Nonproliferation assistance programs are a relatively new tool in combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) programs, funded by the Department of Defense (DOD), are the most visible of these programs. Begun in 1991, CTR initially aimed to help Russia meet its START obligations to reduce strategic nuclear weapons. Within a decade, however, CTR took on the goal of reducing the threat of terrorist access to weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Experts realized that Russia needed to protect its Cold War overhang of WMD materials, scientists, and equipment from those who might exploit insider opportunities and who had incentives (particularly financial) to sell WMD technology to anyone. Now, however, many analysts support expanding cooperative threat reduction programs beyond Russia to other geographic areas. The Bush Administration stated in early 2003 that it had "expanded the strategic focus of the CTR program" to support the war on terrorism. In the FY2004 National Defense Authorization Act ( P.L. 108-136 , Sec. 1308), Congress authorized the Bush Administration to spend $50 million of unobligated funds from the Cooperative Threat Reduction Program in states outside the former Soviet Union. As of September 2006, the Administration had spent $38.5 million in Albania for the purpose of eliminating chemical weapons stockpiles. The report of the 9/11 Commission called for continued support for threat reduction assistance to keep WMD away from terrorist groups. This report surveys options for applying CTR programs to states that pose a WMD and terrorism threat. It describes potential recipients of such funding (those states with WMD programs and terrorism problems); the kinds of assistance that may be possible; potential legal, political, and technical constraints on assistance; and potential costs and benefits to the United States of providing such assistance. The report begins with a brief review of why CTR programs might be considered applicable to the threat of WMD terrorism and then takes a more detailed look at the threat of WMD terrorism. It reviews how certain kinds of CTR assistance might help defuse the threat and presents some options tailored for specific countries. The report also looks at constraints involved in providing assistance and broader implications of such assistance. The belief that terrorists were growing more interested in WMD grew after the 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, despite no obvious link, and continued to grow as U.S. policy statements drew further linkages. In his January 2002 State of the Union Address, President Bush highlighted Iraq, Iran and North Korea as "axis of evil" states—those that support terrorism and also have WMD. Later that year, both the National Security Strategy and the National Strategy to Combat Weapons of Mass Destruction Proliferation highlighted the connection between terrorists and WMD. In 2003, the U.S. went to war with Iraq, justifying this action primarily on the grounds that Iraq had WMD and a connection to terrorists associated with 9/11. More recently, the exposure of the A.Q. Khan nuclear network in Pakistan, which provided sensitive nuclear weapons technology (including a bomb design) to Libya, Iran, and North Korea, has raised concerns not just about what could be traded clandestinely, but also about potential terrorist access to WMD. Khan's sale of technology to three state sponsors of terrorism, allegations of ties to a terrorist organization, and the Pakistan government's precarious relationship with terrorist groups on its soil have prompted some to call for assistance to Pakistan to reduce the threat of terrorist access to WMD. A key strategy in limiting the risk of terrorist access to WMD is to cut off access at the source. For some, Russia should continue to be the main focus of efforts to prevent and deter terrorists from acquiring WMD because of Russia's vast Cold War overhang of WMD technologies, material, and personnel. Others see September 2001 as a watershed after which cooperation should be extended to problem states, such as Pakistan, Syria, Libya, and Iran. Still others see nonproliferation assistance programs as a way to bring states outside the nonproliferation regime, like North Korea and Pakistan, under some restraints. The Bush Administration has advocated the use of traditional and new tools to counter WMD proliferation, including interdiction, preemption, diplomacy, and assistance. In a key nonproliferation speech on February 11, 2004, President Bush introduced seven new initiatives, including expanding CTR. In particular, Bush noted that such funds could be used for retraining weapons scientists in Iraq and Libya or for reducing uranium enrichment levels in foreign research nuclear reactors. (In fact, however, programs to retrain such scientists have used State Department Nonproliferation and Disarmament Fund monies.) A few underlying issues