Year: 1871

COStllZtht OI '' hl1soIOJ PNNPiN i1J AiG

 to arms or a moments warning fer

 the preservation of a government that

 will see its most enterprising citizens

 crucifed in detail by thousands when

 doing their best to enlarge and prove

 up the resources of its habitable do-

 main, will approve of the main points

 made in the subioined article from The

 New York Tribune. Its application

 to the ecause of all our woe," from time immemorial-w mean the indii-

 ference shown in the disposition of

 what is styled the Regular Army and

 its worthless use as rule for want of

 the right men in the right place at the right time-will be fully appreciated.

 The partisan drift of the criticism Is perfectly immaterial to us; however,

 we do believe that if all the political clubs and managers of all the parties were to unite and urge 1t, the people

 would not give their votes to such 8 crotchety subject as the one in ques- tion, for the high position suggested. The italics are ours:

 The most talkative of our generals has been making little speech in New-Orleans, in which he said just what might have been expected of him; that Is, that he knew more about the state of the country than anybody; that he had more legislative capacity than the whole of Congress :; and that if they would drop their at tempts at government and give the charge of affairs to him, he would restore order and harmony ill no time. This IS no new theory of the gallant soldier. He has always believed in government of the sword. He has never affected to conceal his contempt J6r men ooh0 acear JlGcb c0ats, and ach0 PAID FOR THEIR OWN EDUCATION. He did noble and glorious work during ale war, when the fighting grew hard enough to tame his fiightiness and keep him down to his place, but he never had political idea which was not absurd and fantastic; and his con- vention with Johnston, by which he surrendered all the results of the war, was most grotesque illustration of his incapacity to appreciate q political principle MT. Stantcn never ren- dered the country a greater service than by his prompt and decided repudiation of this surrender, and the vast personal popularity of Gen. Sherman was not enough to protect him from the general condemnation his action received. He outgrew this blunder, serious as 1t was, because every one recognized his gallantry and his good intentions. and merely smil- ed at his innocent ignorance of public affairs. During the four years which preceded the inauguration ot Gen. Grant as President, his distinguished friend and comrade was kept from any glaring indiscretions, partly by the strong influence which his chiefs good sense and prudence exerted upon him, and partly by the natural hope and anticipation of succeeding him in command of the army, i'll case of his promotion to the Presidency. This brilliant prospect helped, at least, to make Gen.. Sherman a partisan of Grant, and consequently sound and safe in politics.

 But now that the General has at tained the legitimate summit of his 1t is only natural that his uneasy activity of mind should sting him into occasional outbreaks of eccentricity. As Richelieu thought himself a better poet than statesman, and so wasted his leisure in wooing an ingrate Muse, our sanguine soldier Is not satisfied with the command of the army, but itches to show the world what statesman is disguised in his uniform. There is something fas- cinating about the Generals political utterances. They are so honestly and naively ignorant, so destitute of any connection with known facts, so con- fden5 and cock-sure of his own powers and his own sagacity, that they have the same charm as the theoretical campaign and conspiracies of 3 loquacious schoolgirl. "Let us sol .'diers have charge of the matter" says the outspoken chief, "aad we will soon settle everything in a satis- '' factory manner" How wonder