In snap elections on October 21, 2007, Poles turned out the rightist Law and Justice (PiS) party, which had ruled the country for a tumultuous 15 months. Led by identical twins Jaroslaw and Lech Kaczynski, who served as Prime Minister and President, respectively, PiS had held a slight lead in early polls, but an unusually strong performance by opposition leader Donald Tusk in a nationally televised debate with Jaroslaw on October 15 apparently convinced many Poles that they should turn the reins of government over to Tusk and his party. On election day, Tusk's center-right Civic Alliance (PO) won a 41.5% plurality; PiS captured 32%, while the Left and Democrats (LiD) picked up 13%, and the Polish Peasants' Party received 8.9%. The vote, held a full two years ahead of schedule, was prompted by the collapse of the PiS-led government. After the late 2005 elections, the Kaczynskis' party had ruled together with the populist-nationalist Self Defense (SO) party, and the League of Polish Families (LPR), an ultra-conservative party aligned with the Catholic church. The two smaller parties had at times blocked PiS initiatives. The coalition was dissolved in early August 2007, when members of SO withdrew from the government after their leader, Andrej Lepper, was fired from his cabinet post on bribery charges. When LPR also left the coalition, PiS was left with just 150 members in the 460-seat lower house of parliament, and decided to call elections in hopes of strengthening its mandate. The decision to hold early elections proved to be a political miscalculation by Jaroslaw, who underestimated popular dissatisfaction with his government and the consequent determination of Poles to oust PiS. Turnout on election day was 55.3%—the largest since the end of the communist era. This unprecedented voter participation, particularly by young people, is considered to have been a key factor. Although PiS received more votes in 2007 than it had in the 2005 elections, the increase came largely at the expense of its former coalition partners, SO and LPD, neither of which managed to pass the 5% threshold necessary for representation in parliament. In addition, the increase in PiS votes was more than offset by the big jump in turnout—15% over earlier elections. Tusk's party won 209 seats, and its coalition partner, the centrist Polish Peasants Party, took 31; together, they hold a comfortable majority in parliament, and Tusk was sworn in as Prime Minister in November 2007. However, the new government will likely face staunch resistance on some issues from President Lech Kaczynski, whose term runs until 2010. Since a 60% vote is necessary to override a presidential veto, the government may need occasional help from the leftist LiD. Some analysts believe that the elections reflected a tug-of-war between the emerging liberal (i.e., free-market) Poland, embodied by Tusk's PO, and the Poland of "social solidarity," which advocates continued government intervention in the economy represented by PiS. However, on a practical level, many Poles believed that, rather than addressing needed reforms, PiS had embarrassed Poland internationally and had wasted precious time and resources in its hunt to expose members of the so-called Uklad —the "web" of former communist elites that the Kaczynski brothers were convinced had manipulated successive governments from behind the curtain since 1989. In addition, PiS's conduct during the campaign was criticized by both domestic and international media. The Financial Times , for example, claimed that the former ruling party " ... resorted to blatant abuse of power: dominating state television, threatening opponents with legal action and using confidential police files to blacken rivals' reputations." During October presidential debates, Tusk asserted that "Poles at home and abroad feel ashamed for the last two years." Some have argued that PO's approach to governance—and to international relations—likely will differ more in style than in content from the outgoing regime. PO's coalition partner, the Polish Peasants' Party (PSL), is a centrist party that seeks to advance rural interests. Some analysts have predicted that the coalition partners might disagree on domestic proposals such as social security reforms and the introduction of a flat tax, and over international issues, such as acceptance of proposed reductions in the EU's Common Agricultural Policy budget. Poland's economy is among the most successful transition economies in east central Europe; most of the post-1989 governments have generally supported free-market reforms. Today the private sector accounts for over two-thirds of economic activity. In recent years, Poland has enjoyed rapid economic development, and the economy has performed well in spite of the political turmoil. GDP grew by 6.2% in 2006, around 6.6% in 2007, and is predicted to rise by 5.2% in 2008. The employment picture has brightened; though still high at 