smithclay/nortonstories huggingface dataset:
Year: 1874

THE GROWTH OF A FEATHER.--In the
skin Of bird where a new feather is to
grow, there is little pit, and in the hot
tom uf this an elevation or pyramid ex-
tending up one side of this pyramid is a
groove or lurrow, deepest at the base, and
gradually growing shallower until it dis
appears at the top; from each side of this
furrow great many smaller grooves eX-
tend around to the other side OF the pyra-
mid, and these also decrease in depth, and
at last disappear just as they are about to
meet on the other side opposite the large
furrow. The whole furrow is covered with
skin, aud the surface is made of the same
scales, or tlattened cells, that are found
over the rest of the surfice of the body
but instead of falling of when they are
pushed out by the new ones below them,
they become united or welded to each 9TH
er, 50 as TO form horn coat over the sur
face Of the pyramid, with ridges on its
lower or inner surface, corresponding 10
the grooves on the pyramid and, as new
cells grow at the base, this coat or cast OF
the surface is pushed upward till it breaks
at its thinnest part, which il, of courSe, the
smooth part without ridges opposite the
large fu:row and then, as it is pushed
outward and fiattcned. it assumes the
form Of feather, the ridge formed in the
main furrow being the shaft, while the
coats of the side grooves form the separate
barbs of the vane. When all the vane has
been formed and pushed forward, the
pyramid loses its grooves and become:
smooth, and the wall now formed on It's
surface being of the same thickness in al


parts, does not break but remains tubular
and forms the quill, which is attached IL
what is left of the pyramid. A fingernai
or hair, is formed from the anne kind o
scales, in the same way, the process diff
iering only in those features which gIvt
TO each organ its special character. Feath


ers, scales, hair, claws, and nails, all ar,
made alike from the dead fattened cell


crowded to the surface by the process o
growth. h.-POpuIar Science Monthly.
Year: 1874

Hon RATES OF INTEREST. Before the
war per cent was the usual rate Of inter
est in this section of the country. Real es-
tate mortgages generally bore that rate,
and though there were fluctuations in the
financial centres, they were due to circum-
stances Of a temporary character. Even at
that rate interest was a burden so serious
that few kinds of business could afford to
pay it for a long term of years. The far
mer who paid interest money was doomed;
the business man who operated on borrow
ed capital had an unequal chance. There
has been great change. Though the min
imum rate of interest hereabouts is per
cent, comparatively small amounts are let
at that rate; g, 10, and - per cent are more
common in New England, II to Is in the
West, and IS to "a in the South. No
body needs to be told that these rates are
ruinous, that no business can stand the
lowest of them in the long run. What is
the cause, and what the remedy? Ben
Butler tells us we need more currency, so
that all can have what they want His
sentiments are echoed by the Jack Cades
of the Labor Reform party, who want to
make quart pots hold three pints. But.
unfortunately for this theory the facts are
against it. We have twice as much curren-
cy.as we had before the war, while the coun-
try cannot need an increase of over fifty
per cent at the outside. Cheapening the
currency does not make cheap capital. We
need to use more because it is worth less
than it was. 1t appears then that cheapen-
ing the currency has stimulated specula-
ton, and speculation will always pay high
er rates of interest than legitimate busi-
ness can afford. The Spectator, holding
merchandise for a rise, will pay two per
cent month for money, and we have been
transformed into nation Of spectators.
The cause Of increased rates of interest
then is speculation, and that in its turn is
caused 10y an irredeemabe currency. The
remedy is to make the currency of fixed
value, by making it always redeemable in
theworld's standard Of value Let us have
all the currency required, but make it
worth its face in gold. That will check
speculation, stimulate production, and give
the legitimate borrower a chance. There
is no other way to get at it. 1t is an old
story to he read in the history Of every
nation Boston Herald.
Year: 1874

dream. lie did not return that night and
Mrs. Potten was alarmed. lie did not re-
turn the next day or night; and the neigh
bors were alarmed. They thought, truly,
that the poor man had gone distracted, was
mad with grief and his sense Of having
been the canse of the death Of his child.
In this belief, they naturally expected 10
find him on the riverside. And there on
the third day, they found him-at low
water-drowned.- Chambers JouRal
Year: 1874

Had he been of age double that term Of
confinement would have been given him.


