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This model was adopted 17th August 1873 and production ceased in 1886, by which time 334,749 revolvers had been made.
A pure conscience is good enough : Bishop von Galen, the Nazis, and the question of resistance / by Beth A. Griech-Polelle
This study examines Bishop von Galen's use of Catholic values, Catholic theology, and Catholic ideology to oppose certain elements of National Socialism such as the euthanasia project while choosing to remain silent on issues concerning the deportation and murder of Jews. Although earlier studies seek to place von Galen in the pantheon of resisters to Nazism, my research reveals von Galen to have been a figure who moved between the boundary of dissent and complicity during the Nazi regime. My study attempts to place von Galen in a broader sociological, political, and ideological context by addressing the relationship between Catholicism and Nazism. In particular, how did the Catholic Church react to various Nazi policies and how did von Galen transmit these policies to his parishioners? How did the anti-Catholic legislation of the Kulturkampf shape the repertoire of resistance tactics of northwestern German Catholics? What theological interpretations were used to justify resistance and/or collaboration? What led von Galen to publicly denounce the euthanasia project, earning him the title of “Resister,” and what were the ramifications of his openly defiant stand? How did the Bishop portray Jews and Bolshevism and what did that depiction mean for Jews under the National Socialist regime? Finally, the study will explore the creation of von Galen as “Grand Churchman-Resister” and the implications of this for the myth of Catholic conservative “resistance” constructed in post-1945 Germany. Ultimately, von Galen's position of “selective opposition” revealed that his life could serve as an example of an individual who represented the more “typical” high-ranking German Catholic cleric under National Socialism, i.e., one who mixed some dissent with conformity, accommodation, and surrender in order to achieve a sense of balance in his life. His stance under National Socialism left a questionable moral legacy for himself and the Catholic Church under the Third Reich.
Steven Joseph (Joska) Fenyves is the son of Lajos (Louis) Fenvyes and Klari (Claire) Gereb Fenyves. Steven was born in Subotica, Yugoslavia, on June 6, 1931. He has one sister, Estera (Eszti), who was born on April 16, 1929. His father, Lajos, born October 1889 in Mako, Hungary, was the manager of a printing plant owned by his older brother Ferenc and his wife, Elizabeth Baruch. Ferenc and Lajos changed their name from Friedman to Fenyves when Ferenc enrolled at the university in Budapest. Ferenc was the editor of a Hungarian-language daily newspaper, Naplo. After Ferenc's death in 1935, Lajos became the editor of the newspaper. Steven's mother, born May 1897 in Subotica, was a graphic artist who had studied in Budapest, Vienna, Dresden, Paris and Florence. Steven's family was assimilated and belonged to the Neolog (Reform) congregation. They attended the synagogue regularly but did not keep Kosher. He attended public school and went three times a week for religious training. Steven spoke Serbian in school, Hungarian at home and German with his governess. His language skills later helped him enormously during the war. In 1941 Germany attacked Yugoslavia and its ally, Hungary, reoccupied the former Hungarian province. On the first day of occupation his father was forced out of his office at gunpoint, and an Aryan administrator took over the plant. Two thirds of their apartment was taken over by Hungarian officers. Their governess, cook, maid and chauffeur all left. That summer Steven finished 4th grade and was ready to enter gymnasium. In order to do so he had to pass a stringent exam as only 8 Jews were admitted under Hungary's strict Numerus Clausus laws. Since his father was no longer employed, he spent the summer coaching Steven, who passed the exam. From September 1940 to May 1944 the family remained in one corner of their apartment. Steven's mother knitted and wove shawls for a meager living. In addition the family sold Steven's stamp collection as well as their gold and silver. In May 1944 Germany occupied Hungary. Within one week Steven's father and most of the Jewish men were deported; first to Backa Topolja and then to Auschwitz. Steven, his sister, his mother and his maternal grandmother were forced to go to a makeshift ghetto in Subotica near the railroad station. As they left, townspeople ransacked their apartment, cursed and spat on them. They remained in the ghetto until the end of June, squeezed into a tiny room. Steven, however, had a pass to work in the machine shop of a former employee of his father and was allowed to leave the ghetto during the