تقسيم الهند
مراجع

↑  Population Redistribution and Development in South Asia. Springer Science & Business Media. 2012. ص. 6. ISBN:978-9400953093. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2020-02-14.
↑  "Rupture in South Asia" (PDF). United Nations High Commission for Refugees. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2021-01-28. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-01-16.
↑  Dr Crispin Bates (3 مارس 2011). "The Hidden Story of Partition and its Legacies". BBC. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2021-01-01. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-01-16.
1 2  Vazira Fazila‐Yacoobali Zamindar (4 فبراير 2013). India–Pakistan Partition 1947 and forced migration. DOI:10.1002/9781444351071.wbeghm285. ISBN:9781444334890. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2021-01-22. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-01-16.
↑  Fisher، Michael H. (2018)، An Environmental History of India: From Earliest Times to the Twenty-First Century، Cambridge and New York: مطبعة جامعة كامبريدج، DOI:10.1017/9781316276044، ISBN:978-1-107-11162-2، LCCN:2018021693، S2CID:134229667، مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-09-25، The partition of South Asia that produced India and West and East Pakistan resulted from years of bitter negotiations and recriminations ... The departing British also decreed that the hundreds of princes, who ruled one-third of the subcontinent and a quarter of its population, became legally independent, their status to be settled later. Geographical location, personal and popular sentiment, and substantial pressure and incentives from the new governments led almost all princes eventually to merge their domains into either Pakistan or India.  ...  Each new government asserted its exclusive sovereignty within its borders, realigning all territories, animals, plants, minerals, and all other natural and human-made resources as either Pakistani or Indian property, to be used for its national development... Simultaneously, the central civil and military services and judiciary split roughly along religious 'communal' lines, even as they divided movable government assets according to a negotiated formula: 22.7 percent for Pakistan and 77.3 percent for India.
↑  Khan، Yasmin (2017) [2007]، The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan (ط. 2)، New Haven and London: Yale University Press، ص. 1، ISBN:978-0-300-23032-1، South Asians learned that the British Indian empire would be partitioned on 3 June 1947. They heard about it on the radio, from relations and friends, by reading newspapers and, later, through government pamphlets. Among a population of almost four hundred million, where the vast majority live in the countryside, ploughing the land as landless peasants or sharecroppers, it is hardly surprising that many thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, did not hear the news for many weeks afterwards. For some, the butchery and forced relocation of the summer months of 1947 may have been the first that they knew about the creation of the two new states rising from the fragmentary and terminally weakened British empire in India
↑  "The Dawn of Pakistan". Dawn (بالإنجليزية). 9 Jun 2017. Archived from the original on 2024-04-11. Retrieved 2024-01-07.
↑  "Independence Day Special: This is how military assets were divided between India and Pakistan". WION (بالإنجليزية الأمريكية). 15 Aug 2021. Archived from the original on 2024-02-27. Retrieved 2023-12-31.
↑  https://repository.law.miami.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1318&context=umiclr نسخة محفوظة 2020-03-18 على موقع واي باك مشين.
↑  The People Next Door: The Curious History of India's Relations with Pakistan - T.C.A. Raghavan - Google Books نسخة محفوظة 2020-06-21 على موقع واي باك مشين.
↑  Moj, Muhammad (2015). The Deoband Madrassah Movement: Countercultural Trends and Tendencies (بالإنجليزية). Anthem Press. p. 84. ISBN:9781783084463.
