Human rights conditions in the People's Republic of China (PRC) remain a central issue in U.S.-China relations. For many U.S. policy-makers, progress in this area represents a test of the success of U.S. engagement with China, particularly since permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) status was established in 2000. Some analysts contend that the U.S. policy of engagement with China has failed to produce meaningful political reform, and that without fundamental progress in this area, the bilateral relationship will remain unstable. Others argue that U.S. engagement has helped to accelerate economic and social change and build social and legal foundations for democracy and the advancement of human rights in the PRC. Many observers argue that violations of civil liberties and cases of political and religious persecution in China have increased in recent years, the leadership remains authoritarian, and economic development, based largely upon trade with the United States, has strengthened the Communist government rather than empowered the people. Other analysts and many Chinese citizens contend that economic and social freedoms have grown considerably, the government's control over most aspects of people's lives has receded, opportunities for providing opinions on policy have increased, and rights activism has sprouted. Disagreements over whether progress has been made often stem from differences over which indicators are emphasized, such as central government policies, local government actions, civil society, or short-term versus long-term trends. In many ways, growing government restrictions on political, religious, and other freedoms and greater assertion of civil rights have occurred simultaneously. This findings of this report reflect the following themes: A crackdown on dissent in 2011 has been attributed to the government's nervousness about continued outbreaks of social unrest, growing rights activism, the upcoming PRC leadership change in 2012-2013, and the potential for Arab Spring-inspired anti-government demonstrations. Some analysts also blame decreasing leverage by the United States on Chinese human rights policies. It is not yet clear how recent PRC government actions will affect social stability, civil society, public opinion, and political reform in China in the medium term. Some experts view the crackdown as representing one of the largest setbacks for liberalization in China since an attempt to launch a new political party, the China Democracy Party, was squelched and its leaders were imprisoned in 1998. Other observers argue that due to the greater political assertiveness of the Chinese people compared to a decade ago, the government likely will seek to avoid a popular backlash, by limiting its repressive actions to selected key activists and dissidents. The PRC government has compromised little, if at all, on popular demands that it perceives to represent challenges to its authority. Serious human rights abuses continue in many areas. The PRC government has shown itself to be particularly intolerant of political dissent, freedom of speech, independent social and religious organizations, resistance to government policies from Tibetans, Uighurs, and Falun Gong adherents, and challenges to the official verdict of the 1989 Tiananmen democracy movement. Many Chinese citizens have experienced some marginal improvements in human rights protections and rights activism has increased. These changes have come about through both government policies and the development of civil society. The government has enacted laws to acknowledge or try to prevent some of the most egregious violations of human rights and abuses of power, strengthened the legal system, and occasionally publicly sympathized with aggrieved citizens. Social groups have engaged in protests to defend their rights, often aided by journalists, lawyers, and activists whose activities put them at risk of physical harm, loss of their professional licenses, harassment of themselves and their families, and imprisonment. The Internet has provided Chinese citizens with unprecedented amounts of information and the opportunity to express opinions publicly. Due to government censorship and other controls and to the non-political nature of most web activity in China, the Internet has proven to be less of a political factor than many observers had expected or hoped. Nonetheless, the Internet has made it impossible for the government to restrict information as fully as before. In many cases, news disseminated independently online has helped to hold government officials more accountable than in the past. The following social variables could potentially provide impetus for political reform in China: A shift in public concerns from local and economic issues to national and political ones; the growth of protest activity that includes not only socially and economically marginalized groups, such as farmers, workers, and migrant laborers, but also the urban middle class, professionals, and private entrepreneurs; linkages among social groups; and the development of new communications media and counter-censorship technologies. The U.S. government has developed a comprehensive array of tactics and programs aimed at promoting democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in China, but their effects have been felt primarily along the margins of the PRC political system. Some experts argue that these policies have had little impact, and are constrained by the overarching policy of U.S. diplomatic and economic engagement with China. Other observers contend that U.S. human rights and engagement policies have helped to set