Although a small country with a population of just over 3.6 million people, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policy makers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. Some experts have expressed concern about Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova's relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other trading links. Moldova's political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policy makers, including trafficking in persons. The Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) held power in Moldova for most of the 2000s after winning parliamentary elections in 2001, 2005, and April 2009. The PCRM's leader is Vladimir Voronin, who was elected by the parliament as president of Moldova during the period of the PCRM's rule. After July 2009 parliamentary elections, a group of opposition parties formed a new governing coalition, the Alliance for European Integration. As its name suggests, the AEI was pledged to carry out reforms with the goal of closer integration into Europe. In March 2012, the parliament elected Nicolae Timofti as president of Moldova. Timofti was a judge with long experience in the Moldovan judicial system dating back to the Soviet era. He had a very low political profile, which may have been a major consideration in his selection. There are few ideological differences among the governing parties, which are mainly vehicles for key political leaders and politically-connected big businessmen. A scandal over an apparently accidental death in a hunting accident involving high-ranking judiciary officials in December 2012 caused unseemly, public infighting among party leaders, ending in the government's collapse in March 2013. The coalition was reconstituted in May 2013, in part because the European Union urged Moldovan leaders to reassemble the coalition in order to keep the country's European integration prospects on track. It controls 53 of the 101 seats in the parliament. It is composed of the Liberal Democrats, the Democratic Party, and the Liberal Reformist Party. Iurie Leanca of the Liberal Democrats is Prime Minister. Igor Corman of the Democratic Party is chairman of the parliament. The largest opposition party, the PCRM, holds 34 seats. New parliamentary elections are expected in November 2014. Conflict between Moldovan forces and those of the breakaway "Dniestr Republic" (a separatist entity proclaimed in 1990 by ethnic Russian local officials in the Transnistria region of Moldova, also referred to as Transnistria) erupted in March 1992. Hundreds of people died in the violence. A cease-fire was declared in July 1992 that provided for Russian, "Dniestr Republic," and Moldovan peacekeepers to patrol a "security zone" between the two regions. Each of the peacekeeping contingents has roughly 400 personnel. They are overseen by a Joint Control Commission, which includes the three sides, as well as the OSCE as an observer. The causes of the conflict are complex, involving issues of national identity and maneuvering for power and wealth among elite groups. Ethnic Russians and Ukrainians together make up a majority of Transnistria's population of fewer than 500,000 persons, while Moldovans are the single largest ethnic group, at 40%. Many analysts believe a significant factor obstructing a settlement is the personal interests of the leaders of the "Dniestr Republic" and associates in Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine, who control the region's economy. They also allegedly profit from illegal activities that take place in Transnistria, such as smuggling and human trafficking. The 2013 State Department human rights report sharply criticized the poor human rights record of the "Dniestr Republic," noting its record of harassment of political opponents, independent media, many religious groups, and Romanian speakers. Negotiations over the degree of autonomy to be accorded the Transnistria region within Moldova have been stalled for many years. The two sides have negotiated over Transnistria's status with the mediation of Russia, Ukraine, and OSCE. In 2005, at the urging of Ukraine and Moldova, the United States and the European Union joined the talks as observers, resulting in what is called the "5+2" format. From 2006 until late 2011, formal 5+2 talks were not held, due to Transnistrian leaders' anger at Moldova's cooperation with the EU and Ukraine to monitor Moldova's Transnistria border with Ukraine, in an effort to deter smuggling. Informal 5+2 consultations were held regularly, however. Expert groups discussed confidence-building measures between the two sides, but no progress occurred on larger political questions. Formal 5+2 talks resumed in late 2011, with some progress in confidence-building measures, but none on political status. The Moldovan leadership favors a substantial degree of autonomy for Transnistria, but only as part of a united Moldova. It is seeking the withdrawal of all foreign (i.e., Russian) troops from Transnistria and the replacement of the current peacekeeping force by civilian observers, preferably led by the EU. In an effort to secure Russian support for a resolution, Moldova is willing to reaffirm its military neutrality. Moldovan leaders are also reportedly willing to guarantee Russian property rights in Transnistria as part of a deal. They have also said that they hope to improve the climate for Transnistria's reintegration into Moldova by improving non-governmental, person-to-person links between the people in Transnistria and the rest of Moldova. They also hope that Moldova's growing integration with the EU will increase Moldova's attractiveness to people living in Transnistria. For their part, Transnistrian leaders reject autonomy. In September 2006, Transnistria held a referendum on independence and union with Russia, which passed with 97% of the vote. The Transnistrian leadership demanded that Russia recognize the independence of their republic, as Moscow did with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, two secessionist regions in Georgia, in 2008. Russia rejected these entreaties, however. In 2011, Yevgeni Shevchuk was elected "president" of Transnistria, beating longtime hardline leader Igor Smirnov in a runoff vote. Observers have characterized the election as a vote by people in Transnistria for a normal life, as opposed to the image of a besieged fortress projected by the Smirnov leadership. Shevchuk made a clean sweep of the government, replacing supporters of the former regime, often with young people who have grown up in a de facto independent Transnistria, never having felt themselves as part of Moldova or the Soviet Union. Shevchuk called for focusing on practical issues such as lifting trade restrictions between Transnistria and Moldova, and restoring communications links such as trains and telephone service. Moldovan leaders have hoped progress on these small steps will eventually lead to progress on the issue of Transnistria's status. However, that appears unlikely. Shevchuk has rejected discussing the status issue at the 5+2 talks and stressed his support for Transnistria's independence. He has rejected Moldova's call to replace the multinational peacekeeping force stationed between Transnistria and right-bank Moldova with a civilian mission, saying that the Russian troops there as part of the force protect Transnistria's security. He has called for closer economic integration between Russia and Transnistria, including Transnistria's eventual membership in the Russian-led Customs Union and Eurasian Union. After Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014, Transnistrian leaders again asked Russia to recognize their regime as an independent country. Gagauzia is a small region in southern Moldova with a population of a little over 160,000, where the Gagauz (an Orthodox Christian, Turkic-speaking people) form the majority. Tensions in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet period between the region's leaders and the Moldovan central government were reduced in 1994, when the Moldovan parliament adopted a law establishing Gagauzia as a "national-territorial autonomous unit" within Moldova. The region has its own elected legislative and executive authorities and would be entitled to secession from Moldova in the case of Moldova's unification with Romania. According to the World Bank, Moldova's per capita Gross National Income of $1,980 in 2011 makes it the poorest country in Europe. More than one-fifth of the country's population lives in poverty. More than one-quarter of Moldova's economically active population works abroad. Remittances from those working abroad amounted to 20% of the country's Gross Domestic Product in 2011, according to the Economist Intelligence Unit. Moldova's main natural resource is its rich soil. Agriculture, especially fruit, wine, and tobacco, plays an important role in Moldova's economy. In 2011, agriculture accounted for 12% of GDP, 41% of exports, and 28% of employment in Moldova. Most of Moldova's industry is located in the breakaway Transnistria region. Transnistria's economy has also suffered as a result of the global economic crisis, resulting in large-scale emigration. Transnistria's economy is dependent on remittances from Transnistrians working abroad and on aid from Russia, including direct aid and indirect subsidies in the form of unpaid debts for energy supplies. The global financial crisis had a negative impact on Moldova. The leu, Moldova's currency, weakened and remains under pressure. Remittances dropped, as Moldovan emigrants lost jobs in other hard-hit countries.