Year: 1870




House of Delegates, February 23d,


on the Proposition of Mr.. Flick 10


Amend the Suffrage Clause Of the


Constitution.


Mr.. SPEAKER-I feel that l cannot, in
Justice to myself and to those who sent
me here, permit the measure now before
the House to be disposed of without
some expression from me. i shall tres
pass but briefly upon the patience OF
the House.


Let us take an observation of the mat
ter and see how it stands. An amend.
ment has been proposed by the gentle
man from PendletOn to the constitution
of this State, restoring suffrage as il
originally existed in the constitution
except that the word "white" is left out,
so the effectg of the amendment, II
adopted, will be to recognize negro
suffrage. 1t, however, only recognises it,
but will net establish il. Whyf Be-
cause negro suffrage will have been es
tablisbed by the fifteenth amendment
to the Constitution of the United States
and carried into effect by appropriate
legislation of Congress, long before the
amendment now proposed to our Con.
stitutiOn can be put IN force. There Is
no one upon this floor, l presume
who doubts this, at any rate | have no
doubt of it. No sir, ] have no doubt
but the ratification of the fifteenth
amendment will soon be proclaimed 10
tho American people, carrying negro
suffrage everywhere throughout the
nation. No more doubt of il than that
TO morrow's sun will rise.


The gentleman from Harrison (Davis)
has offered q substitute for the original
resolution offered by the gentleman
from Pendlaton, which differs from the
original resolution only in one word,
and that word would have the effect, II
the substitute should become part Of
our constitution, to exclude negro suf-
frage from this State, as far as it 10th
with the constitution-making power of
this State to nullify the constitution
and laws of the United States.


| have not yet been convinced Of the
propriety of aTraying ourselves against
the paramount authority of the Consti-
tuition of the United States. Neither
have thought it profitable to inquire,
in this connection, whether that author
ity %as dcjare or de tdcto. But il is suf-
ficient for mo 10 know that il is living
power over which w0 have no present
or prospective control. Neither do |
think il necessary to vindiCate my pTin-
ciples by paying homage to the waning
shadow of the lost substance. Those
who sent me here will not require such
vindication by me. Their enlightened
understanding will enable them to take
a correct view of the situation, and
whilst. if it were possible to avert the
calamity, they would eXpect.me to vote
steadily for that purpose, the ca
lamity is upon Us, and there is no avert
ing or avoiding it. Ii is fatality from
which we cannot ab5Olve ourselves, our
constituents or our country. 1t is the
Legitimate fruits of an irrepressible CON
fiIct, iuaugurated aud persisted in, by
those who, in their revolutionary move
ments, are fast pressing such assem-
blagcs as this into history.


But, sir, recognize in the original
resolution before us, living issue not
incumbered with that obsolete word
arouud which my affections cluster with
more than filial reverence. This resO-
luton, with the word "white'' left out
will, if it becomes part Of our conStitu-
ton, secure white man suffrage, and
this is practically al there is in it, and
is so understood, l presume, by every
member upon this floor. How, then,
can any one vote against it and yet
claim that he is the f-iend Of white man
suffragei IeDtreat every member upon
this floor, without distinction of party,
to lay aside the weight Of passion aud
prejudice, "the sins that do SO
easily beset us, and run with patience
the race that is before u.s."


Let us vote down the substitute and
then sustain the original resolution, and
the peoples will.