It was a fun-filled Friday night at the exquisite Cockpit Lounge in Lilongwe where Carlsberg Malawi hosted the last 2016 Chill All-White Party, headlined by South Africa’s revered DJ Ganyani.
A number of Malawian DJs, including VJ Ice had the opportunity to get the party people jamming to house and other popular African beats, before Ganyani’s compatriot, DJ Stavo, took overand completely changed the ambience at the newly-opened élite club.
Stavo was more into South Africa’s old school Kwaito mix, taking the Malawian fans back in the days when the genre was popular in the country, before the invention of house music.
His playlist was dominated by the likes of legends Mandoza, TKZee, Mzekezeke, Bongo Maffin and Arthur Mafokate.
The Chill DJ Battle 2016 winner DJ Trick was next after Stavo and gave the fans a different feel away from South African sounds as he came had local artists and music from West and East African countries.
Putting the icing on the cake was the man of the night, DJ Ganyani, who came in the booth at around 1am and completely sent the house into frenzy with his adept selection of his house productions, among them Master Ganyani, Ntoni, Take Me, Better Days and Flying High.
Doctor admits to groping 16-year-old girl sitting next to him on flight from Seattle to New Jersey - NY Daily News
A doctor has admitted groping a 16-year-old girl on a flight from Seattle to New Jersey earlier this year.
Vijaykumar Krishnappa appeared before a federal magistrate in Newark on Wednesday. The 29-year-old Indian national will be sentenced to between 30 and 90 days in prison in January.
Prosecutors say Krishnappa intentionally touched the girl near her groin as she slept on the United Airlines flight in July.
Krishnappa "put his hand on her groin and inner thigh, and began rubbing the victim through her clothing," according to the complaint. The teen woke up as he tried to put his hand down her pants.
She told CBS News earlier this year that she felt terrorized even after Krishnappa was moved to a different seat.
"I just felt like he could see me. Like he could see wherever I was sitting," she told CBS News. "There was just still so much time, like, I couldn't just leave the plane. I didn't have anyone. I didn't feel like there was anyone on the plane that could protect me."
“This book is a study, a narrative, a poem of what life means when you have to deal with the guilt and the pain of being a survivor. . .
Nanette O’Hare is the only child of privileged suburban parents, earnestly studying and earning high grades, scoring goals and breaking records on her high school soccer team.
Liv Stein awakens in an unfamiliar room, broken, bruised, and with no memory of life before the accident her parents claim nearly killed her.
Torment is the much-anticipated second book to Fallen, the young adult sensation by author Lauren Kate, and the first novel in the Fallen series.
A version of this archives appears in print on May 10, 1852, on Page 1 of the New York edition with the headline: The Columbian Fire Company.--Gold Dust, &c. Order Reprints| Today's Paper|Subscribe
A version of this archives appears in print on May 14, 1852, on Page 2 of the New York edition with the headline: Relations with Spanish America. Order Reprints| Today's Paper|Subscribe
WASHINGTON, Dec. 8 — Gov. Mitt Romney, the Massachusetts Republican who has built a presidential campaign on a broad appeal for conservative support, is drawing sharply increased criticism from conservative activists for his advocacy of gay rights in a 1994 letter.
Mr. Romney’s standing among conservatives is being hurt by a letter he sent to the Log Cabin Club of Massachusetts saying that he would be a stronger advocate for gay rights than Senator Edward M. Kennedy, his opponent in a Senate race, in a position that stands in contrast to his current role as a champion of a state constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage.
“We must make equality for gays and lesbians a mainstream concern,” Mr. Romney wrote in a detailed plea for the support of the club, a gay Republican organization.
The circulation of the letter by gay rights groups in recent weeks has set off a storm of outrage among social conservatives, and by Friday was looming as a serious complication to Mr. Romney’s hopes.
Aides to Mr. Romney, who did not dispute the letter’s legitimacy, said that the governor’s opinions on gay issues had not changed. They said Mr. Romney had always been an opponent of same-sex marriage, had always opposed discrimination against gay men and lesbians and had been consistent in his views about allowing them to serve in the military.
“Governor Romney believes Americans should be respectful of all people,” said Eric Fehrnstrom, his spokesman. “However, over the past four years as governor, Mitt Romney has not advocated or supported any change in the military’s policies and he has not implemented new or special rights in this area.”
