Year: 1872

! ldN llltl Ought
to he repealed; and so far the demand
of the labor movement is Just. So far.
however, as they are the natural results
of accumulated wealth, they are no
more subjects of legislation than pride,
or obstinacy, or seltiShness. So far a.
| the State is concerned the relations OF
capital and labor should be left to ad-
Just themselves no one should he com
PEELED to work. and no one should he
compelled to employ. For an equally
good reason the hours of work and the
price of work are beyond the power OF
the State to regulate i'll any way.


| Its only province is to see that neither
capital nor labor interteres with the
| liberty and equal rights of the other.
When it goes further it not only goes
beyond its legitimate sphere. but 1t at
tempts to deal with what it il as help
less to mend. as it would he if it at
tempted to regulate the seasons, or t"
prescribe the amount of corn that might
! he raised on an acre.


These gradual departures from the
true uses of government were i'll mind,
no doubt. in the trainers of our own
State Constitution. when they declared
''that frequent recurrence to the tlInda


mental principles is absolutely necessa


ry to preserve the blessings of liberty
and keep government free"


And this frequent recurrence" should
be something more than dealing III
generalities. something more than a
declaration. like most of the platforms
. Il; IL.
of tickling the ears of those who may
hear. hut to he thrown among the use-
less rubbish of IL political campaign a.
soon rs the election is over. These
fundamental principles ought to he
| living truths. the tOuch-StOne 10y which
every public measure and every public
man are tried. 1t Is not enough that
we have emancipated four millions OF
slaves there is enough left for lis to
do to emancipate the forty millions who
people this country. and to rescue them
from the misconception and the mis-
construction of government which, alike
under all parties. are sowing the seeds
from which We or our posterty Will
reap harvest of bitterness and strife.
If We could on this anniversary bring
ourselves To Il thoughtful contemplation
of what the Declaration of lndepend


cnce really signifies: if We could bring
/ to this contemplation of the profound
truths i'll that paper so clearly enun-
ciatcd. the light of reason and philoSo-
ply: if We could. when We proclaim
liberty and equal rights. know what
those phrases mean. understand THEN
power and their application and not
merely blazom them upon our political
banners; if the people would but I'M
derstand that liberty and equal rights
are our possession by nature and crea-
ton. and not something which the State
can by some legislative legcrdemain
give lis something concerning which
we only need ask the State to let us
alone: if we could but clearly see that
the State ought to give nobody superior
advantages under any plea of the public
good. because it has no right to do this,
and whenever it does it. it indulges in
| favoritIsm and usurpation if We could
comprehend that men and women are
not wards. nor infants. nor incompetent
To he fostered, and nursed, and cuddled.
and taken care of: if we could realize
that the fault is not in our stars. nor in
our government. lf they let lis alone }
] lIldl We are Hbl ttudllN HldltIltu VIII II
our ncighbors in the contentious of life.
the cause of that inequality lying So
deep that legislation can neither reach
it nor cure it /; if We would cc;lSe pcti-
tioning the government for help every
time We have poor crop, or find an
oVerStockcd market -bawling. like the
wagoncr i'll the fable. to Jupiter To lifi
our wheels out of the mud. when the
true way to get ont of the mud is t"
put our own shoulders to the wheel
We shall have REQUIRED 10 fundamental
principles to some purpose.


The State is no more Il god than
Jupiter is: il does not stand in the
place of IL supreme wisdom. either Pa
gan or Christian, and the sooner we
cease looking to it to give us any rights
or opportunities unless il gives them
To us aS Il monopoly and To the exclusion
of our fellows. and therefore unjustly -
the sooner we shall arrive at Il ust
comprehension of the functions of the
State. and bring it back To its Legitimate
work.


If have succeeded at all in convey
ing to You my idea of the proper limita


tions of Il State. shall hardly need to
say that we make it quite too much Il
boast and glory. as though it were of
itself anything or could accomplish any
thing. except to protect every person
in the enjoyment of his freedom To
think, to act. and To work. Yet ii seems
quite impossible for any ofus. especially Y
on this anniversary. to refrain from
speaking of the vaStnesS. the wealth.
the grandeur, and the power of the re
public. We delight to dwell upon the
glory of its national achievements. We
contemplate with pride what the census
reveals to us of its almost measuIrlcSS
material prosperity. Its tens of millions
we promise soon to count by hundreds,
until our wide territory shall hold Il
population equal to the crowded swarmS
of oriental empires. We almost rejoice
i'll our immense debt as an evidence of
our greatness. We fondly talk of the
wings of our commerce whitening every
sea. our wheat and our corn feeding he
world. and the cleaning ems ign of the
republic floating. an emblem of olIl
power, over the rcmotest ocean and
under stars unknown to our tirmament.
We still make cotton, and commerce
and corn our national deitieS, with, per
haps, the addition of Jupiter to hurl our
thunderbolts. And for the sake of this
material splendor and greatness of ma
tional empire, We make gigantic jug
gernaut of the State, and count our
selves happy if we may but help draw
this magniticently emblazoned car, or
even be crushed to death by the trium-
phal progress of its ponderous wheels,
content to die if we but see the flag still
floating above this idol of our worship.
The State is not an end. 1t is only IL
means. 1t is to he preserved, because
without it there is the chaos of conflict