Year: 1866

Second Brdnch-J. b. Sheppard.





Impenchiug the President.


Mr.. ASHLEY, of Ohio, enjoys the bad
eminence of being the first of the radical
members of Congress to introduce meas
ures looking to the impeachment OF the
President. BINGHAM, at st. Clairsville,
swore a fearful oath concerning the ac-
tive and foremost part he intended to
take in the deposition from office of the
President who dares to revere the con-
stitution, but, up to this time, his threat
has failed of execution, and if his
impious prayer has been answered,
sleep has not visited his eyes nor slum-
Der his eyelids since the assembling of
the second session of the Thirty-ninth
Congress. Even ASHLEY shrank from
offering a resolution declaring openly
for the impeachment of President JOHN
son, but instead desired the formation
of a committee whose business it should
be to inquire whether any of the officers
of the Government have been guilty of
such conduct as will Justify the prepa-
ration ofarticles ofimpeachment against
them. The resolution was offered
ont of order few days ago and the con-
sent of two thirds of the members of the
u,,,, &C p,prasapto fiyas yyas necessary
for a suspension Of rules so as to admit
of its immediate consideration. That
consent was not given and the resolu-
tion was compelled to await the due
course of parliamentary proceedings.
We observe that each of the three mem
bers Of the West Virginia delegation
voted against the suspension of the
rules.


The failure of ASIILEY's motion to re-
ceivc the support of two-thirds Of the
lower House is regarded by many as an
indication that no effort for the im-
peachment of the President can be sue
cessful. Indeed, it seems probable that
not only all who voted against the sus-
pension of the rules, would vote against
impeachment, but also some who were
willing to proceed Immediately to the
appointment of committee of inquiry,
such as is contemplated by AsHLEY's
resolution will vote against impeach-
ment when the naked question is pre-
sented. Radical and fanatical and rev.
olutiOnary as the present Congress is
and the next Congress will be, we can
hardly believe that its madness will
lead it to the extent of folly involved
in the impeachment of President JOHN
son. Even radical malignity must have
some limit, and we will believe, until
convinced by its actual occurrence, that
impeachment of the President of the
United States is beyond that bound.


Every President, from WASHINGTON
down, has been just as guilty Of crimes
that could justify impea chment as An
DREW JOHNSON has been. He has done
nothing officially which was not within
the powers conferred upon him by the
constitution, and exercised by every
President we have ever had. Upon nu-
merous occasions IN the history of onr
country a majority of the Congress has
opposed the palicy of the administra-
tion, but never before has the fact that
the President and the Congress differed
in opiuion rs to the best course to
be pursued to secure the welfare
of the entire nation been deemed good
cause for deposing the President from
his office. Every President has bestow-
ed his official patronage upon those who
conceded with him in political belief
and has removed from Office those who
failed to give to the measures of his ad-
ministration q willing and hearty sup
port, but never before has the fact Of
such removals and appointments been
considered just cause for impeach-
ing the Chief Executive and taking the
administration of the government out of
his hands. With but few exceptions, it
has been the practice of the United
States Senate, no matter what might be
the political views of a majority Of its
members, to confirm by their votes
whatever recommendations to appoint
ment the President might see fit to
make; and no Senator ever thought of
procuring the impeachment of o Presi-
dent because he chose to appoint his
own supporters to office rather than
members of the party that happened to
De dominant in the Senate. And
yet, when stripped of all dis