Year: 1872

The first matter of any interest which was in an attack by the opposition upon the Government for it's conduct in the negotiation of treaty capable of giving rise to such misunderstanding. MT. Disraeli lost no time in assallting the Ministry with great malice, referring to the reserved and deeorous language of the royal speech with especial acrimony. It was certainly tempting opportunity. He was reasonably sure of one of two results. Either Gladstone would lose his temper and say something rash, or would keep losing popularity by it. The irascible Premier did not disappoint him. He made a fiery speech, avowing the magnanimity and gentleness with which England had gone into the treaty, and the loin-like courage with which she would defend her rights against our preposterous demands" With few more choleric statesmen on both sides we might find ourselves face to face in a few days in an attitude where retreat would be impossible for either.

 There is great deal of nonsense talk ed, on both sides of the ocean, about the liability of Republics to sudden storms of popular passion and the serene superiority of constitutional monarchies to any such accidents. We hope that the lesson of the last few days will not be lost on the timid souls who have been in the habit of thinking in this style. The people of the United States have left the matter to the constituted author ities. When the Treaty was concluded, it was published, widely read and gener- ally approved. It was sanctioned by the Senate and ratified by the President, and the Board of Arbitration formed. Sev- eral efforts were made by minimizing or self-seeking politicians to excite discon- tent against the Treaty among those who, 1t was imagined, might be injured by it. But these efforts continually fail ed. The agents of our Government pre- sented our case, including in it all the de- mands which we had steadily made for the decision of the Board of Arbitration, trusting to their impartiality and to the strength of our cause. If the decision had been against us, we should not have Eeen very we'll pleased, but we should have submitted Loyalty. l.-" | This was the behavior of the Republic. Does it suffer by. comparison with that of the freest and greatest monarchy on earth British public opinion accept ed the Treaty with twice the effusion and delight which was exhibited here They grew almost idyllic in. their ex

 pressions of satisfaction. Ifthey dream ed that because we were reasonable, we had renounced all our rights and our claims, that was not our fault. We gave no such assurances at any time. They refused lump sum to cover all damages, in consideration of which we had offered to waive our claim for indirect losses. | We were therefore driven to include these in our bill, or stultify all our previ- ous action. When our case appeared, there was week of surly comment, which grew at last into violent denunciation. The tempest of vul gar passion culmi- mated in an uncalled-for paragraph ill the Throne Address and foolishly j

 pulsive speech from the Treasury Bench.

 What the result of all this will be, it is premature to say. Every day of this causeless excitement ill England makes the matter more difficult. It is not probable that our Government will with. draw it's case. After MT. Gladstone's speech, it will be hard for the British Government to abide by the Arbitration

 Both sides in Parliament are working SC earnestly for victory that neither vii dare to take position which could bG called un-English. We can only assure our excited cousins that this is matter that concerns them infinitely more thar it does us.-Neac Fork Tribune. .s