Year: 1870

A Cabinet Crisis.


II would seem that the excitement over the
Cuban question in Washington, coupled with
the unusual fierceness OF the discussion IN the
House, will result in a pretty general recon-
struction of the Cabinet. Attorney General
Hoar has resigned and our despatch states
that it Is probable other members will follow
him. The President has stated to Senator'S
that he is determined to have men around
him who are acceptable to the repub-
lican party and in harmony with 1t. The
threatening aspect OF the debate yesterday
has most probably called for this concession
on the part of Mr.. Hoar and this statement
on the part of the President, and, while we
uphold the soundness Of the message which
has called forth such discussion, we cannot
with which the President accedes to the
popular sentiment as represented by the
House.


The Administration and the Case Of Cuba.
What do the friends of Cuba propose?
With the resolution presented by Mr.. Banks
committee we find this fault-from the rejec-
| tion Of such resolution by either house or ny
both houses OF Congress Spain in her inhu-


man conduct of the contest in Cuba might


draw very great comfort and encouragement,
! while in the adoption of the same resolution


there would assuredly not be an equivalent
favor for Cuba; for the resolution is far from


exravagant in the attitude it proposes for the


United States. 1t instructs the President to
declare and maintain q strict neutrality between


the parties; it gives TO Cuba for this purpose
| quasi national position before our law by
! applying to her the statute of 1918, and it


proposes a remonstrance to both sides against


their acts of barbarous cruelty There is 80


little in this to comfort any friend of Cuba
| that we do not see but what the President in


his objections to granting beIligerency is so


near to the chairman Of the Committee on
! Foreign Affairs that the difference between


them is finally the rather insubstantial one OF
| tone and sentiment. Mr.. Banks is the
chivalric and generous friend of Cuba. In his
| generous attitude there is, perhaps, suspicion
of that rhetorical glory of our country the
spread eagle. General Grant is the President
of the United States When man is dis
tinguished member of the House he is then
also part of the government Of free people;
but the obligations of duty do not always sit
SO heavily upon him but he can afford to feel
as free lance Ia cause that touches his
sympathies. But the Executive is not thus
free. Flights of the Imagination are not for
him, more especially when his ship Of State
neods all that can possibly be given of plain
practical attention to sail 1t safely. 1t is for
him to consider first Of all the condition of the
country especially committed to his care, and
to view oil that comes before him only in the
light of that country's welfare


Is there really any other difference between
the administration and the party that is heard
in the House in favor of Cuba? The vital
point of the whole subject FOR US is, shall we
! or shall we not recognize the belligerency of
the Cuban people? Grant is opposed
to such recognition and Banks is
not in favor of IT, At least it must
be so held, since, with all his fume, he
does not lay before the House any definite
proposition to commit the country to such
course He says great deal on the subject
of the relations of Spain and Cuba and the
United States, some of which will doubtless be
agreeable enough to the popular fancy, and
much of which should be very painful If false
and still more painful If true. The imputation,
for instance, that message sent to Congress
from the President of the United States is
prepared in the pay of Spain is not often sur
passed for malignity and meanness by the
bitterest hostility of the partisan. It is in the
style, indeed, Of those scavengers Of journalism
who in their spleen affect to believe that the
President permits the domestic circle of Mr..
Hamilton Fish to influence the national policy
Mr.. Banks, with this, says great deal in
regard to the propriety of protecting American
citizens in foreign countries, and of our utter
failure to do this, in every sy liable of which we
shown, this is a delinquency for which Con-
gress is moro responsible than the President.
1t is one of the prices we pay for economy"
Why, contrast our government with that
of England in this regard? When would
Congress vote the money to defend half
a dozen American citizens at the expense of
such an excursion as the Abyssinian war? All
this Mr.. Banks proposes; but he does not pro-
pose at last any practical good for Cuba. His
resolution, at its utmost, puts Cuba on the