Year: 1866

stands where he did before. Now VIC are
talking about whore we are going to begin.
We have got at the hate that existed between
the two races. The query comes up wheth-
er these two races, situated as they were
before, without preparation, without time for
passion and excitement to be appeased, and
without time fer the slightest improvement,
whether the one should be turned loose
upon the other and be thrown together at
the ballot-box with this enmity and hate
existing between themP The query comes
up, will we not there commence war I
racesG think understand this thing; and
especially is this the case when you force it
upon people without their consent.


You have spoken about government
Where is power derived fromP We say it is
derived from the people. Let us take it so,
and refer to the District of Columbia by
way of illustration. Suppose for instance,
here in this political community, which to a
certain extent must have government, must
have law, and putting 1t now upon the broad
est basis you can put it; take into considera-





tofore borne to the colored race, is it proper
to force upon this community, without their
consent, the elective franchise without re-
gard to color, making it universal9


Now, where do you begin? Government
must have a controlling power--must have a
lodgment. For instance: suppose Congress
should pass law authorizing an election to
be held, at which all over 81 years of age,
without regard to color, should be allowed
to vote, and majority should decide at
such an election that the elective franchise
should not be universal, what would you do
about it9 Who would settle it? Do you
deny that first great principle of the right OF
the people to govern themselvesP Will you
resort to an arbitrary power, and say q ma
jority of this people shall receive state Of
things they are opposed to?


Mr. Douglass-That was said before the
war.


The President-I am now talking about q
principle, not what somebody else said.


Mr.. Downing-Apply what you have said,
Mr.. President, to South Carolina, for in.
stance.


The President-Suppose you go to South
Carollna-suppose you go to ohio-that does
not change the principle at ALL The query
to which l have referred still comes up when
the government is undergoing fundamental
change. The government commenced upon
this principle; it has existed upon it, and
you propose now to incorporate into it al
element that did not exist before. I say the
query comes up, in undertaking this thing
whether we have right to make a change
in regard to the elective franchise in Ohio
for instance-whether we shall not let The
people in that State decide the matter fol
themselves? Each community is better pre-
pared to determine the depository of its po
liucal power than anybody else, and it is fo
the Legislature, for the people of Ohio, tt
say whe shall and who shall not vote for thu
Congress of the United States. might g,
to the ballot box tomorrow and vote directly
for universal suffrage, but II great majorit,
of this people said no, should consider i
would be tyrranical and arbitrary in me Il
attempt 10 force it upon them without the
will. 1t is a fundamental text in my cree
that the will of the people must be obeyet
when fairly expressed. Is there anything
wrong or unfair in thatS


Mr. Douglass, smiling-A great deal O
wrong, Mr.. President, with all respect.


The President-It is the people of tn
States that must for themselves determin
this question do not want to be engage,
in work that will commence war Of races
l want to begin the work of repsration.
man demeans himself well, and shows evi
dence that this new state of affairs will ope
rate, he will be protected in all his right
and given every possible advantage by tn
State or community in which lie lives whc
they become reconciled socially and polit
cally to certain things. Then will this ne,
order of affairs work harmoniously. Bu
forced upon the people before they are pre-
pared for it, it will be resisted and wor
inharmoniously. feel a conviction thl
forcing this matter upon the people, upon tn
community, will result in the injury of bot
races, and the ruin of one or the other.


God knows have no desire but the goo
of the whole human race. 1 would it wei
so that all you advocate could be done
the twinkling of an eye. But it Is not in tn
nature of things, and I do not assume {
pretend to be wiser than Providence, {
stronger than the laws Of nature. Let |
now seek to discover the laws governing tn
question. There is great law controllin
it. Let us endeavor to find out what thi
law is, and conform our action to it. All IL
details will then properly adjust themselve
and work out well in the end. God know
that anything l can do 1 will do in u
mighty process by which the great end is


be reached. Anything l can do to eleva
the races, to soften and ameliorate their col
dition, will do, and to be able to do so
the sincere desire of my heart. lam glad


have met you, and thank you for the compl
ment you have paid me.


Mr.. Douglass-I have to return you oil
thanks, Mr.. President, for so kindly grantir
us this interview. We did not come hel
expecting TO argue this question with yol
Excellency, but simply to state what we
our views and wishes in the premises.
we were disposed to argue the question, al
you would grant us permission, Of course "
would endeavor to controvert some OF Il
positions you have assumed.


Mr.. Downing-Mr, Douglass, take it tn
the President by his kind expressions ar
his very full treatment OF the subject, mu
have contemplated some reply to the viev
which he has advanced, and in which "
certainly do not concur, and say this vii
due respect.