More than most countries, Poland's relations today with the rest of the world are influencedby its past. At the end of the 18th century, it was partitioned among Russia, Prussia and Austria, andfor more than a century, Poland as a state did not exist. It was re-established after the First WorldWar with U.S. backing, only to be divided again between the Nazis and the Soviets in 1939, and thendominated by Moscow after 1945. (1) Poland has long been viewed as a crucible for change in Central and Eastern Europe and,ultimately, the Soviet Union. Historians are likely to attribute that in large part to the rise of tworemarkable men. In 1978, the Archbishop of Krakow, Cardinal Karol Wojtyla, was elected PopeJohn Paul II. The following year, he returned from Rome to visit his homeland and said mass beforemore than one million celebrants, urging Poles, "Do not be afraid." (2) John Paul served as aninspiration for Poles to confront their own government, and, by extension, the USSR. In 1980, afterthe government raised food prices, electrician Lech Walesa led his fellow shipyard workers inGdansk in a strike. The confrontation led to the formation of Solidarity, an independent trade union;over the ensuing decade, it evolved into a political party that was instrumental in ending communistrule. In 1983, Solidarity leader Walesa was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. In 1989 and 1990,Solidarity candidates won Poland's first democratically-contested parliamentary and presidentialelections. In the 1990s, successive post-communist governments moved swiftly to consolidatedemocracy and establish a market economy. Their efforts were capped in 1999 by NATOmembership, and in 2004 by entry into the European Union (EU). Poland has conducted a proactiveforeign policy over the past 15 years. It has aggressively pursued its national interests, and has notbeen reluctant to assert itself with major powers -- for example, with Germany, its leading tradingpartner; with the European Union; and with the United States. Warsaw has cooperated with its neighboring states to the north and south in such regionalformations as the Baltic Cooperation Council and the VisegrÃ¡d group. But Poland's main foreignpolicy initiatives in Europe have been directed to the east and west. It has actively promoted thedevelopment of democracy in the two countries to its immediate east: Belarus and Ukraine. To itswest, Poland has had a somewhat contentious experience integrating into the EU. In terms of transatlantic relations, Poland is perhaps the most emblematic of the countriestied to both the United States and the EU; it does not wish to have to choose between the two, butoccasionally has had to take sides. This was particularly true of the Iraq conflict, in which Polandchose to support U.S. policy both diplomatically and militarily. However, several factors, includingthe March 11, 2004 Madrid terrorist bombings and revelations of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib,caused Polish public opinion to turn resolutely against continued involvement in Iraq. Thegovernment has responded with a phased withdrawal of its troops. In addition, many Poles believethat the United States has failed to show sufficient gratitude for Poland's support. Poland will be holding parliamentary elections in September 2005. Many observers believethat the current ruling party, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), is likely to suffer defeat at thehands of the center-right Civic Platform (PO) party. If that does transpire, most observers believethat Poland's foreign policy would not likely undergo abrupt and dramatic changes. Under the nextgovernment -- whichever party leads it -- Warsaw may become somewhat less reflexivelypro-American. Although the Poles may have lined up beside the United States on Iraq, they alsoknow that their future economic prosperity depends on continued cooperation and integration withthe EU. As noted above, part or all of Poland was under Russian domination throughout thenineteenth century and most of the 20th. For Poles, history is never far from the surface. In lookingeastward, Poland has therefore sought to encourage democratization of Belarus and Ukraine not onlyon principle, but also for the practical reason that doing so would improve Poland's security byestablishing a buffer zone between itself and Russia. Poland's policies toward its two immediateneighbors have been largely consistent with those of the United States -- somewhat confrontationaltoward the more repressive Belarus, but seeking engagement with Ukraine. Many have argued thathelping the two countries eventually acquire EU and NATO membership should be a foreign policypriority for Poland. Poland's involvement in Ukraine's fall 2004 political crisis was particularly noteworthy. President Kwasniewski joined with EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana and Lithuanian PresidentVladas Adamkus in helping negotiate a settlement over the disputed presidential vote. Poland's newstatus as a member