Year: 1876

We may reasonably hope that by the
changes which are TO take place this year men
of high character and ability will be placed
at the head of affairs. But should it for
tunately be within our power to bring about
such a reformation can we maintain 1t per-
manently?


We are continually preaching about the
insensibility and apathy of the people-that
is, ourselves-as to public affairs, and some
times even goad each other on to temporary
political action. Americans are as patriotic,
as sensitive to the national honor, as much
concerned about public affairs and affected
by political changes as any people on the
face of the globe; yet we often charge each
other with a want of these qualities so essen-
tial to the preservation of true liberty. But
is it not natural that our good intentions
should have but little result and that
our efforts should be spasmodic and con-
fined to the fixed periods of elections, since
we all know that the moment President
has been elected the country has lost its
control over the administration? 1t is true,
we may attempt to exercise an influence by
electing members OF Congress who are op-
posed in politics to the President and his
Secretaries but then, as is at present the
case, deadlock is produced every one is at
cross purposes, and the business of legsla-
ton is impeded. High officials never before
held responsible before the Legislature and
the country are brought to justice, but in
the meantime we must have impeachments
and indictments, able men must serve on
committees of investigation and important
measures of policy must be postponed. The
people are therefore compelled, in order to
make an effectual and satisfactory change, to
wait until the stated time Of the Presiden-
tial election, and the result is that their long
severance from politics renders it diff
cult for them to arrive at correct conclu-
sions, and places their votes at the dis
posal of party organization. Imme-
diately after the election the rivets
are again fastened, and we are once
more saddled with horde of partisans
and federal Office holders The President
and the victorious party at his back are to
remain in power during four years, and per-
haps for eight we may then grumble, and
generally do to our hearts content, but soon
relapse into inaction, with o consciousness
that we are powerless to exercise any
authority over our rulers.


We could, however, so amend our political
system as to make it necessary for one or all the
members of an unpopular Cabinet to resign
when in q position of hostility to the majority
in Congress, and whose successors would be in
harmony with public opinion. The will of
the people would then be constantly re-
fected at the seat of government, and this
power of control and share in the policy of
the administration would remove the causes
of that popular apathy of which we hear so
much. On the other hand, the Presidential
Office would become one of greater dignity
and could no longer be reached and retained
by the promises and distribution of patron
age, and there would be corresponding
effect on the civil service.


This element of responsibility could be in
troduced without doing violence to the spirit
of the constitution, of which the funda-
mental principle is that sovereignty is vested
in the people. On the contrary, in estab-
fishing responsible Cabinet we should be
carrying out the expressed intention of the
constitution, because this sovereignty would
actually assert itself at all times, and not ns
at present only at stated periods and at long
intervals. But an exact copy of the English
Parliamentary system would neither be de-
sirable nor possible, for the constitution re-
quires us to preserve our executive and leg
islative departments distinct from each other.
If, however, the substantial benefits which
would follow such an alteration in our po-
litical organization became generally recog-
nized, and the matter were fairly debated in
the public mind, some plan adapted to our
institutions would surely be devised.


Tho American Railway Bond Forgers.


1t is evident that Harmens and Rollins,
who were arrested in Paris on well founded
charge of negotiating forged bonds on Amer
ican railways in Belgium, had great faith in
the apparent genuineness of their spurious
paper, if we may judge by the boldness of
their transactions. That they were able to
impose the forged bonds upon two promi-
nent European brokers, and that the ficti-
tiousness of the paper was only discovered by
third, tells good deal for the high character
of the felonious workmanship. Unfortu-
nately for the high art of coun terfeiting the
timely discovery by Messrs. Taxeras shows
that there is quality which the forger's
work always falls short of. His paper, his
inks his engraver, his pens, his caligraphy
may be each as good as those used on the
article he would initiate, but he cannot help