↑  Metcalf، Barbara D.؛ Metcalf، Thomas R. (2012)، A Concise History of Modern India، مطبعة جامعة كامبريدج، ISBN:978-1-107-02649-0، مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-07-13، The loss of life was immense, with estimates ranging from several hundred thousand up to a million. But, even for those who survived, fear generated a widespread perception that one could be safe only among the members of one's own community; and this in turn helped consolidate loyalties towards the state, whether India or Pakistan, in which one might find a secure haven. This was especially important for Pakistan, where the succour it offered to Muslims gave that state for the first time a visible territorial reality. Fear too drove forward a mass migration unparalleled in the history of South Asia. Within a period of some three or four months in late 1947 a number of Hindus and Sikhs estimated at some 5 million moved from West Punjab into India, while 5.5 million Muslims travelled in the opposite direction. The outcome, akin to what today is called 'ethnic cleansing', produced an Indian Punjab 60 per cent Hindu and 35 per cent Sikh, while the Pakistan Punjab became almost wholly Muslim. A similar, though less extensive, migration took place between east and west Bengal, though murderous attacks on fleeing refugees, with the attendant loss of life, were much less extensive in the eastern region. Even those who did not move, if of the wrong community, often found themselves treated as though they were the enemy. In Delhi itself, the city's Muslims, cowering in an old fort, were for several months after partition regarded with intense suspicion and hostility. Overall, partition uprooted some 12.5 million of undivided India's people.
↑  Partition (n), 7. b (ط. 3rd). Oxford English Dictionary. 2005.
↑  Dyson، Tim (2018)، A Population History of India: From the First Modern People to the Present Day، Oxford University Press، ص. 189، ISBN:978-0-19-882905-8، مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-09-25، The sudden refugee flows related to Partition may at the time have been unsurpassed in modern world history. It is likely that at least 14–18 million people moved. Previous assessments of the mortality associated with Partition have varied between 200,000 and 1 million. The first figure, attributed to Mountbatten (the last Viceroy) smacks of a number that—conveniently from an official perspective—minimizes the loss of life. However, the figure of 1 million may also be too low. The data, however, do not allow for a firmer judgement.
↑  Copland، Ian (2005). State, Community and Neighbourhood in Princely North India, c. 1900-1950. ص. 140.
1 2  Paranjape، M.R. (2018). The Death & afterlife of Mahatma Gandhi. Penguin Random House India Private Limited. ص. 182. ISBN:978-93-5305-335-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-08-14.
1 2  Jack، H.A. (1994). The Gandhi Reader: A Sourcebook of His Life and Writings. Grove Press Eastern philosophy and literature series. Grove Press. ص. 458. ISBN:978-0-8021-3161-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-08-14. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2024-08-14.
1 2  Hatt، C. (2002). Mahatma Gandhi. Judge for yourself. Evans. ص. 41. ISBN:978-0-237-52308-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-08-14. Revived by the success of his fast, which also helped bring calm to the rest of India, Gandhi resumed his routine of ending the day with a prayer meeting outside Birla House.
↑  Encyclopædia Britannica. 2008. "Nepal." نسخة محفوظة 18 March 2006 على موقع واي باك مشين., Encyclopædia Britannica. 2008. "Bhutan."
↑  "Sikkim". Encyclopædia Britannica. 2008. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2007-12-12. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2017-02-23.
1 2 3  Spear 1990، صفحة 176
↑  Spear 1990، صفحة 176, Stein & Arnold 2010، صفحة 291, Ludden 2002، صفحة 193, Metcalf & Metcalf 2006، صفحة 156
1 2  Bandyopādhyāẏa 2004، صفحة 260
1 2  Ludden 2002، صفحة 193
↑  Ludden 2002، صفحة 199
1 2 3  Ludden 2002، صفحة 200
↑  Stein & Arnold 2010، صفحة 286
1 2  Talbot & Singh 2009.
1 2 3  Ludden 2002، صفحة 201
1 2 3  Brown 1994، صفحات 197–198
↑  Olympic Games Antwerp 1920: Official Report نسخة محفوظة 5 May 2011 على موقع واي باك مشين., Nombre de bations representees, p. 168. Quote: "31 Nations avaient accepté l'invitation du Comité Olympique Belge: ... la Grèce – la Hollande Les Indes Anglaises – l'Italie – le Japon ..."
1 2 3  Brown 1994، صفحات 200–201
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8  Brown 1994، صفحات 205–207
↑  Cenap Çakmak (2017). Islam: A Worldwide Encyclopedia [4 Volumes]. ABC-CLIO. ص. 866. ISBN:9781610692175. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-05-23.