Mr. Fehrnstrom, echoing the language that Mr. Romney has frequently used on the campaign trail, said Mr. Romney had been “a champion of traditional marriage” and “fought the efforts of activist judges who seek to redefine marriage.”
Nonetheless, the breadth of the letter’s language and the specificity of many of the pledges stunned conservative leaders. Many of them had turned to Mr. Romney as a conservative alternative to Senator John McCain, Republican of Arizona, whose position on issues like abortion had been considered suspect.
“This is quite disturbing,” said Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council, who had praised Mr. Romney as a champion of traditional values at the group’s conference in late September. “This type of information is going to create a lot of problems for Governor Romney. He is going to have a hard time overcoming this.”
Gov. Mitt Romney of Massachusetts, at a rally last month in Boston against same-sex marriage. Credit Brian Snyder/Reuters
Paul Weyrich, a founder of the modern conservative movement, said: “Unless he comes out with an abject repudiation of this, I think it makes him out to be a hypocrite. And if he totally repudiates this, you have to ask, on what grounds?”
The letter, and Mr. Romney’s effort to reconcile it with the way he had presented himself on the campaign trail, reflects what has been one of the central challenges facing him in his campaign: how to move from winning an election in one of the most liberal states in the union to becoming the presidential candidate of a party whose nominating process is dominated by social conservatives.
As it is, he has shifted his position on abortion rights. Last year, Mr. Romney wrote an op-ed article for The Boston Globe saying that his views had “evolved and deepened,” and that he opposed abortion and thought decisions on its legality should be left to states.
The 1994 letter followed a meeting with the Log Cabin Club. Mr. Romney wrote, “I am not unaware of my opponent’s considerable record in the area of civil rights.
“For some voters, it might be enough to simply match my opponent’s record in this area,” he said. “But I believe we can and must do better. If we are to achieve the goals we share, we must make equality for gays and lesbians a mainstream concern. My opponent cannot do this. I can and will.”
Mr. Romney, recounting in the letter the promises he made in the meeting with the club, said he had agreed to help sponsor a bill barring discrimination against gay men and lesbians if he was elected to the Senate and to broaden it to include protections for housing and credit.
He said he supported the “don’t ask, don’t tell” military policy created by former President Bill Clinton, and described it as “the first in a number of steps that will ultimately lead to gays’ and lesbians’ being able to serve openly and honestly in our nation’s military.”
Rich Tafel, who was the executive director of the club at the time, said he was stunned by what he described as the contrast between how Mr. Romney came across in their meeting and how he appeared on the campaign trail now.
Viewed from some angles, Mr. Romney’s positions on gay rights seem consistent. He still says he opposes discrimination against gay men and lesbians and he always said he opposed same-sex marriage.
But his emphasis has shifted in the last two years. As he moves into this new phase of his career, Mr. Romney rarely talks about the need to protect gay men and lesbians from bias, instead presenting himself as a conservative stalwart in the fight against same-sex marriage, arguing that legally recognizing same-sex unions endangers the cultural support for heterosexual families.
The doubts being raised could improve the prospects of two fellow Republicans who have been seeking conservative support in bids for the presidential election: Gov. Mike Huckabee of Arkansas and Senator Sam Brownback of Kansas.
A version of this article appears in print on , on Page A11 of the New York edition with the headline: Romney’s Mixed Views on Gay Rights and Marriage Rile Conservatives. Order Reprints| Today's Paper|Subscribe
Yemeni soldiers joined protesters in Sana on Sunday after President Ali Abdullah Saleh left the country for medical treatment. Credit Ahmad Gharabli/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
RIYADH, Saudi Arabia — Thousands of antigovernment protesters celebrated in the streets of Yemen’s capital on Sunday, setting off fireworks and slaughtering cows to mark the departure of President Ali Abdullah Saleh for medical treatment, despite new uncertainty about when — and even whether — he would agree to a lasting transfer of power.
Mr. Saleh, who has been resisting calls to step down for months, left the country hurriedly on Saturday for Saudi Arabia, where he was operated on for wounds suffered in a deadly attack on his presidential compound the day before. But on Sunday, aides insisted that he was recovering well and could return home in weeks, if not days.
“He is awake and he is conscious; he is in charge,” said a close adviser who was with him during Friday’s attack, likely by a mortar shell or rocket, and is being treated at the same military hospital in Riyadh.
