African American children were more likely to be placed in foster care than White or Hispanic children in 2006, and at each decision point in the child welfare process the disproportionality of African American children grows. Nationally, although African American children made up less than 15 percent of the overall child population in the 2000 Census, they represented 26 percent of the children who entered foster care during fiscal year 2006 and 32 percent of the children remaining in foster care at the end of that year (see fig. 1). There are various options for placing children in temporary and permanent homes through the child welfare system. Temporary options include foster care with relatives or nonrelatives—whether licensed or unlicensed—and group residential settings. According to HHS, approximately one-fourth of the children in out-of-home care are living with relatives, and this proportion is higher for Hispanic and African American families. For permanent placements, children can be reunified with their parents, or if reunification is not considered possible, children can be adopted or live with a legal guardian. Although both adoption and guardianship are considered permanent placement options under federal law, an important difference is that adoption entails terminating parental rights, while guardianship does not. Another difference is that some adoptions may be subsidized with federal funds. Federal funds account for approximately half of states’ total reported spending for child welfare services, with the rest of funding coming from states and localities. In fiscal year 2004, total federal spending on child welfare was estimated to be $11.7 billion based on analysis of data from more than 40 states. Titles IV-E and IV-B of the Social Security Act are the principal sources of federal funds dedicated for child welfare activities. Title IV-E supports payments to foster families, subsidies for families who provide adoptive homes to children who states identify as having special needs that make placement difficult, and related administrative costs on behalf of children who meet federal eligibility criteria. Title IV-E payments for foster care maintenance are open-ended entitlements. Title IV-B authorizes funds to states for broad child welfare purposes, including child protection, family preservation, and adoption services; these funds are appropriated annually. Federal block grants, such as the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) and the Social Services Block Grant (SSBG), provide additional sources of funds that states can use for child welfare purposes. States have discretion to provide direct social services for various populations, including child welfare families, the elderly, and people with disabilities. In 1994, the Congress authorized the use of demonstration waivers to encourage innovative and effective child welfare practices. These waivers, typically authorized for 5 years, allowed states to use Title IV-E funds to provide services and supports other than foster care maintenance payments. For example, four states had completed demonstrations that involved subsidized guardianships, and, as of May 2007, seven states had active guardianship demonstrations and one state had not yet implemented its guardianship demonstration. Demonstration waivers must remain cost-neutral to the federal government, and they must undergo rigorous program evaluation to determine their effectiveness. A complex set of interrelated factors influence the disproportionate number of African American children who enter foster care, as well as their longer lengths of stay. Major factors affecting children’s entry into foster care included African American families’ higher rates of poverty, difficulties in accessing support services, and racial bias or cultural misunderstanding among child welfare decision makers, as well as families’ distrust of the child welfare system. Factors often cited as affecting African American children’s length of stay in foster care included the lack of appropriate adoptive homes for children, parents’ lack of access to support services needed for reunification with their children, and a greater use of kinship care among African American families. (See fig. 2.) In our survey, 33 of the 48 states from which we received responses reported that high rates of poverty in African American communities and issues related to living in poverty may increase the proportion of African American children entering foster care compared to that of children of other races and ethnicities. Across the nation, African American families were nearly four times more likely to live in poverty than White families, according to U.S. Census data. Since foster care programs primarily serve children from low-income families, this could account for some of the disproportionate number of African American children in the foster care system. In addition, child welfare directors in 25 states reported that the greater number of African American single-parent households contributed to African American children’s entry into foster care. According to the most recent National Incidence Study, children of single parents, who are also more likely than married couples to be poor, had a 77 to 87 percent greater risk of harm than children from two-parent families. Across the nation, 34 percent of African American family households with children under 18 years of age were headed by single females compared to 9 percent for Whites and 19 percent for Hispanics, according to U.S. Census data. Moreover, families living in impoverished neighborhoods often do not have access to the kinds of supports and services that can prevent problems in the home from leading to abuse or neglect, according to states we surveyed and other research. Such supports and services include affordable and adequate housing; substance abuse treatment; access to family services such as parenting skills workshops and counseling; and adequate legal representation. Also, there is some evidence that African American families, in particular, are not offered the same amount of support services when they are brought to the attention of the child welfare system. Coupled with African American parents’ greater distrust of the child welfare system, racial bias or cultural misunderstanding among decision makers also emerged in our survey as major factors contributing to the disproportionate number of African American children entering foster care. According to state child welfare officials and some researchers we interviewed, African American families’ distrust of the child welfare system stems from their perception that the system is unresponsive to their needs and racially biased against them. This perception can shape the families’ dynamics in their initial contacts with mandated reporters, caseworkers, and judges, which can increase the risk the child will be removed from the home. In our survey, state child welfare directors also reported that they considered racial bias or cultural misunderstanding on the part of those reporting abuse or neglect---such as teachers, medical professionals, or police officers, as well as among caseworkers---as factors in the disproportionate representation of African American children entering foster care. In support of this view, some studies have found that medical professionals are more likely to report low-income or minority children to child protective services. Although research on racial bias or race as a predictor for entry into foster care is not always consistent, a recent review of the current research concluded that race is an important factor that affects the decision to place children into foster care. Among factors cited as affecting African American children’s longer lengths of stay in foster care, officials from 29 states cited an insufficient number of appropriate adoptive homes as a key factor. African American children constituted nearly half of the children legally available for adoption in 2004, and they waited significantly longer than other children for an adoptive placement. Factors that make finding adoptive families for African American children challenging include the difficulty many states have in recruiting adoptive families of the same race and ethnicity as the children waiting for adoption and the unwillingness of some families to adopt a child of another race. In addition, states we surveyed reported that African American children waiting to be adopted were older, and prospective adoptive parents are more inclined to adopt younger children. (See fig. 3.) Additionally, the belief that African American children are more likely to be diagnosed as having medical and other special needs, which may contribute to their longer lengths of stay in foster care, was reported by state officials. In fact, African American children in foster care in 2004 were only slightly more likely to have been diagnosed as having medical conditions or other disabilities (28 percent) than White children in foster care (26 percent), according to HHS data. However, 23 percent of African American children who were adopted out of foster care had a medical condition or disability, compared to 31 percent of White children in the same category. Some of the same factors that states view as contributing to African American children’s entry also contribute to their difficulties in exiting foster care and being reunified with their families. In our survey, nearly half of the states considered the lack of affordable housing, distrust of the child welfare system, and lack of substance abuse treatment as factors contributing to African American children’s longer lengths of stay. The lack of such supports and other services in many poor African American neighborhoods contributes to children’s longer stays in foster care because services can influence a parent’s ability to reunify with their child in a timely manner, according to our survey, interviews, and research. States also reported that the use of kinship care was a factor contributing to longer lengths of stay in foster care for African American children. African American children are more likely than White and Asian children to enter into the care of relatives, which is associated with longer lengths of stay. Relatives may be unwilling to adopt the child because it would require termination of their relative’s parental rights or because they might lose needed financial support they receive as foster parents. However, despite the longer lengths of stay, child welfare researchers and officials we interviewed consider these placements to be positive options for African American children because they are less stressful to the child and maintain familial ties. Researchers and child welfare administrators we interviewed stressed that no single strategy could fully address disproportionality in foster care, partly because so many interrelated factors contribute to it. According to our survey, the strategies that states implemented tended to focus on addressing racial and cultural bias in decision making, families’ problems in accessing support services, and agencies’ challenges in finding permanent homes so that children can exit foster care more quickly. In addition, data collection and analysis were considered essential for identifying problems and devising strategies to address them, but states reported needing additional assistance in this area.