↑  Stephen P. Cohen (2004). the Idea of Pakistan. Rowman & Littlefield. ص. 36. ISBN:9780815797616. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-11-21. Thus the idea of Pakistan rests on the elite Indian muslim sense of being culturally and historically distinct
↑  Talbot, Ian. 1999. "Pakistan's Emergence." Pp. 253–63 in The Oxford History of the British Empire: Historiography, edited by R. W. Winks. Oxford: Oxford University Press. (ردمك 978-0-19-820566-1). 1036799442. نسخة محفوظة 2023-04-06 على موقع واي باك مشين.
↑  Liaquat Ali Khan (1940)، Pakistan: The Heart of Asia، Thacker & Co. Ltd.، ISBN:978-1443726672، مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-03-29، اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2016-04-06، ... There is much in the Musalmans which, if they wish, can roll them into a nation. But isn't there enough that is common to both Hindus and Muslims, which if developed, is capable of molding them into one people? Nobody can deny that there are many modes, manners, rites, and customs that are common to both. Nobody can deny that there are rites, customs, and usages based on religion that do divide Hindus and Muslims. The question is, which of these should be emphasized ...
↑  Anil Chandra Banerjee (1981). Two Nations: The Philosophy of Muslim Nationalism. Concept. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-10.
↑  "Two-Nation Theory Exists". Pakistan Times. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2007-11-11.
↑  "The Partition of India". Frontline. 22 ديسمبر 2002. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2020-10-24.
↑  Ahmed، I. (2020). Jinnah: His Successes, Failures and Role in History. Penguin Random House India Private Limited. ص. 117–118. ISBN:978-93-5305-664-3. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-11-21. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2023-07-11.
↑  Hoodbhoy، P. (2023). Pakistan: Origins, Identity and Future. Taylor & Francis. ص. 231. ISBN:978-1-000-85667-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-11-21. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2023-07-11.
↑  Bonney، R. (2004). Three Giants of South Asia: Gandhi, Ambedkar, and Jinnah on Self-determination. South Asian history academic papers. Media House. ص. 7. ISBN:978-81-7495-174-8. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-07-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2023-07-11.
↑  Bapu، Prabhu (2013). Hindu Mahasabha in Colonial North India, 1915-1930: Constructing Nation and History. Online access with subscription: Proquest Ebook Central. Routledge. ص. 77. ISBN:978-0-415-67165-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-10-08.
↑  "Savarkar in Ahmedabad 'declared' two-nation theory in 1937, Jinnah followed 3 years later". 24 يناير 2016. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-28.
↑  Shakir, Moin. 1979. "Review: Always in the Mainstream." إكونوميك أند بوليتيكال ويكلي  ‏ 14(33):1424. جايستور 4367847 "[T]he Muslims are not Indians but foreigners or temporary guests—without any loyalty to the country or its cultural heritage—and should be driven out of the country ..."
↑  Sankhdher, M. M., and K. K. Wadhwa. 1991. National unity and religious minorities. Gitanjali Publishing House. (ردمك 978-81-85060-36-1). "... In their heart of hearts, the Indian Muslims are not Indian citizens, are not Indians: they are citizens of the universal Islamic ummah, of Islamdom ..." نسخة محفوظة 2023-03-26 على موقع واي باك مشين.
↑  فيناياك دامودار سافاركار, and Sudhakar Raje. 1989. Savarkar: commemoration volume. Savarkar Darshan Pratishthan. "His historic warning against conversion and call for Shuddhi was condensed in the dictum 'Dharmantar is Rashtrantar' (to change one's religion is to change one's nationality) ..." نسخة محفوظة 2023-12-04 على موقع واي باك مشين.
↑  Chakravarty, Nikhil, ed. 1990. Mainstream, 28:32–52. ISSN 0542-1462. "'Dharmantar is Rashtrantar' is one of the old slogans of the VHP..."
↑  كونور كروز أوبراين. August 1988. "Holy War Against India نسخة محفوظة 28 January 2021 على موقع واي باك مشين.". ذا أتلانتيك 262(2):54–64. Retrieved 8 June 2020.
↑  Javed Jabbar (21 مارس 2021). "The Two-Nation Reality versus Theory: Opposition to Partition". Dawn. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-12-02. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2023-03-27.
