Current U.S. space policy is based on a set of fundamental factors which, according to an Eisenhower presidential committee, "give importance, urgency, and inevitability to the advancement of space technology." These factors were developed fifty years ago as a direct result of the Soviet Union's (USSR) launch of the first artificial satellite, Sputnik. This launch began the "space age" and a "space race" between the United States and USSR. The four factors are the compelling need to explore and discover; national defense; prestige and confidence in the U.S. scientific, technological, industrial, and military systems; and scientific observation and experimentation to add to our knowledge and understanding of the Earth, solar system, and universe. They are still part of current policy discussions and influence the nation's civilian space policy priorities—both in terms of what actions NASA is authorized to undertake and the appropriations each activity within NASA receives. NASA has active programs that address all four factors, but many believe that it is being asked to accomplish too much for the available resources. An understanding of how policy decisions made during the Sputnik era influence U.S. space policy today may be useful as Congress considers changing that policy. The response of Congress to the fundamental question, "Why go to space?," may influence NASA's programs, such as its earth-observing satellites, human exploration of the Moon and Mars, and robotic investigation of the solar system and wider universe as well as its policies on related activities, including spinoff technological development, science and mathematics education, international relations, and commercial space transportation. This report describes Sputnik and its influence on today's U.S. civilian space policy, the actions other nations and commercial organizations are taking in space exploration, and why the nation invests in space exploration and the public's attitude toward it. The report concludes with a discussion of possible options for future U.S. civilian space policy priorities and the implication of those priorities. On October 4, 1957, the USSR launched Sputnik, the world's first artificial satellite. Sputnik (Russian for "traveling companion") was the size of a basketball and weighed 183 pounds (see Figure 1 ). Sputnik's launch and orbit still influences policy decisions 50 years later. The USSR's ability to launch a satellite ahead of the United States led to a national concern that the United States was falling behind the USSR in its science and technology capabilities and thus might be vulnerable to a nuclear missile attack. The resulting competition for scientific and technological superiority came to represent a competition between capitalism and communism. Both the 85 th Congress and President Eisenhower undertook an immediate set of policy actions in response to the launch of Sputnik. Congress established the Senate Special Committee on Space and Astronautics on February 6, 1958, and the House Select Committee on Science and Astronautics on March 5, 1958—the first time since 1892 that both the House and Senate took action to create standing committees on an entirely new subject. Each committee was chaired by the Majority Leader. The Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee of the Senate Armed Services Committee was also active in analyzing the nation's satellite and missile programs. Multiple congressional hearings were held in the three months following Sputnik, and President Eisenhower addressed the nation to assure the public that the United States was scientifically strong and able to compete in space. Within 10 months after Sputnik's launch, the Eisenhower Administration and Congress took actions that established the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) through the National Aeronautics and Space Act (P.L. 85-568), established the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) within the Department of Defense through DOD Directive 5105.15 and National Security - Military Installations and Facilities (P.L. 85-325), increased its appropriation for the National Science Foundation to $134 million, nearly $100 million higher than the previous year, and reformed elementary, secondary, and postsecondary science and mathematics education (including gifted education) and provided incentives for American students to pursue science, technology, engineering, and mathematics postsecondary degrees via fellowships and loans through the National Defense Education Act (P.L. 85-864). Figure 2 provides a timeline of the some of the major policy events in the year following the Sputnik launch. When people today speak of a "Sputnik moment," they often refer to a rapid national response that quickly mobilizes major policy change as opposed to a response of inaction or incremental policy change. The term is also used to question inaction—as in whether or not the nation is prepared to respond to a challenge without an initiating Sputnik moment. The Sputnik launch captured the public's attention at a time of heightened U.S. tension regarding the threat posed by the USSR and communism. Societal focus on civil defense, including "duck and cover" drills and the establishment of some personal bomb shelters, predisposed the nation towards identifying the potential threat posed by the Sputnik launch. In this climate, many Americans became concerned that if the USSR could launch a satellite into space, it could also launch a nuclear missile capable of reaching the United States. The Sputnik launch was immediately viewed as a challenge to U.S. scientific and technological prowess. The Soviet Union launched both Sputnik and Sputnik 2 before the United States was able to attempt a satellite launch. Additionally, the Soviet launch was of a far heavier satellite than the U.S. had planned. The net result of the Sputnik launch was called a "Pearl Harbor for American Science"—a sign that the United States was falling behind the USSR in science and technology. The ensuing competition in scientific and technological skills came to represent a competition to determine the political superiority of capitalism versus communism. The Senate Majority Leader at the time, future President Lyndon B. Johnson, illustrated the concern of many Americans in his own observations of the night sky: "Now, somehow, in some new way, the sky seemed almost alien. I also remember the profound shock of realizing that it might be possible for another nation to achieve technological superiority over this great country of ours." The Sputnik launch prompted rapid development of new federal policies and programs. In particular, federal investment in NASA is still influenced by the Sputnik-era principles as illustrated in the Space Act, both in terms of what actions NASA is authorized to undertake and the extent to which each activity is funded. In 2008, NASA was reauthorized for FY2009. As Congress considers future reauthorization of NASA, the status of the nation's space policy, and the relative importance of the various objectives underlying this policy may become topics of debate. The United States faces a far different world today than 50 years ago. No Sputnik moment, Cold War, or space race exists to help policymakers clarify the goals of the nation's civilian space program. The Hubble telescope, Challenger and Columbia space shuttle disasters, and Mars exploration rovers frame the experience of current generations, in contrast to the Sputnik launch and the U.S. Moon landings that form the experience of older generations. According to an analysis conducted by the Space Foundation, the global space industry in 2007 generated $251.16 billion in revenues. (See Figure 3 .) The United States faces a possible new set of competitors or collaborators in civilian space exploration. China, India, Japan, Russia, and Europe are taking an active role in space exploration as are commercial companies. If China is the first to land humans on the Moon and establish a Moon base in the 21 st century or the European Space Agency is the first to land humans on Mars, will policymakers and the public view these activities as a loss in United States status and leadership? If so, what are the policy implications? Would such activities become this century's "Sputnik moment" that would spur further investment in U.S. space exploration activities? If not, how might this affect U.S. space policy priorities? Future spacecraft are being developed. For example, the X-Prize Foundation Google Lunar X Prize ($30 million) invites private teams from around the world to build a robotic rover capable of landing on the Moon. Virgin Galactic, currently based in California with a spaceport under construction in New Mexico, has plans for SpaceShipTwo, a six-passenger spaceliner. In Europe, EADS-Astrium is developing a four-person spacecraft to make suborbital trips. According to press reports, a number of venture capitalists are also planning to build spaceships or develop private space programs. Should these efforts prove successful, what implications might this have for U.S. space policy priorities? The Obama Administration has stated the following regarding its proposed civilian space policy: The United States must maintain and take full advantage of its technical and strategic superiority in space, which can simultaneously enhance our national security and provide crucial information about environmental and climatologic trends. The administration and OSTP will develop policies that will: •    Close the gap between retirement of the Space Shuttle and launch of the next generation of space vehicles to minimize any interruption in access to low-earth orbit, and take full advantage of the research opportunities provided by the International Space Station. •    Strengthen NASA's missions in space science, weather, climate research, and aeronautical research. •    Help establish a robust and balanced civilian space program, and engage international partners and the private sector to amplify NASA's reach. •    Re-establish the National Aeronautics and Space Council, which will report to the President and oversee and coordinate civilian, military, commercial and national security space activities.