Year: 1870

White House. Whether General Grant, re-


nembering tho misfortunes of johnson, has or
has not determined to avoid every danger OF
collision with Congress, his policy seems to
be. the policy Of awaiting the action or the
opinion Of the two houses upon all the great
questions OF tho day. Upon the Cuban ques-
ton, for example, we have been over and over
again assured that his sympsthics are with the
islanders and their cause of independence,
and yet his Secretary Of State, in his strangely
distorted notions Of neutrality has proved an
active and efficient ally OF Spain. His zeal
and vigilance as q detective in the interest OF
Spain have been very remarkable for an old
man, while his gracious tcket-of-leave to
those thirty Spanish gunboats has shown that
he has mono Of the patriotic weaknesses Of
young man. General Grant, we win suppose,
has consented to all this because he thus avoids
the danger Of trenching upon the supreme
authority Of Congress over such delicate ques-
tions ~ war, peace, neutrality and belnyereat
rights. This is tho best defence we can give
him, and conoeding that, under the circum-
stances, 1t may excuse him for resting upon
his oars and drifting down stream, we can
look only to Congress for action upon this
Cuban question.


II Is in this view that hoIning can be ex-
pected from the administration In taking the
initiative for the settlement of this question
that we regard with special satisfaction the
movements made in both houses Of Congress
in behalf Of something like fair play to the
Cubsns, and in behalf Of some recognition
withal of tho rights Of American citizens.
We regard these movements with special sat
isfaction because, without the direct inter
vention Of Congress, the government is in
danger Of being disgraced in the eyes Of the
civilized world. On the plea of humanity
alone General Grant at any time since the 4th
Of March last, would have been sustained by
Congress, by the American people, and by
the enlightened opinion Of Christendom, In
proclaiming belligerent rights to the Cubans
Nay, more; at any time within the period in
dicated he would have been sustained by the
public sentiment Of the United States, and
justified before the world, in pleading the
duty Of an armed occupation Of Cuba in order
to put an end to the barbarous atrocities OF
the Spaniards and to their savage government
over the island, as outside the pale of civiliza-
sion recognized by the law Of nations.
+ On the broad and general principles Of
humanity and civilization there was plausible
excuse for the French armed intervention In
and protectorate over Mexico. On the same
plea AZ that Of Louis Napoleon, considering
the fact that we have assumed the guardianship
over that country against European inter-
ferences, it becomes our duty to establish law
and order in Mexico. The same plea, in view
of the reduction of the Spanish government
over Cuba to the savage condition, would
doubtless satisfy Napoleon as our explanation
for q military occupation Of the island. But
Mr.. Fish, they tell us, is afraid Of war with
Spain, and the President says 'Let us have
peace" So be it, then. But, surely, the
Cubans, against all the power Of Spain by land
and sea, have sufficiently proved their title to
belligcrent rights. Perhaps; but have we
como in conflict with Mr.. Summers hobby,
those Alabama claims? We apprehend that
Mr.. Fish has not the remotest idea of any fur
ther agitation of those claims while he remains
In the State Department; but for all that Mr.
Sumner does not wish to have his case weak
ened by any recognition of belligerency in
behalf of the Cuban insurgents.


Hence we infer the resolutions submitted
in both houses Of Congress, and the reported
intention of the Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions Of each body, are directed rather to the
enlargement Of our neutrality laws than to the
concession Of belligerent rights to the Cubans.
On belligerent rights their claim is apparently
not much better than was that Of JEFF Davis
after Lincoln's proclamation Of blockade,
and that is matter of international law; but
our neutrality is o matter subject to the action
of Congress. The law Of 1878 has become
threadbare and liable to such one-sided mis-
conceptions as those Of Mr.. Fish. 1t needs
amendment and such amendment as will ad-
NIT Of no misconstruction.


We believe that the Committee of Foreign
Affairs of the House, Of which General Banks
is chairman, is disposed to act faithfully on
this Cuban business, in accord with the uni



versal public sentiment Of the country; and
we are assured that the Committee on Foreign
Relations of the Senate, Of which Mr.. Sumner
is chairman, is satisfied that they must not in
this business trife any longer with public opin-
ion. We hope, however, that General Banks
and the House will lead off, because that
body, in being nearer the people than the Sem
ate, is nearer the mark of manifest destiny"
and we want q resolution from the immediate
representatives of tho people first, because
we want to wake up the administration. It
has already been asleep too long, and should
be permitted to sleep no longer.


A PLAN FOR LOCATING THE RouGns.-A
bill has been introduced at Albany ''pro-
viding that the Common Council of Brooklyn
o;c<c - al he