↑  Carlo Caldarola (1982)، Religions and societies, Asia and the Middle East، Walter de Gruyter، ISBN:978-90-279-3259-4، مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-11-21، اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2016-04-06، ... Hindu and Muslim cultures constitute two distinct and frequently antagonistic ways of life, and that therefore they cannot coexist in one nation ...
↑  S. Harman (1977)، Plight of Muslims in India، DL Publications، ISBN:978-0-9502818-2-7، مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26، اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2016-04-06، ... strongly and repeatedly pressed for the transfer of the population between India and Pakistan. At the time of partition, some of the two-nation theory protagonists proposed that the entire Hindu population should migrate to India, and all Muslims should move over to Pakistan, leaving no Hindus in Pakistan and no Muslims in India ...
↑  M. M. Sankhdher (1992)، Secularism in India, dilemmas and challenges، Deep & Deep Publication، ISBN:9788171004096، مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26، اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2016-04-06، ... The partition of the country did not take the two-nation theory to its logical conclusion, i.e., complete transfer of populations ...
↑  Rafiq Zakaria (2004)، Indian Muslims: where have they gone wrong?، Popular Prakashan، ISBN:978-81-7991-201-0، ... As a Muslim, Hindus, and Muslims are one nation and not two ... two nations have no basis in history... they shall continue to live together for another thousand years in united India ...
↑  الجمعية التأسيسية لباكستان. 1953. "Debates: Official report, Volume 1; Volume 16." حكومة باكستان."[S]ay that Hindus and Muslims are one, single nation. It is a very peculiar attitude on the part of the leader of the opposition. If his point of view were accepted, then the very justification for the existence of Pakistan would disappear ..." نسخة محفوظة 2023-04-05 على موقع واي باك مشين.
↑  Janmahmad (1989)، Essays on Baloch national struggle in Pakistan: emergence, dimensions, repercussions، Gosha-e-Adab، مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26، اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2016-04-06، ... would be completely extinct as a people without any identity. This proposition is the crux of the matter, shaping the Baloch attitude towards Pakistani politics. For Baloch to accept the British-conceived two-nation theory for the Indian Muslims would mean losing their Baloch identity in the process ...
↑  Stephen P. Cohen (2004)، The idea of Pakistan، Brookings Institution Press، ص. 212، ISBN:978-0-8157-1502-3، مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-10-04، اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2016-04-06، [In the view of G. M. Sayed,] the two-nation theory became a trap for Sindhis—instead of liberating Sindh, it fell under Punjabi-Mohajir domination, and until his death in 1995 he called for a separate Sindhi 'nation', implying a separate Sindhi country.
↑  Ahmad Salim (1991)، Pashtun and Baloch history: Punjabi view، Fiction House، ... Attacking the 'two-nation theory' in Lower House on December 14, 1947, Ghaus Bux Bizenjo said: "We have a distinct culture like Afghanistan and Iran, and if the mere fact that we are Muslim requires us to amalgamate with Pakistan, then Afghanistan and Iran should also be amalgamated with Pakistan ...
↑  Principal Lecturer in Economics Pritam Singh؛ Pritam Singh (2008). Federalism, Nationalism and Development: India and the Punjab Economy. Routledge. ص. 137–. ISBN:978-1-134-04946-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-30. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2017-08-01.
↑  Pritam Singh (2008). Federalism, Nationalism and Development: India and the Punjab Economy. Routledge. ص. 173–. ISBN:978-1-134-04945-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2017-08-01.
1 2 3  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 31.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 32.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 33.
1 2  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 34.
↑  Yasmin Khan (2017). The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan, New Edition. Yale University Press. ص. 18–. ISBN:978-0-300-23364-3. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2021-02-04.
↑  William Roger Louis؛ Wm. Roger Louis (2006). Ends of British Imperialism: The Scramble for Empire, Suez, and Decolonization. I.B. Tauris. ص. 397–. ISBN:978-1-84511-347-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2018-04-27. He made a serious misjudgment in underestimating Muslim sentiment before the outbreak of the war. He did not take the idea of 'Pakistan' seriously. After the adoption of the March 1940 Lahore resolution, calling for the creation of a separate state or states of Pakistan, he wrote: 'My first reaction is, I confess, that silly as the Muslim scheme for partition is, it would be a pity to throw too much cold water on it at the moment.' Linlithgow surmised that what Jinnah feared was a federal India dominated by Hindus. Part of the purpose of the famous British 'August offer' of 1940 was to assure the Muslims that they would be protected against a 'Hindu Raj'  as well as to hold over the discussion of the 1935 Act and a 'new constitution' until after the war.
