Year: 1866




You have several times recently made my
| opinions about Secession the subject Of adverse
editorial comment, and your,example has been
followed by several newspapers Tin the rural
| districts. y The Hon. James Lyons, too, in the
Enquirer of September Is, has done me the
| honor to make my errors Of opinion the text of
stwo column" discourse.


| Now [ have not the least idea of being drawn


at this late day into discussion of the question
of Secession. As practical right, for future
| use, it has, by universal consent, been given up
and abandoned. Mr.. Lyons says 1T has been
extirpated by the sword, " and that he, at least,
has bound himself by the highest tie which
| can bind gentleman, not again to attempt by


force to assert the right, Or aid or advise others
| to do it; and you say, On the same subject,
we comprehend all this and accept it as none


the less imperative, because the decree is of IL
resistible might, rather than of right. So much
| for the future


Nor do intend to enter upon any defence of
the soundness of my opinions on the subject =
They are the same [ have always held and
avowed, and which were as we'll known to you
and to MIR. Lyons before the war and during..the


war as now. They are the opinions upon::which


L have always acted, and although you may not
approve them as abstract propositions, you
have yourself admitted that in our time of trial
| they brought me to practical result becoming
a true Vlrglnlan. Mr.. Lyons seems to think
| that man Of my way of thinking ought to have
taken no part with Virginia in the war. [ did
| not think SO, and incline to the opinion that
| IT the defence OF Virginia and the South had
been lett exclusively to persons Of Mr.. Lyons
way of thinking the war would have been small
| er and shorter.


There is no foundation for your charge that


have gratultously obtruded my opinions on


this subject upon public attention. While in
Washington last winter as one of the committee
| sent to present to President johnson the reso-


lutions of the Virginia Legislature, I was sum-
| moned before the Reconstruction Committee,
and examined on oath as to these subjects. |
gave my testimony according to my belief, and
there the matter would have ended, but for the
| newspapers Enquirer among others
| which gave such prominence and publicity to


my testimony, as reported by the Committee,


as to induce friend to call upon me to correct
| mistake by which injustice had been done to


my opinions and my feelings. The propriety
OF my writing letter for this purpose is shown
by the statement of Mr.. Lyons-that it re
| moves the painful impression" which my testi-


mony as published had made upon him. If,
| therefore, my opinions have been unnecessarily


thrust upon public notice, it is plain that you
and Mr.. Lyons, and those concurTing with you
IN this attack upon me, are fairly responsible
for it,


You fear that my opinions thus made known


will be regarded in the light of "a confession,


calculated to bring reproach upon the honest


names OF our thrice honored people.
Ii had at any time said word which could
| be fairly interpreted as implying doubt OF the
| justice of the cause for which our people fought


SO galantly and endured SO nobly, or if | had


IN any manner professed to regret or to be
ashamed oil in, lot
! thrice honored people, could understand why
you should take it upon yourself to defend their
honest name against me; but l confess L am


not able to appreciate the nervous anxiety, not
to say eagerness, manifested by you to avoid the
imputation of Rebellion and the name of Rebel.
The English language has no name except
| that of Rebel by which to designate one who
has fought without success for the rights of the


governed against the power of the government,
and | have been taught to believe that it fur
nishes no higher or nobler title than that of
| Rebel In a just cause.


wonder it has not occurred to gentlemen
who have so earnestly and even vehemently dis
| claimed the right Of secession as a remedy for
any possible wrongs in the future, that it might


be well to uphold the responsibility of old fash
ioned rebellion IN case Of need. The right OF
revolution certainly has the merit of never hav-
| ing been abandoned Or surrendered by its
| friends, and whenever needed by an oppressed
people will be found as good as bran neao. =


In such a case I feel myself bound ''by the


highest tie which can bind gentleman, again


to attempt by force to assert this right and to


aid and advise others to do it. -


You seem to regard my opinions as danger


Gus admissions" tending at this time to weaken


the position and to endanger the safety OF the


States and people of the South. On the con-


trary, I claim as the chief merit of my views,


that they meet the most pressing difficulties of


our situation, and place both States and people


under the protection of the Constitution OF the


United States.


Without discussing-or at present even
ouestioning-th doctrine Of secession, | may
be allowed to say that in practice it has not thus
| far answered the expectations and prediction OF
its friends. 1t did not prove to be a peaceful


remedy. 1t did not secure us any advantage OF


nationality in the conduct of the war-either
! from the United States or from other nations,


It did not even enable us to. make terms. OF


peace and we occupy before the world to-day
| the position of defeated and dispersed rebels,
and not of conquered nations.


Strangely enough, it is in this very position


that we find whatever of right or safety or pro-


lection we now claim.


IJpon the theory of secession, as stated by