o&nbsp; funcionalismo&nbsp; foi&nbsp;
a&nbsp; visão&nbsp; dominante&nbsp;
no&nbsp; pensamento&nbsp; sociológico; após&nbsp; tais&nbsp;
movimentos, a&nbsp; teoria&nbsp; de&nbsp;
conflito&nbsp; desafiou&nbsp; a&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; corrente,
defendida&nbsp; pela&nbsp; teoria&nbsp;
funcionalista. Conforme&nbsp;
alguns&nbsp; opositores, a&nbsp; teoria&nbsp;
funcionalista&nbsp; que&nbsp; conflito&nbsp;
e&nbsp; disputa&nbsp; pelo&nbsp;
status&nbsp; quo&nbsp; é&nbsp;
danoso&nbsp; à&nbsp; sociedade, tendendo&nbsp; a&nbsp;
ser&nbsp; a&nbsp; visão&nbsp;
proeminente&nbsp; entre&nbsp; os&nbsp;
pensadores&nbsp; conservadores.

Nos&nbsp; anos&nbsp; 60, o&nbsp;
funcionalismo&nbsp; era&nbsp; criticado&nbsp;
por&nbsp; promover&nbsp; modelos&nbsp;
ineficazes&nbsp; para&nbsp; mudanças&nbsp;
sociais, contradições&nbsp;
estruturais&nbsp; e&nbsp; conflitos, por&nbsp; isso&nbsp;
mesmo, a&nbsp; análise&nbsp; funcional&nbsp;
ficou&nbsp; conhecida&nbsp; como&nbsp;
teoria&nbsp; do&nbsp; consenso. Funcionalistas respondem&nbsp; que&nbsp;
Durkheim&nbsp; usou&nbsp; uma&nbsp;
forma&nbsp; radical&nbsp; de&nbsp;
socialismo&nbsp; corporativo&nbsp; juntamente com&nbsp; explicações&nbsp;
funcionalistas, o&nbsp; marxismo&nbsp; reconhece&nbsp;
contradições&nbsp; sociais&nbsp; e&nbsp;
utiliza&nbsp; explicações&nbsp; funcionais&nbsp;
e&nbsp; a&nbsp; teoria&nbsp;
evolucionária&nbsp; de&nbsp; Parson&nbsp;
descreve&nbsp; os&nbsp; sintomas&nbsp;
e&nbsp; subsistemas&nbsp; de&nbsp;
diferenciação&nbsp; e&nbsp; reintegração.



A&nbsp; grande&nbsp; critica&nbsp;
sobre&nbsp; esta&nbsp; visão&nbsp;
reside&nbsp; no&nbsp; fato&nbsp;
de, como&nbsp; num&nbsp; organismo&nbsp;
vivo, haver&nbsp; a&nbsp; tendência&nbsp;
a&nbsp; identificar&nbsp; partes&nbsp;
deste&nbsp; como&nbsp; mais&nbsp;
importantes ( órgãos&nbsp; vitais) ,
justificando&nbsp; assim&nbsp; a&nbsp;
existência&nbsp; e&nbsp; manutenção&nbsp;
daqueles&nbsp; considerados&nbsp; como&nbsp;
menos&nbsp; importantes, seriam as&nbsp; partes&nbsp;
descartáveis&nbsp; da&nbsp; sociedade.

Críticos&nbsp; mais&nbsp; fortes&nbsp;
incluem&nbsp; o&nbsp; argumento&nbsp;
epistemológico&nbsp; que&nbsp; diz&nbsp;
que&nbsp; o&nbsp; funcionalismo&nbsp;
tenta&nbsp; descrever&nbsp; instituições&nbsp;
sociais&nbsp; apenas&nbsp; através&nbsp;
de&nbsp; seus&nbsp; efeitos&nbsp;
e&nbsp; assim&nbsp; não&nbsp;
explica&nbsp; a&nbsp; causa&nbsp;
desses&nbsp; efeitos.&nbsp; Também&nbsp;
é&nbsp; frequente&nbsp; a&nbsp;
referência&nbsp; ao&nbsp; argumento&nbsp;
ontológico&nbsp; que&nbsp; a&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; não&nbsp; pode&nbsp;
ter&nbsp; necessidades&nbsp; como&nbsp;
seres&nbsp; humanos, e&nbsp; até&nbsp;
que&nbsp; se&nbsp; a&nbsp;
sociedade&nbsp; tem&nbsp; necessidades&nbsp;
elas&nbsp; não&nbsp; precisam&nbsp;
ser&nbsp; satisfeitas.


O&nbsp;
modo&nbsp; de&nbsp; integração, como&nbsp; integração, como observamos, negligenciou&nbsp; ou&nbsp;
minimizou&nbsp; o&nbsp; conflito. De perspectiva&nbsp; marxista, a&nbsp;
negligência&nbsp; foi&nbsp; dupla: cegueira&nbsp; à&nbsp;
realidade do&nbsp; conflito&nbsp; e, por&nbsp;
conseguinte, incapacidade&nbsp; de&nbsp; percebê-los&nbsp;
como&nbsp; fonte&nbsp; de&nbsp;
modificação&nbsp; sistêmica.Os
funcionalistas&nbsp; negligenciaram&nbsp; totalmente&nbsp;
os&nbsp; elementos&nbsp; individuais&nbsp;
motivacionais&nbsp; no&nbsp; comportamento&nbsp;
social. Houve, porém, uma&nbsp;
negligência evidentemente&nbsp;
estudada&nbsp; do&nbsp; propósito coletivo, da tomada&nbsp; de&nbsp;
decisão&nbsp; pública&nbsp; e&nbsp;
privada, em&nbsp; nome&nbsp; de&nbsp;
coletividades&nbsp; como&nbsp; empresas, universidade, ou&nbsp; estados&nbsp;
nacionais.



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  <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
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<![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]>

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 table.MsoNormalTable
 {mso-style-name:"Tabela normal";
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<![endif]-->



Bibliografia

História&nbsp; da&nbsp; Análise&nbsp;
Sociológica : Tom&nbsp; Bottomore&nbsp; &amp;&nbsp;
Robert&nbsp; Nisbet
&nbsp;






Por : Armando&nbsp; Leite





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