Year: 1873

frauds and the extraordinary legislation in the
last Congress the rending asunder by the
civil war of old conservative ties, the military
spirit, the craving for show and noise-all
these signs apparent everywhere, are pre-
cisely what was seen in Rome when Augustus
Cesar, under the deceptive name of bmpe-
rator, overthrew the Republic.


This question, what we may call Cesarism,
that threatens to come to us in America ls
now being settled in France and Spain
sadly, we fear, and with disaster and deep
wounding of the national pride We have
seen what France has done-how she swung
from the sway of Theirs TO MacMahon-and
scarcely a ripple on the political surface.
Gould we have done as much? Gould our
form of government have made as sudden a
change without wrenching the whole system,
and, perhaps giving it fatal wound? Sup
pose Mr. johnson had been as popular man
as M. Theirs, with all the powers of the gov
ernment at his command, could we have
avoided any fate he chose for usP Mr. john
son was our most unpopular President. He
vetoed more acts of Congress than the other
Presidents all combined. He was opposed
by both houses of Congress, and
had no following in either party. And
yet his impeachment was impossible.
Suppose Mr.. johnson to have been
as strong as M. Theirs in France, or Presi-
dent Grant now, he could, we fear, have dealt
our Republic as severe blow as the Caesars
dealt the Republic OF Rome. The evil lies in
our constitution Perfect as we regard that
instrument, we cannot do what Spain has
done-what France is doing. Spain dismissed
her King France her President and the
forms Of the constitution were unimpaired.
To dismiss our President would be revolu-
ton. And, while no one cares to dismiss him,
we see ourselves drifting upon the rock of
Cmsarism- smoothly, pleasantly, silently,
swiftly drifting upon danger even greater
than what menaced Spain or France. We
mean the third term idea, which to our mind
affects our Republic as gravely as the Republic
of Rome was affected when julius Caesar was
offered the crown by subservient Senators.


Nor will the question be solved by any
action of General Grant We neither speak
for the President nor criticise him. Personally
he does not enter into this discussion. He
might say tomorrow that he would, under no
circumstances, accept q denomination, just as
he once said he did not believe in second
terms. That would postpone, not eradicate
the danger. No system is sound, nor are
any people really free who depend upon the


o<,ro oc wv


member that the crown was thrice offered on
the Lupercal, and that, although thrice re-
fused, each time it was with less and less re-
luctance. And we can name twenty Mark
Antonys in our city who would carry the
crown of q third nomination to General Grant
Casarism now, not by postponing this ques-
ton out of Difference to the feelings of General
Grant, but by meeting it, discussing it
and searching public opinion. If our
public men have no views on the sub
ject, or are silent and noncommittal,
we must educate them also. Having
done this we come to the next step-the pro-
mitigation of an amendment to the constitu


ion making the Presidential Office more
/amenable to the popular will What the exact
terms Of such an amendment should be must
be considered gravely. As for General Grant,
as we have before remarked he has perilous
stake. If he should be renominated and win he
will be remembered with those daring, am
bilious men, like Caesar and Napoleon, who
preferred their own gain to the national lib
critics. If he shou1d be renominated and. 1osa
he will be remembered in our history with
Arnold and Burr, as men who permitted am
bition to WOO them to dishonor and shame
Beyond this, the people must gravely consider
whether they are really free when contin-
gencies like this con be seriously discussed
whether with all our wealth and power we are
as free as France and Spain. .i,a5 lo's gs-l :