↑  L. J. Butler (2002). Britain and Empire: Adjusting to a Post-Imperial World. I.B. Tauris. ص. 41–. ISBN:978-1-86064-448-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2018-04-27. Viceroy Linlithgow's 'August Offer,' made in 1940, proposed Dominion status for India after the war, and the inclusion of Indians in a larger Executive Council and a new War Advisory Council, and promised that minority views would be taken into account in future constitutional revision. This was not enough to satisfy either the Congress or the Muslim League, who both rejected the offer in September, and shortly afterward Congress launched a fresh campaign of civil disobedience.
1 2  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 35.
↑  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحات 34–35.
↑  Ayesha Jalal (1994). The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. ص. 81. ISBN:978-1-139-93570-8. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2018-04-27. Provincial option, he argued, was insufficient security. Explicit acceptance of the principle of Pakistan offered the only safeguard for Muslim interests throughout India and had to be the precondition for any advance at the center. So he exhorted all Indian Muslims to unite under his leadership to force the British and the Congress to concede 'Pakistan.' If the real reasons for Jinnah's rejection of the offer were rather different, it was not Jinnah but his rivals who had failed to make the point publicly.
↑  Khan 2007، صفحة 18.
↑  Stein & Arnold 2010، صفحة 289: Quote: "Gandhi was the leading genius of the later, and ultimately successful, campaign for India's independence"
↑  Metcalf & Metcalf 2006، صفحة 209.
↑  Khan 2007، صفحة 43.
↑  Robb 2002، صفحة 190
↑  Gilmartin، David (2009). "Muslim League Appeals to the Voters of Punjab for Support of Pakistan". في D. Metcalf (المحرر). Islam in South Asia in Practice. Princeton University Press. ص. 410–. ISBN:978-1-4008-3138-8.
1 2  Brown 1994، صفحة 330India had always been a minority interest in British public life; no great body of public opinion now emerged to argue that war-weary and impoverished Britain should send troops and money to hold it against its will in an empire of doubtful value. By late 1946 both Prime Minister and Secretary of State for India recognized that neither international opinion nor their own voters would stand for any reassertion of the raj, even if there had been the men, money, and administrative machinery with which to do so.
1 2  Metcalf & Metcalf 2006، صفحة 212More importantly, though victorious in war, Britain had suffered immensely in the struggle. It simply did not possess the manpower or economic resources required to coerce a restive India.
↑  Chandrika Kaul (3 مارس 2011). "From Empire to Independence: The British Raj in India 1858–1947". History. BBC. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-10-07. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2014-08-02.
↑  Attlee, Clement (1954). As It Happened. Viking Press. ص. 254.
1 2  Judd 2004، صفحات 172–173
↑  Karsten، P. (1998). Motivating Soldiers: Morale Or Mutiny. Military and society : a collection of essays / ser. ed. Peter Karsten. Garland Pub. ص. 324. ISBN:978-0-8153-2977-0. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-07-03.
↑  Barbara Metcalf (2012). Husain Ahmad Madani: The Jihad for Islam and India's Freedom. Oneworld Publications. ص. 107–. ISBN:978-1-78074-210-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2017-06-26.
↑  Judd 2004، صفحات 170–171
↑  Lebra، J.C. (2003). Indian National Army and Japan. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ص. 217. ISBN:978-981-4515-41-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2024-07-02.
↑  Brown 1994، صفحات 328–329
↑  Barbara D. Metcalf؛ Thomas R. Metcalf (2012). A Concise History of Modern India. Cambridge University Press. ص. 212–. ISBN:978-1-139-53705-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2020-06-01.
↑  Burton Stein (2010). A History of India. John Wiley & Sons. ص. 347–. ISBN:978-1-4443-2351-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2021-02-04.
