Year: 1878

two reasons why the Silver bill swept
tumultuously over the powerless veto
like an Alpine avalanche over the unfor'
tunate wayfarer. The first was that
apart from the heavy majority, many OF
the minority, as explained in a previous
letter, were either tinctured with the
silver feeling, or believed that it was bet
ter to yield to this measure rather than
take the risk of a worse one. Such feel
ings necessarily did much to paralyze ef.
fective opposition. The second was the
lamentable relation which exists between
the Executive and Congress-a relation
which leaves the President practically
without any influence at the Capitol.
Wherever the fault, every right'minded
man must deplore this disastrous state of
affairs, The President ought to be a
power in such an emergency. His dec.
laration ought to be bugle blast calling
his party together. Instead Of that, we
see his veto in the grayest crisis since
the war, not merely futile, but hardly re.
Ceived with common respect. His clos
est friends, like Stanley Matthews were
the most eager to trample on his protest,
while on the other hand be the blame
where it may, it is unhappily too true
that chasm has opened between him
and the men who are true to the nations
honor.


The Republicans of the country want
ed to stand by their President. They
went through fire to elect and seat him,
They believed in his upright character
and good purposes. Even when, as
time went on, they saw what they could
not understand, they still trusted and no.
ped. They would to-day hail and well
come evidences of positive, earnest, sa-
gacious, and practical Republicanism in
their Administration. Their men in
Congress, who rest on public sentiment,
have no wish apart from the public feel
ing, and would sustain and support wher-
ever the people would uphold. No par
ty wants differences and disorganization.
No wise representatives desire the de-
moralization which comes from laxity or
perversity or weakness at the head. A
President with good counsel and positive
force might have used this natural party
feeling to hold his organization, and OPP
pose the tide which has now swept over
the land. He might have defeated this
dangerous movement at the very start
Such an effort meant no dishonorabe &C.
ton. 1t involved no dickering or bar
gains. 1t required nothing but the prac'
tical craftsmanship, without which gov
ernment is little more than chaos-noth-
| ing but the natural organization which
is vital to every vigorous party and ev
cry successful administration. Mr.. Lin
coin called men about him who repre-
sented political forces. When Mr.. Sew
ard, Mr.. Chase and Mr.. Cameron Coun.
seled, they spoke fol- party, and carried
a party with them. If Gen. Grant had
less of this political force in his Cabinet
he found where it did exist, and sum.
moned it to duty. There is such thing
as the practical science of government
there is such a thing as the honorable
art Of applied politics. 1t lies at the
foundation of free institutions. 1t sim.
ply is indispensablein every government
of parties,


With all his amiable goodness, the
President is not a potent influence. He
is net a ruler, He does not command
men. If there are those who think he
should simply sit in the White House,
TRANQUILITY meet each question only as it
comes to him, and perform his individ.
ual duty in perfunctory way, l cannot
agree with them. He ought to be the
recognized, undoubted head of the party
he ought to impress himself upon its
policies-he ought to be the central force
in its organization. If he had intelli-
gently grasped this obligation he would
have uDited the Republican leaders, and
called the party back to it's highest pied
ges and principles, Instead of that,
what do we see2 / do not stop to weigh
the exact measure Of blame. The con-
sequences are what now concern us. The
causes are past in part-the effects are
here. A veto overridden without the
poor respect of days delay, divided
Counsels, disorganization and indiffer-
enCe, the partial lapse of the party from
its true and high position as the defen-
der of the public faith these are some
of the evils The President was right in
Withdrawing the troops-but in doing it
he might have spoken the word which
would still have vitalized the Republi.
Canism of the South, and braced up the
Republicanism of the North. He was
right in saying that the public service
should be elevated-but in proposing
such work he might have acted with
the Republican representatives, and need
not have shown so many self contradiC'
| tions. Instead of course of wise Coun-
sci and cooperation, it has been a course
of isolation. What is the result? 1t is
true that in executive session the other
day, one of the oldest Republican Sena.
ators from New England, turning to the
Democratic side, said: Take him; he is
yours; you are welcome to him." And a
Democratic Senator answered back: "No
we want no political foundling left on
our doorstep" To every earnest Repub-
lican the situation which flashes out in
the vivid light of that colloquy is deplor-
able. But nothing is gained by shutting
our eyes to it. The chapter of the veto
told the story. There were no knights
ready to draw the blade The men
whom the President ought to have with
him had been estranged the other
side-the Gordons, the Hills and the
rest-are glad to be served, but unwill.
ing to support,


Through all this turmoil the President
is calm, serene, and self-ComplaCent. He
appears all unconscious of the situation.
Perchance there is fear of the bold, un-
scrupulous men of the South who have
seemed to palsy the Administration and
who are now said to threaten more in
formation; but if the President would
throw off this dread incubus and speak
out the true, living Republicanism that
we all so ache to hear, how glad the Re-
publican party would be to respond! Mr..
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