الإصلاح الاقتصادي السوفيتي 1965
مراجع

↑  Katz, Economic Reform (1972), pp. 8–17.
↑  Adam, Economic Reforms (1989), pp. 5–11.
↑  Adam, Economic Reforms (1989), pp. 11–13.
↑  Katz, Economic Reform (1972), p. 155. "The old-style director who was good at obtaining materials in short supply and fighting successfully with the authorities to get a low 'val' plan that he could comfortably overfill was lost in the new circumstances, and there was a serious problem of psychological reorientation."
↑  Tubis, Decision-Making in the Soviet Economic Bureaucracy (1973), pp. 22–27. "The amount of premia was determined on the basis of the fulfillment of the norms for each plan index, and a certain rate was established for fulfillment and higher rates for overfulfillment of each norm. Since gross output was considered the most important index by the leadership, it carried with it the highest rates. The manipulation of these bonuses was very important because management personnel oriented production to get the most favorable sums, especially since the premia often amounted to a sum equal to the manager's regular salary. Moreover, whereas bonuses for workers and lower management personnel, e.g., a shop chief, were paid out of the enterprise fund made up of a part of the enterprise profit, the bonuses of the managerial personnel were, for the most part, paid out of the State budget. Thus, the premia of the manager and his staff came from fulfilling the production plan regardless of how the enterprise did financially."
↑  Ellman, Soviet Planning Today (1971), p. 30. "In Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR (1952) Stalin repeated the familiar Maxist–Leninist argument that price-market relationships in a socialist economy are a relic of capitalism, the persistence of which in a socialist economy is due to the existence side by side with the socialist sector of a cooperative sector (the collective farms), and that these price-market relationships are destined to wither away under communism."
↑  Ellman, Soviet Planning Today (1971), p. 11. "Political economy is discussed in the press, lectures are given on it in the factories, and it is taught to students throughout the higher educational system. Economic cybernetics is a specialized academic discipline which is taught to future planners."
↑  Feiwel, Quest for Economic Efficiency (1972), p. 199. "The mathematical school represents a major breakthrough in the approach to price formation and resource allocation, even though its exponents--to a larger or smaller degree--are cautious in advocating an immediate radical overhaul of the present system."
↑  Ellman, Soviet Planning Today (1971), p. 2.
↑  Feiwel, Quest for Economic Efficiency (1972), pp. 197–198. "The impact of the mathematical economists is evident from the growing recognition and honors bestowed on them. In 1964 Kantorovich was promoted to the rank of Academician, and in 1965 the Lenin Prize was awarded to Kantorovich, Nemchinov, and Novozhilov for their pioneering work in planometrics. Even though, as can be expected, there were discordant voices among the economic fraternity, the mathematical school is gaining respectability by claiming the Soviet priority in input-output and linear programming."
↑  Ellman, Soviet Planning Today (1971), pp. 11–12.
↑  Tubis, Decision-Making in the Soviet Economic Bureaucracy (1973), pp. 85–86.
1 2  Adam, Economic Reforms (1989), p. 23–24.
↑  Katz, Economic Reform (1972), p. 105. "It was clear from the context of the articles that economic policy was a major, if not the major, area for condemnation of the deposed leader, and the three major subdivisions of the criticism were the issue of resource allocations, the successive reorganizations, and the mess in agriculture."
↑  Feiwel, Quest for Economic Efficiency (1972), p. 256. "Undoubtedly one of the major reasons for Khrushchev's ouster on October 15, 1964, was the state of the economy and his erratic handling of the situation."
↑  Katz, Economic Reform (1972), p. 123. "Throughout this period, there were numerous published reports concerning other Eastern European reforms in the Soviet press and journals, which undoubtedly served the purpose of propagandizing and stimulating the reform movement. [...] In addition to publicizing their efforts at reform, the Soviet leaders were actively engaged in discussion with the Eastern European regimes and actually had something to learn from their junior partners in the matter of reform."
↑  Feiwel, Quest for Economic Efficiency (1972), p. 257. "In his report of December 9, 1969, to the Supreme Soviet, Kosygin assaulted the inefficiency of the planning system. He welt on the misuse of investment resources, the protracted construction periods and underestimated costs [...]. He condemned the enterprise's unwillingness and inertia in introducing technical progress and accentuated the inferior output quality. He pointed to the endless links in the chain of command, the superimposition of strata in administration, the muddle created by duplication of work in many agencies, and the ever-growing mutual coordination, often responsible for delaying solutions to arising problems."
↑  Adam, Economic Reforms (1989), p. 40.
↑  Tubis, Decision-Making in the Soviet Economic Bureaucracy (1973), p. 110. "The September, 1965 plenum thus acts as a bridge between the reform debate of 1962–1965 and the actual instillation of the reform in the Soviet economy. In the case of the former, the Plenum represents the culmination of the debate with the Soviet leadership announcing which of the ideas and proposals of the reformers it found to be the most valid and compelling; in the case of the latter, the Plenum laid out the path which the infusion of reform proposals was to take."
↑  Protocol of the 22nd Congress of the CPSU, Moscow 1961
↑  Katz, Economic Reform (1972), p. 66.
↑  Ellman, Soviet Planning Today (1971), p. 17.
↑  Katz, Economic Reform (1972), p. 71. "In March, for example, Kommunist, No. 5, carried a major article by Nemchinov, the venerable mathematical economist, who, it is believed, from his powerful academic position, personally picked Liberman to spark the second phase of the discussion."
↑  Tubis, Decision-Making in the Soviet Economic Bureaucracy (1973), pp. 1, 81–85.
↑  Katz, Economic Reform (1972), p. 67. "Thus, despite Liberman's assurances that price formation would be in the hands of the state and although he appeared to suggest a manipulative approach to price policy, the conservative critics were quick to point out that Liberman's proposals 'lead to the conclusion that the methodological basis of price formation in a planned socialist economy should be the prices of production, which is characteristic of the capitalist system of economy.'"
↑  Tubis, Decision-Making in the Soviet Economic Bureaucracy (1973), pp. 87–88.
1 2  Tubis, Decision-Making in the Soviet Economic Bureaucracy (1973), pp. 91–92.
↑  Feiwel, Quest for Economic Efficiency (1972), p. 237.
↑  Feiwel, Quest for Economic Efficiency (1972), p. 242.
↑  Tubis, Decision-Making in the Soviet Economic Bureaucracy (1973), pp. 93–94.
↑  Katz, Economic Reform (1972), p. 111.
↑  Tubis, Decision-Making in the Soviet Economic Bureaucracy (1973), p. 95. "More ominous was 'the widespread opposition of the regional sovnarkhoz officials who refused to recognize the special status of the experimenting plants and continued to issue orders, instructions, and plans as usual.' Despite the right of enterprises working under the special provisions of the reform, sovnarkhoz officials would arbitrarily change plan assignments or redirect the delivery of output. The Maiak plant particularly suffered this; at one point, Maiak's manager was threatened with punishment if he did not cancel his contracts with retailers and produce what the sovnarkhoz ordered, as if the reform never existed. At other times, the sovnarkhoz would put through an 'emergency' request to fill local orders."
بوابة الاتحاد السوفيتي
بوابة الاقتصاد
بوابة عقد 1960