Year: 1874




Onr friend and contemporary, th


Raleigh Ne,rs, puts the question in re


gard TO the color line very strongly


It saws: Eve admit that the prejudice


of MANY white Republicans are agains


the Civil Rights bill, but it is the pol


;cy of the party, it has passed the Sen


ate and has large majority in th


House, only lacking six votes of two


thirds, and they are obliged to sup


mort it. Did either Cobb or Thoma


dare to oppose it?


Harris. the candidate for Solicitor


in this District, avows himself in favor
of tbe bill. The members of the Con


vention that nominated Headen were
swift to applaud the denunciation OF
Smith by Headen's tools for voting
against it, and silent when Smith


who. whatever his faults are, is at least
q white man, arose to defend his vote


This is not all. Ever since nominating
conventions began to assemble in May
the negro has gained upon the white
man in the Republican party. In the
first District Civil Rights Cobb was
reLominated solely on account of the
negro prejudice in his favor. In the
second, Hyman, a negro who voted in
the Senate for a resolution asking
Congress to pass Summers bill, has
been nominated and III all probability
will be elected. In the third District
the negro delegates to the Con-
vention mingled upon terms of
perfect equality with the white,
eating at the same table with them
upon the boat, &c. We have already
alluded to the applause given to civil
rights in the fourth District. In the
fifth, Billy Henderson was the negro's
candidate, and under his instruction,
at Randolph dinner a few days since,
the crowd was called to the table,
twenty at time, ten black men and
ten white men! In the other Districts
there are, as yet, no Republican nomi-
nees.


Again look at the county nomina,
taions, and see the inroads that the ne
groes have made. Could you visit the
city of Raleigh, white men of the
West, you would find negro deputy
in the Office of the Superior Court
Clerk. Bunting is perhaps the most
popular Republican office-holder in
the county, and yet, pandering to the
colored voter, he has passed by the
white Republican who needs the
salary, and has installed in his re-
sponsible Office negro deputy. His
Radical opponent promises to do the
same thing. 1t was not so in 1872
In the nominations, while the negroes
were content with one member of the
House in 70, this year they have two.
The Coroner, an Office which J. II.
Harris, colored, said in 1872, to fill
with a colored man would be an insult
to every white family in the county, is
to be negro. And this is in a county
which has a majority of whites.


In Warren white member of the
House and Register of Deeds were
thrown over for negroes. In Lenoir
white member of the House is to be
succeeded by a negro. In Craven a
white Senator is to be supplanted by
a negro. In Greene a white member
of the House is set aside and a negro
takes his place.


These are only instances, selected
here and there from the different coun-
ties OF the State, to show that the he
gro is forcing civil rights, and is driv
ing the white men to accept the issue
they tender of white man against black
man.
If the citizens of western North
Carolina once appreciate the condition
bf things in the centre and east, the
dsathkneil of Republicanism will in
deed be sounded. Hearing Republi-
can candidates denounce the negro,
they do not take in the real situation
|and are deceived by the statements of
candidates. The issue is upon us,
and the white nlen of the State have
the power to settle it forever. We
will have no right to complain if the
victory is not complete. The white
men of North Carolina have the power
and If they permit it to be frittered
away by dissensions, by Independent
Candidates, by apathy, by greed for
Office, they deserve the political dam
nation which will surely follow"