day. Around the end of June Subotica's Jews were rounded up and sent in boxcars to Bacsalmas, a small village that had been converted into a ghetto. Steven and his family remained there for a week, and then Hungarian gendarmes deported them by cattle car to Auschwitz. At the selection line, Steven saw his mother for the last time. He was waved to the right by the SS officer making the selection and sent to Camp D in Birkenau, which was known as the Gypsy compound, as it housed several barracks full of Gypsy families. German criminal Kapos, wearing green triangles on their chests, supervised the barracks. Steven, who was fluent in German, was picked by them to become an interpreter and he became entitled to scoop out the bottom of the soup barrel after the inmates were fed. The day after all the Gypsies were gassed, a new set of Kapos took over the supervision of the compound. They were Polish political prisoners, wearing red triangles. One of them, Tadek, took Steven as his interpreter; with his knowledge of Serbian, he quickly became fluent in Polish. Through the Polish Kapos, Steven became part of the resistance in Auschwitz. Working on a roof repair detail with Polish political prisoners, Steven went from compound to compound in Birkenau as they smuggled lists of prisoners and black market goods. Steven met his sister in one of the women's camps and brought her a scarf and sweater, bartered on the black market, before she was shipped out on a transport. In late September 1944, as conditions in Birkenau worsened, the Kapos managed to smuggle Steven out on what was considered to be a safe transport. Prior to his departure he was tattooed, and the Kapos gave him some warm clothes and a pair of ski boots. Previously, a foreman from the Messerschmitt factory in Nieder Orschelhad had come to Birkenau to pick 200 inmates as workers; Steven translated for him. When the transport arrived in Nieder Orschel, the foreman recognized Steven and asked him why he was there, as he had not selected him. Steven quickly responded that he was sent to serve as translator for the new prisoners. That night Steven was interrogated at length by prisoners: how did the foreman know him, why was he better fed than the other inmates, where had he acquired his warm clothes? At the end of the interrogation he was accepted into the camp resistance organization.
The camp at Niederorschel had about 800 inmates, mostly Hungarian and Polish Jews, with around 100 Soviet prisoners of war. There were a few dozen German civilian workers in the factory, and elderly Wermacht guards patrolled the barbed-wire fence. The inmates worked 10 hour shifts, 6½ days a week on the assembly line, every 15 minutes a new fighter plane wing advancing from work station to work station. At night, artisans and craftsmen busied themselves with clothing and shoe repair, making engraved boxes out of scrap aluminum to be traded with the Germans, and countless other crafts. There were even lessons in French, mathematics and history for the handful of youths of Steven's age. The camp organization consisted of two Kapos, both German political prisoners, the Polish and Hungarian translators, and the leaders of the three resistance "brigades" composed of the Soviet POWs and the Hungarian and Polish Jews. Despite frequent hangings and shootings, sabotage was attempted in many ways, tools and metal scraps were smuggled out of the factory and converted into weapons, and the brigades surreptitiously trained.
Steven remained in Niederorschel until April 7,1945, when the inmates were sent on a death march to Buchenwald. They entered Buchenwald late on April 10 and were liberated by the Americans the next morning. Steven stayed in a US Army field hospital for several weeks, and after four months was repatriated to Subotica. Estera came back as did their father, who had been sent to a Silesian coal mine. However, Lajos was totally broken in body and spirit and died on February 6, 1946. Steven resumed his schooling, but as there was nothing to keep them in Subotica; Steven, his sister, their two surviving cousins, and the cousins' fiancées escaped by different routes and were reunited in Paris. They were not successful in finding a country that would take all of them; the cousins with their new wives went to Venezuela, and Steven and Estera came to the US in 1950 to live with their maternal uncle. After 1½ years in Chicago, Steven was drafted into the US Army and sent to Germany in the Corps of Engineers. After his discharge, Steven entered the University of Illinois, met his wife-to-be Norma and married in 1955. Steven entered the computing field in the mid-1950s, and became a professor first at the University of Illinois and later at Carnegie Mellon University. He is an Honorary Member of the American Society of Civil Engineers and a member of the National Academy of Engineering.