Mr. Saleh and his advisers are adept political players, and it is possible that they are simply posturing to win the best deal from foreign patrons and Yemenis who are trying to ease him out after 33 years of autocratic rule. But the officials’ contention that Mr. Saleh would return to power is also a testament to the difficulties Saudi and American officials face in trying to resolve the standoff before Yemen’s always poisonous politics tip the country into broader conflict, a grim prospect for its northern neighbor and the United States. Yemen is already home to an active branch of Al Qaeda that has tried to carry out terrorist attacks on the United States and that seeks to overthrow the Saudi monarchy.
On Sunday, Obama administration officials said that the United States was pressing Mr. Saleh and his allies to accept a deal recently negotiated by Arab states, including Saudi Arabia, that would allow him to leave power in exchange for immunity. Several officials hinted that the United States might be willing to throw in financial incentives to induce Mr. Saleh to relinquish the presidency for good.
Some analysts said Saudi Arabia’s leadership would not allow Mr. Saleh to return to power after months of frustrating efforts to cajole him to step down amid growing instability. And on Sunday, Western diplomats and Arab experts said they expected that Saudi and American officials were maneuvering behind the scenes to win agreement for a transition plan in Yemen before Mr. Saleh could return home to undermine their efforts.
But there is one wild card in those calculations: many Saudis have long supported Mr. Saleh because of his skill in suppressing dissent, and it was unclear if they were prepared to unseat him so abruptly. The original transition plan built in some time before he had to leave office to allow for an orderly succession.
Yemeni tribesmen and antigovernment demonstrators waved the national flag and chanted slogans during celebrations in the city of Taiz on Sunday. Credit Anees Mahyoub/Associated Press
“They’re really in the eye of the hurricane, and it’s very hard to predict where events will go now,” said Charles Schmitz, a Yemen specialist at Towson University in Baltimore.
There were worrisome signs on Sunday that Yemen’s turmoil was far from over. Although a cease-fire to end fierce fighting in the capital between government forces and tribal rivals working with the opposition was mainly holding, mortar fire could still be heard in at least one neighborhood. And although a Yemeni official said some family members left Sana, the capital, with Mr. Saleh on Saturday, several sons and nephews who control the powerful military and intelligence services remained behind.
Vice President Abd al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi has taken over as temporary leader, but analysts say he may have trouble maintaining control, especially if some factions see the president’s absence as a chance to finally dislodge him and his family. Many of Mr. Saleh’s enemies are well-armed, including a general who recently defected with many of his troops in sympathy with the pro-democracy protesters.
Saudi leaders, who have long meddled in Yemeni politics, were largely quiet on Sunday about their efforts to enable political change in Yemen. The silence was a possible indication of the bad choices they were left with when the attack on Mr. Saleh’s compound instantly reshaped a leadership debate that had been raging for months as massive street protests whittled away at the president’s standing.
While the Saudis — who are dedicated to enforcing stability in the region — have told Mr. Saleh he should go, the sudden change made it more difficult to structure an orderly handover of power and eventual elections.
Abdullah Hamidaddin, a political scientist, said Saudi Arabia had wanted Mr. Saleh to leave office because its leaders thought that would bring “less bloodshed, less unpredictability.” But, he said, “they wanted it in a way that does not create a power vacuum and an unpredictable future.”
Mr. Saleh’s troubles started in January when revolts in Tunisia and Egypt ousted longtime dictators and inspired pro-democracy protesters in Yemen. The turmoil got markedly worse in recent weeks when the Ahmar family, the tribal rivals who helped bankroll the demonstrations, engaged in street battles with government forces — turning parts of Sana into virtual war zones.
The Yemeni vice president, Abd al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi, right, met with the American ambassador, Gerald M. Feierstein, left, on Sunday. News reports said that Mr. al-Hadi became acting president. Credit Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Mr. Saleh blamed the Ahmars and their militia for the attack on his compound, but the Ahmars denied involvement.
On Sunday, Yemeni officials did not want to go into details about Mr. Saleh’s wounds. But Arab news reports quoted Saudi medical officials as saying he had had two operations to remove pieces of wood after an explosion at the presidential compound.
Some analysts and diplomats were optimistic on Sunday that the latest Yemeni crisis would be resolved peacefully.
They said that although the Saudi-brokered cease-fire in the capital had not held perfectly, the relative calm was an indication that both sides saw that neither had a clear advantage.
Still, the many rivals for power in Yemen have venomous relations that had been held in check only with Saudi influence and Mr. Saleh’s adroit political maneuvering, which included pitting tribes against one another when convenient.