In all its aspects this is one Of the most
remarkable cases upon the record Of mod
ern criminal iurisprudence.
Year: 1874

Sufficient vigor has not been shown by the
government in It's efforts to bring the Kicka-
poo tribe of Indians again under the restraint
of the United States law. At present they
may be looked upon as privileged band of
brigands, who rob and plunder at their good
WILL Unfortunately for the Texans exposed
to the depredations of these savages their dis
trict is too remote to exercise much influence
on the men in power at Washington. Nor is
there prospect of plunder to edge on the
politicians to interest themselves in the affairs
of the border. Probably the next administra-
ton will be more disposed to assert the ma
tional dignity and protect the frontiers from
marauders. The active measures taken to
suppress the outrages of the Naconees, Kiowas,
Comanches and other savage tribes were con-
ceived in the right spirit and, as will be seen
by our dispatches, General Sheridan tele-
graphs to General Sherman that he believes
the Indian war is over for the winter In con-
nection with this important news we present
letters from the Washita Agency and Fort
Sill, which review the present weak and cor
rupt Indian policy and prove the necessity of
an immediate reform.
Year: 1874

The term of the Court Of General Sessions,
which expired yesterday, was remarkable for
the vast amount of work that was DONE and
Recorder Hackett was, no doubt, justified when
addressing the Grand Jury in saying that ''no
Grand Jury or criminal court in this or any
other State in the Union has ever transacted
so much great and important business in SO
brief period" The compliment which the
Recorder paid to the Grand Jury for their
zecl and energy we may properly take occasion
to bestow upon him also. He deserves the
thanks of the community for the impartiality
with which he has rendered justice and the
fearlessness with which he has punished
crime. The contrast between his administra-
ton of justice and that which at one time
made the New York Bench notorious for
incapacity is like that Of night and day. He
has made his court terror to evil-doers and
has filed the State Prison with rogues who
are unfit to be at liberty. If crime has
decreased in New York within the past two
years no man is more to be thanked than
Recorder Hackett for the benefit society has
experienced.
Year: 1874

We print this morning letter from New
Orleans in which the abuses practised under
the Kellogg usurpation are depicted in vivid
colors, and perhaps with more feeling and
passion than belong to an impartial observer.
But we have no doubt that our correspondent
faithfully reflects the sentiment of the respect
able part of that community, nor that the facts
are truly given from their point Of view. But
we wish TO refer only to that part Of his letter
which relates to the approaching election.


The Louisiana election takes place on Mon
day, one day earlier than in the other States
which choose their officers in November. 1t
would naturally be supposed that the result
could not be doubtful after the complaints
which have been SO constantly made of
the hideous effects of the Kellogg misrule,
and in perfectly fair election it
is probable that the anti Kellogg
party would easily succeed. But the
conservatives expect no fairness. The regis
tration is infected with wholesale frauds.
which are apparent on bare statement OF
the results. The registration of white voters
in the city Of New Orleans is in the proper
ton of about one in five of the white inhab-
itants, whereas the registration of negroes is
in the proportion Of one to three. Of course
the number of voters never in any CON-
munity, bore SO large ratio to the popu-
lation. Negro voting is bad enough, even
when it is honest, but it is intolerable when
large proportion of the votes are fraudulent.
If the Kellogg party carries the State by
means of such baretaced frauds, it will
only intensity the spirit Of discomfort. We
are glad to be assured that the white citizens
are determined that the peace of the State
shall not be disturbed by their agency during
the election, and that they will afterwards
have recourse only to legal means Of redress.
Year: 1874

Our distinguished Senator, Mr.. Roscoe
has been the cause of 80 much anxiety to the
friends of Governor Dix, made his appearance
at the Brooklyn Academy of Music last even-
ing in an address which we print elsewhere


