Year: 1874

wanted the English trade unions to 60 in for poll
tics az part of the Continental lnternationale anu
that the Epglishmen, with their usuai prac"cA,
sense would have nothing to do with COntinen'ai
politics. or with any politics at all. but meant 10
confne trade unions to their legitimate objects.


And then came Lord Hought0n with one OF tne
speeches he knows so well how TO make, ponbep
chatting Mr.. Barry's head off his shoulders-ifl may
borrow sueh an expression. And there was one
thing said Lord Houghton, that he had always
wanted to know and never could get anybody TO 'ei
him-where Mr. Barry and his friends would ORA"
the line against accumulation of property At VIVA.
point does property become the enemy OF SOCIETY
And he proceeded thus:


II was all very we'll say that there was an innn'o
difference between that had made $500 ana TUG
Marquis of Westminster; but he did not quite see


the line to be drawn-at what point the funu wa
back distribution and to cease TO he IN tne
OF management. He hoped TO see the time "hen W,
workngmen would cODcede all that the capitalist couu
ask the wages Of management, and wnen tne eap'"


lat would instead Of being the employer ne war
IN truth the employed for the man who invested MS 'h


sands any great manufacturing enterprise was rea


employ ed by those who received out Of practca
work n people could be got 10 understand tnis IL
would be found that the whole question turned upo
two points-the what the proper wages OF man'
agemeDt and the other how far these wages OF manage
should he allowed 20 continue or whether u was
desrabe or for the good society that there should De
a forcILIe stOppage and redistribution. People 10 Ell
gland and in civilized countries had come 10 'ne
conclusion that perfectly impossible TO draw any
such line, 10 decide at any moment that capta
became absolute property the individual TO such no
extent that IL should be taken away oy iofce
and redisTibuted II the working people could only DC
got understand that question: he thought they woud
come 10 this conclusion they would give to the em
ployer such wages they thought his occupation DIS
enterprise his power OF management deserved that
they would that freely and ungrudgngly ana tnat
ven the whole question of the amount Of wages
which they would receive one between them ara
the II the workingmen could only be got
to regard the capitalist their manager they would I'M
mediatey the conclusion that he either was or
not the proper medium between them and the con-
sumei that he the who was best able 10 Judge
what amount Of the products OF industry could be ds
tributed among certain number OF men with full ad-
vantage to the trade in which they we're engaged.


With which the discussion came pretty much to
an end. The extract is as good a speci-
men az l could give you Of Lord HOughtoD
manner of thinking on these questions-Dy
no means lacking in originality and acute
ness Ny contribution TO the debate shall be a
story lately heard of Frenchman who was
troubled with some of Mr.. Barrys notions about the
division of property. friend endeavOred to point
out to HIM that if all the property in France were
put into a common treasury and then equally DIS


ributed his own individual share of it would be but
a small sum- "YesD said the Communist, " but
that with what have already, would make me very
comfortable" And l fancy that the Frenchman's
notion Of equal division would be found, inquiry,
not to differ essentially from the notions OF Com
munis;s IN general. q. w. $.