Year: 1866




The Proper Course for the South.


1t is very clear to us all that the Presi-
dent wishes we'll to the South, and that II
his " i'll could prevail, the Southern States
would now be back in the Union, and
Southern Representatives occupying their
seats in Congress. 1t is also clear that
there would be no legislation by Congress
on the subject of Negro Suffrage In the
States, but that it would be left to the con-
troll of the several States, as has all along
been the case. 1t is equally certain that
he would pay respect to the almost unani-
nous opinions and wishes OF the people OF
the District Of Columbia, recently express
ed at the polls against the extension to the
negroes of the elective franchise. 1t is
clear that he is strongly opposed to the nu-
merous Constitutional amendments daily
offered in Congress, and that he regards
the prevalent spirit of innovation and
change as full of danger to the stability
and permanence of the fabric OF Govern
ment handed down to us by our fathers.
He has more than once likened these nu-
merous propositions for amending the Con-
stitution to "prcambles and resolutions at
town meetings" The President makes no
concealment as to his opinions and wishes.
On the contrary, he avails himself OF all
proper occasions to make them known,
with the double purpose, doubtless, of plac-
ing himself correctly before the country,
and of exercising, if possible, wholesome
and restraining influence upon the
revolutionary radicalism of Congress.
The reserve he maintained at the
opening of Congress is now thrown
off. Much of the Radical legislation
then initiated. was so initiated under
the pretext that it was not in conflict with
any avowed opinions or wishes of the Pres
idcnt. He now strips them of every such
preteXt, by expressing distinctly and clear
ly. his opinions and wishes, and by giving
opportunity for their publication through
out the country, so that if Congress shall
persevere in carrying out these radical
measures. it will be with the full under
standing and knowledge that the President
is opposed to them. To what extent the
action of Congress will be influenced by
these public manifestations on the part of
the President, remains to be seen. The
radical leaders appear thus far to be re-
gardless of all the checks and restraints
that are attempted to be placed upon them.
Whether they will continue their course
and press the measures they have commenc-
ed, to the Presidents threatened veto, and
over it, will soon be made apparent We





ranted by the strong disapprobatOry Ian
guage used recently by the President, in
assuming that he will apply his veto to most
of these measures, if forced upon him by
Congress. 1t is idle to suppose that conf
dence and good will can subsiSt between
Congress and the President, should the ma
iOrity persist in their extreme course.


The course for the South to pursue is
plain. 1t is very manifest that we can gain
nothing by throwing ourselves into the
contest. 1t is our policy to keep as quiet
as possible We have no voice or influence
in the decision to be pronounced, although
all our interests depend upon it. We nat
urally feel lively, a painful interest in it,
and are sometimes betrayed into expires
siOns so warm as to be deemed imprudent.
Seeing the Presidents process of recon-
struction gradually developed-permitted
to elect municipal and county officers; al
lowed to choose State Legislatures and
Governors, and seeing those Legislatures
assemble, organize, and apparently exercise
all the legislative functions, and our elected
Governors recognized by the President and
duly installed in oflice-we began 10 think
that we had resumed our places in the I'm
ion, and would be permitted to speak our
sentiments like freemen. We thought the
contest ended, but tiud that it has but COM
menced. We forgot that the Presidents
arrangements were only provisional, or
could he so interpreted by an unfriendly
Congressional majority, and lost sight of
the fact that martial law still prevails in
the South. Every imprudent word we have
spoken has returned to plague us. The eX-
pressions of wounded sensibiity have been
construed into evidences of disloyalty.


We have laid down our arms, taken the
oaths OF amnesty and obedience, and cannot
strike blows, even if we so desired. We
naturally chafe under the wanton insults
and unmanly denunciatOns so freely he
slowed upon us in radical quarters, and are
tempted to hurl them back in their teeth,
for it is not the habit of Southern men
to submit silently to such treatment. Let
us, however always bear in mind that there
is more manliness and dignity in silence
than in bandying epithets. We should re-
member, too, that those whom we are
tempted to abuse have the power of mean
revenge. If we are disarmed and helpless,
they are not. The position in which we
find ourselves Is sufficiently humiliating,
but it is the result of war, and we must re-
concile ourselves to it as best we cam
Harsh language cannot save us from wrong;
OH the contrary it may eXasperate the Radi
Gals to such degree as to induce them to
superadd measures of still greater severity.


One very ill consequence has followed the
Radical demonstrations in Congress. We
had all, under the pleasant delusion that we
were American citizens, and that our States
were once more States in the Union, begun
to experience re-awakening of that
high sentiment amor pdtrie. We had
begun to feel pride and pleasure in
its indulgence. We have suddenly found
ourselves checked, and the deluson has been
dispelled. We have been thrown back into
the " slough of despond." We are disap-
pointed, discouraged, disheartened. We
feel that our efforts to cooperate with and
sustain the President have been in vain,
have even made it all the harder for us. We
have the satisfaction of believing that he is
this day as firm as he was three months ago
If anything tirmer-and that he appre-
ciates the sentiments of respect and admira-
tion universally felt for him throughout the
South, but it seems that not his. but Radical
counsels are to prevail. All that we have
done is to be counted as nothing-worse
than nothing. 1t is to be construed against
us and distorted into evidence of disloyalty.
We are to be allowed to do nothing volun-
tarily, but in all things are to act under
constraint and compulsion. The President
said--"We must trust the South" The
Radicals say-"The South cannot be trust
ed" 1t must be suspected, discredited, hu-
initiated, disgraced and punished to the last
extremity of rigor. This may not be brave,
may not be magnanimous, but we are power
less, and may as well be silent. Our senti-
ments are known as tar as we can make
them known. Let us bear our fate, trust
ing to Providence to strengthen the hands
of the President and to overrule the evil