The franking privilege, which allows Members of Congress to transmit mail matter under their signature without postage, has its roots in 17 th century Great Britain. The British House of Commons in stituted it in 1660 and free mail was available to many officials under the colonial postal system. In 1775, the First Continental Congress passed legislation giving Members mailing privileges so they could communicate with their constituents, as well as giving free mailing privileges to soldiers. Congress continues to use the franking privilege to satisfy an articulated public interest in facilitating official communications from elected officials to the citizens whom they represent. The communications may include letters in response to constituent requests for information, newsletters regarding legislation and Member votes, press releases about official Member activities, copies of the Congressional Record and government reports, and notices about upcoming town meetings organized by Members. Congress pays the U.S. Postal Service for franked mail through annual appropriations for the legislative branch. Each chamber uses a formula to allocate funds to Members from these appropriations. In the Senate, the allocation process is administered by the Committee on Rules and Administration; in the House, by the Committee on House Administration. In the Senate, each Senator's franked mail postage allowance is determined by a formula that gives a maximum allowance equal to the cost of one first-class mailing to every address in the Senator's state. If the total Senate appropriation for official mail is less than the amount required for the maximum allowance, each Senator's allowance is proportionally reduced. A Senate office that exceeds its allowance may supplement the allowance with official office account funds. Senators are, however, limited to $50,000 for mass mailings (defined as 500 or more identical pieces of unsolicited mail) in any fiscal year. In the House, the franked mail postage allowance is based on the number of addresses in each Member's district. Each Representative's mail allowance is combined with allowances for office staff and official office expenses to form a Member's Representational Allowance (MRA). Members may spend any portion of their MRA on franked mail, subject to law and House regulations. Within the limits of their MRA, House Members are not restricted as to the total amount they may spend on mass mailings. The franking privilege is regulated by federal law, House and Senate rules, orders of the Committee on House Administration and Senate Rules and Administration Committee, and regulations of the Senate Select Committee on Ethics and the House Commission on Congressional Mailing Standards. The franking privilege may only be used for matters of public concern or public service. It may not be used to solicit votes or contributions, to send mail regarding political campaigns or political parties, or to mail autobiographical or holiday greeting materials. Both House and Senate regulations specify limitations on the size and formatting of franked mail. Official funds must be used in the preparation of materials sent under the frank; no private funds may supplement printing, production, or other costs. Mass mailings are further restricted by law and chamber rules and regulations. Each mass mailing sent by a Member of Congress must bear the following notice: "Prepared, Published, and Mailed at Taxpayer Expense." Senators are prohibited from sending mass mailings fewer than 60 days prior to any primary election in which they are a candidate, as well as 60 days prior to any general election, regardless of whether or not they are a candidate. House Members are prohibited from sending mass mailings fewer than 90 days prior to any general or primary election in which they are a candidate, and are prohibited from sending unsolicited mass mailings outside their district. Franking regulations also require disclosure of individual Members' mass mailings costs. In the House, costs are reported quarterly in the Statement of Disbursements of the House as part of a total mass communications cost. Senate costs appear in the biannual Report of the Secretary of the Senate . During FY2015, Congress spent $8.3 million on official mail according to the U.S. Postal Service, representing slightly less than two-tenths of 1% of the $4.3 billion budget for the entire legislative branch for FY2015. House official mail costs ($6.8 million) were 82% of the total, whereas Senate official mail costs ($1.5 million) were 18% of the total. During FY2014, Congress spent $16.9 million on official mail. House official mail costs ($15.1 million) were 89% of the total, whereas Senate official mail costs ($1.8 million) were 11% of the total. During FY2013, Congress spent $7.6 million on official mail. House official mail costs ($6.2 million) were 82% of the total, whereas Senate official mail costs ($1.4 million) were 18% of the total. During FY2012, Congress spent $24.8 million on official mail. House official mail costs ($23.3 million) were 94% of the total, whereas Senate official mail costs ($1.5 million) were 6% of the total. These expenditures continue a historical pattern of Congress spending less on official mail costs during non-election years than during election years. However, analysis of monthly data on official mail costs indicates that, due to the structure of the fiscal year calendar, comparisons of election-year and non-election-year mailing data tend to overstate the effect of pre-election increases in mail costs, because it also captures the effect of a large spike in mail costs from December of the previous calendar year. Reform efforts during the past 30 years have reduced overall franking expenditures in both election and non-election years. Even-numbered-year franking expenditures have been reduced by over 85% from $113.4 million in FY1988 to $16.9 million in FY2014, while odd-numbered-year franking expenditures have been reduced by over 90% from $89.5 million in FY1989 to $8.3 million in FY2015. House mail costs have decreased from a high of $77.9 million in FY1988 to $6.8 million in FY2015. The Senate has dramatically reduced its costs, from $43.6 million in FY1984 to $1.5 million in FY2015. H.R. 1873 , the Ending Special Mail Privileges for Congress Act, would eliminate the traditional franking privilege of Members of Congressâthe use of the Member's signature in lieu of prepayment for the mailing of letters related to official business. The bill, however, would continue to authorize the use of official funds for the purpose of Member official communications with constituents and others, as "congressional mail." It would also eliminate, without replacement, the franking privilege of survivors of Members of Congress. H.R. 1873 was introduced on April 16, 2015, by Representative Woodall and was referred to the House Committee on House Administration and the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. No further action has been taken. One piece of legislation was introduced in the 113th Congress that would have altered the franking privilege. H.R. 4872 , the Ending Special Mail Privileges for Congress Act of 2014, was substantively identical to H.R. 1873 from the 114th Congress. H.R. 4872 was introduced on June 17, 2014, by Representative Woodall and was referred to the House Committee on House Administration and the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. No further action was taken. S. 3528 would have repealed the authorization providing franking privileges to former Speakers of the House. Currently, former Speakers are authorized to use the frank for a period of five years after they leave Congress. Senator Jon Tester introduced S. 3528 on September 11, 2012. The bill was referred to the Committee on Rules and Administration. No further action was taken. Two bills introduced in the 111 th Congressâ H.R. 2056 and H.R. 5151 âwould have altered the congressional franking privilege. Provisions of the two bills are discussed here. H.R. 2056 (the Clean Money, Clean Elections Act of 2009) would have amended election-year mass-mailing restrictions by altering the period of time during which Members are prohibited from franking any mass mailing and the statutory conditions under which the prohibition applies. If enacted, Members of both the House and Senate would have been prohibited from mailing any mass mailing during the period starting 90 days prior to a primary election in which such Member is a candidate for reelection to any federal office and ending on the day of the general election. Current law and chamber rules provide that a mass mailing may not be franked by a Senator fewer than 60 days, or by a House Member fewer than 90 days, immediately before the date of any primary or general election (whether regular, special, or runoff) in which such Member is a candidate for any public office. Senate rules further state that no Senator may frank mass mailings in the 60 days prior to the general election, regardless of whether or not he or she is a candidate for election. H.R. 2056 would also have prohibited a congressional committee or subcommittee from mailing any mass mailing during the same period individual Members are prohibited from franking any mass mailing, if either the chair or ranking member of the committee or subcommittee is a candidate for reelection to any federal office. Current law does not prohibit congressional committees and subcommittees from sending mass mailings during the election-year period in which individual Members are restricted from franking any mass mailing. Representative John Tierney introduced H.R. 2056 on April 22, 2009. The bill was referred to the Committees on House Administration, Energy and Commerce, Ways and Means, and Oversight and Government Reform. No further action was taken. Previously, similar legislation has been introduced in the 110 th Congress ( H.R.