Year: 1872

our Northern political philosophers, from his
active participation and rich experience in all
the vicissitudes of our administrations and
parties through the long and eventful period
of half a century. has furnished us the COM
pact and plausible argument which will be
found on another page of this paper, against
the prevailing theory Of civil service reform
He says that this invention originated with
Senators in Congress, who, by their diligent
efforts In procuring appointments for relatives
and friends generally in utter disregard OF
fitness, did much to make civil service
reform necessary and popular; that the din
raised upon the subject by liberal republicans
and democrats in the late Presidential can
vass constrained the republican party to ac-
cept it as an issue; but now that the theory
is going to be tested, twill be found utterly
impracticable or productive of far greater
abuses than any we have hitherto experienced.


In support of this emphatic and unqualified
condemnation of the reform in question ct.
w." says that the system exists only in
despotic or monarchical governments; that in
England it enables the ruling aristocracy to
fasten their dependants upon the government
in snug positions; that 1t is repugnant to
republican system; that the attempt to build
up an aristocracy Of office-holders will fall


that as an institution for the education of
privileged class the West Point Military Acad-
emy itself was obnoxious to the public senti
ment until experience had proved it's value /;
that special education, indispensable to the
army and navy, is not needed in the civil ser
vice. that college training is not wanted for
this service; that if all the people have not
right to compete for these Offices our republi-
can institutions are sham and fraud that
this new theory here converts the departments
at Washington, our Custom Houses and Post
Offices into close corporations; that it would
rule out most Of our crippled Union soldiers;
that the late Philadelphia case as settled by
General Grant, proves nothing; that the idea
Of binding the President in the choice of his
Cabinet to these new rules for the civil SER
vice is preposterous; that rotation in Office is
the proper rule; that Jefferson's qualifca-
tons, rs he honest is he capable, is he faith
full to the constitution" are all-sufficient;
and that it will not be long before these are
the prevailing opinions Of the country.


Such is the essence Of the argument OF our
venerable contemporary in politics and jour
nalism, 1T. w. against this new theory of
civil service reform-s'this great panaoea for
all our existing political abuses" Mr.. Snapp,
of Illinois, the other day, in Congress, deliv-
cred himself Of snappish speech, covering
much Of the same ground, from which it
appears that the administration is not going
much further in this civil service reform ex-
pertinent without opposition from the party
camp. Believing, however, that, upon the
general theory upon which he is venturing,


the President is right and that our venerable


political historian, IT. w." is wrong, we un-


dertake, on leading point or two. briefly to
answer him. And, as we can judge of nothing
for the future but from experience in the past,
let us first turn for moment to the expe-
rience Of the government in this matter Of the
civil service


From the first Inauguration of Washington
as President to the retirement Of John Quincy
Adams from the White House it may be said
that the Jeffersonian test of honesty, capability
and fidelity to the constitution was the para
mount law Of appointments in the civil ser
vice. But there was also another law of
appointments, first broadly promulgated by
Jefferson, which even in support Of this new
idea of special qualifications we do not pro-
pose to abandon In consequence of the tie
in the electoral vote-73 to 73-between Jeffer-
son and Burr for President in 1900 the election
was thrown into the House of Representatives,
and in that body the members from Maryland,
Delaware and Vermont agreed to settle the |
contest in favor of Jefferson, with his agree
ment to certain reasonable conditions which |
they proposed. From the affidavit of the |
representative, James A. Bayard, of Delaware,
on the subject, among these conditions was
this 'that subordinate public officers, en-
ployed only in the execution Of details estab-
lished by law, shall not be removed from |
Office on the ground of their political char
conduct" and with his acceptance of this
with the other conditions offered jefferson
was elected President by the balance of power
in the House, which had been held in reserve
by Maryland, Delaware and Vermont.


This is the rule, the benefits of which we
would still give the President in this civil SER
vice reform. Nor do we suppose that any
idea is entertained by General Grant of ex-
tending the new rules as the law Of the
civil service upon which he has entered
SO as to make them applicable to the
Cabinet the foreign missions, the i'm
portant Custom Houses or Post Offices. On
the contrary, as the heads of the departments
are but the secretaries Of the President, he, of
course, will continue to exercise the right of
appointing them upon the good old rule of
harmony between himself and them--upon the
political principles and administrative policy
which he represents by the will of the people.
So too, large margin Of discretion will be