Year: 1871

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warrants; would have all the powers
of the circuit or district judges in
term time or vacation; conld issue
their warrants for the arrest of any
citizen, and the warrants would be
good in any portion of the State;
could summon every man in the
county to assist in serving their pro-
cesscs, and if any refused to obey
their mandate, could fine and impris
on them for so doing; could include
in that posse comitatus such portion
of the United States forces, the army
and navy of the United States, as
might be within the territory over
which they exercised jurisdiction,
and would possess powers more
than ample to secure peace, and the
most perfect protection to life, liberty
and property in every State in the
Union and the constitutional pow
er of Congress- TO confer these pow
ers cannot be doubted, for has not
the party whose representatives on
this floor have sHOften assured US
of their devotion to the Constitution,
stamped the seal Of approval upon
all its provisions, enacted into law
all its principles, and enforced and
maintained that law by all the ma
chinery of the Government? And
the Democratic party, having enact
ed this law and sustained its
constitutionality before the adoption
of the amendments to the Constitu-
tion which have certainly conferred
some new powers upon Congress,
cannot, / presume will not, attempt
to question its constutionality now.


1t was good Democratic coAstitu-
tional law to empower an unlimited
number of comparatively irrespons
ible United States marshals to use
the army and navy Of the United
States to enforce United States laws
when those laws were in the interest
of the Democratic party; and now,
sir, We witness the remarkable spec
taclc of this party, which conferred
such powers upon these men with
no apprehension of injury to State
governments-with no fears as to
any Instruction. of our liberties
with no doubts as to their entire
Observation-Disclosures boldly deny
ing that this Congress has any con-
stitutional right to give the Presi
dent of the United States power to
use the army and navy, of which he
is the constitutional commander-in-
chief, in protecting American citi-
zens from outrage and death; the
party who, under the fugitive slave
law, marched United States soldiers
over the very spot where the first
martyr for American liberty shed his
blood-and the blood of Christie
pher Attucks was as red as yours or
mine, sir, though his skin was
black.


The party who sent their troops
over the spot which his martyrdom
had been consecrated to force back
into slavery one poor wretch who
had succeeded in flying to a land
which he supposed to be land of
liberty-the party that did this act
dares to tell the American people
that there is no constitutional way
to use the army or navy Of the Uni
ted States in protecting American
citizens from outrage and death, ,un-
less the Governor and legislature of
assistance. Sir, l have searched in
vain for the call made by the Gov
crnor or legislature of Massachusetts
fol-, troops to assist in the rendition
of Anthony Burns. Every gentle
man on this floor knows that the
United States soldiers sent to that
State by the Democratic party to
assist their blood-hounds in tearing
from Massachusetts, soil that poor,
trembling fugitive, were not sent
there at the request of that State,
but by virtue of the law passed by
democratic Congress, enforced by
u Democratic administration, and IN
terpreted by a Democratic Attorney
General, whose Interpretation has
been sustained by the courts, and
know the American people well
enough to know that no legal so
phistry can make them believe that
it was constitutional to use the army
and navy of the United States in
returning fugitives to slavery, but
that no constitutional means can be
found TO use these agencies for the
protection of life, liberty, and prop
erty of free American citizens in
every State in this Union.


A gentleman who has unfortu-
nately broken his word, is anxious
to procure some cement that will re-
pair it. The same composition
with which people mend their man.
ners may possibly answer.