Year: 1878

| and shall issue or CONTRACT according Il
that limit. OF course this would be ne


standard whatever of values, unless the


government should at the same time fix q
valuation on every thing, that is, say how


much of apy thing dollar should buy
Left to itself, the value of the dollar
| would ductuate according to the ability
of the govern ment to absorb it for duel
and taxes. But the whole world is one
common wealth in the matter of commerce
and the commerce of the whole world
| ought to dictate the purchasing power OF
the dollar here and every where.


1t is, therefore, pity that a ''National'
party, whatever may be it's name, should
adopt big lie as its favorite policy, that is,
the policy of calling something a dollar
which is not q dollar.


Now look at the other side. The Ma.
tionals want a radical change in the mat.
ter of taxation, and surely it is needed. II
is clear that beggar ought not to pay
taxes, because he is himself a tax, and il
is equally clear that rich men ought to pay
taxes. But the point to settle is whether
there is not a medium between the beggar
aud the millionaire, between the man who
shall pay nothing and the man who can
pay full quota without feeling it. The
frst necessity is to live. Shall a man
stint himself and his children in the abso-
lutte necessities of sustenance to pay taxes,
when il is the business of society to see
that no euch misery exists within its bor-
dersf Why give with one hand to receive
with another9


No, we consider the proposition just and
immovable that no one should be called on
for tax if its payment would leave him
hungry aud insu ficiently clad that is,
that no one should be taxed except out of
his surplus after actual subsistence.


What, then, as to men of limited means
Shall they on their email surplus revenue
be taxed in the same proportion as their
wealthy broth ers who can waste thousands
each month in foolish extravagance The
Nationals say, no. They insist that there
must be graduated tax increasing in it's
rate according to the amount of income, so
as to distinguish against rich men and to
distin guish more and more according to
the amount of their wealth.


We do not see the principle of justice
on which this desire is based, for We know
of nothing immoral or contrary to public
policy in the horest acquisition of great
wealth. The principle, whatever that
may be, on which this policy is based, is
certainly not the sentiment of humanity
relied on by us above, where we distin-
ahal in 20 of ha -, of 81
sistence. 1t seems rather to be akin to
the theory of universal equality, for a
policy which would once depart from the
principle of equal taxation might go to
any length in that direction and end in
virtual confscation.


This would be urjust, but while justice
has its laws, charity has hers too. Nobody
ought to starve or freeze, innocently. The
human race fs all one family and the law
requires that people give alimony to their
poor kin. On the ground of charity, then,
a discrimination may be properly made in
favor of the poor classes and, therefore,
all those prime necessaries cf life which
they are sure to use could and ought to be
exempted from taxation. Let Us add tha
this seems to be pretty much the case in this
country already. There ia no tax here on
bread and meat and virtually none on
common shoes and cloths, for they are
made cheaper here than in Europe.


What ia really necessary for the poorer
classes in this country is some plan by
which they will be protected from vicissi-
tudes of the labor demand, from the rush
of one period with it's exorbitant wages
which they never know how to hoard, and
the stagnation of another period with its
enforced idleness and pinching want. If
the Nationals will get up something rea-
sonable in that line they will deserve i'm :
mortality in history.