Year: 1877

ton, and there is strike on the Boston & Maine R. R. The men have been idle for more than 8 week, and no signs are des- cried of an amicable settlement between the railroad officials and the strikers. There was much excitement when the men l first struck; the station was crowded with people with Idle interest, the trains, which | are numerous on this road. were run on ly as men could be found in any way fit to l manage an engine, and general disorder and confusion ruled. Popular sympathy was with the strikers, and by 8 rousing | meeting held in Fsneuil Hall, great indlg- nation was stirred up and expressed toward l the road. The people living along the line have ex- ] perienced great inconvenience from the ! strike. Those who do business in the city | and live out, were unable to get here, and the freight, was and is, greatly delayed. It Is undecided at this writing. bat I feel safe in predicting that the strikers will obtain 40 concession from the road, and will be com pelled to succumb.

 There exists what is called "Brother- hood of Locomotive Engineers" and it is now the most powerful trade-union in the United States. It is said to embrace over eighty per cent. of the thoroughly compe- tent engineers in the country, and claims a membership of over 12,OOO. There are di- visions and sub divisions of the order, each governed with council, but the Grand Chief Engineer, MT. F. M. Arthur, is the sole executive officer, and has no council. He is the autocrat of the order, and rules it as he chooses. The Union has had rather an eVentful career. When it first organized 1t was arrogant and determined, and strikes were frequent; but these were of no avail, and learning wisdom from the failure. it settled differences by arbitration, and hence grew strong. For ten years after the first flush of independence had vanished, while the brotherhood was financially weak. there were no strikes. During this decade of peace it is sad that the Union has accumu- lated fund of nearly half a million dollars. The first strike after this long era of quiet was on the New Jersey Central Railroad in 1875, followed a short time since by the Grand Trunk strike, and now by the strike on the Boston & Maine. These strikes have been great drains on the treasury of the Brotherhood and the men have lost much while striking. The question upper most, in view of the fact that for ten years, when the treasury was low, all differences were settled by arbitration without resort to strikes, but that, during the past ten years, since the treasury has become pleth- oric, several disastrous strikes have occur red, whether the germ of the present diff culties may not be found in an ultra feel, ing of independence fostered and governed by knowledge of the large fund in it's pos. session. Increasing strength has made them arrogant and unjust and they have now come to season of excessive power and tyranny which perhaps will be follow ed by disruption and defeat. At least such has been the history and fate of nearly all trade unions, and this one seems to be no exception

 Now, trade unions and strikes are but an outgrowth of the communistic theory, Unquestionably it is all right for men to combine and say they will not work for less than $2 per day, but when these com bined men say that other men shall not work for less than $2 per day. they encroach on the individual rights of others, and it is all wrong. have no sym pathy with strikes as a method of adjust ing difficulties between employers and en- ployed. believe in free-trade and free competition in labor. beleive in iad5osd- ~at strikes, that is, when one man thinks he has cause to find fault, and 6oes so. But when men combine, as for instance. the engineers, in whose hands we place our lives every time we travel, and those men in their combination having the best and most thorough workmen, by their striking render trsfel unsafe for the public, retard busi- ness and distract the community; then it is crime and should be 80 considered. I understand strike to mean the refusal to agree to proposed contract, wherein the striker thinks he is not to obtain his just dues. The right for one man to strike is as inherent as the right to live, and any law which would deprive him of this would change him from 8 freeman to a slave. When men, individually considered, are de. barred this. they are mere machines, as sol- diers and sailors, who. are politically rem dered SO. But the fault is this: The Union has in it's membership all of the best engin- eers in the country, and when & strike is ordered the road is left destitute. It is compelled to concede to the demands of the strikers or to hire men to run the en- zines who are incompetent, who have been discharged from the Brotherhood or never belonged to it because of unWerthiness Hence. in the latter case, and as is the case with the Boston 6 Maine, the men hired are not to be trusted, and many accidents result therefrom, and hence it becomes & crime on the part of the strikers, and there should be a law against such, or better there should be a sentiment in society against proceedings 30 disastrous as these are.

 If labor defeats capital in this strike it is great victory for the Union and we may expect adeluge of strikes to follow and general demoralization of society. If capital is victorious it forbodes the dissolu- ton of such an organization and the gen. eral triumph of policy which places cap- ital and labor on par and suffers no com petition to exist. The country awaits with anxiety the result, and we may safely ex- pect one soon.

 In my last letter your type put it "too slow" speaking of Sankey's singing, where am sure l intended "two solos,"