Year: 1866

= the Reconstruction Committee


Mr.. RANDALL, of Pennsylvania, q,


dressed the House in opposition to IL


measure. He wished that the eolored raC


in the Southern States were allowed to OF


cupy the same position as they did in h


own State, but as he was not willing tbs


the general Government should interfer


with tho matter in Pennsylvania, neithe


was he willing that it should interfere wit


it in the South. He believed that it wa


the intention to prevent the possibility c


any Southern State voting for the amend


ment. The whole scheme was one of pro


crastination and delay, looking to the ex


clusion of the Southern States till after tn


next Presidential election. The President


plan on the contrary, was plain and simple
just and ef1eetual, and, as he believed, ac


ceptable to a vast majority of the peoplt
North and South. The issue between thu


President and Congress was made up, anC


the appeal must be made to the people. He
believed that nothing could avert the speedy
1 possession of the Legislative branches o.
| the Government BY the conservative meu
of the country under the lead Of Andrew
johnson.


MIR. STR0USE, of Pennsylvania, followed
on the same side. He declared the Consti-
tuition was never intended to be plastered
| and patched and Congress should be ez-
| eeedingly cautious about tamperiDg with it.
Mr.. BANKS, of Mass, was the next
speaker. He regarded this as the most i'm
portant question that could be presented TO
Congress or the country. He believed that
the organization of governments in the in
surgent States could only be safely made
by effecting changein the basis of politi-
cial society in the South. No proposition
met his entire approval which did not effect
a radical change in the basis Of political
society in those States, but he did not ex-
pect the House to adopt his opinion, nor
would he insist upon any theories OF his
own. He had no doubt that the Govern
ment of the United States had full author
ity to extend the elective franchise to the
colored people of the South, but ne did not
think it had the power. Public opinion Of
this country was such at this momentas to
make it impossible. He thought it wise on
the part of the Committee on Reconstruc
sion to waive that measure in Difference TO
public opinion. While he deemed the pro-
vision in regard to representation equitable,
he did not think it important. In his
Judgment it was of no consequence whether
the late rebel States had so or SIS
representatives in the House. The southern
people governed by force; their philosophy
was force; their practice was force; their
tradition was force. Whether few or many
they would have the power whenever they
were restored. While, therefore, he agreed
cheerfully to the proposition both in pur-
pose and phraseology, it did not seem to
be the question at issue.


He approved the proposition TO disfran-
chise the enemies of the country. He
thought it right in principle and necessary
az this time. He did not care much
whether the extension of franchise to the
negro was coupled with il, although he was
in favor of it. He had no difficulty in re-
gard to the supposed unfairness of disfran-
chising disloyal men who came within the
terms of the amnesty proclamation, for he
held that in all proclamations and military
conferences the idea of restoring political
rights was carefully guarded against. He
did not agree with the gentleman from
Ohio (Garfeld) as to the impracticability OF
enforcing Gisfranchisment, nor did not ap-
prehend the rejection of the proposed
amendment. There were twenty-five
States represented in the House and two
more would give the number requisite to
adopt the Constitutional amendment. He
believed that Tennessee and Arkansas
would ratify and that would give the
requisite number of votes. If the amend
ment was defeated at all would not be
defeated by any of the insurgent States.
1t was not true that nine-tenths, or any
such large proportion, Of the Southern
people were enemies to the Government.
The common people of the South would
ultimately be found among the truest and
best friends OF the Government He
thought that Switzerland, the wisest
government of the earth, had given q good
lesson on this subject. That government
had encountered in 1913 difficulties similar
to those which this government had lust
encountered. Switzerland suppressed the
rebellion and organized Governments in
the rebel cantons just as Mr.. Lincoln had
undertaken to organize governments in the
Southern States. 1t maintained the power
in the hands of its friends and disfranchised
its enemies, until, after some time, it had
permitted its reeusants to resume their
political rights. From that policy Switzer-
land was rs sound and safe q government
IS there was on the continent of Europe


The descent Of the Speakers gavel here
announced the termination of the hall
hour allowed TO each member for discus
sion.


The debate wss continued by Messrs.
ECKLY and BEAfIAN in support Of the
measure, and Mr.. ROGERS against it.


Mr.. BEAMAN while supporting the joint
resolution expressed the hope that it would
be amended by striking cut the Sd section,
to which he had serious objection.


Mr.. ROGERS congratulated himself that
he was fortified in the position he took by
one who held the reins of government in
the Presidents chair, and he declared that
if he were citizen of Southern State he
would vote to give the colored people every
right except the right to intermarry with
the whites and the right to vote at the bal
lot-box.


Mr.. .FARNSW0RTHw was the next speaker.
He expressed his intention to vote for the
Joint resolution as reported, with the exeep-
tioa Of the Cd section. The measure was
not all he wished nor all the country ex-
poets, but it was not becoming to a legisla-
tor to oppose some good because he could
not have all the good he wished. Instead
of the Sd section he was in favor Of having
an article in the Constitution forever dis
qualifying all leading rebels from holding
any office under the United States, thus
making treason odious and traitors infa-
mons.


Mr.. DAWES, of Massachusetts,, declared
that with the exception Of the third section
he gave the measure his hearty approval I;
but even if he could not exclude that Sec
ton, he should vote for it, but desired par
tieularly to call the attention of the House
TO the fact that there was no provision
made by law or the Constitution by which
a question as to votes for President and Vice
President could be decided. The Constitu-
ton provided that the President of the SEN
ate shall, in presence of the Senate and
House of Representatives, open all the GER
tifeates, and the votes shall then be count
ed. But who should decide, if there was a
dispute, whether votes had been cast by
men who were not entitled to Voto? There
was no tribunal as yet erected to determine
that fact Chancellor Kent had declared
that to be an omission, and had seen in it a
possibility of great danger to the country.
The danger had shown itself on the oeca-
sion of counting the votes for President
when Buchanan was elected, the State of
Wisconsin not having cast its electoral vote
on the day prescribed, and there being no
tribunal to decide whether that electoral
vote should be counted or rejected. This
was the reason operating on his mind
against the adoption of the third section.


Mr.. BINGHAM uext addressed the House
taking the ground that all the measures
reported by the Reconstruction Committee
should be considered as an entirety. The
want of the Republic to-day, he said, was
not Democratic party, not a Republican
party, but party for the Union and the
Constitution. He trusted that after the
vote was taken to-day it would not be re-
corded by the historian that the sad hour
had come in the commonwealth Of the great
Republic which in the day of its desolation
came to the commonwealth of ancient
Rome, when Caesar had his party, when
Antony had his party, when Brutus had
his party, but when the commonwealth