Year: 1873

ing evidence that England shares the indigna-
tion felt in the United States at the atrocious
crimes OF the Spanish authorities in Cuba
and at the insult offered to our national honor
by the Illegal seizure of the Virginius and the
murder, without proper trial, of the persons
who were found on board under the protection
OF the American flag. We could not have ex-
pected less from a nation whose power has
been SO often felt in the vindlcation OF her
own honor and the protection of her own
citizens, and whose strong arm has done 80
much to advance civilization and uphold the
cause of humanity in al parts OF
the world. Despite The preiudices and Ieal-
ousies which frequently display themselves
! between the two countries, our citizens can
| feel glow of generous pride at the glorious
achievements of Old England. and we can
well understand how the indignation OF the
British people may be aroused by hagrant
outrage on the American Republic. We ap-
preciate the marked kindness of the English
press and tho value OF the moral support
afforded us by the decisive expression of Eng
lish opinion in the justice of our quarrel
But we have TO deal with a question purely
American in its character and bearings;
with q question which pertains to
ourselves alone. and in the settlement
of which we cannot consistently with
national honor and dignity, allow our


Independent action to be paralyzed by an
alliance with England The American inter
est in the Antilles supersedes all other nations


We are the natural guardian of the island
of Cuba whenever it may be in need of occu-
patton and protection. Our position on this
point is known to the world When the
Lopez expedition called forth from France
and Great Britain in 1852 proposition that
we should join those Powers in treaty guar
anteeing to Spain the possession OF Cuba,
the conservative administration OF President
Fillmore refused its consent on the ground
that the condition of Cuba is mainly an Amer
lean question and only to a limited
extent European question. Prior to that,
in 1926, when Spain herself offered valuable
commercial concessions to the United States,
on consideration that we should guarantee
her possession of the island, Mr.. Clay, then
Secretary of State, declined the offer. Although
diplomatic courtesy placed the refusal of The
proposition on the plea of a disinclination to
enter into entangling alliances, it was we'll
known that the real principle underlying our
action was that subsequently stated by MIR.
Webster on the rejection of the proposed
trpartte treaty


1t is not, then, in any discourtesy to Eng
land, but in pursuance of a settled principle
long maintained by our government, that we
must respectfully but firmly avoid any alli-
ance with European Power in that which
has now become our duty-the immediate
occupation of Cuba After we have taken the
island under our protection it will then be
time to confer with England as to our future
action, and our government will, no doubt, be
we'll pleased to be allowed the benefit of her
statesmanly advice. But we must assert our
national dignity and deal with the Cuban
question first as an American question, now
that the necessity of action has been forced
upon us. The justice and expediency of this
adherence to en- established principle are the
clearer since we have had no part in bringing
about the coming change in the condition
of Cuba, the responsibility for which rests
upon Spain alone. We cannot be justly ac-
cused of any anxiety to acquire the island
Indeed, the history OF Cuba, especially for the
past FIVE years, effectively disposes of the
charge sometimes made-probably sometimes
credited-that the American Republic is a
nation of flibusters. The importance of
the island to American interests cannot be
denied, and its proximity to our coast seems
to indicate that its natural relationship is
with the United States Spain has long been
in distracted condition at home; seldom
with government strong enough to insure its
own existence for single year. For five years
a revolution has existed in the colony formid-
able enough to defy the efforts of the Spanish
government to subdue it, if not powerful
enough to win the freedom of the island. 1t
is well known that the instruction has been
stronger than it appeared in the field; that
many thousands of the inhabitants SYM
pathize with the insurgents, and have only
been deferred from active co-operation with
them by the dread OF Spanish power. With
all these temptations to the acquisition of
Cuba we should have annexed the island long
since if we had been regardless of our national
obligations, for we have time and again
had fair justification for such action. The
popular sympathy would at any moment Lave
been on the side Of an acquisition that would
destroy slavery on the island and drive objcc-
tionable political institutions from our imme-
diate neighborhood. But the fact that we
have borne from Spain, weak and distracted
government, indignities that we should have
resented to the EXTREMIST measures if offered
by SO great and powerful nation as Great
Britain, is of itself sufficient proof that we
have nothing of the flibuster in our national
character. We might, indeed, not unjustly
ask if the governments Of the Old World have
A G 4Io.r r,ol