Year: 1876

tened to with intense interest by the members of the House and by the large audience in the galleries. In the more pathetic portions Of the narrative, Mr. Clymer was frequently forced by his feelings to pause until his voice recovered from it's tremulousness and him self from his agitation.

 At the close of the reading, and after many members who had taken up a position near the clerks desk, better to hear the testimony and accompanying statements, had returned to their proper seats. Mir. Clymer, who had also gone to his seat, rose and said with great emotion: "Mr. Speaker: I would not if 1 could, and l could not, in my present condition, if would, add any thing to the facts just reported to the house. Another occasion may be afforded me to do so, They are so plain that every where throughout Christendom, wherever the English language is read or spoken, they will for long years constitute a record of off cial corruption and crimes such as there is no parallel for in our own history or in that of any country that I know of in this house. If one sentiment of pity, one word of sympathy, could find utterance from me, it would be because I feel that the late seere- tary of war is but the proper out growth and true exponent of the corruption, extravaganza and misgovefnment that have cursed this land for years past. That be- ing my own reflection, l will dls- charge my duty best to mys If and to this house by demanding the previous question on the adopt ion oi the resolutions. l"

 Mir. Blackburne, member of the committee, expressed his sat isfaction that the report that had been read by his colleague { Mir. Clymer) showed to the world that nothing had been left un- done by the committee to shield and shelter from dishonor every person except the one whom it was the duty to investigat" and report upon. He would not con sent that the gentlemen from Massachusetts should make this a political or partisan question. He would not consent that hls side of the house should be placed in the position of prosecutors, and the other side should take up the position of defenders. It was a question which addressed itself alike to every member of the house. He regarded the case as an unprecedented one in more re spects than one. The action of the president in accepting secre- tary Belknaps resignation under the circumstances was unprece- dented, and this was the first instance in tue history of the country where any man claiming manhood and holding an exalted station had sought to shelter him self from legitimate investigation by interposing the dishonor of his wife. Sensation. Passing to the question of the impeachabili- ty of Belknap he suggested that the questions Judge Story had intimated might properly be left to the decision of the Senate. On such a state of facts, would the house be asked to shrink from the performance of its duty, be cause there might be mist or the shadow of a doubt on that point? The house could not do so; it would not be admissible. He quoted from the impeachment case of Lord Bacon, in which it was stated that when the lord chancellor had sought to save himself by the resignation of his high office, the attempt was vain, as the king did not and could not iaterpose. Was the house to be told that the man in power at the other end of the avenue was able to rob an American congress of the right and power of which the king of Great Britain could not take from parliament? [Sensa- ton and applause. It used to be the theory that the king could not do wrong, but no man has ever been found bold enough in this country to say that the president could do no wrong. If the man who had uttered the memorable sentence, "Let no guilty man es cape," held it in his power to rob an American congress of its right to inflict punishment or pronounce censure on a publicly convicted criminal, where was a barrier to be found beneath whose shelter the liberties of the people can rest secure? Applause.