may influence the ultimate success of CTR-like approaches. One is the "cooperative" element in the U.S. relationship with the state in question. A state's willingness to cooperate may hinge on calculations of the WMD program's importance to its security and other geopolitical considerations. A second issue may be that state's perception of CTR assistance—is this just another name for arms control, U.S. unilateralism, or bribery? More broadly, there is the question of whether globalizing CTR may spread resources thinly at a time when there is still significant work to be done in Russia and the former Soviet states. Since 1991, Congress has authorized CTR funds specifically for use in the Soviet Union, and later, in Russia and former Soviet Union (FSU) states. Before FY2004, agencies used other sources of funding for nonproliferation assistance programs applied outside of Russia and the FSU. In FY2004, the Bush Administration was able to use $50 million of unobligated CTR funds outside the FSU. The "Nunn-Lugar Expansion Act" was passed as part of the FY2004 National Defense Authorization Act ( P.L. 108-136 ) to "assist the United States in resolution of critical emerging proliferation threats and to permit the United States to take advantage of opportunities to achieve long-standing nonproliferation goals." The final language of the act requires the President to determine, and notify Congress in writing within 10 days after obligating funds, that the: (a) project/activity will help the United States in the resolution of a critical emerging proliferation threat; or permit the United States to take advantage of opportunities to achieve long-standing nonproliferation goals; (b) Department of Defense is the government agency most capable of carrying out the project/activity; and (c) project/activity will be completed in a short period of time. Conferees noted that they expected the President to assign projects to the most appropriate agencies. On February 8, 2005, Senator Lugar introduced S. 313 , "The Nunn-Lugar Cooperation Threat Reduction Act of 2005," which sought to remove restrictions associated with using CTR funds outside of the FSU. In brief, the legislation would have lifted CTR program-wide restrictions on spending the money (including certifications), removed the $50-million cap, removed restrictions on spending money for chemical weapons destruction, and provided "notwithstanding" authority. The bill was referred to the Armed Services Committee. Of the provisions in S. 313 , only the repeal of certification requirements was adopted as an amendment in the Senate's FY2007 National Defense Authorization bill (Section 1304, S. 2766 ). However, this provision was not incorporated in the bill agreed to in conference on September 20, 2006 ( H.R. 5122 ). The threat of terrorist access to WMD is a relatively new concern for nonproliferation experts. First, the nonproliferation regime has always focused on controlling ingredients at the source as the most effective first line of defense. Such an approach already addresses two kinds of terrorist threats: that an insider might collaborate to sell or give a terrorist some materials and that terrorists might seek to steal materials themselves from facilities. Second, the regime has controls for transfers to anyone (not just states) outside the regime. Third, apart from Aum Shinrikyo's use of sarin gas on the Tokyo subway, few non-state actors have conducted or attempted to conduct an attack with a functional nuclear, chemical or biological weapon. On the other hand, the perception of an increased threat of terrorist use of WMD has grown since the September 2001 attacks on the United States. There is evidence that Al Qaeda assigned a high priority to acquiring a WMD capability and some observers believe that chemical and biological weapons (CBW) capabilities are increasingly available. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) estimated that "the threat of terrorists using chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) materials remained high" in 2003 [note the use of the word "materials," not weapons]. The CIA also concluded that "terrorist groups probably will continue to favor long-proven conventional tactics such as bombings and shootings." By February 2006, the Director of National Intelligence John Negroponte told Congress that Today, we are more likely to see an attack from terrorists using weapons or agents of mass destruction than states, although terrorists' capabilities would be much more limited. In fact, intelligence reporting indicates that nearly 40 terrorist organizations, insurgencies, or cults have used, possessed, or expressed an interest in chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear agents or weapons. Many are capable of conducting simple, small-scale attacks, such as poisonings, or using improvised chemical devices. However, Negroponte provided no further evidence to support those claims.