Year: 1875

The tone of the discussions before the Su-
preme Court on the motion to reduce Tweed's
bail is worthy of study as showing the inge-
nuity and courage of attorneys resolved to
free their client The zeal of Tweed attor-
neys can be better understood when we re-
member the statement made some time ago
to the reporter of a contemporary to the effect
that Tweed had paid half million dollars
since the beginning of these suits to members
of the Bar. There is one point, however,
that cannot escape observation. and that is
the resolution of Tweed counsel only to have
their case heard before favorite judges. A
contemporary described the other day with
some vividness the resolution of Mr.. Field, as
Tweeds attorney not to made any motion be-
fore Judge Davis. We believe he even went
30 far as to withdraw motion when under
the ordinary course of proceedings it would
have como before that justice. The spectacle
of Tweed going to the courts of New York and
endeavoring to dictate what Judge shall or shall
not hear him recalls too wildly the past days
when he was master of the Judiciary for us to
look upon it with patience What right has
Tweed or his counsel to say which justice of
the Supreme Court shall determine his appli-
cation for bail He is no longer the chief of
Tammany Hall, master of political clubs, with
Supreme Court judges running at his beck,
and his voice potent in the sacred halls of
justice, commanding decisions, referee ap-
pointments and commissioners on street OPEN
ings or quartering his friends and his relatives
upon the Treasury. He is convicted thief
whose crime has every element of baseness.
He was trusted by the people of New York
with vast responsibilities. He was clothed
with great power. He was the head of O
dominant political organization. He had
every ambition, every opportunity to achieve
great things He abused these mighty
trusts. Like remorseless, vulgar robber
he took possession of the funds of the treasury
and squandered them upon Ingersolls and
Garveys and Woodwards and Keysers and
Davidsons and shoal of spies and informers
and blacklegs In 30 doing he not only
robbed the treasury OF millions but brought
infinite shame upon New York. Here we are
suffering for rapid transit The money stolen
by William M. Tweed and his associates



world from the Battery to the Harlem River.
Yet this criminal presumes to dictate to the
justice of New York what judge shall hear his
application for bail.


Why does not Tweed seek mercy by restitu-
ton? The Americans are generous people.
They feel how keenly must be the fall OF
man like Tweed. They thoroughly sympa-
xvith tha M a M
New York and who is now an i'm
prisoned telon. If Tweed were to
make the first advance toward public
opinion there would be no difficulty
in his receiving the fullest measure of
mercy. This he stubbornly refuses to do.
The money he stole from New York he
keeps, or at least as much of it as his
the first concession to an outraged public
opinion. Stubbornly resisting, sustained by
lawyers who are paid out of money that
belongs to the Treasury, be resorts to every
agency to stife justice and to continue his
defiance of public opinion and the law.


AS we have said, there is no desire on
the part of any one to be rude or harsh to
this wretched old man. But when he ap-
pears before our courts, not as q supplicant
for mercy but as q master endeavoring to
dictate whether Judge Davis or Judge any
body else shall hear his application for
bail we must receive it as another illus
tration Of that high-handed outrageous ty-
ranny which began in corruption and which
has been an immeasurable calamity to the
people of New York.