The status of Burma's political prisoners is an important issue for U.S. policy towards Burma (Myanmar). The full removal of many of th e U.S. sanctions on Burma is contingent on certain conditions being met by the Burma's government in Naypyidaw and the Burmese military, including the unconditional release of all political prisoners. Moreover, the release of political prisoners may play a pivotal role in Burma's possible transition to a free and democratic country. The 114 th Congress continues to be concerned about Burma's political prisoners. S. Res. 320, passed by the Senate on December 16, 2015, "calls on the Government of Burma to release all political prisoners." The resolution also called on the President and Secretary of State to focus on several ongoing issues in Burma, including "bringing about the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners, including those awaiting trial or sentencing." For nearly 60 years, Burma was controlled by an authoritarian military junta that arrested and incarcerated an estimated 7,000 – 10,000 people for political reasons. In April 2011, the junta, then known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), transferred power to a mixed civilian/military government headed by ex-SPDC Prime Minister, retired General and subsequently President Thein Sein. As President, Thein Sein granted amnesty to hundreds of political prisoners, but his government and the Burmese military continued to arrest and incarcerate alleged political prisoners. On November 8, 2015, The National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, won a majority of the seats in nationwide elections for both chambers of Burma's Union Parliament. The NLD-led Union Parliament chose Htin Kyaw, childhood friend and close advisor to Aung San Suu Kyi, as President on March 15, 2016; he took office on March 30, 2016. Aung San Suu Kyi was subsequently appointed as Foreign Minister and to the newly-created position of State Counselor on April 5, 2016. Following her appointment as State Counselor, Aung San Suu Kyi reportedly outlined a strategy to release all the political prisoners that remained in custody. On April 8, 2016, President Htin Kyaw granted amnesty to 113 "prisoners of conscience," including some awaiting trial. On April 17, 2016, he granted amnesty to 83 more political prisoners. Despite these actions, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), or AAPP(B), and the Former Political Prisoners Society (FPPS), two nonprofit organizations dedicated to identifying, locating, and assisting political prisoners in Burma, the Htin Kyaw government was incarcerating 67 political prisoners as of May 31, 2016, and another 189 were awaiting trial (including 47 in detention). Since the 2015 parliamentary elections, the NLD has been under domestic and international pressure to release all political prisoners, and undertake measures to prevent the arrest and detention of new political prisoners. In addition, the AAPP(B) and the FPPS have pointed out the need for greater assistance for released political prisoners, many of whom suffer from physical and mental conditions caused by their alleged mistreatment while in prison. Some observers, however, have questioned whether the NLD-led government has the power to fully address the political prisoner issue, noting the various means by which the Tatmadaw, Burma's military, still controls the arrest, detention, and release of political prisoners. All of Burma's security forces, including the national Myanmar Police Force (MPF), are controlled by the Tatmadaw and its Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. Burma's security forces allegedly use laws—some promulgated by the military juntas and some passed during the Thein Sein government (2011-2016)—to arrest and detain people for political reasons. In addition, while the President has the authority to grant amnesty to prisoners under Burma's 2008 constitution, that is subject to the recommendation of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), a majority of its 11 members are appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. The Obama Administration has recognized past releases of political prisoners as evidence of political progress in Burma, while reportedly continues to work with the new NLD-led government to press for the release of the remaining political prisoners and the prevention of the arrest and detention of new political prisoners. It is unclear, however, how prominent a role political prisoners will play in U.S. relations with the NLD-led government, given other important issues for Burma's potential transition to democracy, such as the ongoing low-grade civil war and efforts for national reconciliation, continuing ethnic and religious tensions, and the military's prominent role in the nation's governance. For Congress, the continued existence of political prisoners in Burma raises a number of issues, including: Does the unconditional release of all political prisoners in Burma remain a top priority for U.S. policy? Should the existence of political prisoners continue to be a factor in determining if restrictions on relations with Burma remain in effect? Should the release of all (or some) of the political prisoners be a precondition on certain forms of U.S. assistance to the NLD-led government and/or the Burmese military? What kinds of assistance, if any, should the United States provide to facilitate the identification, release, and support of political prisoners in Burma; as well as to prevent or avoid the arrest or detention of new political prisoners? This report is one of a series of CRS reports on Burma, including: CRS In Focus IF10352, U.S. Relations with Burma: Key Issues for 2016 ; CRS In Focus IF10417, Burma's Peace Process: Challenges Ahead ; CRS Report R44436, Burma's 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress ; and CRS Report R44465, Energy and Water Development: FY2017 Appropriations . At present, there is no consensus on how many political prisoners there are in Burma. One major reason is the lack of transparency of the records of Burma's 42 prisons and 109 labor camps. Another reason for variation in estimates is the use of different definitions of political prisoners. Moreover, reports of new political prisoners being arrested and detained periodically appear in the press suggest that the number of political prisoners is a moving target. One factor complicating the determination of the number of political prisoners in Burma is a lack of agreement on the definition of a political prisoner. While the concept of political prisoner has a long history, there is no single international standard for defining political prisoners. Prisoners detained for political reasons are afforded some protection by international agreements, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor considers someone a political prisoner if: 1. the person is incarcerated in accordance with a law that is, on its face, illegitimate; the law may be illegitimate if the defined offense either impermissibly restricts the exercise of a human right; or is based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular group; 2. the person is incarcerated pursuant to a law that is on its face legitimate, where the incarceration is based on false charges where the underlying motivation is based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular group; or 3. the person is incarcerated for politically motivated acts, pursuant to a law that is on its face legitimate, but who receives unduly harsh and disproportionate treatment or punishment because of race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular group; this definition generally does not include those who, regardless of their motivation, have gone beyond advocacy and dissent to commit acts of violence. In applying this definition, the State Department recognizes that being accused of violent acts and committing violent acts are two different matters, and considers the circumstances pertaining to a particular person when determining if she or he is to be considered a political prisoner. In Burma, one of the more critical issues in defining political prisoners is whether or not to include individuals who have been detained for their alleged association with Burma's ethnic-based militias or their associated political parties. Because these militias periodically have been involved in armed conflict with the Burmese military, some analysts exclude detainees allegedly associated with the militias from their estimates of Burma's political prisoners. Ex-President Thein Sein consistently confined his definition to include only "prisoners of conscience," and generally used that phrase when discussing the issue. He repeatedly stated that individuals who have committed criminal acts are not considered "prisoners of conscience," and are expected the serve out their prison sentences. Similarly, Burma's military prefers to restrict the definition of political prisoner to only include "prisoners of conscience." Some international groups, such as Amnesty International (AI), also prefer a narrower definition that only includes so-called "prisoners of conscience." The AAPP(B), an independent organization founded in 2000 by ex-political prisoners, and Human Rights Watch (HRW) use a relatively broad definition of political prisoners. The AAPP(B) defines a political prisoner as "anyone who is arrested because of his or her perceived or real involvement in or supporting role in opposition movements with peaceful or resistance means." The AAPP(B) rejects the limitation of political prisoners to "prisoners of conscience" for several reasons. First, the AAPP(B) maintains that Burmese security forces frequently detain political dissidents with false allegations that they committed violent or nonpolitical crimes. Restricting the definition to "prisoners of conscience" would exclude many political prisoners.