Senator Conkling will always be read with at
tention, and his speech has many effective
points. He explains his silence by the pres
sure of "many occupations" although we can
not understand how a statesman at the head
of party, and in the exigencies OF ON extraor-
dinary campaign, could hesitate about his
duty for so long time as the Senator
has hesitated. His speech cannot be re-
garded as a cheerful effort. He says
very little about Governor Dix, nothing
at all about the third term, although called
upon by the audience, q great deal about
the purity of congressman and the increase
in the tone Of public life during his fifteen
years Of service. These are, we admit, in
teresting themes, and the Senator treats them
with his accustomed eloquence; but, for all
the purposes of the canvass, he might have
delivered his address before Young Mems
Christian Association or Social Science
Congress- as an essay on political morals. The
Senator may ignore the question or denounce
it with that scornful eloquence Of which he is
master; but it lives. The people will dis
cuss 1t. Statesman as able as Vice President
Wilson regard it as the burden Of the canvass
and distress to the party, and it will live
until destroyed by the President or the ver-
dict of an indignant public opinion.


The Senator, we think, missed great op-
portunity as candidate for the Presidency
when he failed to assert himself on this ques-
ton. He shows how far the spirit of Cesar
ism has grown when he permits his COM
plaisance to the President to interfere with his
independence as Senator. The people do
not wish to hear Mr.. Conkling's views about
Tweed or the rebellion. These are dead
themes. But they do wish to hear about a
question that menaces the liberties of the
country, one SO vital that every one discusses
it with the exception Of the Senator himself.
The Senator would have made a much more
available candidate for the Presidency had he
taken the third term bull by the horns, just as
Centennial Dix did the other day. He seems
to be afraid of the President. A public man
never does SO well as when he defes q
President and trusts the people.
Year: 1874

is the grandfather who is responsible, and il


is he whom we should punish if we could


But this grandfather had grandfather too,
and SO we follow that endless chain Of cause
and effect which finally passes out OF human
view in the mystery which surrounds the orr
gin of evil. Yet it must be conceded that il
men like Kullman are to have their crimes pal
lated by inherited taint then the firm foun-
dations of all human responsibility become
frail and shadowy. Men are only what the
iates have made them. The world, however,
cannot be governed upon such theory.
Excepting in cases of absolute and
extreme insanity it assumes that men have
the power to do right or wrong, as they
please, and it would avail nothing to the
prisoner who is brought before Recorder
Hackett to plead that he inherited murder
from his father or that his mother bequeathed
him an irresistible desire to steal Earthly
tribunals cannot make these delicate subtleties
elements of justice, yet every year science is
more clearly displaying the awful truth that
hereditary tendencies accidents of birth and
physical structureare mysteriously interviewer
with the moral nature of man. It is the old
problem over which the world, from the ear
liest ages, hos puzzled and pondered in vain.
Year: 1874

The Euening Post in an admirable article
which we print elsewhere, republishes letter
written by the President to the Convention
which nominated him in 1872. In this letter
he says:-"When relieved from the response
bilities Of my present trust by the election Of
q successor, whether it be at the end of this
term or the next, hope to leave to
him, as Executive, country at
peace within its own borders, at
peace with outside nations, with q credit at
home and abroad, and without embarrassing
questions to threaten its future prosperity"
This the Post regards as virtual declaration
that the President does not mean to be q can
didate for third election. But, as the editor
clearly shows, all its value is destroyed by
'.his toleration without disapproval, and even
in his personal presence, by his own Office
holders, Of sentiments frequently expressed
within his knowledge" in favor of third
term. This the Post thinks sis injuring the
republican party; but most of all is injuring
his own reputation.


Nor can the President escape from this by
pleading his dignity" He once said that his
highest purpose was to obey the will Of the
people. Now here is question about which
the people are deeply concerned. Why does
he not solve it? 1t was not beneath the dig
nifty of Washington or Jefferson or Jackson to
do SO; why beneath that Of Grant ?
Why should any Executive fold him
self in the robes of his imperial reserve2 Why
chon1d ha ha so sensitiva at th;a 1ata honr .
He has not been an especially dignifed Presi-
dent when he had personal ambitions to serve,
or personal friends to reward, or personal
hopes to crafty. He would show the dignity
of Washington if he were to take up the
third term and settle it, before it is settled to
his own discontinue and the destruction of
his party by an indignant public opinion.
Year: 1874

