Year: 1876

| ter which some his friends are perhaps less
certain about than they were ten days ago
we should be very ready to support him in
such policy as that which was announced
in his excellent letter of acceptance and
has been more distinctly foreshadowed of
late by his most intimate friends. We have
shown repeatedly that if Governor Hayes,
as President, meant really to reform the
civil service his first act would necessarily be
to remove from Office and from all influence
upon his administration those who have
corrupted the public service. That is to
say, lie would have to exclude from place
and influence all who have had either under
General Grant and this happens to be pre-
csely what his friends declare he means to
do. That he should contemplate this need
not be offensive to General Grant. The
truth is he has surrounded himself and filed
all the principal offices of tho government
with men who have scandalously and noto-
riously abused their places and their subor-
dinates for partisan purposes, and no re-
form is possible which does not begin by
ousting these men, and all of them.


Then rs to his Southern policy, Governor
Hayes is understood to intend calling
around him real Southern men, such as
Lamar and Hampton; to take their advice,
give to them the selection and appointment
Of the chief federal offices in the South, and
hold them strictly responsible for the secu-
rity Of the colored people This, too, is ex-
cellent and necessary. No reform can be
effected in the South while men like Cham
berlain, Spencer, Patterson. Kellogg, Pack
ard and the gang who work with them have
influence with the administration at Wash
ington. They have corrupted aud de-
bauched the federal civil service oil over
the South to an even greater extent than
Chandler, Cameron, Morton and his man
Tyner, Logan and others have done in the
North. Reform and the re-establishment of
peace and order in the South are possible
only by excluding these men from oil power
and influence under the federal administra-
ton and by leaving the Southern States to
manage their own local affairs precisely as
the Northern States do.


All this is so good, SO necessary, and will
SO greatly conduce to peace, good will and
prosperity that we do not like to see such q
policy compromised beforehand by being
hawked about, as it were, to the highest
bidder. The stories which we find in
the newspapers, and the substantial truth
of which is nowhere denied, show that
some jealous friends of Mr.. Hayes, whether
at his bidding or not does not appear, are
at work seeking alliances among Southern
men. We do not understand the object Of
these movements. If Mr.. Hayes has been
elected President he needs to seek no allies;
if he has not been elected of course he can
have no business with allies; if there is
doubt about the election, o coalition"
as the Western papers term it, is
only on intrigue But, in any case,
this matter has now gone so far
and become so public that we think Gov
ernor Hayes would do we'll to speak out
Suppose he should declare frankly to the
country what his policy would be were he
elected President; suppose he should turn
out really, as we sincerely hope, to have de-
termined on such q policy as is ascribed to
him. Certainly frank declaration of the
fact would only do him honor with the
country, would secure him good will
everywhere, and, what is at this
moment of even greater Importance,
would relieve him Of the grave sus-
picion of being party to an intrigue.
AS matters have gone, in fact, we can see no
other way in which he can discharge himself
of this suspicion, which, if he should be-
come President, would embarrass him very
II
Gus; men naturally view them uncharitably;
and that we do not overstate the present
case to Governor Hayes we quote here from
long forgotten speech made in Congress
by Senator Bayard, of Delaware, the ances-
tor of the present Senator, in 1902, in which
he gave some curious reflections concerning
the election of Mr.. Jefferson in 1901. Mr..
Bayard said:-


Tho case, sir, to which refer carries me once
more to the scene OF tho Presidential election. l
should have introduced 1t into this debate had
not been called up by tho honorable member from
Virginia. In that scene ] had my part II was
part not barren OF incident, and which has left
impression which cannot easily depart from my
recollection i know who were rendered important
characters, either from the possession OF per-
sonal means or from the accident Of political stu
alton. And now, sir, let ask the honorable men,
bcr what hts reflections and bchct Will be when he
observes that every man on whose vote the event OF
tue erection nuny mas since Dcen DISTINGUISHED Uv
Presidential favor icar SIR. shall violate de-
corum oi parliamentary proceeding in the mention
ing OF names; but hope the example which has been
set me viii be admitted excuse. Mr. Charles
PinckDcy, OF South Carolina member OF the
House, but he was one OF the most active,
efficient aud successful promoters OF the election OF
the present Chief Magistrate II well asccrtaincd
that the votes OF South Carolina TO tho equal
balance OF the scales Tho zeal and industry OF Mr.
| Pinckney had no bounds. Tlic doubtful politics Of
South Carolina were decided and her votes cast into
| the scale OF Mr.. Jefferson Mr.. Inckncy has sincc
| been appointed Minister Plenipotcntiary to tho
Court OF Madrid, an appointments as high
ana honorable rs any within tho git
Of the Executive. viii deny that tins prefer


Is tho reward OF talents and services although,
sir have yet heard of the talents services
OF Mr. Charles Pinckney In the House OF Representa-
tivcs know what the value OF the vote Of Mr.


Claiborne, OF Tennessee. The vote oi State was IN
| his hands. Mr. Claiborne has since been raised
to the high dignity OF Governor ol tho
Mississippi Territory. | know how great, and