Year: 1867

veto of the Reconstruction bill. 1t is expected
to be sent in tomorrow or Wednesday.
| We can regard this veto no otherwise than as
q very grave mistake and a National mis-
fortune. And, hopeless as may be the task, we
cannot refrain from showing why this bill
should not be vetoed.


Let us begin by admitting that the terms OF
Reconstruction proposed in the bill are harsh
er than we wish they were-as they are harsh
er than they would have been had not the
Democratic minority of the House chosen to
follow the lead of Mr.. Thaddeus Stevens. They
knew-for he frankly avowed-that his object
was to make the bill larshcr yet they saw fit
to unite with a minority of the Republicans In
voting down the Blaine sherman proposition,
after it had passed the Senate by ~ to 10;
every Republican Senator voting for 1t. The
| Democrats so voted as TO compel the majority
of the Republicans to accept such plan OF
| Reconstruction as was satisfactory to MIR. Ste
vens or have none at all. The fact that ma
jority of the Republicans are at heart with
Blaine and Sherman, and not with Stevens, is
one to be regarded in acting on the main
question


As to the Military provisions of The bill now
before the President, it must be considered that
they amount in substance to tlis-1he PreSi-
dent is clothed wM porer 10 maintain order and
protect loyal men from outrage and murder IN The
South. The President is To select the com
mandants of the several districts; he is TO
instruct them in their duties; lac is to supervise
their official actions. aud to revise their iudg-
ments. What chance is there OF wong and
oppression


Are not these provisions needed? Read Mr..
Pixies report on the murder of the three Union
soldiers on the Savannah uvcr, the escape of
these murdercrS from justice through a wrlt of
habeas corpus issued by Judge Hall ot Della
ware. and the general satisfaction with which
their return was greeted by their eX-Rebel
neighbor. Is it possible that any man who
calls himself Unionist will say that the pun
ishment of such murders can safely should
be left to the local authorities of the South
And, if not. who can say that the military pro-
visions Of the Reconstruction bill are uuncedcd
or too stringent


Again No one VIII contend that no negroes
have been killed since the surrender OF the
Rebel armies. We know that negroes have
! here killed Whites. and have been punished
therefor, as was right. We know that Whites
have killed many negroes, aud have not Dcch
punished. Weeks ago, We asked any one 10
point us to Il single instance wherein the eX-
Rebel SLAYER OF negro had been arrested,
tried, convicted. and punished, 10y the local au-
thoritics AT the South. The answer Is blank
silence. The fact is virtually conceded that the
cx-Rebcl Whites at the South will not-at all
events do nGt-punish the assassins of Union
soldiers or Of negroes.


Need we argue that those assa-sins must
L.. a. oil .tnU
be necessary 10 this end that judges should be
hurled from the bench and consigned 10 the
dungcong If there is any thing Oh which the
loyal heart of the country is fixed, it il that
there shall be law and order at the South, and
that the Rebel assassns of loyal men shall be
punished. And, if YOU do not object TO this.
why object to the Military features of the Re
construction bill' They are essentially pro-
MISREPRESENTATION. Who need
dread their operation


rheres mono ever feared that the truth should De told


But they whom the truth would ihulct'


Now as To Reconstruction wiDlthose who are
advising the President to veto this bill tell
him what is to he gained by the Sonth' from
such vetog We ask practical question and
desire practical answer. If this were the be-
ginning of controversy, it might be well to



gress to the People. But the appeal has been
taken; it was fairly, boldly made by the Presi-
dent a year ago. and the verdict is oyerwhelm-
ingly against him. 1t cannot be mistaken, nor
argued down. The People have decided that
the terms of Reconstruction shall be settled by
their representatives in Congress. If it was
right to make the appeal. how can it be wrong
to abide the decision!


The XLth Congress il already chosen-in
far, at least, that its political character is fully
decided. 1t is notorious that the next Con-
gress will be quite as Radical as that which
closes with this week. Evidently, nothing is
to be gained for "the South by delay.


Look, now, at the fifth and sixth sections of
the bill, and note that they recognize and lega1-
ize the existing State Governments at the
SOuth-recognize them, indeed as provisional
only" but who ever cOntended that they
were moref We claim that this act legalizes
all that has been or may be done by those
governments except that which Congress may
expressly Overrule. Is this nothngg
AS for the residue of these sections, it is
almost wholly promssory or permissive in its
character-that is, it authorizes the South to
reconstruct herself in a certain way, but COM
mands nothing, compes nothing If "the
South does not choose to accept the prof
fered conditions, she declines them and remains
as she is Why deny her a chance to say
whether she will or will not be so recon-
structedg


The exclusions and disfranchisements stipu-
lated are in the nature of things, temporary.
They are sure to be rcmitted whenever we shall
have fully returned to order and peace. Aud