↑  Bose & Jalal 2004، صفحات 148–149
↑  Burton Stein (2010). A History of India. John Wiley & Sons. ص. 347. ISBN:978-1-4443-2351-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2017-05-01. His standing with the British remained high, however, for even though they no more agreed with the idea of a separate Muslim state than the Congress did, government officials appreciated the simplicity of a single negotiating voice for all of India's Muslims.
↑  Jeffery J. Roberts (2003). The Origins of Conflict in Afghanistan. Greenwood Publishing Group. ص. 85–. ISBN:978-0-275-97878-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2020-02-16.
↑  Darwin، John (3 مارس 2011). "Britain, the Commonwealth and the End of Empire". BBC. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2020-11-12. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2017-04-10.
↑  Barbara D. Metcalf؛ Thomas R. Metcalf (2002). A Concise History of India. Cambridge University Press. ص. 212–. ISBN:978-0-521-63974-3. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2017-04-10. By this scheme, the British hoped they could at once preserve united India desired by the Congress, and by themselves, and at the same time, through the groups, secure the essence of Jinnah's demand for a 'Pakistan'.
↑  Barbara D. Metcalf؛ Thomas R. Metcalf (2002). A Concise History of India. Cambridge University Press. ص. 211–213. ISBN:978-0-521-63974-3. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2020-03-18. Its proposal for an independent India involved a complex, three-tiered federation, whose central feature was the creation of groups of provinces. Two of these groups would comprise the Muslim majority provinces of east and west; a third would include the Hindu majority regions of the center and south. These groups, given responsibility for most of the functions of government, would be subordinated to a Union government, would be subordinated to a Union government controlling defense, foreign affairs, and communications. Nevertheless, the Muslim League accepted the Cabinet mission's proposals. The ball was now in Congress's court. Although the grouping scheme preserved a united India, the Congress leadership, above all Jawaharlal Nehru, now slated to be Gandhi's successor, increasingly concluded that under the Cabinet mission proposals the Center would be too weak to achieve the goals of the Congress, which envisioned itself as the successor to the Raj. Looking ahead to the future, the Congress, especially its socialist wing headed by Nehru, wanted a central government that could direct and plan for an India, free of colonialism, that might eradicate its people's poverty and grow into an industrial power. India's business community also supported the idea of a strong central government In a provocative speech on 10 July 1946, Nehru repudiated the notion of compulsory grouping or provinces, the key to Jinnah's Pakistan. Provinces, he said, must be free to join any group. With this speech, Nehru effectively torpedoed the Cabinet mission scheme, and with it, any hope for a united India.
1 2  Bourke-White, Margaret (1949). Halfway to Freedom: A Report on the New India in the Words and Photographs of Margaret Bourke-White. Simon and Schuster. p. 15.
↑  Hodson، H V (1997) [1969]. Great Divide; Britain, India, Pakistan. Oxford University Press. ص. 166. ISBN:978-0-19-577821-2.
↑  Khan 2007.
↑  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 69: Quote: "Despite the Muslim League's denials, the outbreak was linked with the celebration of Direction Action Day. Muslim procession that had gone to the staging ground of the 150-foot Ochterlony Monument on the maidan to hear the Muslim League Prime Minister Suhrawardy attacked Hindus on their way back. They were heard shouting slogans as 'Larke Lenge Pakistan' (We shall win Pakistan by force). Violence spread to North Calcutta when Muslim crowds tried to force Hindu shopkeepers to observe the day's strike (hartal) call. The circulation of pamphlets in advance of Direct Action Day demonstrated a clear connection between the use of violence and the demand for Pakistan."
↑  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 67 Quote: "The signs of 'ethnic cleansing' are first evident in the Great Calcutta Killing of 16–19 August 1946."
↑  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 68.
↑  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 67 Quote: "(Signs of 'ethnic cleansing') were also present in the wave of violence that rippled out from Calcutta to Bihar, where there were high Muslim casualty figures, and to Noakhali deep in the Ganges-Brahmaputra delta of Bengal. Concerning the Noakhali riots, one British officer spoke of a 'determined and organized' Muslim effort to drive out all the Hindus, who accounted for around a fifth of the total population. Similarly, the Punjab counterparts to this transition of violence were the Rawalpindi massacres of March 1947. The level of death and destruction in such West Punjab villages as Thoa Khalsa was such that communities couldn't live together in its wake."
