Year: 1878

yet the aggregate is petty sum COM
pared with the amount of the various
Southern war claims which are await
ing the conjunction of a Democratic
Congress and President. Such situa-
ton will vitalize all these claims, in
flated by all sorts of false pretenses.
The amount of these already pending
before Congress and the tribunals, and
awaiting in the hands OF claim agents
favorable time for presentation, is
intelligently estimated at $50 millions;
but this is only the front rank or adj
vance guard of this invasion.


All the people recognize that, in a
Democratic administration In all BRAN
ches of the Government, the South
will be supreme, and the Northern
Democrats mere doughfsces. And the
supremacy of the South means the
supremacy Of the Confederate leaders,
unchanged in spirit, counting their
''lost cause" constitutional, and as good
as the cause Of the National Union,
and resolved to restore 1t to an equal
place In all the affairs of government.
They see no reason why the claims OF
the citizens OF the South, whom we
call rebel should not be paid, when the
North has set the precedent Of paying
those who affirm their loyalty. They
do not know any citizens as rebel, and
are resolved that the government shall
know none. Thst quality which to
the supporters OF the National Union
is the vital distinction they do not al
low to be any distinction at all, and
they are resolved that the government
shall not make one.


Could we expect 1t to be otherwise?
Could we be so ignorant of human ma
ture and of manhood as to suppose that


we could let the Confederate leaders
come into control Of the government,
and then have them voluntarily put on
the sackcloth and ashes of penitence
and make their administration one con-
tinued confession of their sin of rebel~
lion? They would not be human if
they did not feel this as their trium ph,
and resolve to make it so. And what
reason have we to suppose that the
Northern Democratic leaders, such as
Thurman, Hendricks, VOORHEES,, Pen
dletOD, and the rest, will oppose these
Southern claims? Even when the
country was torn asunder by civiliwar,
and a million of Northern volunteers
were in arms to put down secession,
these men did not dare TO oppose it,
nor to pronounce for the national cause.
All their acts were to give aid and
comfort TO the COnfederates, and to
SOW dissensiOn among the supporters
of the Union.


No Northern Democrat dare at this
time pronounce against these claims.
Voorhees, pretends that they are shut
out by the Constitution; but the Con-
stituliOn does not touch any OF these
claims for losses by the war or for sup
plies taken by the armies. Further
more the Constitution can not prevent
Congress from appropriating for any
object whatever, under whatever name
Ii chooses. Mr.. Hendricks does not
stoop to this falsehOOd. He simply
says that the Republicans have been
trusted with discretion in the payment
of these claims, and the Democratic
party is equally entitled to trust. He
ignores the distinction that the Repub-
licans defended the Union, and that
the Democratic party, which would
then be In power, is that which tried
to break it up, and that this party is
the holder Of these claims which it will
then have the power.tO pay out Of the
National Treasury.


Thurman could not afford to mention
these claims. lie could cipher petty
saving by abolishing the ma
tional bank notes and substituting an
equal amount Of greenbacks, but he
could not even mention this, the great
est question OF piling burdens ON the
backs of the people that Is now pend
ing. Tilden, after he was nominated,
alarmed by the prominence which this
Issue had taken, made that which
seemed TO be declaration against the
payment OF these claims. But no
Democratic candidate dare make such
u declaration prior to the nomination,
nor will any one again make 1t at any
time. There Can not be even the thin
nest pretense of denial that the elec-
tion OF Democratic Congress and Pres
ident would place the National Treasu-
ry in the hands of the holders of these
claims.


Besides the tremendous fact that the
Southern war claimants would have
absolute control of the taxing, appro-
priating, and money Issuing power, a
combination of other circumstances
would sid them to impose these claims
on the nation. As we said, they know
no moral distinction between rebel and
loyal claims, and they affirm that there
is no legal distinction. And even if
there were, they affirm that Andrew
JohnsOn's amnesty abolished the dis
tinction, and restored all to the status
of innocence. The notion is generally
prevalent in the South that the North
grew rich by the war which impOver-
ished the South; therefore the South
ern people feel that they have right
to get even with the North. They al !
so claim that during secession large ap- |
were made for internal
in the North, and they
have the right to get even for these.


All this will be hitched to the green |
back delusion, by which the silly DEM
ocrats of the North and South, and
many who are not Democrats, VIII De
made to believe that the issue Of more
greenbacks to pay Southern war claims
will make everybody rich. Another
idea has taken strong hold upon the
Democratic party and upon the whole
South is that an income tax will come
wholly upon the rich men OF the
North. This fancy will assist the reb-
Ell claims, with the notion that they
tan be paid without taxing the people,
by simply impt sing them upon the
''money power" And in regard to
taxes In general, the feeling In the
South has changed since the war.
Prior to that the Southern politicians
claimed that under the tariff the South
paid all the revenue; now they think
that all taxes come chiefly on the rich
North. OF course this idea is as igno-
rant as the other.


Can any rational man doubt that the
election of a Democratic Congress and
President would hasten these Confeder-
ate war claims upon the nation? Is
not this issue as plainly before the
country as If 1t were written on the
Democratic banners, and laid down in
Democratic platforms? This Is the
greatest question Of finance, tsxstion,