Year: 1874

The Republic of yesterday contains sug-
gestive despatch from London, which, like
many dispatches from abroad, has more
value than appears on the surface. Foreign
affairs are controlled by influences that do not
always make themselves manifest to the run
ming reader. What we regard as an event IS
frequently only an indication. The Republic
tells us that some leading journals in London
attack the Secretary to the Metropolitan Board
of Police 'for sending detectives, at Bismarck's
instigation, to the London Office of the New
YORK HERALD to track the Won Arnim CORE
spondence." This Is . secondary matter in
itself The spectacle of a Prime Minister, the
Chancellor of great empire, busying himself
about the secrets of a newspaper office has
more value from what it suggests than in the
event ITSELF It shows that the German
Premier sees more in the Arnim controversy
than q mere effort to enforce a criminal law.
If it we're simply = question affecting the
liberty or the honor of Count Arnim as
nobleman and citizen it would long since
have been remanded to the jurisdiction Of the
courts. But as we have all along said, Bis
marck, like Wolsey. is making terrific
struggle for power, and not only power for
himself but for his party.


A minister in Prussia like minister under
the Tudor kings, may be said to recall Byron
on the Bridge OF Sghs. There is the palace
and the prison on each hand. The contest
has never really affected the honor of Count
Arnim. No one has ever supposed that he a
great nobleman, member Of an illustrious
and powerful family, indirectly connected by
marriage with the blue blood of the Hohenzol-
lerns, ambassador from the imperial person to
two of the most important governments in
Europe, Rome and Paris could really have
made himself amenable to the law against COM
mon larceny. There was at one time such
| pretext, but 1t was too monstrous to
be pursued. Our latest dispatches printed
this morning show this Bismarck cares
nothing for Count Arnim. He sees him only
as the representative of o principle and q
party-the principle of nationality and the
party Of Germany against Prussia. Bismarck
has achieved splendid results as q minister.
No such man hos lived since the great Ma
poleon. But he has never been more than
F., Prussian. For centuries his ancestors have
served the Hohenzollern princes, and he has
simply carried out the traditions Of
Frederick the Great. Germany should
rule Europe, Prussia Germany and Bis
marck Prussia. The Emperor was
only mere symbol, pageant, the
weak Louis behind Richelleu, tho stubborn,
shallow Henry behind Wolsey. Like Napo-
leon in the daring of his genius he has been
like him in his blunders. As Napoleon en-
deavored to dominate Europe so has Bis
marck. He does not see that after all, in this
world, the work of one man is only given to
one man, no matter how gifted, and that SO
long as there is a God in the heavens and
nations on the earth Napoleo eonism and Bis
marckism are impossible.


So we see party rising up in Germany
which naturally clusters about Arnim. 1t is
the party of Germany against Prussia, of
liberalism against absolute imperialism. 1t is
no secret that the head of this party is the
present Imperial Prince, Frederick William
son to the Emperor and heir to the throne
Bismarck evidently sees that he must
work while it is day. and that his day will
end with the life of the present Emperor, who
is now nearly eighty years Of age. The I'M
peral Prince, if we rightly understand his
| policy, sees clearly that there is Germany
beyond Prussia which will not always lie at
the feet of the Hohenzollerns. The uneasy
activity of Bismarck meddling everywhere, in
Rome, in Bavaria, in Spain, in Paris and now
in the London Office of the New YORK HERALD
is akin to that restless spirit of Napoleon who
believed he could only found his Empire by
constant war. So for twenty years he spurred
France from one bloody field to another, al
ways victor, but always growing weaker from
the blood shed in victory, until she fell from
sheer exhaustion Unless Bismarck is checked
Germany may likewise fall. In ten years
she has had three wars and war is now more
imminent than ever. Against this policy the
revolt must come some time. When it does
come where will it end Napoleon may have
uttered prophecy when he said that in fifty
years Europe would be republican or Co.'S
sack. His term has just expired. The tele-
graph, the public school and newspaper have
made the Cossack impossible. but they have
made the Republic more and more probable


The immediate future of Europe is dark
with ominous clouds, but behind them we
see shining the sun Of ropublicanism In
Europe republicanism means peace Nor do
we see how there can be lasting peace with
out it,





The Muilett Mudale.


1t is evidently "a very pretty quarrel as it