Year: 1872

to improve the system of our common
schools. Had the uperinteudebt's bill
received the careful attention to which it
was entitled-if for no intrinsic merit at
least from the official relation lie sus
tains to the school system-and had been
finally rejected after patient consider
alton of its separate provisions, we then
could excuse the Legislature, measurably,
from Indifference to popular education.
But there was manifest, from the first, a
bitter hostility to the bill, accompanied
with frank avowal upon the part of It's
enemies that they had neither examined
the pending bill nor the existing law


The opposition was not so much to this
bill as 1t was to the common school sys
TEN. 1t is very apparent that the larger
tax-Paylng counties are opposed to the
system. The reason is that their people
are able to educate their children with
out State aid, and that they do not get
the benefit at home of all, and in many
ofsthe larger part of, the moneys they
pay for school purposes. The -educa-
tional system is regarded by them as a
State charity. The great fact that it is a
part of the public policy is overlooked
The State is a corporate body, ard the
prosperity of the body depends upon the
health of the separate members or units
which compose it. If one suffer, all
suffer together. If one is honored all
are honored together The elevation Of
one section reflects a benefit upon every
other section. We must educate men
for our political protection. The igno-
rant are the many. The majority hold
the reigns of government Intelligence
and morality must be made so general
that the majority may have those virtues
and endowments upon which the perpet-
uity of free government depends l is
a law in grace, providence and society of
uuimpeachable equity, LET every one
give according to his ability" The
rich man must expect to bear the bur
dens of government He ought to be
willing to help to elevate the society Of
which he is 4 member-to be generous
to those less prosperous than himself
The many IN this country are poor
Wealth holds its titles by their suffer-
ance. If money becomes close fsted
there Is immediate danger of the organi
zatiOn Of a leveling commune. Self
protection demands liberal policy upon
the part of the rich Poor men fight
the battles of the country Wealth
must expect to pay the expenses Of war.
Blood Is worth as much as gold.


But, admitting the common school
system wrong in principle, wise states
manship when made acquainted with the
fact tina; it is a fixed part of the public
policy, not likely to be repealed, will ad
Just itself to the task of solving the
problem of making it as useful as posi-
BILE Though poison may be forced
down a mans 5 throat he ought not to OBJ
ject to an antidote if it is proffered him
When the people of Kentucky voted the
fifteen cents additional tax by such an
overwhelming majority they decreed the
pcrpetuatlOn of common schools. The
I system is permanent Institution. The
whole Of the revenue taxes beside only
amount to twenty-five cents on the one
hundred dollars. The school tax amounts
to twenty cents on the one hundred dol
lars, and when the interest derived from
the State bond aud the bank stocks is
counted in, the amount of money deIO
ted annually to common schools is nearly
equal to all the other purposes for which
revenues are raised If, then, we spend
nearly a million dollars per onnum on
common Schools monetary expendi
ture equal to the cost Of all the State
charities, legislation aud judicature-
does not the subject absolutely demand
that even the enemies of a system-of
which they cannot rid themselves
should statesmanlike hold their preju
dices in abeyance, and devote their most
vigorous thought to the study of the
best means of utilizing this large amount
of money?


If fire proof vaults are deemed indis
peusable for the preservation Of State
papers, are not good school houses es-
sential to the economic expenditure Of
the school money? If the people then
are rightly taxed to provide for the pres
ervation of the public records, Is it
wrong to require the people to construct
edifces which shall serve to utilize the
large amount of money which they are
required to annually pay for common
schools? OF what use to a farmer to
raise large crop of corn and have no
cribs in which to store it? VIII a mer-
chant buy large stock of goods and open
his store upon the sidewalk? Why
then, do we levy heavy tax for com
mon schools and then refuse to make
any laws that will compel the erection Of
suitable houses in which they may be
taught?


Again, if there were laws so defective
as to allow sheriffs and other officers who
handle public moneys to carry on sys
tenn of ruinous brokerage upon the peo
pie, and defraud the State, the Legisla-
ture would not hesitate a moment to
invent aud put on the brakes that would
stop this venal procedure; but our pres
ent system of common schools leaves a
margin for trade in school claims, to the
decentralization of school officers and the
ruin of teachers; affords opportunity to
irresponsible, unbounded trustees to en-
bezzle the public funds-without, in
many eases, even the danger of detec
ton, and in case of discovery, entailing
only simple dismissal from Office and
when the Superintendent calls attention
to these damaging defects, and suggests
an easy remedy, and separate bill, con-
tanning simple amendments, is offered to
rectify these ruinous features, it is not
considered, and the field for peculation is
left open another year.


Ifit be the purpose of the Legislature
to destroy public confidence in common
schools by embarrassing their operation,
thus making them odious, and finally Sc
curing the repeal of all laws and taxes
relating thereto, then we can understand
the indifference with which the subject
has been treated. In such case 1t be
comes the friend of the system to rally to
its support, and not let Troy De taken