Year: 1866

peINlsioh Oh COntrOl Dy the tederal Court


The power that would be thus placed in


the hands Of the President is such as in
time OF peace certainly ought never to be


lntrusted to any one man. If it be asked
| whether the creation of such a tribunal
within State is warranted as a measure


Of war; the question Immediately presents


itself whether we are still engaged in war
Let us not unnecessarily disturb the com


merce, and credit, and industry.of the coun-


try, by declaring to the American people


and the world that the United States are
still i'll a condition Of civil war. At pres


ent there is no part of our country in which


the authority of the United States is dispu-
! ted. Offences that may be committed by


individuals should not work forfeiture Of
/ the rights of the same communities The
/ country has entered, or is returning to a


state of peace and industry, and the rebel
/ lion is in fact at an end. The measure,
/ therefore, seems to be as inconsistent with


the actual condition Of the country as it is


at variance with the Constitution Of the
| United States


If, passing from general considerations,


we examine the bill in detail, it is open to


weighty objections In time of war it was
eminently proper that we should provide
! for those who were passing suddenly from
ii condition of bondage to "a state of free
dom. But this bill proposes to make the
freedmen's Bureau, established by the act
Of 1868, as one Of many great and cxtraor
binary military measures to suppress for


midable rebellion. a permanent branch of


the public administration, with its powers
great y enlarged. | have no reason TO sup
pose and do not understand it to be alleg-


ed, that the act Of March, 1865, has proved


deficient for the purpose for which it was
passed although at that time, and for
considerable period thereafter, the Govern
ment of the United States remained unac-
! knowledged in most Of the States, whose
inhabitants has been involved in the rebel
lion. The institution Of Slavery, for the


military destruction Of which the Freed
mems Bureau was called into existence as
an auxiliary force, has been already effect
ually and finally abrogated throughout the


whole country by an amendment of the
Constitution of the United States, and practi-
cally its eradication has received the assent


and concurrence Of most of those States in


which it at any time had existed | am not,


therefore, able to discern i'll the country


anything to Justify an apprehension that


the powers and agencies of the Frecdmen's
Bureau, which were effective for the pro-


lection Of freedmen and refugees during the


actual continuation of hostilities and of AZ
rican servitude, will now, i'll a time Of peace,


and after the abolition Of Slavery, prove


inadequate to the same proper ends. If |
am correct i'll these views, there can be no


necessity for the enlargement of the pow
ers of the Bureau, for which provision is


made in the bill. The third section of the
bill authorizes u general and unlimited


grant Of support to the destitute and suffer,
ing refugees and freedmen and their wives


and children Succeeding sections make


provisions for the rent or purchase Of land
ed estates for freedmen, and for the erection,
for their benefit Of suitable buildings for
asylums and schools, the expenses to be de-
frayed from the treasury of the whole peo-
pie. The Congress Of the United States


has never heretofore thought itself cOmpe-
tent to establish any laws beyond the linn
its Of the District Of Columbia, except for


the benefit of our disabled soldiers and
sailors. 1t has never founded schools for
any class Of our own people, not even for
the orphans Of those who have fallen in the
defence Of the Union, but has left the care
of their education to the much more compc-
tent and efficient control Of the States, Of
communities, or private associations and OF
individuals. 1t has never deemed itself au
thorized to eXpend the public money for the
rent or purchase of homes for the thousands,


not to say millions, Of the white race who


are honestly toiling from day to day for


their subsistence. A system for the sup
port Of indigcnt persons III the United
States was never contemplated by the au-


thors of the Constitution. Nor can any
good reason be advanced why, as a pcrma-


nent establishment, it should he founded for


one class or color Of our people more than


for another Pending the war many relu-


gees and freedmen received support from
the Government, but it was never intended
that they should henceforth be fed, clothed,
educated and sheltered by the United States.
The idea on which the slaves were assisted
to freedom, was that on becoming free they


would be a sclEsustaining population. Any
/ legislation that shall imply that they not
expected to attain sei-sustaining condi-


ton, must have tendency injurious alike


t. their character and their prosperity. The
! appointment of an agent for every county


and parish will create an immense patron
/ age, and the expense of the numerous Off


GERS and the clerks to be appointed by the


President will be great i'll the beginning


,th tendency steadily TO increase The
appropriations asked by the Freedmens
/ Bureau as now established for the year
! 1866, amount to $ll, ,7450 600 1t may be
/ safely estimated the cost to be incurred I'M


der the pending bill will require double
/ that amount, more than the entire sum cX-


pended in any one year under the admins
! tration Of the second ADAMS. If the pres


ence of agents in every parish and county
/ is to be considered as a war measure, oppo-
stion or even resistance might be provok
/ ed, 50 that to give effect to their jurisdic


tion troops would have to be stationed with


in reach Of every one of them, and thus a


large standing force be rendered necessary.


Large appropriations would, therefore, be


required to sustain and enforce military ju-


risdiction inievery county OF parish from the


Potomac to the Rio Grandc The condition


of our fiscal affairs is encouraging, bat in


order to sustain the present measure of pub
lie confidence it is necessary that we prac-


tice not merely customary economy, but as


far as possible severe TetrcnChment In


addition to the objections already stated