Year: 1866




basis to restore all parts of the country
to full participation in the national gov.
ernment as speedily as it can be done
with safety. We have differed from
the Democratic party IN this. that they
have claimed that the war should have
no result, If the Southern Confederacy
were not established, but that we
should take up The old thread of our
national existence where wc left it be-
fore this great 'convulsion came, and
that no change whatever ought to be
made ir the Constitution or laws of the
land. We, on the other hand, have
insisted that changes have been made
necessary by the progress of affairs,
and that these changes must be made
before any permanent settlement would
be possible. In short, they have been
practically for "peace at any price, Z"
whilst We have been for peace, perma-
nent. assured, lasting peace, upon the
tuH recognition by the South of the redl
situation produced BY the 0ar. They
have insisted that no conditions should
be imposed on the Southern States,
whilst we have universally and contin-
ually affirmed that the restoration must
be made on terms. / desire to make
this statement as emphatic as possible,
and mean 10 assert that have never
heard ofany person, high or low, in Of
fee or out of Office, from the President
of the United States to the humblest
citizen, who has claimed to belong to
the great Union Republican party, and
who has not agreed to the proposition
that terms, involving some change in
the organic law of the land, must be
accepted by the lately rebellious States
as the condition of completed rcstora-
tion.


But what shall the terms be? Here
we (edpe the general principle and de:
scend to practical detail, and here, as
was inevitable, differences of opinion
arise. There were able men among us
who regarded tho rebellion and its
subjection as a favorable epoch grant
cd by Providence TO give Us the OPP
portunity of bringing the Constitution
OF the General Government and of all
the States to ideal perfection at one
swift bound There were others who
believed that the changes made should
be the fewest which could possibly con ,
sist with the revolution in the social
system and domestic institutions of
the South made by the war. Between
these there would OF course. be many
shades of opinion, and discussion and
comparison of views necessarily pre-
ceded any general consent TO any pol
icy whatever. / shall not stop to in
quire whether tho period Of debate has
been unnecessarily prolonged, for ]
see TO good TO result from suoh inqui-
ry, and no important influence it could
have upon the determination of our
present duty. For the same reason |
shall not discuss the spirit with which
tho debate has been conducted
nor ask whether one or another has
INDUCED in improper acrimony or
blameable license OF speech. | must,
however, express regret that what
appears to be purely practical ques-
tion of detail, should have led into a
discussion, almost entirely theoretic OF
tho powers and authorities of different
departments of the Government over
the subject of restoration or recon.
struction. The constitutional history
of Great Britain is made up of an in.
terminable series of disputes about leg
islative privilege or executive preroga
tive, and no other class of quarrels has
proven so bitter and so passionate
The operation of our Government il
peaceful times is so well regulated by
our written Constitution that such con
troversies cannot well arise. 1t is on
y in an anomalous and revolution lry
time that they become possible, anC
for this very reason they ought not tc
occur at all. If the terms on which
the rebellion is ended and the country
restored to peace are acceptable to the
loyal people OF the country, and sc
aoceded to as to be binding upon al
concerned, we need not care copper
who began, conducted, or ended the
process No example is being set tha
may be dangerous in the future, be
cause like circumstances cannot occur
and it would be nonsense 10 attemp
to provide for them if they could
Revolutions make no precedents. Wher
they come, they break through al
rules, and in your modes of dealing
with thom it is impossible TO reduc,
them to the form of any statute, fo
"in such case there is none "mad'
and provided" Let the people b.
satisfied that tho terms of settlemen
are right, and accepted by the Soutl
80 as to be binding, and they will max
short work with all debates Of tn,
kind l have spoken of, They will pas
the same judgment upon such wars @
words as celebrated old English di
vine passed upon the discussion o
forms of worship, when he inquil e.
what they were contcnding for; "fo
religion no ! for the body of religion
not SO much! for the garment of tn


body of religion no, not for SO much
but for the tringes of the garment c
the body of religion! !"


Let us then put away all these ques
tions about "fringes," and come prac
tically to the "body" OF the subject a
least, asking what terms have bee


proposed for the settlement of our cor
trvversy with the South, and hoy
these plans or policies differ. Look
ing at the matter in the orderot tim'


we find the President of the Unite


States, soon after the surrender # LIE
A