The rivalries include one between Mr. Saleh’s eldest son, Ahmed, who leads the powerful Republican Guard, and Ali Mohsin al-Ahmar, the general who recently defected. (The general is not related to the Ahmars who have been fighting the government.)
But protesters in Sana seemed oblivious on Sunday to the intrigue that could derail their hopes for democratic change. In a part of the city they have named Change Square, some families brought their children to see what one called “the party of Saleh’s departure.”
A particularly hopeful chant echoed one popular in Egypt’s successful revolution. “The people, at last, defeated the regime,” the protesters yelled.
Reporting was contributed by Laura Kasinof, Scott Shane and Robert F. Worth from Washington, and Nasser Arrabyee and Kawkab Althaibani from Sana, Yemen.
A version of this article appears in print on June 6, 2011, on Page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Joy and Doubts After President Leaves Yemen. Order Reprints| Today's Paper|Subscribe
Like many great creative unions, the designers Mona Koochek and Tania Martins of the Toronto-based women’s label Markoo met completely by chance. In 2012, Koochek was looking for something to wear for a gallery fund-raiser — and made a beeline for Carte Blanche, “the coolest store in downtown Toronto.” The shop, which shuttered the next year, was co-owned by Martins and was known for stocking niche brands such as Camilla Skovgaard and Jeremy Scott. “Unfortunately the dress she wanted had sold out, but we instantly connected,” recalls Martins. “We made plans to meet again at the fund-raiser, and when we did, we hit it off so well that we actually said, ‘this is the beginning of a beautiful friendship’ — and it was.”
Both Koochek and Martins immigrated to Toronto with their families during the late 1980s (Koochek from Iran and Martins from Portugal). When they met, Koochek was working as an urban planner but wanted to transition into fashion. “I asked Tania to teach me how to make clothes from start to finish — pattern cutting, draping, sewing,” she says. Martins — who had left school at 16 to train under a local women’s wear designer named Catherine Curtis — proved to be a diligent tutor. “From that moment on we were inseparable,” says Koochek. Adds Martins: “We bounced around ideas, made samples and eventually we got a studio downtown.”
It was only after Carte Blanche closed its doors that Martins and Koochek decided to focus on their fashion collaboration full time. “It was a case of, we love this, let’s take the plunge and start a label properly,” Koochek says. With that, Markoo — an elision of both designers’ surnames — was born. “We didn’t have the opportunity to go to an incredible institution like Central Saint Martins, it just wasn’t financially accessible,” says Koochek. “So we kept on making pieces, then ripping them up and starting again and that’s how we gained confidence,” she adds.
This rigorous process also helped them to develop their designs, which employ diverse materials such as lacquered leather splice and raw denim and subtly references the past. “The spirit of the 1920s, ’70s and '80s filters through most of our designs; sometimes it’s in the silhouettes, sometimes it’s just a feeling,” says Koochek. Signatures include a soft leather motorcycle jacket with discreet fastenings, smart blouses and slender tailored pants that sit high on the waist.
Last month, they traveled to London to shoot the campaign for the brand’s new spring/summer 2018 collection, which is due to hit stores in November. Athletic zip-up jackets, rounded cotton tops and satin tuxedo pants all feature in the offering. “Strong is a key word for us. We want our clothing to make women feel strong, to allow them to express themselves and have a voice,” Koochek says.
While Markoo has enjoyed under-the-radar success (it’s stocked at retailers such as Assembly New York and Need Supply), the duo plans to grow the brand this year. Both designers will be relocating from Toronto to London this fall, which will allow for proximity to a larger fashion community as well as their preferred Italian and Portuguese fabric mills.
The pair often use women within their circle of friends to try new looks. “We always push ourselves to experiment with new silhouettes and design features, but it has to make sense for our woman,” explains Koochek. “We ask questions: Does this detail feel too trend-led? Is she comfortable? How do we make this last forever?” She adds: “Our pieces should stand the test of time.”
A version of this article appears in print on , on Page ST3 of the New York edition with the headline: Friends Inc.. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe
Built in 1998, Maple Plaza consists of 8 floors, made up of 160 apartments, none of which is currently for sale, and none are available for rent. Located in New York's East Harlem neighborhood, features of this building include a bicycle room, courtyard, garage, garden and laundry room.
This building consists of 12 floors, made up of apartments, none of which is currently for sale, and none are available for rent. Located in New York's Greenwich Village neighborhood.
