Year: 1866

of ten dollars shall be paid to each Commits
sioner in every case brought before him. and
fee of five dollars to his deputy. or deputies.
for each person he or they may arrest and
! take before any such Commissioner, with
such other fees as may be deemed reasonable
by such Commissioner in general for per.
forming such other duties as may be reqnire I
in the premises. All:these fees are to be
paid out of the Treasury of the United States,
whether there is conviction or not, but in
case of conviction, they are to be recoverable
from the defendant. 1t seems to me that
under the influence of such temptations bad
nefcent: into an instrument of persecution
and fraud .,.,-, ~


By the eighth section Of the bill The United
States Courts, which sit only in one:s!plSee
for White citizens, must migrate, with the
Marshal and District Attorney, aud neces-
sarily with the Clerk although he is not
menti"ned, to any part of the district, upon
the order Of the President, and there hold a
court, for the purpose of the more speedy
arrest and trial of persons charged with a
violation of this act; and there the Judge
and the officers of the court must remain
upon the order Of the President for the time
therein designated.


The ninth section authorizes the President.
or such persons as he NAV empower for that
purpose, to employ such part of the land or
naval forces of the United States, or of the
militia, as shall be necessary to prevent the
violation and enforce the due execution of
this act. This language seems to imply n
permanent military force, that is to be always
at hand, and whose only business is to be
the enforcement of this measure over the
vast region where it is intended to operate.


n IN Har flNa 80
this bill To me the details of the bill seem
fnn@ht with evil. The white race and the
black race Of the South have hitherto lived
together under the relation of master and
slave, capital owning labor. Now, suddenly,
that relation is changed, and, as to ownership.
'capital and labor are divorced. They stand
now each master of itself in, this pew relation
one being necessary to the other. There
will he new adjustment, which both are
deeply interested in making harmonious
Each has equal power in settling the. terms.
and if left to the laws that regulate capital
and labor, it is confidently believed that
they will satisfactorily work out the problem.
Capital, it is true. has more intelligence, but
labor is never so ignorant as not to under
stand its own interests, not to know its own
value. and not to see that capital must pay
that value. This bill illustrates this adjust
mont 1t intervcnes between capital aud
labor. nd attempts to settle questions Of
political economy through the agency of
numerous officials whose interest it will be
to fnment discOrd between the two races, for
as the breach widens their employment will
continue and when it is closed their occu-
pation will terminate.


In all our history. in all our experience as
a people, living under Federal and State
law, no such. system as that contemplated BY
the details of this Dill has ever before been
proposed or adopted. They establish for
the security of the cOlored race safeguards
which go infinitely beyond any that the
General Government has ever promised for
the white race. In fact, the distinction. of
race and color is by the bill made to cperute
in favor Of the colored against the white race
They interfere with the municipal legislation
of the States, with the relation existing ex.
clusirely between State and its citizens.
or between inhabitants of the same State,
an absorption and assumption of power by
the General Government which, ifacquesced
in. must sap and destroy our Federal system
of great powers and break down the barriers
which preserve the rights of the States. 1t
is another step. or rather slide towards cen
tralzation@and the conc :ntration of all Iegis-
lative powers in the National Government
The tendency Of the bill must be to resusci
tate the spirit. of rebellion and to arrest the
progress of those influences which are more
closely driving around the States the bonds
of union and peace.


My lamented predecessor, in his procla-
nation of the lst Of January, 1863 ordered
and declared that all persons held as slaves
within certain States and parts of States
therein designated were and they Mence
f0TL00rd should be free; and further, that the
Executive governments OF the limited States
including the military and naval authority
thereof would recognize and maintain the
freedom of such persons. This guarantee
has been rendered especially obligatory and
sacred by the amendment of the Constitution
ab"lishinG siavery throughout the United
States. / therefore fully recognize the OBJ
legation to protect and defend that class of
our people whenever and wherever it shall
become, necessary, and to the full extent
compatible with the Constitution of tho
United States Entertaining these senti-
ments. tonlv remains for me to say that
will cheerfully CO operate with Congress in
any measure that may be necessary for the
protection of the civil rights of the freedmen,
as we'll as those of all other classes Of persons
throughout the Unit d States, By judicial
process under equal and impartial laws, in
chnfnruiity With the provisions of the Federal
Constitution. =


I now return the bill to the Senate. and
regret that in considering. the bills and Joint
resolutions-forty-two in number-which
have been thus far submitted for nv appro-
val. am compelled to Withdraw nv assent
from second measure that has received the
sanction of both Houses of Congress.


ANDREW JOHNSON.


Washington, D. c., March 27, 1866.