11.4% in December 2007, joblessness is at its lowest level in several years. Analysts attribute the reduction to improved job prospects and also to the emigration of 1-2 million Polish workers, mainly to other EU countries. Despite its center-right label, PiS was characterized as having somewhat statist economic policies. For example, it espoused that "national champions" in certain sectors be identified and nurtured. In addition, PiS sought to revise the previous, leftist government's reforms that had introduced greater flexibility in the labor code. However, some observers contend that economic policy generally did not appear to be a priority for PiS, perhaps because most of the major indicators were positive. PO is often referred to in the media as "business-friendly." In fiscal policy, the new government may seek to curtail certain subsidies and redirect spending toward such areas as education. For now, it has apparently backed away from its campaign promise to institute a flat tax, as has been done in other countries in the region; such a plan would have encountered resistance from the PSL. Instead, the government has opted to reduce tax brackets from three to two. PO has also announced that it will seek to move ahead with the privatization of state-owned enterprises, and to install competent managers—rather than political cronies—in firms that remain under government control. Energy is one area where PO will maintain some of the policies instituted by PiS. Although PO is reportedly encouraging the resumption of privatization in the sector—which PiS resisted—it will continue the policy of seeking to reduce dependence upon Russia, which supplies a large part of Poland's gas and oil. For example, the PiS government instituted talks with Norway over laying a pipeline and constructing LNG (liquefied natural gas) terminals on the Baltic coast. In addition, Poland and the Baltic states are exploring a joint nuclear power project. Over the past three years, Poland has contributed a significant number of troops to the U.S.-led operation in Iraq. Observers note that the deployment is providing the Polish military with invaluable experience, not the least of which includes commanding a multinational division. However, Poland's presence in Iraq remains unpopular at home—a recent poll showed 85% opposition to the deployment. To date, 21 Polish soldiers have died in Iraq. During the fall election campaign, candidate Tusk pledged to pull out Polish troops if elected; Jaroslaw Kaczynski countered that Poles were not "deserters or cowards." On December 18, 2007, the new government requested that Poland's 900-troop presence in Iraq be extended until October 2008, at which time the soldiers would be withdrawn. Poland also has 1200 soldiers in Afghanistan—the new government proposes an additional 400 be dispatched there, although polls show clear public disapproval of the mission. Poland has been a member of the European Union (EU) since May 2004 and has already experienced economic benefits from membership, particularly in the agricultural sector. Nevertheless, Poland was not reluctant to assert itself in a number of issue areas before joining the EU, and was even less hesitant to do so when it became a member. Some analysts view the Poland-EU dynamic as the most important foreign policy issue for the last government, as it highlighted the inward-turning, populist tendencies of PiS. During its relatively short tenure, the Kaczynski government clashed with fellow EU member states on a number of issues, including energy, banking rules, voting rights, the death penalty, and Russia. In turn, Poland's EU partners back Poland on some issues, such as the meat ban, but not on others. Poland's intransigence during the negotiations over the EU reform treaty drew strong criticism. According to the Financial Times , Jean-Claude Junker, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, "said Poland's stance at [the June 2007] summit was 'very near to having been unacceptable.'" There may have been some political backlash to behavior of the PiS government as Poles became increasingly aware of the benefits of belonging to the EU—not only of the generous subsidies, but also of unimpeded travel and trade; a post-election poll showed 72% approval of EU membership. Prime Minister Tusk has indicated that he intends to consult more closely with fellow members on EU matters. However, although the tone of its debates with the EU may become less confrontational, Poland's new government will continue to staunchly defend Warsaw's perceived interests vis-a-vis Brussels. For example, the Polish Peasants Party reportedly will be negotiating budget reform of the Common Agricultural Policy, and will seek to fend off cuts in subsidies. Nevertheless, according to one analyst, Poland's new government "will think twice before vetoing EU decisions." The new government is set to cast a wider net internationally than its predecessor.