Year: 1874

Indignation, when the democrats manifest
unusual strength or that conservative wisdom
which to them is the highest strength, we
are reminded in mysterious manner OF our
foreign relations Sometimes it is the
.'imminence Of q war with Spain ON account
Of Cuba Again, it is the depredations of
the Mexicans on the Rio Grande which de-
mand .the protection Of American rights and
property" Then we have an intimation that,
after all, our relations with England have not
been finally adjusted, that nothing win suit
John Bull but to beat him. To this is added
occasional gusts of activity in the Navy De-
partment, suggestions about ''reviving Ameri-
can commerce." and sending ''the old flag to
float again over every sea-" The permanent
question of our Foreign Department is Cuba.
In Cuba we havea revolution which never dies.
Like the Cariist war it lasts from generation to
generation, until it has almost become a per-
Inanent industry of the country. A good deal
of this war is, we are afraid, fought on Broad
way and in the newspapers. Still it has life
enough for an experienced diplomatist. Every
two or three months ''the Cuban question
assumes a menacing, portentous shape The
other day we were told from Washington that
Secretary Fish and Minister Cushing had
broken into an 'tactive correspondence, and
that our Secretary of State had "shown
strong desire for the abolition of slavery and
for the Independence of that island" An old
resolution, passed by the UniteGStates Senate
SO long before the deluge as 1858, to the effect
that searching an American ship on the high
seas is derogation of our sovereignty, is ad-
vanced as pretext for dealing harshly with
Spain 1t seems the Spaniards have been
scrutinizing American flags when they appear
in the Gulf Of Mexico, for the purpose of dis
covering expeditions against the Spanish gov
ernment or supply ships for the aid of the
rebellion.


We do not place the highest importance
upon any one of these rumors. There is
it is seeking to recover popular favor. When
a government like that of the President,
which came into power with unprecedented
evidences Of favor, sinks into sad ways and
disrepute, it is the tendency of its chief TO
strengthen his power and vindicate his fame
by policy of s'vigor." There is nothing,
unfortunately, for our fighting Saxon nature,
more attractive than a war. When the sword
makes an appeal to patriotism We cannot re-
sist it. There is legend of an old naval
commander der-Decatur we think-who said
"Our country, when she is right; but our
country, right or wrong This lofty and
somewhat truculent sentiment is thoroughly
Saxon. Nations become rusty. They desire
excitement and adventure. Even the poets
take the infection, and we have as mild
bard as Tennyson singing about the 'Long
long canker of peace" and ''the higher aims 1
Of land that has lost for little her lust of
gold" Napoleon I, and Napoleon III.
showed in their career show war can be sum-
moned to distract an oppressed people from
the contemplation Of tyranny and misgovern-
ment The first Napoleon regarded the
French people as q volatile tickle and change
able race, who had to be led from war to war
to make them content with imperial rule.
When Napoleon uL-who was mere
pinchbeck imitation Of his ancestor, inherit
ing the clothes without the genius-found
himself sorely pressed by public opinion and
revolution came to o head he avoided the
issue by war. He fought Russia in 1854 to rid
himself Of the consequences of the coup d. <tat.
He fought Austria in 1859 as an appeal to the
rising spirit of liberalism and aspirations for
national unity. He fought Prussia in 1870
because he feared the success Of the revoln-
tionary sentiment which afterwards famed in
the Commune He never made an honest.
wv 1uAb bo 11,,.
trated how easily the possessor of executive
power can save himself from popular condem-
nation upon questions of home government by
leading the patriotic feeling of the country
into conflict with foreign foe.


These flashes Of war that come from Wash
ington justify US in the apprehension that the
able and audacious men who surround Presi-
dent Grant may regard war with Cuba or
with Mexico, OF even with England, as an
assurance of continued power. Notwithstand-
ing our republican form of government and
the nominal responsibility of the President to
Congress, war or peace rests largely with the
Executive. That is to say, that any Executive,
especially if he has majority in Congress,
can, by his simple will, precipitate an issue
upon the country that must result in war.
President Polk did so with Mexico. Instead
of calling upon Congress as q sovereign power
to proclaim war he informed that body that
war was already in existence. President Lin
coin had thousands of men in the field before
Congress could say q word of approval or
disapproval of his measures for the suppress
sion Of the rebellion. We can understand
how nearly the Virginius question led the
country to the verge of open hosilities with
Spain.


Our foreign relations are so delicately
placed-and in fact the FOREIGN relafions of