Year: 1872

tren chment and reform is more signlfi-
cant than may appear to a casual reader.
Senator Conkling proposed an investlga-
ton into the case of the defaulting Pay
master Hodge, Senator Trumbull wished
for general inquiry into the admins
tration OF affairs, and for that purpose
introduced a resolution for a committee
on retrenchment, with power to send
for persons ad papers, and with general
instructions to investigate In every direc-
ton. After little public debate, the
Senate went into executive session ana
adjourned, and the Republican mem
bers then met in caucus. Here 1t was
decided to propose a resolution Tor a
committee upon retrenchment, which
should consider such matters as the
Senate might refer to it. This left the
whole inquiry with the Senate, which
could decline to refer any subject which
it did not wish to have investigated. A
warm debate followed. Messrs. Schurz,
Patterson, Trumbull and Wilson favored
Mr.. Trumbull's proposition, which he
offered as substitute for the caucus
motion. Messrs. Edmunds, Conkling,
Morton and Sherman opposed it. 1t
was a curious spectacle. Apparently
the chief Republican Senators were
divided upon question of investigation
into their own administration of the
government. What was the eXplana-
ton?


1t was very simple. Senators Schurz
and Trumbull are opposed to the re-
| nomination of the President. The
Senators who opposed the Trumbull
motion favor the denomination. If the
committee were appointed as Mr.. Trum-
bull desired, it is evident from the
speech Of Mr.. Schurz upon the general
order system in New York that it would
hope to identity the administration with
frauds and misconduct. Its report
would Intentionally strike heavy blow
at the denomination of the President,
and the purpose being so evident it
might Justly suggest a doubt whether
the investigation would be impartially
conducted. The ground of objection
to the Trumbull resolution, as we un-
derstand it, was not hostility to full and
fair inquiry, but an unwillingness to in
stitute an inquiry which would not be
in the interest of public economy so
much as in that of the defeat of the
denomination.


If, indeed the President can be shown
to be personally implicated in dishonest
| dealings, the sentiment o. the Republic
can party, which now demands his re.
nomination, would instantly change.
But for more than two years the at
tempt to implicate him has been made
with a steady ferocity only surpassed by
its futility. In every way, by every
kind of false assertion and malignant
inuendo, the assault has been urged
upon the private and public character
of a man whose service to the country
is incalculable. Called to a position of
vast responsibility, for which his pre-
vious lllustrious career had not especially
prepared him, but which he could not
decline; involved at once in the terrible
net Of the abuse OF the civil service sys.
tenn, which the practice Of every party
! for forty years had meshed about the
President; with nothing but his honest
purpose and his proved patriotism and
sagacity to depend upon saluted in his
first sincere efforts at political inde-
pendence by the sneering amazement Of
many OF his own party, President
Grant, with all the mistakes and misfor-
tunes which have marked his admins
tratlon-as they must. of necessity,
mark every administrations stronger
in the public confidence ia the third
year OF that administration than any
previous President, and is the undoubt-
ed choice OF a vast majority Of that
party for the next four years.


He is plain man; peculiarly man
of the people in the American sense
simple in his manners and habits and
tastes. He is not scholar like John
Quincy Adams, nor a courtier like Mar
tin Van Buren,, nor n natural diplomat
like Abraham Lincoln. He speaks to
the point, and makes his opinions and
sympathies evident. His personal at
tachments are very strong, and his tidel-
ity TO his friends so constant that he is
slow to suspect evil. But so steady and
malignant has been the misrepresenta-
ton of him and his administration in a
thousand petty personal details-smok-
ing, driving, travelling, associates, prop
erty-that his real character and posi-
ton are obscured to many good men in
the country by "a thick cloud Of slander.


He is called a member Of the Seneca
Stone Ring, because he does not sell
stock which he bought before he be-
came President, and which he holds as
every Senate" or other high public Off
Ger holds his private property. 1t prop
erty largely held in Washington, and
the quarry is near the city; consequent
ly it is much used there; and as certain
active proprietors push it as all such in
terests are pushed, the President, be-
cause he does not sell his stock is ac
cused of corrupt completely. He is
called mercenary and mean, although
he spends all his salary and his small
private income in maintaining the
proper dignity of his Office. He has un-
questionably accepted certain gifts, of
tered in grateful recognition of his SER
vices in the field, as Golden received
them for his services in Parliament and
on the platform, and as Gen. Mcclellan
received his house, witnout suspicion
cast upon his motives. So, also, some
of his relations are in office. We should
be glad if this were not SO; but, even