Year: 1866

=
kh,d, with the words OF the Constitution
which declare that "no person shall be held
to answer Tor capital or otherwise iui6.
nous orime, unless on prestntmeut or in.
dictment of Grand Jury, except in cases
arising in the laud or naval forces, or in the
militia, when in actual service, in tine Of
war or public danger aud that in all
criminal prosecutions, the accused shall en-
| Joy the right TO q speedy aud public triul
by an impartial jury of TIE State or district
wherein such crime shall havo been com.
United" The safeguards, which the wis.
dom aud experience of ages taught our
fathers to establish as securities for the
protection OF the innocent, the punishment
of the guilty, and the equal administration
of Justice, are to be set aside and for the
sake OF more vigorous intcrposition in he.
half OF justice, we are to tako the risk OF
the many acts Of injustice that would, of
necessity, follow from an almost countless
number OF agents, established in every par.
ish or county, in nearly third of the States
of the Union, over whose decision there is
to be no supervision or control by the Fod.
eral Courts. The power that would bo thus
placed in the hands of the President, is
such as, in timo of peace, certainly ought
never to he entrusted to any one man, II
it be asked whether the creation Of such q
tribunal within State is warranted as a
measure OF war; the question immediately
presents itself, whether we are still engaged
in war. Let us not unncc essarily disturb
the commerce aud credit and industry OF
the country, by declaring to the American
people and the world that the United States
are still in u condition OF civil war. At
present there is no part of our country in
which the authority of the United States is
disputed Olfenses that may be committed
by individuals should not work forfeiture
of the rightsof the same communities. The
country has entered or is returning TO Il
state of peace and industry, and the rebel
lion is iu fact at an end. the measure,
therefore, seems to be as Inconsistent with
the actual condition of the country, Ms it is
at variance with the Constitution of the
United States. If, passing from general
considerations, we examine tho bill in do.
tail, it is open to weighty objections. lu
time of war it was eminently proper that
we should provide for those who were
passing suddenly from condition of bond.
are to q state of freedom. But this b !
proposes to make the Freedmen's Bureau
established by the act of 1865, as one OF
many great and extraordinary military
measures to suppress formidable rebel
lion permanent branch of tho public aG
ministratior, with its power greatly CI,
larged.


have no reason to suppose, and do not
understand it to be alleged, that the act of
March, 1865 has proved deficient for the
purpose for which it was passed, although
at that time and for considerable period
thereafter, the Government of the Vi ed
States remained unacknowledged in most of
the States whose inhabitants had been in.
volved in the rebellion.


The institution Of slavery, for the military
destruction of which the Freedmen's Bureau
was called into existence as an auxiliary,
has been already eifectualy and finally alb
rogated throughout the whole country by
an amendment of the Constitution of the
United States, and practically its eradication
has received the assent and concurrence of
most Of those States which at any time had
existed. | am not, therefore, able to dis.
cern in the country anything to justify an
apprehension that the powers and agencies
of the Frcedmen's Bureau, which were Of
fective for the protection of freedmen and
refugees during the actual continuation OF
hostilities and OF African servitude, will
now i'll time of peace and after the abolition
OF slavery, prove inadequate to the same
proper ends. II ! am correct in these views
there can be no necessity for the enlarge
ment Of the powers of tho Bureau for which
provision is made in the bill.


The third section of the bill authorizes
general and unlimited amount of support
to the destitute suffering refugees and freed
men, and their wives and children. Sue
ceeding sections make provision for the
rent OF purchase of landed estatates for
freedmen and for the erection, for their
benefit. of suitable buildings for asylums
and schools, the expenses to be betrayed
from the treasury of the whole people.


The Congress of the United States has
never heretofore thought itself competent
to establish any laws beyond the limits OF
the District of Columbia, EXCEPT for the
benefit of our disabled soldiers and sailors
1t has never founded schools for any class
of our own people; not even for the orphans
of those who have fallen in defense of the
Union, but has left the care of their educa
ton to the much more competent control
of the States, of communities, Of private
associations, and of individuals. Ii has
never deemed itself authorized to expend
the pulic money for the rent or purchase of
homes for the thousands, not TO say mil.
lions, of the white race who are honestly
toiling from day to day for their subsistence.


A system for the support of INDECENT per-
SONS in the United States was never contein-
plated by the authors of the Constitution
nor can any good reason be advanced why,
as permanent establishment it should be
founded for Cne class or color of our peo.
pie moro than for another Pending the
war many refugees and freedmen received
support from the Government, but it was
never intended that they should henceforth
be fed, clothed, educated and sheltered by
the United States. The idea on which the
slaves were assisted to freedom was that
on becoming free they would he self
sustaining population. Any legislation that
shall imply that they are not expected TO
attain self sustaining condition, must have
a tendency injurious alike to their charac
ter and their prosperity. The appointment
of an agent for every county and parish
will create all immense patronage, and the
expense of the numerous officers and their
clerks, to be appointed by the President,
will be great in tho beginning, with tenden-
cy steadily TO increase. The appropriations
asked by the Freedmen 3 Bureau, as now
established, for the year 1866, amount to
Sll, 900. II may be safely estimated
that the cost 10 be incurred under the pend.
ing bill will require double that amount or
more than the entire sum expended in any
one year under the administration Of the
second Adams.


If the presence Of agents in every parish
and county is to be considered as war
measure, opposition or even resistance
might be provoked. so that to give effect
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