The Chiger family stands on a street in Krakow after the war. - Collections Search - United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
Kristine Keren (borm Krystyna Chiger ) was born in Lvov, Poland (Lviv, Ukraine), on October 28, 1935, to Ignacy and Paulina (Pepa) Gold Chiger. Both were from Lvov: Ignacy was born December 8, 1906, to Jakob Chiger and had a sister and a brother; Paulina was born July 23, 1909, to Samuel and Chana Gold and had one sister and two brothers. Krystyna had one brother, Pawel, born May 18, 1939. They owned a textile business and were a wealthy, assimilated Jewish family.
A few weeks after the invasion of Poland by Germany on September 1, 1939, the Soviets occupied eastern Poland. Ignacy was forced to sell the business and the family moved into one bedroom and rented the other rooms. Krystyna attended a Russian kindergarten. In June 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union and a week later occupied Lvov. German mobile killing units incited the local Ukrainians to attack Jews and there were a series of vicious pogroms with thousands of Jewish casualties. The Chiger’s were forced into a ghetto and their belongings were confiscated. Paulina was made to work in Janowska labor camp sewing German Arrmy uniforms. Ignacy worked as carpenter for a German SS captain, Josef Grzimek. There were frequent Aktions, when the Germans would round up Jews for deportation to concentration camps. Krystyna saw Jews beaten and killed through the window. During one Aktion, Krystyna and her cousin, Inga, ran away; Krystyna found a place to hide, but Inga and their grandmother were caught. Krystyna saw them put on a truck and when her paternal grandmother waved, she was hit in the head with a rifle butt. Her maternal grandmother was killed during another Aktion. In 1942/43, Ignacy watched from behind a tree as his father and his stepmother were shot on the street. There was a roundup of children in their building, and Krystyna saw several of the mothers commit suicide by jumping off the second floor. Krystyna learned to differentiate between German and non-German footsteps and would hide Pawel in a suitcase under the bed; she then hid behind Paulina’s robe. Ignacy built them a hiding space under a window ledge and he also built a false wall in the basement where the family could hide. They once were discovered by some Germans who beat Ignacy, but finally accepted his watch and some food as a bribe and did not arrest them.
In May 1943, Ignacy heard that the ghetto was going to be destroyed. For several weeks, they hid behind the false basement wall. Ignacy worked digging a hole through to the sewers. One night, a man came into the room through the hole. This was Leopold Socha, a Catholic Polish sewer worker whom Ignacy had agreed to pay to hide the family and deliver food and supplies in the sewers. He recruited two other workers, Stefan Wroblewski and Jerzy Kowalow. In June, as the ghetto was liquidated, the family fled to the sewer pipes with 17 others. They were later joined by an uncle, Kuba Leiw, and her maternal grandfather, Samuel. Water seeped from the walls, the smell was awful, and there were large red rats and yellow worms crawling over the stones. They put their belongings on the stones to sit on and Krystyna sat on Paulina’s knees, and Pawel on Ignacy’s. They rarely moved or got up. They had a carbide lamp, bowls, and an oil stove. These were sewer pipes, not tunnels, so only children could stand upright. Ignacy had to crawl for several miles for water and carry the teakettle in his teeth. Kowalow would watch on the street as Socha and Wroblewski brought black bread and margarine daily, using different manholes to avoid detection. Socha took clothes out for washing weekly. They had to whisper so people on the street would not hear. Pawel, age three, cried often and once, one of the men hiding with them got so angry he pointed a gun at him. When the sewer rushed with water, they had to lean on the stones by the wall so they would not drown. Ten people left because of the harsh conditions, and they were shot after they emerged.
