Year: 1876

AS the Republican Convention draws nearer
and the indications of its complexion and of
its course grow more numerous and reveal
themselves more clearly it is impossible not
to be struck with the frequency of the spenta-
neous expressions of preference for Blaine, and
the gaining strength which gathers to his sup
port At the beginning the platform was
crowded with favorite sons, and the great
states, New York and Pennsylvania, and Ohio
and Indiana, rushed promptly to the front to
take up strong position and attract an early
favor. But while the movement in favor of
these favorite sons resembled the humble bee,
which is said to be biggest when it is born, the
subse Iuent experience has been that states
which had no favorite sons of their own have
inclined to adopt Mr. Blaine as the best cand-
date in the convention and the best candidate
before the people, And this approval has been
all the more gratifying because IL has been free
from the least taint of sordidness, selfshness or
local exclusiveness. California, removed by
the whole breadth of the Nation from Mr..
Blaine's state, sends an instructed delegation.
Iowa, which has solid electoral vote behind
its delegation, is equally decided in its prefer
ence. Michigan, giving no instructions to its
delegates, gives it clearly to be understood that
if laine is good enough or the convention he
is good enough them. New Jersey is for him,
and Virginia is for him; he is strong in Mis-.
souri, and in the South; he is the only one
whose name is heard in the East, though New
England is prudent and does not like to COM
NIT itself.


If we want to find the reason for this excep-
tional and wide spread strength and popularity
we lind it IN a circumstances which ought to
make us rejoice over it. 1t is the circumstance
that MIR. Blaine is, in his character and ac-
quirements, in his views and habits of thought,
National man, citizen of the whole couu
try, representative of the whole people We
can learn what he is by contrasting him with
what he is not, by comparing him with the
sectional strength. In the Democratic party
for instance, Til6en is tower Of strength
within his own baliwick, but let him step
across the narrow lake shore of PENNSYLVANIA
into Ohio, and he becomes thoroughly unpopu-
lar. Let Hendricks 60 East and he would
meet gathering prejudice as went. 1t is the
same way in our own party. Conkling might
count to carry New York, IT he does not
know the West, nor does the West know him,
Morton can point to political record and to a
patriotic service which knew no limits of Sec
tionalsm; but Morton is so essentially a West.
ern mau that the East would feel a certain zeal
ousy OF him. The truth is that cus Country is so
vast, its types of citizenship so varied that it
is given to very few men indeed { to under
stand the spirit of the whos Icountty, v, tos enter
alike into the feelings of the old com ra1nities
and OF the new settlements. to appreciate the
different circumstances which have combined
to shape the local traits and to 3uld up the
local interests, and, understa nding all these
things, to harmonic them with the wisdom of
statesman and tue patriotism of citizen.
we have very few such men, and it is a
iault OF our political system that it tends to
produce very few of them. The Councilman
IS responsible only to his ward, the Congress
man knows no higher duty than to his con-
stituency, the Senator looks for a reelection
to his State The legislator, overmuch oceu-
pied with local responsibilities, is afraid
that if he devote himself to the general good
he will lose his popularity IN his special district
Hence arise sectional ways of looking at pub
lie questions and sectional ways cf dealing
with them, result always inimical to the
true prosperity of country, and especially