conditions in place in China that are necessary for progress and have helped the U.S. government to remain involved in the process. The People's Republic of China is an authoritarian state in which the permanent leadership role of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is inscribed in the Constitution, and the legislative and judicial branches lack the power to check the CCP and the state. Recent speeches by PRC leaders have indicated that the CCP fully intends to maintain its monopoly in power. Although Premier Wen Jiabao, who is thought to be relatively liberal, has advocated deepening political reforms and expanding direct popular elections at the local levels, he has not called for radical change, but rather for incremental progress under the leadership of the CCP. The PRC Constitution protects many civil liberties, including the freedoms of speech, press, association, assembly, and religious belief, but these rights for the most part are not respected in practice. The government regards these ends as subordinate to the CCP's authority and to the policy goals of maintaining state security and social stability, promoting economic development, and providing for economic and social rights. The CCP leadership denounces foreign criticisms of its human rights policies as interference in China's internal affairs, and asserts that perspectives on human rights vary according a country's level of economic development and social system." Under the leadership of CCP General Secretary and President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, both in office since 2003, the PRC government has developed along the lines of what some scholars call "responsive authoritarianism." It has striven to become more responsive, accountable, and law-based. Chinese leaders also have become more sensitive to popular views, particularly those expressed on the Internet. However, the government has rejected political reforms that might challenge its monopoly on power, and continued to respond forcefully to signs and instances of social instability, autonomous social organization, and independent political activity. Although the government has made some progress in enacting laws aimed at curbing some of the most egregious human rights abuses, it has not created or adequately strengthened institutions that would help enforce these laws, such as checks and balances and genuine popular elections beyond the village level. Furthermore, many lawyers, activists, and journalists seeking to protect people's rights or expose violations of them have been harassed or imprisoned by authorities. PRC leaders have tolerated some mass demonstrations against government officials and policies, particularly at the local level, but also have arrested protest leaders. Communist Party and state officials have retained a significant degree of arbitrary authority, and corruption has negated many efforts to improve governance. Many experts and policy makers have sharply disagreed over the best policy approaches and methods to apply toward human rights issues in China. Differing U.S. goals include promoting fundamental political change in the PRC and supporting incremental progress. Possible approaches range from placing human rights conditions upon the bilateral relationship to inducing democratic change through bilateral and international engagement. Policy tools include private discussions; sanctions; open criticism of PRC human rights policies; coordinating international pressure; support of and contact with dissidents; bilateral dialogue; human rights, democracy, and related programs; promoting Internet freedom; public diplomacy efforts; and monitoring and highlighting human rights abuses. Since the end of the 1980s, successive U.S. administrations have employed broadly similar strategies for promoting human rights in China. Some analysts have referred to the U.S. foreign policy approach of promoting democracy in China through diplomatic and economic engagement, without directly challenging Communist Party rule, as a strategy of "peaceful evolution." President Bill Clinton referred to this policy as "constructive engagement" – furthering diplomatic and economic ties while pressing for open markets and democracy, calling it "our best hope to secure our own interest and values and to advance China's." President George W. Bush also came to view U.S. engagement as the most effective means of promoting U.S. interests and freedom in China. As China's importance in global economic, security, environmental, and other matters has grown, both the Bush and Obama Administrations aimed to forge bilateral cooperation on many fronts, while disagreeing deeply with Beijing on many human rights issues. In remarks during the summit with PRC President Hu Jintao in January 2011, President Obama referred to the universality of the freedoms of speech, assembly, and religion, a point frequently made by President Clinton. Echoing a theme evoked by President Bush in his second term, President Obama also suggested that greater respect for human rights in China would benefit China's success and global stability. In December 2009, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton described the Administration's human rights policy as one of "principled pragmatism." This policy is based upon the premise that tough but quiet diplomacy is both less disruptive to the overall relationship and more effective in producing change than public censure. Some policy observers have admonished President Obama for reducing the prominence of human rights in U.S. policy toward China and favoring other concerns, such as economic, security, and environmental issues.