Year: 1870




While the German armies are gathering
around and hemming in the city and forti6ca-
tions Of Paris, without pause or delay, the
hope Of inducing the King of Prussia to grant
an armistice and to enter into peace ne3otia-
tions is still entertained by the provisional
government of France; and we are informed
from London that King William had consented
to grant an interview to Jules Favre at Rheims
either yesterday or to-day. But we are also
informed that the King is not disposed to con-
sent to an armistice, insisting that If peace is
to be made it must be done Immediately. We
also learn now that M. Theirs has not set of
for st. Petersburg, but was at Tours yester-
day, aud that instead of his mission to Lon
don having been failure, as was stated in
such precise and positive terms, the English
government received his explanations favor
ably, and was prepared to act conjointly with
Russia and Austria if those Powers would also
accept the proposition. With such totally con-
Trajectory statements chasing each other by
telegraph across the Atlantic II ia impossible
to separate fact from fiction.


We expect to be informed tomorrow that
no interview between Favre and King William
has taken place or been thought Of, and that
consequently treaty Of peace is remote
event, which may take place at some time in
the future.


Our special correspondent in London,
speaking of the interview referred to, says it
is expected that the conditions of peace will
be fixed simultaneously with the cessation of
hostilities, and gives it out as q matter of
official knowledge that the King is prepared
to receive proposals of peace from or to make
them to the executive government authorities
who now hold possession of power in Paris,


but that, in any event, the German troops are
to hold and occupy the French territory and
capital until the terms Of the treaty of settle


ment have been duly ratified by Parliamen-


There is great significance in that little
''but." Assuming that the result of the siege
or of negotiation will be the occupation of
Paris by the Germans, what will then follow9
Will the King of Prussia treat with the repub
lican government, or will he summon the
REGENCY, the Senate and the Corps Legisa tiff,
and treat with them as the regularly consti-
tuted authorities of the country, or.will he
undertake to reinstate Napoleon as the head
of the government and dictate terms to him?
to every one that forecasts the situation, but
which can be answered satisfactorily by none
for Count Bismarck characterizes as romances
all those stories told by newspaper correspo n
dents Of his outgivings on the subject. He
says he listens to the remarks and suggestions
and inquiries Of these gentlemen, and let's
them interpret his manner, his silence or his
equivocal response as may suit their own pre-
conceived ideas. According to Bismarck,
therefore, there has been no foregone conclu-
sion arrived at The King and his generals
will decide the question when 1t becomes
practical one-that is, when they are in mill
tary occupation of Paris. The most amusing
outgiving on the subject is q despatch from
Berlin, which gravely informs us that the
German States are willing to recognize the
French republic in provinces not held by the
German armies, but must recognize the empire
wherever they hold military possession.


1t may be, too, that tho King of Prussia
may not feel himself called upon to show any
particular haste in deciding the question. 1t
may be that the same difficulties under which
he is at present said to be laboring in that
respect may only be increased when Paris
is in his hands and when the military power
of France is lying crushed at his feet. He
may then be more than ever convinced that
the provisional government is but the creation
of the "gutter democracy" of Paris, and that
the idea of forcing Bonaparte or Bourbon
on the French people Is not to be entertained
for a moment. Or the Parliamentary Chamber
may reject the terms of til settlement. And
in that dilemma he may find himself called
upon to extend to France for an indefinite
space of time the benefits of German civiliza-
ton, and to allow her to enter into the North
German Confederation, which might then
assume another name-for instance, the
Empire of the West Who can say that such
an idea has not found a lurking place in the
mind of the King of Prussia or of his astute
and far-seeing adviser, Count Bismarck? If
the first Napoleon, with all Europe coalesced
against him, could assume the crown of Italy
and place his brothers and relatives on the
thrones OF Spain and Naples and Hol-
land, what is to prevent the con-
stitutional President of the North
German Confederation, with an army
more powerful and better organized than any
which the great Napoleon ever led to conquest,
and without any coalition against him, but
with Russia sending congratulations on the
great victories of his army and with the other
Powers declining to interfere, from adding
France to the confederacy? If such be his
royal will and pleasure, what is there to
prevent its being carried out while the Ger
man troops hold and occupy, as the programme