This building is made up of apartments, 1 of which are currently for sale, and none are available for rent. Located in New York's Soho neighborhood.
Built in 1898, The Unadilla consists of 7 floors, made up of 28 apartments, 1 of which are currently for sale, and none are available for rent. Located in New York's West Village neighborhood, features of this building include a laundry room and roof deck.
A swag of former Kiwis and Warriors will take to the field for their old West Auckland club Glenora today in a testimonial for Gavin Bailey, a stalwart of the league scene in Auckland who didn't quite make it to top level.
Former Kiwis and Warriors hooker Duane Mann is coach of Glenora's Fox Memorial team, the opposition for the match, but Bailey was given rights to select his line-up and has called Mann into the playing ranks.
The old Glen Eden Recreation Ground is fenced off after drainage work and the game kicks off at 5pm on the upper field, affectionately named "Duck Park" by those who played their junior football for the club, putting up with muddy slop in winter that turned to hardened and ankle-breaking holes in summer.
In the Bailey invitation side are are former New Zealand, Auckland and Warrriors players Mike Patten, Steve Buckingham, Ben Lythe, Boycie Nelson, Brian Jellick, Lee Tamatoa and Brady Malam.
The Warriors hold an open training session at the North Harbour Stadium from 9am today ahead of their run there tomorrow against the North Queensland Cowboys, with captain Steve Price inviting fans to see new talent including Christchurch-bred Lewis Brown and Ukumu Ta'ai from the Mt Albert club, both 22, both coming late to the top level.
The NRL champion Manly squad is looking for a "Suzie" after several members were struck down by a stomach complaint ahead of their game against the Super League side London Harlequins this weekend. Manly have taken their top squad to prepare for the World Club Challenge against Brian "Bluey" McClennan's Leeds Rhinos on March 1.
House affordability has improved slightly in Hawke's Bay over the past quarter thanks to decreasing house prices, the latest Massey University Home Affordability Report shows.
Covering March to June this year, the report showed Hawke's Bay and Central Otago Lakes bucked the trend of other regions with a major quarterly fall in median house-price growth - down 7 per cent or $30,000 in Hawke's Bay.
The report author, Associate Professor Dr Graham Squires, said in assessing affordability the Massey Home Affordability Index took into account the variables of interest rates, wages and house prices.
"As interest rates and wages are not moving significantly attention turns to house prices, where this quarter we have seen a $30,000 decrease in the median house price in Hawke's Bay.
"This is a significant fall, which is interesting, as we have seen a gradual incline in house values over the last two years."
He said over the past two years prices had been on an upward trajectory from an average of $330,000 to $430,000, and it was uncertain whether this quarter's decline was a new trend or just a "blip".
Harcourts Hawke's Bay managing director Kaine Wilson said the real estate agency had also seen the 7 per cent drop in median house price for the quarter - similar to what had occurred in the same quarter last year.
Last spring there were more high-end property sales for Harcourts, which affected median value in the region, he added.
"We are seeing a real surge of inquiry from buyers through our latest Harcourts Digital Plus Marketing, which I'm confident will see some great prices again through the spring quarter."
Across the country overall home affordability had decreased, driven by rising house prices in regions outside of the high-value Auckland/Thames-Coromandel and Central Otago Lakes regions, the report found.
Squires said high-value regions may be showing affordability improvements at the expense of lower-value regions.
"Outside of traditionally overheating markets like Auckland and Queenstown, regions with lower relative values like the Manawatū may be showing improvements as investors seek houses in regions that might yield greater returns on capital," he said.
In absolute home affordability index point terms, Hawke's Bay was one of the five most affordable regions, along with Southland, Taranaki, Manawatū/Whanganui and Otago.
The Portage Ceramics Trust was formed in 2005, in order to purchase a large private collection of ceramics and pottery-making equipment. This collection related to Crown Lynn Potteries Limited, a highly successful New Zealand company which operated from 1948 until 1989. Their products were in virtually every New Zealand home.	
The Crown Lynn collection is very broad and represents the materials, styles, and techniques employed by the company.	
The Portage Ceramics Trust was anxious to ensure that the collection remained as close as possible to the New Lynn site where Crown Lynn operated, and a home has been found there for the collection. Te Toi Uku, the museum space, is located next to the historic Gardner Brothers and Parker downdraft kiln in Ambrico Place.