The conviction of Kullman Of an attempt to
kill Prince Bismarck followed, as matter of
course his confession. His statement was
at the head because he thought it possible
Bismarck might wear shirt Of mail, and ex-
planned that he wished to kill the Prince as
the great enemy Of the Catholic Church.
After this the Court had little to do but to
decide whether he was accountable for
his actions, and the medical testimony
thus became of especial importance. 1t
is singular case. Here is man who
is perfectly sane, who knows the difference
between right and wrong, who is intelligent
and educated, who coldly and deliberately
plans and attempts the assassination of
another, not because he has been personally
injured, but because he believes his religion
has been prosecuted. Months elapse between
the conception and the commission of the
crime which deprives the criminal Of the ex-
cuse of sudden passion or temporary insanity.
But when he is tried milder punishment is
asked for on the ground of his moral weakness.
His maternal grandfather committed suicide !;
his mother died insane his father was an
habitual drunkard. These antenatal misfor-
tunes are offered in extenuation OF his offence.
The Court approved this view of his charac-
ter and declared him responsible only to q
limited degree. The sentence of Kullman
was, therefore, comparatively light-fourteen
years Imprisonment, ten years without civil
rights, and to remain under surveillance for
life, is not heavy penalty for his offence.


But the medical argument which the Court
at Warzburg recognized as just, if logically
carried out, brings us to the brink of an
abyss. Is crime disease2 Then criminals
are objects of pity, not subjects for punish
ment II the ancestors OF man make
him what he is is it his fault If he
is revengeful and treacherous, is it his
merit if he is magnanimous and true2 He did
not choose his grandfather, and if hereditary
passions impel him to deeds of crime which
hereditary moral weakness cannot restrain, is
he to blame for the evil that be does9 No. il
Year: 1874

in the Legislature II is quite possible that


each may succeed, in which case the New


York election will be drawn game, Tldeu


honor and fclat, and Morgan and the repub-
| icans in substantial influence on national


politics. There is no concentration Of DEM
ocratic effort to carry the Legislature, because
that party has no fixed candidate for the SEN
atorship. Neither Church nor Seymour nor
Herman has any assurance that he would be
the choice Of the democracy for the Senator
ship, and neither OF them has personal spur
to exertion even if he had money to spend,
and was willing to spend it, in the canvass tor
Assemblymen. Morgan has this field to
himself, and his personal interest in the elec-
tion does not really run counter 10 that of Til
den. As the Grant party accepted Dix from
necessity, net choice, they will not grieve over
his defeat if they succeed in the Legislature,
and nobody will be surprised to see Morgan
chosen Senator at the expense of General Dix.
In that case the Custom House wing of the
republicans will claim a victory in the State
and assert that the defeat of Dix vindicates
lHeir poAucsAi Judgment, Wnlcn was OVerruleu
in the nomination for Governor.


The third term question is an important
element in this canvass, and Governor Dix has
probably injured his prospects by meddling
with it out of season. Had he spoken imme-
diately after his nomination, while the tide
was running strongly in his favor, he would
have checkmated the attempt to identify him
with the administration, which has enabled the
democrats to make their principal gains. But
he shrunk from SO bold step. He waited till
his canvass was nearly desperate, and at last
declared his opposition to third term when
it was too late TO separate his fortunes from
those of the administration, and when his
tardy declaration furnished Grant friends an
excuse which they wanted to sacrifice Dix to
Morgan. Nothing would please Grants para
sites better than to see Dix pay the penalty of
defeat for opposing the third term and Nor
gan assured of the Senatorship, as proof that
the Grant republicans would have carried the
State if gubernatorial candidate had not
been forced on them against their judgment.
Year: 1874

The Saturday Review has q reputation for
cynicisn, which it occasionally INDUCES at
the expense of the United States. 1t is
brilliant, superficial, not always trustworthy
publication, which never sacrifices brilliancy
for truth, and says things more because they
are bright than because they ere true. America
is always safe subject on which to address
an English audience. When Dickens wrote
'.Pickwick" he made one Of the characters
advise another that the sure way to retrieve
his fortunes was to go to America and write
book abusing the Americans. He took his
own advice q few years later, and wrote q
book which he was glad enough to regret
when he sought to increase his fortune out OF
American pockets. The same principle seems
to control all English criticism of America,
and with the exception Of the book of Sir
Charles Dixie we know of none which can
even be called reasonably fair in it's estimate
of the resources or character Of the United
States.


