Year: 1870

Treatment of American Citizens.


Remarks Of How G. W. WILLARD in III


House Of RePresen'dtiUes, Feb. Is, 1870


on the report Of the Committee on Foreig,


Affairs in relation to the alleged inhuma'


Treatment Of American citizens in Britis,


prisons for political ofenses.


Mr.. Speaker, | owe an apology to the
House for bringing upon it the flood of IrisI
eloquence which has followed the remarks
made by me on a former occasion when thi:
report was before US. | took occasion al
that time to express, in what l then thought
and now think moderate and plain language
my entire lack of sympathy with Fenianism
In all its phases in this country. l was
wholly unsuspecting of the slunbering fires
of love for Ireland and the Irish that were
lying uncovered in 30 many seats in this
Hall. / spoke of what l considered the
rights of existing and established Govern
ment, to expect that the integrity of their
territory and the completeness OF their po-
Htical organization should remain andisturb-
ed and be respected by all friendly nations
/ said we had demanded as much as this for
ourselves, and we ought to accord as much
to all other natiOnalities, England among
the number. L made no distinction between
the right of an adopted and of a native born
citizen to the protection, in his lawful pur-
suits, wherever he might be, of the whole
power of this Government ; but claimed that
both were entitled to it in full measure. In
all this, sir, never thought was giving
utterance tC new, or un-American, or pusil-
Luminous doctrines. l did think, however,
that was endeayoring to set forth view of
international obligation that was not only
right in itself, but was entirely in agreement
with our own practice, and had been recently
especially insisted upon in our diplomatic
correspondence with the English Govern
ment.


But what 1 then said, and what then
seemed to me innocent enough, and now
seems TO be nothing but a simple expression
of the proposition that the golden rule is as
good rule for nations as for individuals, has
been tortured by the gentlemen who have
done me the honor of making speech after
speech against 1t into trucking subservien-
cy to England and an unprovoked attack
upon the Irish people, struggling against the
harsh despotism of Great Britain-with how
little reason will be apparent to any one
who takes the trouble to read what did say
on that occasion. 1t is very likely true, sir,
that l am not disposed to bluster every time
l hear the name of England mentioned. !
have a very clear and settled opinion that
the course of that Power during the recent





friendly TO us. have not forgiven that un-
friendliness nor forgotten it, and have no
purpose of doing so. But l have not been
educated to interpret international law by
the standard of feeling, much less according
to the demands of spirit of revenge. 1t is
manly to resent an insult or a wrong it is
courageous to insist on redress when insulted
or wronged by power our equal in resources
and pluck; but 1t is neither manly nor cour-
a. -
for offering similar insults and infiicting
similar wrongs. Petty nationalities may find
pleasure in such a vexatious policyof annoy
ance, but great and powerful nation loses
it's selfrespect and the respect of all thought |
full people when it stOops to such small !
and nnw orthY and really cowardlv course of
action Washington gave in his- Farewell Ad- 7
dress a rule for the government of the foreign /
policy of this country, which was true Wis
dom and craftsmanship when it was written,
and is no less true to- day. be said
"Nothing is more essential than that permanent,
nveterate antpathies against particular nations
passionate attachments for others should be ex
BILE feelings toward all should be cultivated The
nation which indulges toward another an habitual
slave. lis a slave to its luminosity or TO its afec-
ton, either of which is sufficient to lead II astay
from its duty and its interests. Antipathy in one
nation toward another disposes each more readily
to offer insult and injury, lay hold OF slight causes



accidental or trifing occasions of dispute occur"


There were not wanting those in Washing
toms time who preferred the meddIesone
policy, and who would have made this nation
a perpetual slave both to its animoslties and
its affections, and the race of that class OF
public men is clearly not yet extinct.


In view of the multitude of the attacks
made upon my former remarks l ought, IN
order to show proper respect to those who
have honored me with so much attention, to
take some notice of the positions assumed by
them in combating my propositions.


NV colleague on the committee Mr. Wood
expressed surprise that should have taken
the position did in the House after having
asscnted to the resolution in the committee
He is in this under double misapprebension.
have never objected to the resolution re-
ported by the committee, and shall vote Tor
1t. 1t was the argument of the report that
I expressed my dissent from and did that
in committee as well as in my place here; and
the gentleman who reported the resolution
mir. SWAMI understood that | expected, If
mad opportunity, to give my views on the
floor of the House. The gentleman from
New York, MR. WooD,l in alluding to my
position, said


He is equally fault in his assumption that these
persons are heid % a Of n ren Btan and Of
endeavoring to divide that kingdom. The British
been,
En- glishman and that, per consequence, ITS CIT
izensare subject to English laws, whether on for,
eign British soil. This has been the position and
the ground taken by that Government, rs well a.
b. most of the other Governments OF Europe, until
very lately. And il is now admitted thatIn England
many Americans who have been confned Ibere
held for other offense than for having sym
pathized with The Fenian cause in this country ana
upon a suspicion that they were In Ireland for
hostile intent. Our own records show TINS fact anu
- n proper legal investigation shows it The state
Department contains many proofs OF the truth o.
and he
Americans held there "a political prisoners tWo
years ago simultaneously with the Abandonment by
England Of that absurd doctrine is additional evl-
dence, if any were required


The gentleman from Minnesota Mr. VIII
KINsoNl at another point in the debate sald :


"Ido not mean to say that any of these political
ish courts solely upon proofs of acts done within
the jurisdiction of the United states But do
mean 10 saw that the proof is abundant which goes
70 establish the fact that citizens OF the United States
have been arrested and thrust into loaihsome pms
Ons. in company with the most vile and degraded
CRIMINALS, with no substantial proof whatever that
the parties thus arrested had committed any overt
acts against the law within the jurisdiction of the


It Is true that in some cases the parties thus i'm
prisoned were after long confinement released for
want of proof Of any personal violation of English


i NOT ton for their long incarceration or for the
inhumanity with which they We're treated whie they
thus held as prisoners"


Nearly every gentleman who has partici-
pated in this discussion has made the similar
charge, that the prisoners on whose behalf
this inquiry has been strted were unlaw-
fully held in British prisons. There Is
however, not only no proof to support these
assertions, but the facts happen to be all tht
other way This subject was Thoroughly
considered during the last Congress, ano
Just at the close OF the last session OF that
Congress-lhc chairman of the Committee OF
Foreign Affairs submit ted report. SR
WILLARD at this point gave the report which
we omit.


This report establishes the fact, and n,
evidence now exists to controvert ITS posi-
tions. that no American citizen is IN BrItisi
prisons except those who have violated th'
Ia Of 81 nd fnr offence