Year: 1866

rom the New 4 ork Times, (Repubhcan.)l


The divisions which took place prior to the
final vote involved nothing, either affirmatory
OF Tins principle or otherwise. A respectable
minority of the House certainly did hold TO the
opinion that II would be as well TO have some
qualification for the new class Of voters: and a
considerable number of the members saw that
4 postponement of the question for the time
would rather favor than prevent a satisfactory
solution. Those who voted for qualification
were In no sense advocates of maintaining a
distinction based upon color. Those who voted
for postponement no doubt believed that the
principle OF the bill might De affirmed at later
date with quite as much advantage 10 the black
people as at present. The majority that voted
down the proposition for qualification and
postponement was made up partly of those
who opposed the bill on principle, and of those
who demand the universal enfranc hisement of
the negroes without any condition whatever.
The extremes met on both yotes-as they might
naturally be expected TO do. The conservative
Republican vote was consistent. The moderate
men who have always been ready to declare
that the distinction of color should not of itself
operate 10 deprive a citizen of the privilege of
voter, but who vet declared for qualified suff-
rage or delay, in no way compromised them
selves In ultimately accepting the bill as il
stood. They had never assailed its principles
They were willing to yield so far TO the unau-
imous decision OF the white voters of the Dis
trict as to make certain conditions in the prac-
tical applications of the measure, or failing
that TO ask time for deliberation. On both
points they suffered defeat by reason of the
unnatural and unholy alliance between radi-





their own tactics marked out, and they had a
perfect right TO use them, either for the purpose
OF ultimately uniting the Union yote-as they
did-or for any other purpose.


There is no triumph in the vote for either
party. Least of all is there a triumph FOR the
negro OF the District Of Columbia. Thas indi-
Nloual was the immediate object of interest,
no doubt. He and his relatives were in the
galleries OF the House in great strength; and
the promoters of the bill were rewarded with
several rounds of applause. So far, well. But
there are not few as sincere friends as the
freedman has, or ever Will have, who see in
this crowding of every conceivable and incon-
the black mans benefit, certain elements of
evil. The bowling and shouting fo- universal
negro suffrage is just as sure TO work a reac-
tion against the poor emancpated slave as the
most ordinary law of cause and effect. Re-
f1ecting men see, with irrepressible pain, that
the days of geographical, as against party di-
visions proper in Congress, have not ended
with the war; and they see, also, that every
such vote, instead OF bringing the two classes
at the South that are compelled to live together
INTO harmonious social relations, has the very
opposite tendency. The sectionalism which
led 10 the civil war had its origin Just in these
geographical divisions. The thing grew until
there was scarcely the shadow of a party di :
viding line left except the arbitrary one of
territorial boundary. 1t Is surely too soon TO
bring about a revival of this fatal practice by
forcing some of the best Union men of Mary-
land, Missouri, Kentucky, and Western yir-
ginia back into the position Of sectional repre-
sentatiyts. For such men as Green Clay
Smith, OF Kentucky, and Phelps, OF Maryland,
there is simply left the alternative of voting
with their section, or being politically damned
by their constituents. The geographical di
yiding line in their case becomes the only one
they can recognize on such votes.