Ewell was another of the professional soldiers (West Point 1840) that stayed with his state rather than the United States. In 21 years of Regular Army soldiering he only rose to be a captain; for the Confederacy he was a colonel and brigade commander within a year.
He commanded a brigade at First Manassas, but without distinguishing himself. He was ordered to attack, but did not; the upside was that the orders had been a mistake. After spending the winter of 1861-62 with the Confederate Army of the Potomac, he was promoted to major general and division commander under Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley. He didn’t like Jackson’s command style, with reason. Jackson would simply tell his subordinates what to do, without explaining any of his reasons; if something unexpected developed, the subordinate didn’t know what his mission was and couldn’t act intelligently. Jackson’s methods worked during the Valley Campaign, but weren’t so effective in the Seven Days Battles. Ewell fought through those, then at Cedar Mountain and was wounded just before Second Manassas, losing a leg.
He was incapacitated for ten months, returning only at the start of June 1863. Lee sent him (in command of 2nd Corps) to clear the Shenandoah, the strategic left flank of the forthcoming invasion of the North. Ewell was brilliant at Second Winchester, capturing virtually the whole Union garrison. Moving north, he wasn’t so good. At Gettysburg he didn’t act on his own – Jackson had not inculcated initiative in his subordinates, and Ewell’s long spell as a junior officer before the war may have limited his horizons. (He reputedly returned from foraging with one cow, enough for a company but hardly for his division.)
Lee kept him through the fall of 1863, the Bristoe Station and Mine Run campaigns, and he fought at The Wilderness. His performance was slipping; at Spotsylvania one of his divisions was over-run, bad in itself but it almost broke Lee’s center. Lee promptly removed him; his promotion to lieutenant general was only four days old. (Ewell had been stunned when his horse was knocked down; with one leg, he couldn’t ride as easily as before.) He was soon re-employed, but only to command the Richmond garrison of old men, young boys, munitions workers, and convalescents from the hospitals.
When Richmond fell in April 1865, he was adamant about destroying Government property, mostly factories and tobacco warehouses. The main magazine had about 750,000 shells and provided a tremendous fireworks display, but also spread fires through much of Richmond. Lee restored him to corps command during the retreat to Appomattox, and he was captured at Sayler’s Creek.
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It’s no secret that gun-ban advocates have launched a seemingly never-ending push to demonize lawful American gun owners by blaming us for the violent acts of criminals. We see it time and time again, as various politicians—from the municipal level all the way up to the federal level—propose laws and regulations designed to penalize law-abiding gun owners while having no effect on crime.
The council is considering a proposal by council President Tim Burgess that would place additional city sales taxes on firearms and ammunition, with the money earmarked for “gun violence prevention” programs. Specifically, under the proposal a tax of $25 would be added to each firearm, and a tax of 5 cents would be added to every round of ammunition purchased in the city (a $5 increase per box of 100).
“Gun violence is very expensive,” Burgess told the Seattle Times. “It’s time for the gun industry to help defray those costs, and this is a very reasonable way to do it.”
Zach Silk, campaign manager with the gun-ban group Washington Alliance for Gun Safety, doubled down, even blaming the guns themselves for violent crime (apparently the guns actually commit murders and assaults).Such proposals are simply ways for gun-ban advocates to take a swipe at legal gun ownership and further show their disdain for our constitutional right to keep and bear arms.
“We often attach taxes to things that cause harm to our communities, and we know that guns are causing harm,” Silk said.
Of course, we all know that blaming law-abiding gun owners for the illegal actions of violent criminals is ridiculous. Even Burgess and Silk know that, but they’d likely never admit it. Such proposals are simply ways for gun-ban advocates to take a swipe at legal gun ownership and further show their disdain for our constitutional right to keep and bear arms.
Fortunately for Washington gun owners and gun sellers—who haven’t had a lot of good news lately—it is likely that the proposed firearm and ammo tax scheme will run into legal difficulties. The state’s firearms pre-emption law doesn’t permit cities to set more restrictive gun laws than those already in the state code, and this proposal arguably violates that premise.
The gun and ammo tax proposal will be considered Wednesday morning at the city council’s Education and Governance Committee meeting. Hopefully other councilors on that committee will have more sense—and more respect for law-abiding gun owners—than Burgess does.
Seattle gun owners should call their city councilors and let them know that law-abiding gun owners are tired of being blamed for criminal violence. Tell them to find other ways to battle violence that aren’t detrimental to lawful citizens who do not use their firearms for criminal purposes.
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