Year: 1875

Monarchy In the United Stntes--The


Confederate lIouarchists of the south


Jefferson Davis and the London and


Mississippi Valley Association-NOrih.


ern a1onarchists-NeGro Citizenship


md the Growth of this Moparchical


Party-The Negro and the Republican


Pnrty-The Negro and the Union.


BosToN, November IA, 1875.


Nenophen declares that history is but
philosophy teaching by example"
America forms no exception 10 this rule.
According to the law OF progress and de-
velopment, which applies to all nations, the
United States of America has reached what
may be called the monarchical period in
her development. Republicanism is for the
first time on trial in the New World. This
monarchical period which we have reached
is the same which all other forms OF human
civilization have reached before us and by
the operation Of the same law of progress
and development which characterized the
republican civilization OF Sparta, Greece
and Rome. We have arrived at the mon
archical era sooner than did Rome, Greece
or Holland. But this rapid development
in our case is owing to causes peculiar to
the people who have settled on this con-
tinent. 1t is needless, and perhaps out of
place in a newspaper correspondence to
occupy the attention of your readers by
giving the reasons why the United States
of America have so speedily reached
the same era of development which
it has taken other nations hundreds of
years to reach. 1t is sufficient to state the
fact, most important fact, one which the
best and most correct thought Of the North
begins to recognize, and fact which will
enter largely into the preside ntial contest
of 1876


In the next presidential election, there.
fore, the people of this country will be
called upon to consider for the first time,
as practical political issues, the following
propositions;


l. Should the strong govern the weak
without the consent of the weakl


?. Should the few govern the many with
out the consent of the manyl


B. Is government established supremely
for the protection of property, thereby
making property more sacred than hu.
manityi


These propositions are so vitally connect
ed that they must stand OF fall together.
They can Rot be separated. They are fur
thermore so connected with the problem of
Southern reconstruction that their discus
sion will of necessity be forced upon the
attention of the nation by the leaders of
the two parties which now occupy the
Southern field. The Southern Confederates,
idea, will of eourse.maintain the affirmative
side of the controversy in this discussion.
The Southern Republicans will undoubtedly
be found in radical antagonism 70 the arls-
tocratic policy of the Confederate monarch
lists. 1t is needless to say that the status,
aspiration and destiny of the Southern
negro will form the pivot on which the
discussion will trrn.


Thus recognizing the fact that the issue of
monarchy is now fairly launched in the
United States, that Southern reconstruction
involves that issue, and that the Southern
freedman stands for the Republican idea in
this conflict between the aristocracy and
the people, it becomes clear that the negro
question will be the leading issue in the
great political contest of next year. This
being conceded, it only remains TO consider
the objective points of the Republican
campaign az being in the negro. These
will be chiefly twofold:


One, to keep the national government and
the treasury under the control of the anti
monarchical party.


The other, to maintain intact the South
ern Republican State governments of South
Carolins, Florida, Mississippi and Louisi-
ana.


If the Republican party can retain con-
troll of the national government for four
or eight years longer, and if the Repub-
lican States of South Carolina, Florida,
Mississippi and Louisiana can be protected
against the revolutionary violence of the
armed Confederate aristocracy during the
that victory will be found on the
side of the Republican idea. If not,
then we shall at least have given
the republican idea of government thor
ough trial, and its failure will in such case
add another example to the philosophy of
history, and show that government of the
people for the people By the people is
Ill IL sucu h government
ia not true for all men it is not true for any
man. The South will then be in position
10 set up an independent government with
put bloodshed, and with the hearty concur
renee of the North. The negro, under
government, will work out his |
,wn destiny, protected by laws which will |
1t least be equal in their application to |
,very subject of the realm.


No one who is at all familiar with South |
anniaty ha inn Mt of ha foo bot
he monarchical sentiment of which speak |
las already obtained complete control in
very late slave State of the American
Union, including Della ware and West Vir-
.inia. Missouri is comparatively free from |
his anti-republican taint, but all of the /
'ther late slave States are under it's in1u-
nee. If the voice of the Southern whites
,ould be expressed to-day on this matter it
would be found in favor Of separation from
he North and return to colonial depend
nee on England. So strong is this senti-
nent and so great the peril which now
hreatens free institutions in America, that
he chances are in favor of the mOnarchical
States of this Union yet becoming the
southern Canada of the North Americ an
ointment. Jefferson Davis presidency of
he London and Mississippi Valley Associa-
ion means more than appears on the sur
ace.


The importance of this view of national
olitics can be correctly estimated only
1hen it is remembered that the monarchicaI
arty is not confined to the South. 1t has
Is adherents all over the North. The
idea is spreading in New Eng
and, and there are Northern born men re-
ding in Louisiana who are known to be
This "revulson' in public
eminent as against popular government
as undoubtedly been produced by negro
in the United States. But
lia rAYulaion cnnld not ha aYaded There |