We can understand how o campaign like
the one now coming to a close would 'sper-
plex and amuse' even the Saturday Revieac
But it cannot comprehend the Havemeyer and
Kelly war, nor the presentation of it which
has appeared in the HERALD nor how it is
that hanging people should have become
more expensive under Kelly than his prede-
cessors, unless ''it may have been," as in the
case of jeremiah O'Brien, sin compliment to
the distinguished Irish name which he bore
that he was hanged regardless of expense. .
This, however, was only phase of the pre-
liminary contest, and we question what the
Saturday Review would say of the canvass in
its present phase, and especially of the scorn
and anger and bitter contumely now pervad-
ing the press. We learn that one editor is q
ticket-of-leave man, that another is forger,
that third lives in terror of the Sheriff and
that another has been bribed by Mr.. Tilden to
the extent of fifty thousand dollars
When we say these things of one
another what can we expect from our
English critics but scornful, angry criti-
cism2 But we know that after all, we are
not so bad as we seem, and if we were dis
posed to be censorious we might write series
of cynical articles about England based upon
the Mordaunt case, the Tichborne case and
other extraordinary social phenomena which
have tarnished the fair fame of England. But
this would not be fair any more than it is fair
for the Saturday Revie,O to write as it does of
America. There is mighty England outside
of Tichbornes and Mordaunts, with all the
elements of virtue, power, manliness and civ
ilizatiop, just as there is mighty America
above the Kellys and Havemeyers of New
York. If the Saturday Reuieao were only as
candid as it is brilliant it would be better for
the relations between the two countries. tin
sists upon cynicism, forgetting that in many
respects cynicism is cowardice.
Year: 1874

GOVERNOR DIX AND INFLArIoN-We are
permitted to publish a strong private letter,
written to President Grant by Governor Dix
last March, urging the President to veto the
Imitation bill. This letter is highly creditable
to the Governors patriotism and sagacity, and
although it throws no new light on his finan-
cial views it attests his deep sincerity and
earnestness in that important conjuncture.
His message to the Legislature might, per-
haps, have been ascribed to desire to
court popular favor, but no such imputation
can lie against an urgent private letter to the
President. We commend this admirable let
ter to the favorable consideration of the voters
of this State.
Year: 1874

The DEBATE in the Episcopal Church in
respect to ritualism is not likely to come to a
satisfactory close. The House of Bishops has
sent back to the deputies the canon recently
adopted, and the whole question is thus re-
nneued.
Year: 1874

WE PUBLISH elsewhere an article from the
Journal des Dfbats upon the protest of the
Spanish government against the aid given by
France to the Carlists, with definition of
the French position in the matter.
Year: 1874

THE LATEST RUMoR is that John Kelly is
weary Of his alliance with John Morrissey, and
means to throw Jimmy Hayes. So even q
friendship as beautiful as that of David and
Jonathan may be sacrificed on the altar OF
political ambition.
Year: 1874

Our advice to youthful and ine1peri-
enced writer's is working successfully. We
already receive letters we'll written, correct
in orthography, and creditable to the
writer's. This is an excellent school and
good practice. Children, like grown peo-
pie, are indisposed to take much trouble to
themselves if they can as readily avoid it.
1t would be wrong for US to take sloven-
~, carelessly written letter, full Of blum
ders and bad spelling, and trim it up in
good shape and then give the name Of the
writer. This would be publishing fraud
and falsehood, and hold out no Indictment
whatever for the improvement Of youth.
Every one can have dictionary so there is
no excuse, with proper diligence, for bad
spelling: If we hear complaints that our
correspondents have not access to good
defner, we must make arrangements to
supply that want in exchange for addition
alsubscribers. .,.s ,s.
Year: 1874

Pat Childs Of the Waseca Ne,os is the
inventor Of class distinction in this
country which he calls the "common
people. He ought to get patent on
this invention as soon as possible, be-