Year: 1866

Mr.. NIBLAcK. I hope the gentle
man will be allowed to finish his speech.


The SPEAKER. How much time
does the gentleman want?


Mr.. HIGBY. Five or ten minutes.


The SPEAKER. Is there objection ?


There was no objection, and it was
ordered accordingly.


Mr.. NIBLACK l understand that
gentlemen on the other side have taken
the position that intelligence is not at
all necessary to the right of voting;
that mao, from the fact of belonging
to the human race, is entitled to vote
and be called aman and brother. Iun-
derstand them to urgeit is a question of
manhood and not a question Of morals,
not question of religion. If China
man is one of the human race, why,
then, should he be degraded below the
negro? I should like to understand it.
The negro is of pagan race, and is
pagan before he comes here.


Mr.. HIGBY. But he is not pagan
now. The negro is as much a native of
this country as the gentleman or my
self. 1 will say, from what I have seen
of the gentleman, when be knows that
people as we'll as I do, I would abide by
his judgment in reference to the posi-
ton they should take in any civilized
community.


Mr.. NIBLACK. One word. The
gentleman is very kind: I have no
difficulty in arriving at a conclusion
upon this question; and I was aware
that the gentleman knew more about
the Chinese people in this country and
in the country from which they come
than l do. I asked for information. l
want to understand why he should ex-
clude one race and include another,
why we should deny to these people the
right of naturalization, for instance, and
allow it to others.


Mr.. HIGBY. I will tell him. They
are foreigners and the negro is a native.


Mr.. NIBLAcK. Why do you not ma
turalize them?


Mr.. HIGBY. have given a very
good reason.


Mr.. Speaker, think the passage of
this resolution and the adoption of it
by the States, thereby making it a por-
tion of the Constitution, will give pow
er over these subjects. But, sir, it is
no more than due and proper caution,
in the midst of the stirring events that
we are living in now, and in view of
those which are past, that we should
hold the power which we possess here
in this legislative body to decide
this question for ourselves, and in our
own way, without executive dictation.
And we hold this power if we insist, as
we have been insisting, that it shall be
decided by legislative action. We hold
this very subject Of slavery that will
grow up under the exception to the late
amendment entirely within our power,
and We will thereby be enabled to ban
ish really and forever the institution of
slavery from the limits of this country.
And God knows that is my hearts de-
sire.


Mr.. Speaker, trust that the wisdom
of this House will run in the same
channel that it has heretofore, and t..:at
the radicalism that is talked about here,
and which is made use of only as fimsy
excuse by the enemies of the country
to stigmatize the very principles that
were held by the Thirty Eighth Con-
! gress as the extreme of the revolution
ary doctrines of the day. hope that
that radicalism will continue. 1t is the
only straightforward way of dealing
with the question. If we stand firm in
our adhesion to these doctrines we shall
be the conservators of the rights of the
people and the institutions of the coun-
try. There will be no danger then and
no doubt as to the successful termina-
ton of all our troubles.