Structural adjustment programs are economic measures geared towards reorienting a failing economy, particularly in developing countries. They are usually administered under the auspices of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Structural adjustment programs are usually systemic steps towards an efficient reallocation of resources geared towards boosting export and increasing employment. Opening the economy to international trade would supposedly result in more income, triggering a trickle-down effect that would benefit everyone in the long run (Alarcon-Gonzales and McKinley, 1999).
The costs of structural adjustment programs to human development, however, are not readily apparent. These programs were intended to improve a country's economy and perhaps result in better jobs. However, these programs can also often affect less-competitive sectors of the economy adversely, particularly the informal sector where women are most active.
In a study of structural adjustment policies in Jamaica, Faye Harrison studies how the "new conquistadors" of the IMF, the World Bank, and the Reagan and Bush administrations created strategies for an export-based Jamaican economy. However, she notes that their quest for development, these policies have sacrificed "basic needs in health care, housing, education, social services and employment for those of free enterprise and free trade" (Harrison 1997: 451).
Since nearly 50 percents of all Jamaican households have a female head, many women face tremendous pressure to make ends meet. Many women thus augment their income through informal sector work. Harrison studied the case of Mrs. Beulah Brown, one such "informal sector worker," in detail.
Mrs. Brown supplemented her income as an aide at the community health center by making dresses. She also sold meat patties, traded cheese and sold ice made in a deep freezer. However, the structural adjustment programs imposed by the World Bank and IMF diverted funds away from health programs. The Community Health Aide Program was shut down.
With the devaluation of the Jamaican dollar and the suspension of food subsidies, the cost of living rose dramatically. Mrs. Brown's friends and neighbors were driven to drug trafficking to make ends meet. In this new, export-driven economy, Mrs. Brown could barely afford food, much less the materials for her businesses. Eventually, the health care worker and proud business owner had to emigrate and work as a nanny, a profession many Jamaican women are forced into (Harrison 1997).
Similar structural adjustments have had detrimental effects on women in Mexico. Here, the new policies may have increased export and generated profit for the professional and more educated and skilled employees.
However, these programs involved wage repression, a lack of new jobs in manufacturing and a curtailment in agricultural production, jobs generally staffed by poor, unskilled women. These factors all contribute towards a loss of income sources among the poorer segments of the population (Alarcon-Gonzales and McKinley, 1999).
As in Jamaica, the effects of structural adjustment extend beyond the economic sphere. Cuts in public services, such as health, education and nutrition, tend to have a larger effect on women who are charged with the dual tasks of family earner and caregiver at home. As caretakers, women are expected to care for the sick and elderly family members. Women are also tasked with stretching a tight budget, a task that entails more time towards hunting for bargains and preparing food.
Layoffs and cuts in real wages often result in longer hours for women in household activities or informal activities to compensate for the loss of family income. In effect, these women are acting as economic "shock absorbers." They put in more hours in unpaid or low-paid activities that standard economic accounting does not recognize (Alarcon-Gonzales and McKinley, 1999).
In the Mexican case, structural adjustments have resulted in an unequal pattern of development. A small minority of educated, high-skilled workers may have profited at the expense of the poor, unskilled ones. Since many poor women make up the latter category, and because of the increased workload both inside and outside the home, structural adjustments thus take a heavy toll on the lives of women in the name of economic development.
The fight against structural adjustment programs in 36 countries Africa further illustrates the effects on structural adjustments on the lives of women. These effects include slashed wages, retrenchment, cuts in health care programs and declining resources allocated to education. In addition, because of stress over uncertain finances, many women report an increase in spousal abuse from frustrated husbands. Other women are forced to work as prostitutes, which leaves them vulnerable to violent or sexual assaults (African Women's Network, 1996).
In response, the African Women's Economic Policy Network (AWEPON) was formed in 1994. Their programs include teaching women "economic literacy" by building on their knowledge of household economics. These education programs seek to empower women by showing them their integral place in the larger economy. AWEPON is also trying to lobby the United Nations and other international organizations to address the human development discrepancies brought about by these structural adjustment programs.
In summary, while gender inequality in Jamaica, Mexico and Africa predates structural adjustment programs, the effects of these programs sharpen the gender divide.
They divert funding away from programs like low-cost healthcare and education programs for girls. Furthermore, the shift in dependency patters at home has contributed to violence against women. Though supposedly geared towards higher wages and higher standards of living, the ill effects of structural adjustments have disproportionately affected women.
In an era of gender equality, it is easy to overlook how structures of patriarchy continue to dominate the lives of women, both here in the United States and around the world.
In the disparate cultures of the Yanomamo, the Sherpa and the!Kung Sen, marriage relations are still seen as a way to united families or groups. In some societies, women continue to be betrothed as young girls, and do not have any voice in their choice of mates. Often, men are allowed more than one wife, but women are not allowed the same option.
