Year: 1876




of Tilden and Hendricks.


1t has not been my habit, and it is not
my desire to discuss mere party politics in
this great legislative forum. And | shall
do so now only in so far as fair review
of the gentleman's speech requires. My
remarks shall be responsive to his; and ]
shall discuss party history and party pol
icy only as the logic of his speech leads
into that domain.


From most of the premises of the gen
tleman, as matters of fact and history,
dissent; some of them are undoubtedly
correct But, for the sake Of argument
only, admitting that all his premises are
correct, deny that his conclusion is war
ranted by his premises; and before !
close [ shall attempt TO show that the
good he seeks cannot be secured by the
the ascendency of the Democratic party
at this time.


Before entering upon that field, howev,
er, must notice this remarkable omission
in the logic of his speech. Although he
did state that the country might consid-
er itself free from some of the dangers
which are apprehended as the result of
Democratic '.Scendency, he did not, as l
remember, by any word attempt to prove
the fitness of the Democracy as politi-
cal organization to accomplish the reforms
which he so much desires; and without
that affirmative proof of fitness his argu-
ment is necessarily an absolute failure.


1t is precisely that fear which has not
only made it competent to render that
service so necessary to good government
the service of maintaining the position
of wise and honorable opposition to the
dominant party. Often the blunders and
faults of the Republican party have been
condoned by the people because of the
violent, reactionary, and disloyal spirit of
| the Democracy.


He tells us that is one of the we'll
known lessons of political history and
philosophy; that the opposition party
comes in to preserve and crystalline the
measures which their antagonists inaugu-
rated; and that conservative opposition
party is better fitted to accomplish such
work than an aggressive radical party who
roughly pioneered the way and brought
in the changes. And to apply this max
i'm to our own situation, he tells US that
the difference between the Republican
and Democratic parties upon the issues
which led to the war and those which
grew ont Of it, were rather differences of
time than substance; that the Democracy
followed more slowly in the Republican
path, but have at last arrived, by pru-
dent and constitutional methods, at the
same results; and hence they will be sure
to guard securely and cherish faithfully
what the Republicans gained by reckless
and turbulent methods. There is some
truth in these "glittering generalities," 3"
but, as applied to our present situation,
they are entitled only to the consideration
which we give to the bright but fantastic
pictures Of Utopian dream.


share all that gentlemen's aspirations
for peace, for good government at the
South, and | believe l can safely assure
him that the great majority of the nation
shares the same aspirations. But he
will allow me to say that he has not fully
stated the great problem to be solved by
the craftsmanship of to-day The actu-
al field is much broader than the view he
has taken. And before we can agree that
the remedy he proposes is an adequate
one, we must take the whole field, COM
preprehend all the conditions of the prob
lem, and then see if his remedy is suffi-
cient The change he proposes is not
like the ordinary change of ministry in
England when the government is defeat
ed on tax bill or some routine measure of
legislation. He proposes to turn over the
custody and management Of the Govern
ment to party which has persistently
and with the greatest bitterness resisted
all the great changes of the last fifteen
years, changes which were the necessary
results of vast revolutiom-a revolution
in national policy, in social and political
ideas-a revolution whose causes were
not the work Of day nor year but of
generations and centuries. The scope
and character of that mighty revolution
must form the basis of our judgment
when we inquire whether such change as
he proposes is safe and wise.


In discussing his proposition we must
not forget that as the result of this reso-
luton the South, after the great devasta-
tions of war, the great loss of life and
treasure, the overthrow of its social and
industrial system, was called upon to con-
front the new and difficult problem of
two races; one just relieved from cen
turies of slavery, and the other cultivat-
ed, brave, proud, imperious race, to be
brought together on terms of equality be-
fore the law New, difficult, delicate and
dangerous questions bristle out from every
point of that problem.


But that is not all of the situation. On
the other hand, we see the North, after
leaving its $4,000 dead upon the field
of battle and bringing home its 100000
MANNED and wounded to be cared for,
crippled in its industries, staggering un
der the tremendous burden of public and
private debt, and both North and South
weighed with unparalleled burdens and
losses-the whole nation suffering from
that loosening Of the bonds Of social or
der which always follows great
war and from the resulting corruption
both in the public and private life of the
people. These, Mr.. Chairman, constitute
the vast field which we must survey in
order to find the path which will soonest
lead our beloved country to the highway
of peace, of liberty, and prosperity.
Peace from the shock of battle; the
| higher peace of our streets, Of our homes
of our equal rights we must make secure
by making the conquering ideas Of the
war everywhere dominant and perman.
ent.


With all my heart | join with the gen
tleman in rejoicing that


| The war-drums throb no longer and the bat
tie flags are furled,


and look forward with joy and hope to
the day when our brave people, one in
heart, one in their aspirations for free
dom and peace, shall see that the lark
ness through which we have travelled was
part of that stern but beneficent discip-
line by which the Great Disposer of
events has been leading us on to a
higher and nobler national life.


But such result can be reached only
by comprehending the whole meaning of
the revolution through which we have
passed and are still passing. | say still
passing; for remember that after the
battle of arms comes the battle of history.
The cause that triumphs in the field does
not always triumph in history. And
those who carried the war for union and
equal and universal freedom to a victorious
issue can never safely relax their vigilance
until the ideas for which they fought
have become embodied in the enduring
forms of individual and national life.
| Has this been done2 Not vet