Year: 1875

lection 10 the New Tariff BiiI-The
Recent Finance Law Working Con
traction,


NEW YORK, Feb. Is, 1875.
The Presidents Arkansas message was a
surprise to pretty much everybody. Such a
prodigious quantity of chatter resulted from
the Louisiana case, that it seemed impolitic to


stir up the elements of revolution in another


of those little semi-barbarous states which


have caused so much trouble during the past


fifteen years. Civilization does not appear to


have penetrated extensively into this benighted


commonwealth, and as far as politics are con-


cerned, the people there contrive to keep up an


everlasting wrangle, in which all parties are


wrong. Why on earth the President, with his


hands as full as they are now, interferes be-


tween these contending factions, at time


when they have suspended their favorite pas


time of slaughtering each other, and are only


''hingiFg language" passes my comprehension.


There is really SO little to choose between the


leaders or the followers. whether they bear the
ensign of Brooks, Baxter or Garland, that 1
cannot be persuaded that it is not the best pos
sible way to leave them entirely alone to fight


it cut among themselves. They have no such


geographical Importance as Louisiana, and
their proportion of coored population is but


twenty per cent, instead of fifty-fve, as in


the latter state. Consequently there is no such
controlling motive for throwing the protection
of the flag around peaceful but oppressed ma


jority, as forced the government to interpose


to check the lawlessness aud violence of the


'banditti'' whom Sheridan so forcefully anath-


ematized.


The popular idea is that the average Arkan-


sian travels with shirt collar, bowie knife,
pair of six barrelled pistols, keg of whiskey


and pack of cards-that he makes no more of


disemboweling fellow being, whom he doesn


happen to fancy, than Gov. Dix would OF


shooting snipe-that he is much fonder of


fighting than of voting-and that he has far
higher respect for muscle than for morals
Now if the experiment of letting the people of
any state try to reconstruct themselves in their
own way without help or hindrance from fed
eral bayonets' is to be attempted at all, thele
is the spot to evolve the scheme. L cannot see


why it would not be good thing to give the
Democracy chance to demonstrate the effect
of the non-interference policy in Arkansas
where no great harm could result from its suc-
cess or failure.


There is no inconsistency between the proc


lamation of May Is, 1874 recognizing Baxter as


Governor de tacto and the message Of Feb. 8
1875, declaring that the weight of evidence sus-
tains the claim of Brooks to have been rightful-


ly elected in 1872. In the midst of insurrection


there was no time to go behind the certificate.
But the intervening period has suffced to ena-
BILE the government to get at the facts, and
they establish the conclusions which the Presi-
dent so frankly announces in his message. No
suggestion of partisanship is fairly admissible
because Brooks is as hostile to the administra-
tion as any man in the state But the Pres-
dent believes that he received majority of the
votes cast in the gubernatorial canvass, and
therefore recommended to Congress, that his
claim to the office be conceded and enforced by
legislation. As a matter of abstract justice
this course of action may be entirely commend
able and proper. But the expediency of open.
ing that practically buried question at this
time, may be seriously doubted. The Presi-
dent has discovered at all events, that every
act of his no matter how free it may be from all
suspicon of sinister or interested motives, is
sure to be seized upon as pretext for fresh at
tacks upon him. His invariable habit of doing
what he thinks to be right, with placid indif-
ference to the consequences it may entail upon


himself and his party, has in the main proved


as judicous as it is manly and honest But in


these days of persistent misrepresentation, it
might not be amiss to blend little of the
wariness of the politician with the straight.
forwardness of the statesman. Assuming that


Brooks was fairly elected the manner in which
he sought to enforce his title to the Office in


dicated spirit of recklessness. which was not


calculated to impress law-abiding people with
the conviction that any great harm would come
of refraining from helping him to get possess
| sion of it.


In short, the Arkansas troubles have brought
about such Kilkenny cat warfare, and there
is so little to choose between the combatants,
that Congress will be far less likely to err by
| inact:on, than by contriving a device for set
| ting things right there. The theory of abstain
| ing from any intermeddlng with the affairs OF
| states ought to be maintained in all cases
where the demands of humanity will warrant
| It. In Louisiana such course would have lit.
| orally abandoned majority of the inhabitants
| to rapine and brutality. Hence it could not be
! justified nor palliated. But in Arkansas the


situation is so different, that i6 will be quite as
safe to let them alone as to undertake to estab.


lish order among them by federal interpositon
There are SO few days left before the XLIIID
Congress will cease to exist that there is small
| ground for the expectation that it will escape
the imputation of having fallen short of its
| duty in many important respects. On the par
amount subject of revenue it has been strane O.
| ly inert. Time was when the chairman of the
ways and means committee, stood like the
chancellor ofithe exchequer in the British Par
lament, defending and sustaining his budget
| like Spartan brave, disdaining to mix himself
up in other matters, because of their compare


tive triviality. But the estmable gentleman


who holds that exalted position now complete
| ly undertakes his consequence and seems fa1


more intent in following up the Irwins, Hatches
Bill Kings, and other knights of the lobby
than in perfecting comprehensive and elabor'


ate system of revenue. Consequently, we are


threatened with the adoption of a crude, I'M


equal and unreliable series of changes in the


tariff, Objectionable alike because of the uncer-


tainty as to their adequacy and for the reason


that they are not accordant with the principles
| of sound political economy. The tax on


whisky, nobody has any right to object to, pro.


yided it is colleetabe. But our experiences


during the rebellion, are not assuring on that


point. 1t is the conclusion to which expert.


ence and observation has brought thinking


men, that the only way in which an increase Of


one half in the impost on whisky can be made


productive is by establishing a careful scheme


of rewards for the detection of illicit distillng


The objections to the plan lie in the possibility


of its abuse and are especially potent now ir


view of the somewhat recent discoveries of the


practices which enriched Jayne and his corps


of spies and brought much shame and little