Year: 1866

Touching the great problem Of the blacl
race in this country, and especially in tn,
revolted States, trust we may consider th,
first step in It's solution in effect attained it
release, namely. from hereditary slavery
After that, every additional step is full o
difficulty and chiefly for the reason that NJ
other step would be necessary on the part o
the nation, or the National Government
after the bestowmenl of freedom, il the
slaves were of the same race with their
masters, and with the American people
Race, / mean, not in the sense of original
creation, but of those immense personal and
national differences, whose origin is more
remote than the dawn Of profane history,
and whose influence has always been mere
potent than any civilization yet attained, OF
any human interests or institutions yet ex-
hibited. In the order Of Providence, and
in the course Of nature, as disclosed by the
past, and as declared by God, we must ac-
cept, as incontestibly certain, these following
facts, namely:


First, That these differences between the
few chief raccs-for example, the white and
the black races-are permanent, and their
effects, whatever they may be, incapable OF
being suppressed or evaded. Secondly, That
If they could be absolutely and universally
abolished, they would, upon supposition OF
the unchangeableness of God, or the stead
fastHess Of the course Of nature, re-estabiish
themselves. Thirdly, That so far as we
know, no advantage 10 the human race would
result from the destruction Of all Of them,
and all of cir effects, in our present State
Of being beyond what is at present attain
able. Most assuredly it does not become us
so TO delude ourselves on this great occasion
as TO esteem as Insignificant the force of that
spirit of race and its immediate product,
the spirit Of nationality, which has just borne
us in triumph through a struggle so gigantic,
and upon which we rely for the complete
restoration Of the brotherhood Of the whole
nation. Nor ought we to shut our eyes to
30 many other remarkable events in our
own country, and TO innumerable phenom-
ena in the current history Of our times, all
pointing in the same direction. The original
enslavement Of the African race on this con-
tinent is otherwise inexplicable; the whole
fatal history of the native inhabitants Of this
Western Hemisphere, from its discovery TO
this day, attests the same pregnant truths
and their contemporary manifestation, in
this country and all others, in the treatment
Of Asiatic colored races, show how broad and
durable they are. Indeed, no historic age





influences ! am illustrating, and their pro-
found relation TO human nature, than the
one we live in


The basis Of difference in race nationali-
ty, and tendencies now so deeply agitating
European populations are not comparable
10 those which distinguish the great races in
America; yet those European populations
become more agitated by those differences,
such as they are, not in proportion as they
are enslaved, but in proportion as they are
enfranchised; and the hope of libekiy there,
rs everywhere, has no foundation more Sc
cure than this profound and enduring spirit
Of race. 10 as | suppose, it is the iuyolun-
tary recognition of those everlasting reali-
ties which make us feel that something
more than even the great gift Of freedom
may be needful for this unfortunate black
race among US, let us at the same time be
fully aware that anything attempted to be
done for them, even in perfectly lawful
way, in disregard of the fundamental and
decisive fact that they arc black race and Of
the peculiar tendencies and instincts of that
race as compared with ours, is infinitely GER
tain 10 work them no good, and may work
both them and us incalculable harm. And
il viii be all the worse if what is done or
attempted outrages the tendencies, the in
stincts, the feelings, or even the long-descend-
cd prejudices of this incomparably superior
white race, amongst whom their lot is cast.
For myself, desire for every race of men
every blessing that man can enjoy, and for
every country all that is possible of good !;
but my own country is unspeakably dear 10
me above all others, and | prefer my own
race out Of all comparison with every other
race. / cannot tell but it may be the will of
God, seeing lie has used first the Asiatic
dark races, and then the European white
races, as repositories Of His infinite gifts
and mercies to mankind, 10 use, finally, the
African black races in a similar glorious
way. But to suppose that in doing this He
will make the black race and the white race
essentially one, or essentially alike, or will
strip either Of them of its essential peculiar
titles, which are the very basis Of its destiny,
high or low, is to reverse, absolutely, every
lesson we can draw from all that He has
hitherto said and done.


There has been for some years n party in
this country which.was understood to demand
the absolute enfranchisement of the black
race and its political and social equality
with the white race amongst ourselves. l
have pointed out the great mistake of sup
posing i. was the teaching of this party
which produced the national attempt to
abolish slavery by an amendment TO the
Constitution. The present endeavor on
their part is 10 realize the equality originally
demanded for the black race by securing it
as a condition of restoration in each of the
revolted States; in particular, that the right
of suffrage shall be given 20 the liberated
slaves by the President as a preliminary in
the reconstruction of society in the subjugated
States and shall be secured in the State
= constitutions. as a condition, without which
they shall not be recognized as States or ad-
mitted into the Union. Ii is 20 be remem-
bcred that nothing OF this sort is contained
in the proposed amendment 10 the Constitu-
ton. Nothing like it is found in the plat
form of the party which elected Mr.. Lincoln
for the first time, or that which elected him
the second time. Nothing in any act Of
Congress. Nothing in any one OF the numer-
Gus proclamations lately issued by Mr..
johnson, for the creation of provisional
governments, and the formation Of republic
can constitutions and governments under
them in the subugated States. The power
assumed in the demand, as existing in the
President and which he wisely refused to
exercise, does not belong TO his Office, nor to
any office whatever; nor 90 the Congress OF
the United States, unless these States be first
despotically reduced TO mere Territories; !;
nor to the whole people Of the Emitted States,
until they shall be first considered competent
10 make for themselves n despotism-and
shall actually make tin which both the
States and the existing form Of the nation
would be ex.inguished, and all suffrage be-
Comea farce. The power 10 make local
constitution for free State-much more the
power to amend an existing constitution in an
existing free State-isby our system and by the
Federal Constitution, a'power locally SOW
ereign-paramount and uncomfortable, ex-
cept by the Constitution Of the United
States. And il is only under the provis-
ions and guarantees of that national Consti-
tuition that a citizen OF one State has the
rights that he possesses in anotho1 State,
and that the President can interfere, either
in war or peace, with the common affairs,
much less with the leserved rights, and
least of all, with those great rights of every
State, without which liberty is impossible.
The claims | am controverting do, in effect
suhvert both Of our grand principles Of
double governments and popular sover-
eighty, without which our whole system of
freedom and greatness is futile and impos-
sible. Moreover, If the power claimed be-
longed 10 the President, he could hardly
perform an act more ruinous TO the emanci-
pated slaves than 10 exact il, rs has been
1su,apded Of him nor one moro fatal Ia