Year: 1876

what do people mean when they Talk OF
the necessity for reform in the civil SER
vice? We suspect that very few really know
the details Of the evil they protest against
| They do not realize that the government has
come to be in this country one of the great
est employers of labor, but that, unlike any
other employer, it gives to its servants
neither the hope Of permanence nor the op-
portunity Of rising by meritorious perform
ance of duty. manufacturer or a mer-
chant is but too glad to keep an expert and
steady workman. He encourages him by the
hope of promotion he assures him of con-
slant employment he is annoyed if his ser
want leaves him. The government alone
does none Of these things. 1t does not
select its servants for competency but for
their political opinions it does not retain
them if they are faithful and skilful, but dis
misses them arbitrarily at moments notice
and for no fault, simply on the motion Of
political favorite 1t makes the tens Of
thousands of petty places in its service an
absolute gift TO the three hundred and sixty
six Senators and Representatives in Con-
gress-so absolute that every clerk or
other Of its servants, down to the
very janitor of public Office, is
charged to some one of these or to
some member or influential friend Of the
administration and books are kept by
amining which one may ascertain to whom
any one of these is "charged." At least half
the time of the President and of his Cabinet
is taken up in hearing and deciding upon
applications for Office from members Of Con-
gress Or on their recommendations. A large
part of the time Of every member of Congress
is used in making or opposing, in forward
ing or thwarting, applications for office in
causing the removal of one man that another
may get the place ; in arranging and divid-
ing the plunder of his district, SO as to
maintain his influence. Finally, the dispo-
sal of the offices is claimed as a right by Con-
gressmen, and they think themselves justified
in taking offence if their applications re-
jected Nor is even this all. The strongest
argument man brings to secure even the
most subordinate employment is not that he
is n faithful and competent man, but that he
is 50 good worker"


All this is sufficiently known; it is no
news that we are telling it is so old a story
that it needs to be enforced by examples,
and accordingly here is one. There is
book published at government ex-
pense which gives, or rather pretends
to give, the name Of every man and
woman employed in the federal service.
1t is not a complete register, but it is the
best attainable for our purposes. From it,
and from separate registers of the depart
ments, we find that there are employed and
paid by the federal government in the State
of Louisiana alone nearly twelve hundred
persons. Now, all these hold their places on
the prominent condition that they shall be
friends of the federal administration and
''good workers" for the party in power. They
may be able or incompetent in the perform
ance of their duties, but they must be zeal
ous partisans and they all know that they
may be removed at any time and for none but
political reasons. OF the whole twelve hun
dred probably five hundred are men who hold
such appointments as would properly be
changed by new President, or forany cause
but misconduct. The remainder ought to be
carefully selected and should hold their
places as permanently as a clerk or book
keeper in a counting room or an operative
in a factory.


But the State government Of Louisiana is
carried on in the same way. If we allow the
same number of clerks and other subordi-
nate officers in the State we shall have
twenty-four hundred persons whose bread
depends not on faithful service of the
public, but on jealous partisan work.
They are paid by the people to
serve q handful of party leaders. Now,
then, in the election of 1874, according to
the admissions Of United States Marshal
Packard, less than FIVE thousand white men
voted tho republican ticket in Louisiana,
and it is clear that these consisted almost
entirely Of the federal and State office
holders and their families. But these per-
sons did something much more important in
Louisiana than vote. Under the pay of the
federal and State governments they marshall
led the negro vote they electioneered they
organized y they used all the power of the
federal Office and authority to influence ig-
norant negroes to vote that ticket whose sue
cess would give them, the few ofIice-holders,
new lease of Office, secure favor at Washing
ton, such permanence as can be earned by
partisan service at the cost of the taxpayers,
and as cannot, under this system, be earned
in any other way.


This is how what is called the political
machine is constituted. Here is the
source of its strength the reason of its per-
tinacity the moving cause of its unscrupu-
lous actions 1t is a common saying in
Louisiana that Mr.. Packard, who was last
year at the same time United States Marshal
and Chairman OF the Republican Executive
Committee who is this year candidate for