Year: 1874

citizenship, the habeas corpus became a
4 part OF the British constitution SO impercepti-
bly, that it is hard to find even record OF it
in the history of the time 1t was the natural
growth of the Revolution, and needed no arti-
fetal impulse. So we may note in our own
history that principles as essential to our re-
publican institutions as the habeas corpus as
sumo life silently, imperceptibly, and rs the
natural consequence of events which at the
time seemed to have different meaning. All
civilized governments are experimental
and progressive. When we study his
tory in its higher aspects we find
that above the tumult and roar Of
party strife, OF wars and contentious. and
the noise made by mere ambition, higher
principles severely assert themselves, and the
nations move on calmly in their path of de-
velopment. The sentiment and romance Of
history cluster about these strifes-the Wars
of the Roses and the Fronde, the fall of the
Stuarts and the Bourbons, the terrible events
Of the French Revolution. But from the
coldly historical point of view we see only
the achievement Of principles, which became
part of the law and heritage of modern free





dom.


The tendency of modern historians is to
dwell upon the romantic phases of history as
of the highest consequence to mankind. The
mind of the average reader is more interested
in Mary Queen of Scots, the young princes
murdered by Richard and the Dauphin Of the
Temple than in the graver issues of the reign
of Elizabeth. There was, perhaps, no act Of
the French Convention Of more value than
the law regulating education. Yet who knows
anything about this law, and who does not
know all about Marie Antoinette, her cruel
jailers and her stern, pitiless fate? When we
look at history from the higher point Of view
there are events, important to us now, With
an importance they did not at the time
possess, which are really SO many strata in
the process of historical formations as marked
as the strata in the geological formation of
the earth. France has such periods in the fall
of the Dukes of Burgundy. Richelieu's strife
with feudalism, Louis XIv.s grasp
for European empire, the Reign Of
Terror, Napoleonism, the Holy Alliance
and the Commune. England has





Charta, the Wars of the Roses. the Reforma-
ton, the Long Parliament and Cromwell, the
fall OF the Stuarts, the destruction of French
power in America and Asia, the overthrow Of
Napoleon, the Reform bill and the ballot.
We have had such periods in America
Washington, who accomplished independence;
jefferson, who accomplished democracy;
jackson, who drove the remnants of Continen-
tai power from the South; Polk, who an
nexed California and our Pacific empire, and
Lincoln, who proclaimed emancipation. Or,
to make the distinctions more emphatic, we
might note three large events-The founding
of the Republic, which was the work OF Wash
ington; the establishment of democracy,
which was due to the genius and influence Of
Jefferson the emancipation of the slaves and
the advancement of the Republic into the
very front rank of nations, which was the
merit Of Lincoln's time


These, we say, are the marked events in
our history; and, we may ask, what has been
achieved since emancipation, and what higher
results are involved in the triumphs of the
last canvass? It would be to demean that
canvass to suppose that the American people,
with their large, free generous appreciation,
should have decided to repudiate Grant be-
cause he threw an Office to needy, impa-
tient relative, or because few Congressman
were greedy enough to creep into the trap of
Credit Mobilier. No scandal and no SANDER
ever determined q great election canvass
There are higher lessons to be learned from
the last campaign-lessons which the demo-
cratic party must cherish if its leaders would
keep their victory and consolidate it in 1876
The first is that the American people are dis
satisfied with the preponderance Of the Presi
dental power in the economy of our govern
ment Here is an Office with more
authority than that of any monarch on the
earth Russia is an absolute monarchy, but,
as Talleyrand said, ''tenpered by assassina-
ton" Napoleonism was an absolute imperial
system, tempered by revolution and barri-
cades. We have an absolute power practically
responsible to no other during its term This
power was vast before the war, but since the
war it has increased tenfold. What Lincoln
did under the pressure Of danger to the State
Grant has done as though it were the tradition
Of the Office. Going into the Presidency with
the avowal that he would have no will in vio-
lation of that of the people, he has seemed to
care nothing for any subsequent manifestation
of popular will. He has taken one of the
Napoleonic ideas-that nation should have
the right to elect Napoleon to the throne
and that thereupon Napoleon should have
the right to do as he pleased with the nation.
We have no doubt the President honestly feels
that In this he has the true conception of the
| Presidential Office. We do not see how we
can differ from him. He has simply taken all
the authority the Office admits, and our COM
plant is not 80 much of the man but OF the