↑  Ramesh, Jairam (2019). Chequered Brilliance (بالإنجليزية). Penguin Books India PVT, Limited. ISBN:978-0-670-09232-1. Archived from the original on 2024-07-01.
↑  Ziegler، Philip (1985). Mountbatten: The Official Biography. London: HarperCollins. ص. 359. ISBN:978-0002165433..
↑  Ayesha Jalal (1994). The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. ص. 250. ISBN:978-0-521-45850-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2018-04-25. These instructions were to avoid partition and obtain a unitary government for British India and the Indian States and at the same time observe the pledges to the princes and the Muslims; to secure agreement to the Cabinet Mission plan without coercing any of the parties; somehow to keep the Indian army undivided, and to retain India within the Commonwealth. (Attlee to Mountbatten, 18 March 1947, ibid, 972–974)
↑  Ayesha Jalal (1994). The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. ص. 251. ISBN:978-0-521-45850-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-03-26. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2018-04-25. When Mountbatten arrived, it was not wholly inconceivable that a settlement on the Cabinet Mission's terms might still be secured limited bloodshed called for a united Indian army under effective control. But keeping the army intact was now inextricably linked with keeping India united, this is why Mountbatten started by being vehemently opposed to 'abolishing the center'.
↑  Talbot، Ian (2009). "Partition of India: The Human Dimension". Cultural and Social History. ج. 6 ع. 4: 403–410. DOI:10.2752/147800409X466254. S2CID:147110854. Mountbatten had intended to resurrect the Cabinet Mission proposals for a federal India. British officials were unanimously pessimistic about a Pakistan state's future economic prospects. The agreement to an Indian Union contained in the Cabinet Mission proposals had been initially accepted by the Muslim League as the grouping proposals gave considerable autonomy in the Muslim majority areas. Moreover, there was the possibility of withdrawal and thus acquiring Pakistan by the backdoor after a ten year interval. The worsening communal situation and extensive soundings with Indian political figures convinced Mountbatten within a month of his arrival that partition was the only way to quickly and smoothly transfer power.
↑  Menon، V. P. Transfer of Power in India. ص. 385.
↑  Jain، Jagdish Chandra (1 يناير 1987). Gandhi, the Forgotten Mahatma. Mittal Publications. ISBN:9788170990376. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2020-02-14. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2020-05-22 – عبر Google Books.
↑  Talbot & Singh 2009، صفحة 67–68.
↑  Farooqui، Tashkeel Ahmed؛ Sheikh، Ismail (15 أغسطس 2016). "Was Pakistan created on August 14 or 15?". The Express Tribune. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2016-08-16. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2016-08-16.
↑  Heathcote 2002، صفحة 189.
↑  Menon، V.P (1957). Transfer of Power in India. Orient Blackswan. ص. 512. ISBN:978-8125008842.
↑  Sankar Ghose, Jawaharlal Nehru, a biography (1993), p. 181
1 2  Jagmohan (2005). Soul and Structure of Governance in India. Allied Publishers. ص. 49. ISBN:978-8177648317. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2020-02-10.
↑  Gopal، Ram (1991). Hindu Culture During and After Muslim Rule: Survival and Subsequent Challenges. M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd. ص. 133. ISBN:978-8170232056. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2020-02-08.
↑  Ray، Jayanta Kumar (2013). India's Foreign Relations, 1947–2007. Routledge. ص. 58. ISBN:978-1136197154. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2020-02-11.
↑  Ishtiaq Ahmed  ‏, State, Nation and Ethnicity in Contemporary South Asia (London & New York, 1998), p. 99
↑  Raju، Thomas G. C. (Fall 1994). "Nations, States, and Secession: Lessons from the Former Yugoslavia". Mediterranean Quarterly. ج. 5 ع. 4: 40–65.
1 2 3 4  Spate 1947، صفحات 126–137