The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) defeated the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in August 30, 2009 elections for the Lower House of parliament. The DPJ won 308 seats, compared to 119 for the LDP in the 480-seat Lower House chamber (see Figure 1 below). The DPJ is now the main ruling party, in coalition with at least two smaller parties, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the People's New Party (PNP). Incumbent Prime Minister Taro Aso has announced that he will resign as head of the LDP, effectively ending his premiership, to take responsibility for his party's defeat. He will likely be succeeded as prime minister by DPJ party leader Yukio Hatoyama, who is expected to be confirmed as the next prime minister in a special session of parliament scheduled for mid-September. The political changeover in Tokyo could significantly affect U.S. interests and goals in Asia, although most analysts predict the DPJ will not fundamentally alter the U.S.-Japan alliance relationship. The DPJ has long called for a more "independent" relationship with the United States and has been critical of aspects of the U.S.-Japan alliance, such as plans to realign U.S. military forces based in Japan, Japan's "Host Nation Support" (HNS) payments (worth around $4 billion) that defray about 75% of the costs of maintaining American troops and bases in Japan, and some provisions of the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). The party also calls for closer relations with Asia and greater participation in United Nations-mandated activities. Now in power, the DPJ is expected to focus initial attention on sweeping domestic reforms, particularly reforming the political-bureaucratic structure, and on a large-scale stimulus package aimed at transforming Japan's struggling economy. Aside from a 10-month period in the early 1990s, the conservative LDP has governed Japan since 1955 as either a stand-alone ruling party or, as is currently the case, in coalition with other parties. Throughout this period, the LDP has been a staunch supporter of the U.S.-Japan security treaty and, in recent years, has sought a major expansion of bilateral defense cooperation. The LDP's grip on power was significantly weakened in 2007, when the left-leaning DPJ won control of the Upper House of Japan's bicameral parliament (known as the Diet) in coalition with the SDP and PNP. The resulting "twisted Diet" was marked by legislative gridlock across a range of domestic and foreign policies. Over the past year, the DPJ has increased its popular support by attacking the LDP's handling of the economy, opaque governing style, and unpopular leadership. This strategy increasingly put the LDP on the defensive, and on July 12, 2009, the DPJ defeated the LDP in the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly elections, prompting Prime Minister Aso to dissolve the Lower House on July 21 and schedule nationwide elections. Although the DPJ won a decisive victory over the LDP on August 30 it fell just short of winning a two-thirds supermajority in the Lower House. In Japan's parliamentary system, the Lower House can pass legislation over opposition in the weaker Upper House if there is a two-thirds majority of votes. Had the DPJ won a supermajority on its own, it would have had the option of shedding its coalition partners. As it is, the DPJ will maintain the coalition with the leftist Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the anti-reform People's New Party (PNP) in order to maintain control of the Upper House of the Diet. The next Upper House elections are scheduled for July of 2010. Now that the DPJ is the main ruling party, it will be expected to make good on at least some of its ambitious campaign proposals to "change Japan." The party is expected to focus initial attention on implementing a number of domestic programs, including an allowance for families with children, a reduction of highway toll charges, and a reorganization of the power structure between politicians and central government bureaucrats. According to DPJ sources and media reports, foreign policy and alliance relations with the United States will not be the immediate focus of the new government. In the run-up to the August 30 election, the DPJ toned down some of its criticism of the bilateral alliance, indicating a potentially more pragmatic approach toward the United States. However, the party remains deeply divided on foreign policy issues and party leaders continue to send conflicting signals about the kind of relationship they seek to strike with the United States over the short and long term. The DPJ was formed in 1998 as a merger of four smaller parties and was later joined by a fifth grouping. Several party leaders are former centrist or center-right LDP lawmakers, but many rank-and-file members have a left-of-center political orientation that includes a number of former Socialist Party members. The amalgamated nature of the DPJ has led to considerable internal contradictions, primarily