Year: 1876

sequences to the republican party than any
which has ever been held in the State of
New York. 1t is the first time since that
party came into power when its success in a
national canvass was staked on the electoral
votes of this State. In 1864 the Southern
States were DISTINGUISHED ; in 1868 many
of them were secured for the republicans
by military interference in support of negro
supremacy in 1872 but small number OF
them had yet become democratic, and in all
those years the republican party retained its
ascendancy and preponderance in most of
the Northern States. No possible blunder
of a republican convention in New York
could have seriously impaired the chances
of the republican Presidential ticket in any
election when Mr.. Lincoln or General
Grant was the candidate. But the
relative strength of parties has be-
come SO altered that the vote of New
York is likely to decide the contest, and the
republicans are not strong enough in this
State to afford to make mistake The situ-
alton is SO critical that both parties will
watch the proceedings at Saratoga tomorrow



hope and tho republicans in the fear that
the Convention will perpetrate some fatal
blunder. Even small blunder might
prove fatal when the two parties are SO
evenly balanced.


The dangers to which this Convention is
exposed lie rather in the background than
in front. They grow out Of the struggle
made previous to and at the Cincinnati
Convention between the supporters and op-
ponents of Mr. Conkling. There was then
and still is determined purpose to depose
him from his leadership, and the repub-
lcans who were most active in undermining
his chances at Cincinnati desire to infict on
him a further humiliation by thwarting
his wishes at Saratoga They intend to
exhibit contrast between his ascendancy
in the Convention by which delegates were
elected to Cincinnati and his weakness in
the Convention about to be held. The har-
mony of this Convention depends on whether
he quietly surrenders or decides to make
fight. Impartial lookers-on will be apt to
think that this is q case where discretion is
the better part of valor. If Mr.. Conkling
makes fight and loses his enemies
will exult over him. If he makes fight
and wins he will imperil the success
of the party and be held response
BILE for the consequences. But if he
surrenders without a contest and the party
should be beaten it might afterward be will
ing to again accept his leadership. The most
polite and also the most magnanimous thing
he can do is to allow Mr.. Cornell to be with
drawn after one or two ballots, and use his
influence to decide the contest between rival
candidates.


The three leading candidates are Mr.. Cor
nell, Mr.. Evarts, and Mr.. Morgan, and it
will be in Mr.. Conkling's power when Cor
nell is withdrawn to give the nomination to
Evarts or Morgan, if he does not waste his
strength on some one of the minor candidates.
The unpledged delegates would rally at once
to Morgan or to Evarts if the Cornell support
should go over to him in body, but if the
Cornell votes should be given to White or
Pomeroy the struggle would be prolonged,
and Mr. Conkling's friends would lose the
credit and advantage Of deciding it. The
most skilful game Conkling can play is to
give his unfrittered influence at once to
Evarts or to Morgan, and lay the success
full candidate under an obligation which he
would be compelled to recognize.


As between Morgan and Evarts we should
suppose the choice would be easily made by
a politician with Mr.. Conkling's personal
relations. Morgan has taken sides with
Iott I'd f.
mine his influence, but Evarts has kept
clear of all quarrels Of factions and has
never done anything which would make it
difficult for the Cornell men to give him o
cordial support. 1t is true that Mr..
Curtis the boldest and most open of
Mr.. Conklings republican opponents is
o leading supporter Of Mr.. Evarts and will
present his name to the Convention, but
MIR. Conkling should not allow that circum-
stance to influence his action. He knows
Mr.. Evarts too well to believe that Mr.. Curtis
can acquire any undue influence over HIM,
and knows also that he would make an ADLER
and more high toned Governor than any
other candidate that has been named
and, perhaps, than any other citizen
of the State. A man Of Mr.. Conk-
ling's great ability naturally recognizes
eminent ability in others, and since
his individual choice is impossible he
should make u merit of giving his party an
excellent candidate and the State a great
Governor Under existing circumstances,
there is no way in which Senator Conkling
could do so much to retrieve his influence,
benefit his party and foil his enemies as by
prompt and magnanimous support of Mr..
Evarts as soon as it is apparent that Mr..
Cornell cannot be nominated. Mr. Evarts
is better fitted to strengthen the Hayes cam
vass by attracting outside support than any