Year: 1866

deprived of "al civil government" and
authorize the conventions not to ''alter
or amend but to "organ ze." The ex-
pressions Reconstruction" aud "restoiara.
tion" were then commented on. Mr.
Williams would accept either, but pre-.
ferred the former. The latter is sufficient
to Imply, if not destruction, at least dis.
| placement. The revolving States have
deaectel from their orbits, gathered round
new centre, and ceased to be parts Of
our system or to be obedient to our laws.
They compose part of our system de
5ure only, but not in fact Something
must be done to reestablsh their former
relations. They cannot do it themselves
The mere repeal of their secession ordi-
nances is not sufficient. The Executive
thinks that by their treason the people
have forfeited the right OF self govern
ment, that to this extent their Constitu-
tious as they stood before the rebellion
are abrogated, and tnat their sovereignty
has elapsed--but not to us. A commit
tee of the last House insisted that it re-
turned to the conquered people. The
President claims it for himself, aud has
acted accordingly.


The President says the State still lives,
with oul y an ''impared vitality" although
its government has been destroyed aud
it is contended that he has power to re-
store all its parts and former vitality and
to lead it forth as full and perfect as it
was before the rebellion Let us exam
inc the question. If the acts Of the State
had been simply an excess of power, this
view might be correct. But here the
fundamental law was changed, whether
rightfully or not is not the question =
True one of the stated objects is to ena-
BILE them to restore themselves. But
this is inconsistent with the grounds on
which the proclamations rest If these
States were still in the Union, no pro
cess Of restoration to their rights was nee
essary, because they we're entitled to them
by the Constitution. 1t is because they
are not that the President proposes ma
king them so by his own act, without
our agency. If these State constitutions
are in force as they existed before secess-
ion, because all that has been enacted
since in violation of Federal law is simp-
ly void, what then was the occasion for
any amendment? In that case they may
return at any time without any legislation
AS a ques;iJu of amendment they may
amend or not, and if they are in the
Union there is no power there to say
what or when they shall amend, The
executive admits that something must be
Gone to restore their original status. We
agree in thinking that by the war the
slaves have been emancipated, and suff-
rage destroyed with the government
Emancipation is question for the courts,
and cannot be drawn in here except by
assuming that these States are out and
must be formerly re admitted Then you
may prescribe terms. Without that you
must open when they knock without in
quiry as to their constitutions.


Taking it that their constitutions re-
quire to be amended, how is it to be done?
Not by the Executive, for he has no
more power to set up new class of elee
tors in South Carolina than in Massachu
sctts. The only way is in accordance
with their own law, which must have sur
vlved if any part of their constitution
did. TO ignore the law, as do the proc
lamations, is revolutionary. The people
had not asked for the privilege Of coming
back, although it is urged that the proc
lamations were intended to enable them
to do the work for themselves 1t was
not essential that they should come back
until they were ready for it. The proc
lanations were imperative not permissive
Suffrage was more than right--a duty.
The white men who could take tho oath
must reconstruct the State


MIR. Williams then discussed the way
in which the power claimed by the Prcsi-
dent has been exercised ''-Hea :


If the function were merely an exeeu-
tive one it could extend no further than
permission to the people to instruct. To
say who should or should not vote was
more taan an executive act. In the alb
sence OF all government, as the procla
nations admit, all were remitted to the
natural equality recognized in the Dec


aration of and which had been suspen-
ded by the force of civil institutions,
which had then ceased to exist. The
negro, whether bond or free, previously
h d the same rights as the white man,
and heather could deny to the other the
right to vote All privileges of caste
and complexion had disappeared with the
constitutions which established them. lie
cannot be said that it was not right for
the President to confer the privilege on
this particular class.


at was not his to confer on anybody,
white or black. If he had left the cleo
tion to the citizens who owed allegiance,
paid taxes, and were subject to bear arms,
they must have voted without distinction
of color The only question was, not
whether he could confer it but whether
he could take it away. He has taken it
away from others-from all who we're not
qualified under the old constitutions, and
from all who are disloyal or refuse the
oath to support the laws and prociama-
tions in regard to slavery. The old gov
ernment with their black codes, which
we're the fruitful nurseries of reasonable
sentiment, and have destroyed themselves
by hurrying their people into the rebe..-
lion. are alleged to furnish the rule and
standard of electoral fitness, on the hypo-
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