Year: 1871

Mr. GladstOne's defiance of the House OF
Lords has produced so wholesome feeling In


the political atmosphere of England that we


are beginning to look with some interest to


the possibility of Mr. Theirs repeating the


same movement in France. Already he has


several times found his hands seriously ham


pered by the obstinate opposition of the con-


servative members of the Assembly, and has


used the threat of resignation rather more than


is prudent OF dignifed. He has just renewed
it on account of vote III the Assembly which


is regarded as significant of the defeat of the


scheme of decentralization introduced by the


Government, and especially advocated by Mr..


Theirs as the strongest pledge which can be


given of his sincere and genuine Republican


ism. If he really intends the support and de-


fense of the Republic in good faith, what there


is by the way no reason to doubt, it is to be
hoped he will not allow any momentary
triumph of the reacti0niSts in the Assembly
to cause him to throw up in disgust the work
of reconstruction. If any serions conflict
arises between him and the present Assembly
on any question of the establishment of
liberal institutions, we would rather see the
Assembly go to the wall than tho Executive.
If he should throw himself upon the country,
the result of the recent supplementary cleo


tions gives reason for the anticipation that an


Assembly far more advanced and homogeneous


than the present would now issue from uni


versal suffrage. 1t is by no means sure that


a Parliament so elected would continue the


support of Mr.. Theirs and his associates; but


this is to us matter of no great gravity.


lie is now in advance of the majority of the
Chamber If the majority of the Chamber


should become more liberal than he, we could
see nothing to regret in that circumstance


The question of decentralization is one of


more pressing Importance than that of the


wranglng dynasties. Until the mails shall
bring the text of the recent letter of the


Count of Paris, it will be safe to dstrust the


report that he has done anything so supremcly


foolish as to espouse publicly the cause of the


Duke of Bordeaux. There was never a moro
manifest fasco than that of Henry Cinq in his
recent raid upon France. He passed a night
at his titular seat of ChambOrd, and issued an
address to the people of France in which there
was not an idea later than the twelfth
century, and then gracefully Tctreated over
the border again. His presence produced no
emotion. His circular fell dead and woke no
echo-even his feryid periods about the White
Flag only occasoned a smile, which widened
genially when a journalist brought the fact to
his notice that the white flag he regarded as
so sacred was not the banner of the Va
lois, nor the Orifamme of the Bear
nais. Bat what was most significant
of all. even among the most bigOted of the
in the Biscayan iandeS or on The
wild shores,Of La Vend6e there was no re-
spOnSe from priest or people. Every one
seemed to feel that for any wrongs or woes
they might sutier, this was not the cure. lie |
came and went, like the medieval ghost that |
he is, and left no footprint. If now |
the liberal and enlightened descendants of |
the Citizen King embrace this worn-ont and |
impossible cause, it will not only show that |.
the world has always given them too much
credit for sagacity but it will go far to prove
that no monarchy is now possible in France.
1t is only in desparing of the establishment |
of the constitutional monarchy that these SEN
sible gentlemen would rash into coalition with |
the party OF absolutism. 1t is creditable to all
shades Of opinion in France that Napoleon
has no party, no adhcrents except n few of
the old gold-stick race of the palace who
a5hor the thought of making their own living
in future. For the present, it seems that
The serious concern of practical statesmans'ip
in France is the organization Of the repub-
lican form of government


No true democratic republic con properly
exist in connection with that centralized form
of administration brought in by the first en-
pire and retained through every succeeding
change of dynasty. II is the death of munich
pal activity and initiative. We can form some
idea OF its application to this country, by
supposing the President appointed the
State Governors, Judges, Mayors, and by means
of the imperial influence forced the elections
of all municipal councils in the sense he wished.
This system has always kept the nation bound
rs in a wise in the hands of stOlid majority
in the Chambers, who voted steadily for the
Government in defiance of public opinion,
sure that nothing but a revolution could
disturb them. And in fact revolution
has always been necessary to bring about
political change, since the adoption of this
system. Charles the Tenth, Louis Philippe,
and Napoleon Third all had large majority
in the Legislative Body at the very moment
when popular indignation drove them out of
France Mr.. Thiers has given the best evidence
of lis good faith in endeavoring to strip the
Government of this vast and injurious control
of the municipal and communal affairs of the
nation. and tIy majority OF the Deputies IN