Year: 1874

!
| motives. He has, l doubt not, In his acrion in
| originally recognizing Kellogg either aeceived
himself or been deceived by Others but the error
as think it was must have been one of Judgment


and not OF design.


The President having recognized Kellogg and
that recognition never having been reversed by
Congress, what Is his duty in the existing emer.
geDcyP That he cannot permit a State govern
ment to be suDverted by domestic violence with
out palpable derelictiOn OF duty Is clear. When
called upon In proper form to put it down the
constitution gives him option in the matter.
he Is bound by its very words to bring t to a
termination, and TO restore the government at
tempted 10 be overthrow. Keogg's
government, from the time it was recog
nized by the President to the occurrence
OF the late violence, was the only government
known to the State. Every OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES
tive, executive and judicial-existed under its
authority. The President therefore is impera-
lively called upon to protect 1t and to reinstate IL
as it was before the violence took place If he can
His recognition OF it having been acted upon as
conclusive OF It's legitimate existence he has now
no right to withdraw 1t. His decision is as bind
Ing upon him as IT was upon the State. His juris-
dicton over the subject exhausted by its first
exercise, and his subsequent conduct IS to be gov
erned by the same considerations which would
control 1t II the Legality OF that government had
never been called into doubt What he is dong
now, In my opinion. is what he is bound to do.
An admission or right to resort to violence to
put down an existing government might by its
example, often lead to anarchy IN every State-a
condition OF things more fatal to people than
any abuse OF the elective franchise or govern
mental power.


have said that the President Is bound to re.
store the Kellogg government-ifhe he can. But the
government Is not constituted OF Kellogg alone.
1t Is made up also OF the Legislature, the Judiciary
and of subordinate officers, appointed or elected.
The most OF these are reported either to have
resigned or abdcated. II they refuse to return
to their offlces has the President any power to
force them to do so2 If he has not mas ne power
to compel the election or appointment Of otherss
think 1t clear that he has neither and the effect
of his doing what he can for the restoration OF
Kellogg as Governor may leave the State without
any other officer than Governor, or with Gov
ernor without government. The difficulty there
1ore OF the present situation In Louisiana may not
De oDviated by the course he Is pursuing or by any
which ne can constitutionally adopt flow it
might certainly be met without further excitement
or trouble Is q question which would seem to me
capable OF ready solution, and that Is the
one suggested in your note-the resignation OF
Kellogg and McEnery. But to make this effective
each OF the Lieutenant Governors should also re.
sign. II they are governed by patriotic motives,
and desire to restore tranquility to their State,
they will not hesitate to take such step. That
Kellogg can desire to retain position which is so
adverse to the feeling OF the State, and which 1t Is
obvious he would not be able to hold day without
the aid of federal troops, seems to me to be
equally unpatriotic and dIshonOrable. But upon
such question, the man-Kellogg-is the judge,
and, as he may judge it, VIII he meet with the
applause or condemnation OF the country.


Iremain, with great regard your obedent SER
vanr REvERDY JOHNSON
The Danger OF Having the Chief Conn


mercial City the Capital Also.


To THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD


In connection with the wretched Louisiana busi
ness the time would seem appropriate to call the
attention OF the people to the great mistake toften
made) OF locating the political capital at the CON-
mercial capital OF q State country. VINO sup
poses Tor moment that If the capital Of Louisiana
had been at almost any other place IN the State
than New Orleans the late disgraceful overturning
OF the government could have occurredp
1t would have been impossible to have COL
lected and transported to the scene OF action
the necessary number of malcont with supplies
and accoutrements in a sufficiently brief time to
surprise the authorities and capture the records
and public buildings. And who doubts but that
il the capital OF the State OF New York was located
In the city Of New YORK the government OF this
State would have been Overthrown on more than
one occasion, and especially Immediately prior to
the commencement OF the war, or at the time OF
the riots, or at least its overthrow attempted?
Even now the loyal clans which ambitious chiefs
can marshal in this great commercial centre pur-
sue like hungry hyenas the spoils Of but single
city Of great State. What might not, then, bad
IN
compass at single grasp the spoiis OF
pelt, power and patronage of the whole
state added to that OF single cltyY Who sup
poses that the government OF France would have
been overturned SO Often and so easily as 1T has
been, II the political capital had been located in
one or the smaller towns, away from the great
city, instead OF in the midst of Paris. where men
and supplies can be had for almost any enterprise,
however desperate, at, as 1t were, the tap OF the
drumY In this matter we see again the wisdom of
our 1oreiatners who, instead OF locating the capl-
tai OF the country at New York, or Philadelphia,
or Boston, great commercial centres, located 1t
where there was little prospect there could ever
be great city and where there was then barely
p0rn han