between the left and right wings as well as the pacifists and national security hawks who occupy the party ranks. In particular, the issues of deploying Japanese troops abroad and revising the war-renouncing Article 9 of the Japanese constitution have generated considerable internal debate. As a result, for much of its history, the DPJ had a reputation of failing to agree on coherent alternatives to the policies implemented by the LDP. Additionally, battles between various party leaders have at times weakened the party. Since winning the Upper House in 2007, the party appeared to present a more unified front, at least on the strategy of criticizing LDP policies and offering a more compelling alternative approach to Japanese voters. But it is uncertain whether this greater level of public unity is sustainable now that the DPJ is the ruling party. Leading up to the August 30 Lower House elections, the DPJ had shown greater resilience in overcoming both external political challenges and internal strife. Earlier in the spring of 2009, Prime Minister Aso and the LDP appeared emboldened by a fundraising scandal that engulfed Ichiro Ozawa, a co-founder and then leader of the DPJ. In early May, Ozawa resigned. He was succeeded as DPJ president by former party leader Yukio Hatoyama, an Ozawa backer. Ozawa's resignation as party leader was followed by a considerable popular boost for the DPJ. By mid-July, many polls showed the DPJ having double-digit leads over the LDP when voters were asked which party they would support in the Lower House elections. Although Ozawa relinquished his high-profile role in the party, he remained in the DPJ as a behind-the-scenes campaign strategist and top party leader. He is widely credited with recruiting a large number of new party candidates who won in this year's landslide Lower House elections, causing many to speculate that Ozawa will continue to wield considerable influence in the intra-party decision-making process. Ideological divisions within the DPJ have kept the party from reaching a consensus on foreign policy and national security issues. However, the DPJ platform and other policy statements throughout the years consistently raise the following main themes : Adopting a more "assertive" foreign policy and enhancing Japan's defense capabilities to better defend against outside threats. Maintaining the U.S.-Japan alliance as the center of Japan's national security policy while aiming to achieve a more "mature" alliance partnership with the United States. The party has called for a reduction of the approximately 50,000 U.S. forward deployed troops in Japan, particularly those based in Okinawa Prefecture. Maintaining constitutional restrictions on collective self-defense while expanding contributions to international security through UN-sanctioned peacekeeping operations (UNPKO). Improving Japan's relations with Asian countries by reconciling historical and territorial disputes, as well as actively promoting regional economic integration through economic partnership agreements (EPA) and free trade agreements (FTA). Supporting the global common good through overseas economic development, environmental conservation, nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, humanitarian relief, and other measures. In the broadest sense, the pacifist/leftist wing of the DPJ adheres to a strict interpretation of Japan's "peace constitution" and postwar role as a non-military power. The hawkish/conservative wing of the party, most prominently led by former party head Seiji Maehara, seeks stronger defense capabilities and looser restrictions on Japan Self-Defense Force (JSDF) missions to support international security. Former party head Ichiro Ozawa has called for Japan to increase its contributions to international security strictly in missions that are authorized by the U.N. Security Council. Yukio Hatoyama, the presumed next prime minister of Japan, appears to support that basic position, although he is said to take a more flexible view of JSDF deployments that are not under direct U.N. mandate. The DPJ promotes a reformist domestic agenda for Japan that stresses government decentralization and a broader social safety net for citizens. The party's "Basic Policies" and campaign manifestos call for improving transparency, efficiency and accountability in government. One main objective is to bolster the decision-making authority of Japan's Cabinet over the powerful bureaucracy, thus reversing the established power dynamic in which many policy decisions rest in the hands of the bureaucrats, not the politicians. Another plan that emerged from the Lower House campaign is the creation of a National Strategy Bureau under the prime minister's office that would provide top-down direction over the national budget and other domestic policies. The DPJ believes that a "regime change" in Japan will reduce the influence of vested interests over policymakers and lead to a more dynamic and decentralized nation that is better prepared to handle future challenges.