of the EU is believed to have lent weight to its role in mediating the Ukrainepolitical crisis. Poland pushed within the Union to get Brussels more actively involved in helpingsolve the crisis in Kiev. Finally, Poland subsequently joined with several of its neighboringcountries in endorsing Ukraine's eventual EU membership. A U.S. commentator noted that "[t]heUkraine experience ... showed that the European Union has grown more hospitable to democraticevangelists: Polish President Alexander Kwasniewski ... provided Europe's backbone in Ukrainealong with ... Javier Solana." Some observers believe that, flush with its success in Ukraine, Polandmight now set its sights on encouraging reforms in Moldova. (3) Perhaps the most important factor in Poland's eastward perspective is its relationship toRussia. One Polish academic has asserted that his countrymen "fear Russia and exaggerate the threatit poses," and cautioned against allowing a "phobia" about Russia to hamper the effectiveness ofPoland's foreign policy. Noting that the United States is a main source of Poland's security, hepointed out that "for the US, Russia is not a threat but an important, though difficult, partner in thewar against Islamic terrorism." (4) He argued that, to more effectively promote democracy in Belarusand Ukraine, Poland must improve its relations with Moscow. In May 2004, Poland fulfilled a long-term foreign policy goal when it joined nine othercountries in becoming a member of the European Union (Poland achieved NATO membershipearlier, in 1999.) EU membership had been a contentious issue, particularly for Poles living in ruralareas who feared that they would be overwhelmed economically by more efficient, western Europeanagricultural producers. However, those fears have thus far been groundless, as Poland began toexperience economic gains -- agricultural subsidies and a surge in farm exports -- almostimmediately after it joined. Poland was not reluctant to assert itself before joining the EU and will likely be even lesshesitant to do so now that it is a member. On several issues, Poland staked out positions intendedto advance its interests and values; these stances have sometimes been opposed by major playerswithin the EU, such as France and Germany. For example, during the development of the EUconstitution, Poland, joined by several other mostly Roman Catholic countries, called for thepreamble to include language referring to Europe's Christian heritage; the measure was not adopted,but Pope John Paul II lauded Poland for its efforts. Warsaw also has argued strongly that Turkey isa democratic Islamic state, and deserves to be admitted into the EU. Poland has argued for its rightto maintain relatively low corporate taxes, a practice criticized by some other countries as an unfairsubsidy meant to attract foreign investment. Finally, Poland has supported the development of anEU military capability, but has stressed that this not be done at the cost of weakening NATO. Poland supported the United States in Iraq both politically and militarily. It was one of asmall number of countries to provide troops in the combat phase of the conflict, and then deployeda large (2,500-strong) contingent of peacekeeping troops. Poland took command of a multinationaldivision providing stability in the center of Iraq. But several factors -- chiefly the March 11, 2004terrorist attacks in Madrid and the revelations of prisoner abuses at Abu Ghraib -- contributed toincreased public pressure against continued military engagement in Iraq. In December 2004, thePolish government declared that it would be withdrawing about one-third of its forces after the Iraqielections; further announcements on a phased withdrawal followed. Given the many daunting challenges and political risks, some question why Poland joinedwith the United States in the Iraq conflict in the first place. Observers attribute Poland's participationto a variety of factors. Some stress that the Poles were at least in part motivated by a sense ofgratitude for past U.S. support, including U.S. assistance during the Cold War and the lead roleplayed by the United States in expanding NATO to include Poland, among other states. Poland mayalso have joined the Iraq effort because it subscribes to the Bush Administration's belief in the needto thwart tyranny and spread democracy. Poles cite their role as a mediator in Ukraine's politicalcrisis as another example of this conviction in action. According to former Polish Foreign MinisterCimoszewicz, Poland did not join the coalition because it believed that Saddam Hussein hadweapons of mass destruction, but rather because Poland believed it was in its own security intereststo support the United States and thereby maintain a strong transatlantic security linkage. (5) There were practical benefits of joining the Iraq operation. Polish defense officials speak ofthe invaluable experience and information that the Iraq operation has provided the military, chieflythrough having command of a large, international expeditionary force.