Homelessness in America has always existed, but it did not come to the public's attention as a national issue until the 1970s and 1980s, when the characteristics of the homeless population and their living arrangements began to change. Throughout the early and middle part of the 20 th century, homelessness was typified by "skid rows"—areas with hotels and single-room occupancy dwellings where transient single men lived. Skid rows were usually removed from the more populated areas of cities, and it was uncommon for individuals to actually live on the streets. Beginning in the 1970s, however, the homeless population began to grow and become more visible to the general public. According to studies from the time, homeless persons were no longer almost exclusively single men, but included women with children; their median age was younger; they were more racially diverse (in previous decades the observed homeless population was largely white); they were less likely to be employed (and therefore had lower incomes); they were mentally ill in higher proportions than previously; and individuals who were abusing or had abused drugs began to become more prevalent in the population. A number of reasons have been offered for the growth in the number of homeless persons and their increasing visibility. Many cities demolished skid rows to make way for urban development, leaving some residents without affordable housing options. Other possible factors contributing to homelessness include the decreased availability of affordable housing generally, the reduced need for seasonal unskilled labor, the reduced likelihood that relatives will accommodate homeless family members, the decreased value of public benefits, and changed admissions standards at mental hospitals. The increased visibility of homeless people was due, in part, to the decriminalization of actions such as public drunkenness, loitering, and vagrancy. In the 1980s, Congress first responded to the growing prevalence of homelessness with several separate grant programs designed to address the food and shelter needs of homeless individuals. Then, in 1987, Congress enacted the Stewart B. McKinney Homeless Assistance Act (McKinney Act), which created a number of new programs to comprehensively address the needs of homeless people, including food, shelter, health care, and education ( P.L. 100-77 ). The act was later renamed the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act (McKinney-Vento) in P.L. 106-400 after its other prominent sponsor, Bruce F. Vento. Among the programs authorized in the McKinney-Vento Act were four grants to provide housing and related assistance to homeless persons: the Emergency Shelter Grants (ESG) program, the Supportive Housing Demonstration program, the Supplemental Assistance for Facilities to Assist the Homeless (SAFAH) program, and the Section 8 Moderate Rehabilitation Assistance for Single Room Occupancy Dwellings (SRO) program. These four programs, administered by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), were created to provide temporary and permanent housing to homeless persons, along with supportive services. Over the years, Congress changed the makeup of the Homeless Assistance Grants, but for 20 years, from 1992 to 2012, the same four grant programs composed the Homeless Assistance Grants. These were the ESG program, the Supportive Housing Program (SHP), the Shelter Plus Care (S+C) program, and the SRO program. On May 20, 2009, for the first time since 1992, the Homeless Assistance Grants were reauthorized as part of the Helping Families Save Their Homes Act ( P.L. 111-22 ). The law is often referred to as the "HEARTH Act" after its title in P.L. 111-22 (the Homeless Emergency Assistance and Rapid Transition to Housing Act). The HEARTH Act changed the makeup of the four existing grants—the SHP, S+C, and SRO programs were combined into one grant called the "Continuum of Care" (CoC) program; the ESG program was renamed the "Emergency Solutions Grants"; and rural communities were to have the option of competing for funds under a new Rural Housing Stability Assistance Program (RHS). The way in which the funds are distributed, the purposes for which grantees may use funds, and the people who may be served have also changed. The HEARTH Act authorized the Continuum of Care Program, together with the Emergency Solutions Grants Program, at $2.2 billion in FY2010 and such sums as necessary for FY2011. In FY2011, HUD first awarded funds under the new ESG program, and FY2012 was the first year that funds were awarded pursuant to the CoC program. New regulations regarding the definition of homelessness became effective on January 5, 2012, and HUD released proposed regulations for the RHS program on March 27, 2013 (with comments due by May 28, 2013). This report has multiple sections describing the implementation of the HEARTH Act provisions. It describes the HEARTH Act changes to the definition of homelessness in the section " The Definition of Homelessness "; the way in which ESG operated prior to HEARTH Act implementation as well as the changes made beginning in FY2011 in the section " The Emergency Solutions Grants Program (ESG) "; components of the competitive Homeless Assistance Grants prior to enactment of the HEARTH Act, and how they have been absorbed in the CoC program in the section " Transition to the Continuum of Care Program "; how funds are distributed pursuant to the CoC program in the section " Distribution of Continuum of Care Program Funds "; and the housing and services that are authorized to be provided through the RHS program and how communities are to receive funds in the section " Rural Housing Stability Assistance Program ." The way in which homelessness is defined is an important part of how the Homeless Assistance Grants operate, as it determines who communities may assist with the grants they receive. The definition had been the subject of debate for a number of years, with some finding that the definition governing the HUD homeless programs was too restrictive when compared to definitions used in other federal programs that assist those experiencing homelessness. Until enactment of the HEARTH Act, "homeless individual" was defined in Section 103(a) of the McKinney-Vento Act as (1) an individual who lacks a fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence; and (2) an individual who has a primary nighttime residence that is—(A) a supervised publicly or privately operated shelter designed to provide temporary living accommodations (including welfare hotels, congregate shelters, and transitional housing for the mentally ill); (B) an institution that provides a temporary residence for individuals intended to be institutionalized; or (C) a public or private place not designed for, or ordinarily used as, a regular sleeping accommodation for human beings. This definition was sometimes described as requiring one to be literally homeless in order to meet its requirements —either living in emergency accommodations or having no place to stay. The HEARTH Act expanded the definition of "homeless individual," and on December 5, 2011, HUD issued final regulations clarifying aspects of the HEARTH Act definition of homelessness. The regulation took effect on January 4, 2012. The HEARTH Act retained the original language of the definition with some minor changes, but also added provisions that move away from the requirement for literal homelessness and toward housing instability as a form of homelessness. Each subsection below explains separate ways in which the HEARTH Act changed the definition of homelessness. The HEARTH Act made minor changes to the existing language in the McKinney-Vento Act. The law continues to provide that a person is homeless if they lack "a fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence," and if their nighttime residence is a place not meant for human habitation, if they live in a shelter, or if they are a person leaving an institution who had been homeless prior to being institutionalized. The HEARTH Act added that those living in hotels or motels paid for by a government entity or charitable organization are considered homeless, and it included all those persons living in transitional housing, not just those residing in transitional housing for the mentally ill as in prior law. The amended law also added locations that are not considered suitable places for people to sleep, including cars, parks, abandoned buildings, bus or train stations, airports, and campgrounds. When HUD issued its final regulation in December 2011, it clarified that a person exiting an institution cannot have been residing there for more than 90 days and still be considered homeless. In addition, where the law states that a person "who resided in a shelter or place not meant for human habitation" prior to institutionalization, the "shelter" means emergency shelter, and does not include transitional housing. P.L. 111-22 added to the current definition those individuals and families who meet all of the following criteria: They will "imminently lose their housing," whether it be their own housing, housing they are sharing with others, or a hotel or motel not paid for by a government or charitable entity. Imminent loss of housing is evidenced by an eviction requiring an individual or family to leave their housing within 14 days; a lack of resources that would allow an individual or family to remain in a hotel or motel for more than 14 days; or credible evidence that an individual or family would not be able to stay with another homeowner or renter for more than 14 days. They have no subsequent residence identified. They lack the resources or support networks needed to obtain other permanent housing. HUD practice prior to passage of the HEARTH Act was to consider individuals and families who would imminently lose housing within seven days to be homeless. P.L. 111-22 added to the definition of "homeless individual" unaccompanied youth and homeless families with children who are defined as homeless under other federal statutes.