After marriage, traditional domestic structures still continue to apply. Women are still expected to take care of household chores and caretaking responsibilities, even when they work outside the home. Finally, most women's participation in the economic sector remains invisible, because women like Beulah Brown are part of the informal sector. As such, their needs are often ignored by planners, and they are often adversely-affected by IMF and World Bank policies.
Though far from comprehensive, this survey of economic and social practices in various countries shows that even across disparate social, economic and racial groupings, women around the world struggle are burdened with unfair patriarchal norms and traditions. In the advent of the age of globalization, few concepts remain as truly global as patriarchy.
African Women's Network (1996). Women Standing Up to Adjustment in Africa: A Report of the African Women's Economic Policy Network. available from www.developmentgap.org.htm (accessed 22 March 2003).
Alarcon-Gonzales, Diana and Terry McKinley (1999). "The adverse effects of structural adjustments on working women in Mexico" Latin American Perspectives, 26, 3, May. 103-117. Available from Proquest www.proquest.umi.com (accessed 22 March 2003).
Harrison, Faye (1997). "The Gendered Politics and Violence of Structural Adjustment," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life. Louse Lamphere et al., eds. (New York and London: 1997), 451-468.
A electronic book]. Available from www.worldbank.org/poverty/voices/reports.htm (accessed 22 March 2003).
Pesquera, Beatriz M. (1997). "In the Beginning He Wouldn't Lift a Spoon," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life. Louse Lamphere et al., eds. (New York and London: 1997), 208-222.
Saptari, Ratna (2000). "Networks of Reproduction among Cigarette Factory Women in East Java," in Women and Households in Indonesia: Cultural Notions and Social Practices. Surrey: Curzon Press.
Club Inferno Dungeon says: When Brian Bonds is ready to shoot his load, he grabs Andrew Stark’s non-fisting hand to deposit an offering of hot semen, which Andrew slathers inside Brian’s gaping hole for extra lubrication.
With Brian’s lust for the fist finally satisfied, Andrew dumps his load of hot cum into Brian’s mouth, with an additional thick rope landing across Brian’s upper lip.
If you were dancing with props, you were getting props. That was the theme of Freestyle Takeover’s most recent competition held this past weekend at MAGWest, the West Coast expansion of MAGFest (Music and Gaming Festival).
We held a two-round improv freestyle tournament to determine who had the most creativity and charisma when faced with a random song. The first twist: It was on a DDR 4th Mix Plus machine, a mix that hasn’t seen the light of day in Northern California in over a decade. The second twist: Each competitor was randomly assigned a physical prop to use in conjunction with their first round performance. The result? The crowd, the judges, and the Twitch audience were treated to plenty of clever acts on stage!
In the final round, the physical props were shooed away but the energy was turned up to 11. Despite the competitors being bound to a random song, they still let loose and left it all on the dance pads. This is not some phrase that we throw around lightly; the top 3 finishers finished within a point of each other on the judges’ scorecards!
Freestyle Takeover: Fanime was a homecoming, a return to form and the best Fanime experience we have had in years. It was super gratifying to not only see people show up and compete, but to see them come prepared, dance their hearts out to unconventional songs and breathe new life into a game released in 2002. Judging by the top 3 routines (each song from DDR 2nd Mix Club Version, no less!) and the overall quality of performance in both rounds, I think we can safely say the bar has been raised for DDR freestyle in 2018. 🙂
We’ve made our judges’ scorecards public and have set up a Youtube playlist of all the performances from Friday night – go check it out and be sure to subscribe to our channel while you’re at it!
HONORABLE MENTION for the night goes to 001. Though he didn’t qualify for round 2, he blew us all away with an exhibition of the routine he’d prepared:
We’d like to thank everyone who came through to compete and spectate that night – your love of the game is infectious and brought us much joy that night. Major thanks as well to @dammit_jill for taking the time to record video and Emu the Artist for providing prizes from her Concon store. This was one hell of a fun event and we can’t wait to throw another one like it.
Big announcements today! We knew we didn’t want January’s tournament to be the end of DDR freestyle in 2018, so we’ve launched Takeover as a Brand ™ with the intent to celebrate and foster freestyle in the DDR community and bring you more content & events throughout the year.
First item of business is the launch of our podcast! Tune in to hear Paolo, Mel B and James reflect on the performances from the first DDRFS tournament in NorCal in damn near a decade!
We’re also super excited to share an ongoing project with you: The DDR Freestyle Archive! James is spearheading this with the goal of creating an accessible, centralized repository of tournament performances dating all the way back to the year 2000. For anyone curious about past events or looking for inspiration for their own routines, this thing is a must-see.
We’re open to any and all feedback and want to foster engagement and participation in freestyle as best we can. Let us know if there’s anything you’d like to see and be sure to give us a follow on Twitter and Facebook in the meantime! Happy weekend y’all!