Year: 1879

| tAO S0hooOhG tkOiA taio ob0bC at0 db 0uuS,


We are compelled to believe that Senator
Hamliu represents the views of Maine on the
subject, and that Senator Blaine, though un.
| doubtedly giving expression to his own con.


victions, does not express the opinion OF the
State. Upon what may be called ''the gen.
eral issue" we are with him, but we demul
| to his bill of particulars.


To begin with, in discussing this question
we assume that the question of self-interest
is and should be the governing one. If Chi


nese immigration is injurious to this country
| If the coming of Cinnamon does us hurt
| then we do right in staying it. The equality
Of all men and the right of each man to en-
gage in the pursuit of happiness are granted
at the start. But all that does not necessi.
| tate the throwing open of this land which we
| possess to the occupation of all who may
| choose TO come here. If the ntruders work
| us harm, we do right to forbid the intrusion
for the greatest good of the greatest number
as that good is judged by the majority, is oul
| rule of government, We allow religious lib
| erty.--B But If a man assumes or believes that
his religion gives him the right TO 60 about
Staying bis fellow men and acts on that be-
lief we at once seize him and put him out Of
the way of doing harm. If be insists that his
religion commands him to have two wives we
object and arrest him tor bigamy. We allow
large liberty to the individual. But we will
not allow man to carry the small pox about.
We permit man to engage in whatever
business he prefers, but that business must
not be nuisance. The rule that applies in
these cases to one man applies to one thous-
and men or larger number. If immigrants
from China or Ireland bring loathsome dis
ease with them or work us harm in other
ways it is the highest prudence in us to shut
them out, and we have the right to do it. If
every man's house is his castle, as great
expounder of the common law has pro-
claimed, the country is our common fortress
to which aliens are only admitted by favor.


But in the case of the Chimes we have to
begin with extended that favor in solemn
treaty. We insisted on making their ac-
quaintance and exchanging visits. We
wrung from them many concessions very ad-
vanLageous to our commerce and insisted
that our people should have the right to 20 to
China and live there and do business un-
molested. When the Chinese suggested
notifications OF the treaty, we readily con-
sented and heartily welcomed the Burlin-
game mission and unreservedly accepted its
work. Foreign intercourse was not desired
by the Chinese Government. We in COM
xuith


the Chinese aud greatly profted by the trade


thus opened. We even went so far as to
subsidize the steamship lines that Brought
Chinese immigrants to our shores. The
arrangement OF 1858 worked so well that we
renewed it ten years later, and extended it so
that we pledged ourselves to these provis.
ions: The right of China to send consuls to
ports OF the United States, who should have


all the privileges and immunities of consuls
of Great Britain and Russia; citizens of each
country to have in the other entire liberty of
conscience and Of religious faith and worship;
the right OF free migration and emigr alton


was mutually conceded "from the one coun-
try to the other for the purposes of curiosity
trade or permanent residence ;;''but it3 was to
be penal offense for residents of either
country to take citizens of the other out of
their countries without their free consent; in
consideration of like provision for citizens
of the United States in China, it was stipu-
lated that citizens of China in the United
States should enjoy the same privileges, i'm
munities and exemptions, in respect to travel
or residence, as may be enjoyed there by the
citizens or subjtc of the most favored ma
tions but this did not confer naturalization; |;
in return for like privilege in China, cub
jects of China in America 'shall enjoy all
the privileges of the public educational in-
stitutous under the control of the govern


ment of the United States which are enjoyed
by the citizens or subjects Of the most favored
nations;" citizens of the United States may
freely establish schools at any places in the
empire where By treaty foreigners are per-


mitted to reside, aud Chinese citizens shall
have the same privilege in the United States.


Nothing but the direst necessity, the ne
cessity of self preservation, can justify us in
breaking this treaty, without the consent of
the other party to it. That necessity does
not exist. The clamor against the Chinese Is
as unreasonable as the clamor against the Irish
was in 1854. The immigrants are for the most
part industrious, hard-working men, who 90
about their business quietly and afford aston
ishingly few recruits to our criminal classes.
We have never had better behaved immi


grants. 1t has been proved again and
again that they are as cleanly as any people
in California. They harm no one, they come
in competition with few. They do not neces-
state, like some other classes of Immigrants.
izrge additions. to police forces and eonse


quent increase of the general burden of taxa
tion. They are heathens, it is true, but so
many OF our own people are unbelievers. 1t
is better to have some sort of religion, be 1t
not absolutely pernicious, than no religion at
all. And so long as we refuse to disfranchise
our infidels, we ought not to shut our gates
against the disciples of Confucius. 1t is oh
jected to them that they do not come to stay.
that they are not easily Americanized, and in
the same breath the complaint is made that
they do come to stay. These objections can
be brought with as much force against Amer
leans who go to China. But should the OBJ
jections be put into statute-form there we
should feel very much like sending over
ships of war and forcing an entrance into the
closed ports.


The only objection of any weight brought
against the Chinese is that they can live
cheaper than we can and so will drive Amer
ican labor out of the market. 1t is said that
a people who live on rice can always under
bid in the labor market people who live on
meat, and so the Iice-eaters must be shut
out. That is dangerous rule to make, for it
is capable of mlschievous extension. Some
one may be urging next that the man who
drinks water can live on less wages than the
man who drinks whiskey, and demanding
that the water drinkers be driven out. Some
one may 60 still farther and claim that the
delicate taste aud high nervous organization
of the American laborer necessitates diet of
venison and champagne, and that the for
ejgner who only needs beer and ham can