After five weeks, they were discovered by other sewer workers and fled from the main pipe. They found a very surprised Socha who hid them in a side pipe. A couple days later, he led them on two half day marches to a new and larger area further within. Ignacy made small platforms from wooden slats that slept three people. Krystyna, and then Pawel, contracted measles and other illnesses and everyone had lice. At one point, the hiding place caught fire and during storms, it would flood. After a year, Ignacy ran out of money to pay the sewer workers, but they continued to help. Socha paid for the supplies and brought Krystyna school books and Paulina and Ignacy taught her to read and write. One woman had a baby, who was suffocated. Kuba drowned while gathering water and Samuel was lost and presumably shot. Socha brought a Russian prisoner of war, Tola, to hide there and gave Ignacy a gun to shoot him if he tried to escape.
By summer 1944, they knew that the Soviet Army was advancing towards Lvov. In July, they heard the Germans digging above them, but Socha told them to stop because there was a gas pipe. On July 23, the city was liberated. Socha had heard of attacks on Jews who had survived, and waited a few days. On July 27, Krystyna and the others heard knocking on the grates and Socha and the other workers told them they were free. After they crawled out of the tunnels, Pawel cried and wanted to go back to the sewers because he was afraid of the light and people. In March 1945, the family moved to Krakow. Antisemitism was very strong in the city. They changed their name to Chyrowski which sounded more Polish. The principal of Krystyna’s school told her to pretend to be Catholic, so Krystyna learned prayers and had a first communion. After the war ended in May, Paulina learned that she and her sister were the only survivors of her family. Ignacy’s sister was killed; his brother presumably died while serving in the Soviet Army, and his mother was murdered in Belzec. That same month, they received a telegram that Socha had been hit and killed by a car.
In 1957, the family immigrated to Israel. Krystyna graduated from Hadasa University dental school and had a private practice. In 1960, she married Marion Kwasniewski. Marion and his mother, Helena, had been rescued from Plaszow concentration camp by Oskar Schindler. Ignacy, 68, passed away in 1975. Pawel, 39, died in 1978, while in the Israeli Army. Paulina, 90, passed away on January 10, 2000. In 1968, Krystyna and Marian immigrated to the United States. She Americanized her name to Kristine Keren. The couple has two sons. Leopold Socha and Stefan Wroblewski were recognized by Yad Vashem as Righteous among the Nations.
The interviewer is looking for your prioritization of money in your decision making, not only for accepting the role itself, but as a future consideration for whether or not you can be retained. This question is usually asked by employers who tend to pay less than average or at least less than the leaders in the industry, yet offer other benefits. It is also asked by employers in lower cost of living areas who cannot pay the same salaries as employers in higher cost areas.
Money is important for everyone and you should not reject its importance outright. But you should not make it your first priority. As you will come to learn in your career, opportunities for growth and advancement, in the long run, are far more important for your career development.
"Money is important to me in that it both reflects the value of what I am providing as well as taking care of my personal and family needs. That said, it is not the most important driver for me in my career. Opportunities for growth and advancement are far more important to me over the long run. Can you give me some examples of the growth path others have achieved in this role?"
"Yes, money is important to me, since it’s both a measure of my value and it helps me to take care of the personal needs in my life. But the opportunities for growth and advancement which would be offered to me are even more important to me than money as I grow and succeed in the role. Can you give me some examples of how others in this role have advanced in their careers over time?"
"Yes, money is the real key for me. It’s how I’m measured in my work. Everything I do revolves around how much money I make. If I’m doing a great job, I expect to be paid for it. If not, I will move on to another employer who values me higher. In fact, that’s why I’m here talking to you today…"