Year: 1872

You ask me what think of Theirs. |
have no hesitation in telling you that l
think him a meaner spirit than Itouis Ma
polcon. Those who call him a great states
man know as little of the man as they do
of French history. 1t is little man and
little mind-incapable of learning any
thing from experience of the past inca
pable Of conceiving liberal plan for the
future. His name will go down to pos
terity gored with the blood of the mis-
led men he massacred in the streets of
Paris. Tens of thousands fell under his
chasSepotsi Napoleon le Peti, has been
surpassed by Theirs lie tres Petit. If
indicision blended with cruelty make a
statesman, then the chonette drown owD
which presides over the government at
this moment must take rank as the great
est living statesman but if clearighted.
ness and mercy .be the distinguishing
marks of the great leaders Of humanity,
what is NJ, Theirs?


You ask me what think OF NJ. Thers's
present government, will tell you
frankly my opinion. 1t has long ago
ceased to represent country. Composed
for the most part of men who were hastily
elected for the special purpose Of coming
to terms with the enemy, it is now ursurp-
ing the place Of the real representatives,
who are waiting for dissolution. NJ.
Theirs knows that, and as long as he is
able he will keep his satellites about him.
If another Chamber were to be elected
tomorrow, NJ Thiers power would crum-
BILE into dust. His home policy is to hold
sword of state by the handle and give the
blade to the people /; his foreign policy TO
humor Bsmark by according to all his
requests, and delaying measures like that
of compulsory military service, which
might enable us ito lift up our heads
again. In his conciet he may think it
thc-frst duty of every good patriot to keep
Theirs in office, but whether he be SIN
cere or not his government is based on
corruption, let it call itself provisional,
republican, or monarchical.


The due de Chambord is an anaceron-
ism the huer de lis would never live
modern French soil. The due d Aumae
is vaiant soldier in the republican army,
but he has as little chance of wearing a
crown as he has of being president Of the
republic, and supposing either to be prob
able, he is not the man to have any in
1uence over the destinies of France. The
Orleanists will always be pulled down by
the men Of their own party, and the lead
er or representative of these men is
Theirs, who is now intriguing to place the
due d. Aumale such position that
when the Assembly is ripe for the change
the due may assume the presidency. The
result of this maneuver will be that M
Thiers will practically retain his power
of interference. and continue the double
dealing game of his life. No; there can
be nothing to hope from that quarter.


The is but one man at present in France
for whom | would vote were the presi-
dency vacant. That man is Gambetta
He is great aud true citizen, He has
proved himselfa practician as well as a
theorist. His ideas are moderate and at
the same time they are in6exiblc. An
other reason why the advent Of Gambetta
to the influential post Of president appears
to me highly desirable is, that his popu-
larity is more or less spread over the
length and breath of the land. He could
at this moment command majority in
all the different shades of republican suff-
rage. 1t is in him that we must place
our confidence when it comes to pitched
battle between Bonapartists and free
citizens. His abstcntion from the Ma.
tional Assembly, or rather from an as
sembly Of intrigucs will increase his au-
thority with the people, who respect him
for the dignity and reserve he had shown
since the conclusion of the war. Then
there is the necessity of the Freuch nation
taking its revenge on the Germans, nec-
esity which is doubly painful as 1t implies
the maintenance on war footing of 600,-
900 men, and delays the triumph of social
liberty at home and abroad. Gambctta's S