Year: 1878

have been variously interpreted, according to the feelings of the critics. The President has been accused of violating his own principles, of attempting to set up new machine, of in- sulting MT. Conkling, of ruining his party, of aiding the Democrats of committing ter rible blunder, of feebleness and folly, and of whatever else misconception, disappointment,

 prejudice, and anger may suggest. On the other hand, those who think that honest pol itics and the public welfare require in the common phrase-that the Custom house should be taken out of politics, regard change of this Hnd in the most powerful political Gus tom-house in the country, as step to be cordially applauded by every friend of reform. The President believes that great public offices should be administered for the public benefit, and their prostitution to the management of politics and parties and the promotion of per sonal interests is incompatible with such ad- ministration. Holding tLat belief sincerely, he is bound to do what the laws permit to correct such an abuse. That often he has not done this, and that he has sometimes seemed to do the very reverse of it, is certainly no reason for not making it uniform rule of conduct. Whatever inconsistency or inade- quacy may be shown in Executive action up on this subject, every evidence of clear percep- tiOn and of firm resolution is hopeful augury of real reform It is undeniable that if the spells syetem of the civil service be an evil, that evilshas been nowhere so thoroughly and powerfully organized as in New York Custom house. It is not-and for ourselves we have been very careful not to make it-a question of the personal character of the chief customs officers. It is question of principle, of meth cd, and of wise administration. But if the President really wishes to correct the evil, 1t can be done under the laws only by the ap- pontment of officers whom he has reason to believe will carry out his views, or, at least, by the removal of those whom he knows to have no sympathy with reform, and no desire to accomplish it. It is an obvious but shallow sophistry to say that in requiring support of his views he is merely doing what Jackson dld, and what all spells politicians do. The difference is that Jackson appointed agents te advance personal and party interests. Pres ident Hayes removes the agents of personal and party interests, and appoints those who will serve the public interest only.

 Thus, after mature reflection, he decided not to continue Mr. Simmons as Collector in Boston. He appointed in his place gentle man who was said to be as much politician, in the ordinary sense, as Mir. Simmons. The result has shown, nevertheless, that wise change of system has been carried out in the Boston Custom-house. The Boston Collector, for instance, frankly seconded the Adminis- tration in discOuntenancing political assess ments. The New York Collector pointedly declined to say anything upon the subject, and every man in the Custom-house knew that it's ruling officers held the idea of reform in such matters to be sheer nonsense. Those who are familiar with the practical details of politics in New York need no instruction as to the views and the action of the Custom-house upon the whole subject of political management. If any kind of reform was to be secured, there must be change of chiefs. But it is said that no real change has been made, that the purpose is merely to construct new machine by sub- stituting one politician for another. That was also said in Boston, but it proved to be un- true. Believing the President to be sincere, we also believe that he is satisfied from his ob- servation of the late official conduct of the new Collector that he can be trusted to administer his office as public service and not as per sonal machine. When the Collector, confes- sedly an honorable man and experienced cus- toms officer, betrays this trust, and uses his power to serve the interests of any politician whatever it will be time to condemn the Presi- dent and to expose the Collector. MT. Merit was known as political friend of MT. Fenton, and when he was appointed Surveyor there were those who believed that he would devote himself to 'helping" that gentleman's supposed desires. If as Surveyor MT. Merritt has been the agent of any man or clique, nobody has seen or suspected it. He has earned the respect of those who doubted the wisdom of his appointment, und he enters upon the Col lectorship without any understanding, direct or indirect, that he is to try to build up Hayes party, or an Eyarts party, or Sherman party, or Fenton party, or any other mans party He is to collect the revenues honestly, and not to require political money or service of his sub- ordinates. To do that is to do much to correct the abuses of the civil service, and to make a reform of the system easier.

 It is utterly useless to assert that the Presi- dent has made mistake, for the reason that he can not build up personal party by patron age, and to point to John Tyler and Andrew Johnson, because it is not the Presidents pur- pose to initiate Tyler and Johnson, and try to form such party. But it is very ludicrous to hear this sage counsel proceeding from those whose only theory of party management is skillful use of patronage. It IS equally point less to say that MT. Conkling's reelection can not be prevented by such means, for that, again, is not the purpose of the change. What ever, indeed, tends to restore freedom of elec- tion to the people, and to release party action in the State from office-holding control, un- doubtedly makes MT. Conkling's reelection less certain. But this is only an incidental re- suit of the change; it is not it's object. The President and his cabinet indeed as individul als, can not be supposed to be especially friend ly to Senator, although of the same party, who has publicly insulted and derided them, and whose organ, saying nothing, probably, upon so important a subject which it did not know to have the Senator's approval, said of the Secretary of the Treasury, ''There is peril to Secretary Sherman in the spring breezes that blow soft from Louisiana, and whisper about the procurement of false votes" Upon the ordinary theory and practice of the civil service the Administration would be justified in directly using the whole power of its patron age in New York to prevent the reelection of Senator Conkling, and there is scarcely sim gle politician whose condemnation of the late changes has been published who would not think an Administration to be crazy which should leave it's bitter opponents in absolute control of the patronage. Of course such men naturally suppose the President to be doing what they would do, and they exclaim with horror that he promised not to do it. No as- sertion would persuade them that he is not do- ing 1t, that his object is not to defeat MT. Conklng, but to prevent merely political and personal use of patronage. The result must prove that, and if the President is playing false with his word and his friends-a sIspi- clon from which his character wholly absolves him-we shall plainly acknowledge it when it appears. If our view be correct, the late Ex- ecutive changes are not ''blows' at Senator Conkling, unless Senator Conkling has a right to the active subserviency of the national of1ce-holders. If that subservieney was net necessary to his reelection, the changes will not affect the result If T. was necessary, it was monstrous wrong to the Republicans of New York, which has now been lighted. The only 'sblow" that has been really struck is blow for the restoration of the public offices to the public service And for such blo ow good citizens everywhere will be grateful, and hopefully task for more"

 QUICK WORK IN THE GRAIN F1ELD.-The CarrOlton, Mo, Democrat of July saws The last sensation occurred last Thursdav

 when about fifty men were present by invita.