Year: 1879

legislative power, against It's will Is forced 10
sign or vote what IL does not consent 10. il
will use the power in it. hands to starve the
government 10 death


Mr. Dayis-How does the gentleman as
sumo that we are forcing some branch of the
government to do what it does not wish to do;
How do we know that. or how does the gen
tleman know it:


Mr. Garficld-Mv reply to the gentleman
is that | read at the outset of my remarks
the declaration of his party asserting that
this is it programme. In lSjG, in tincinna-
IL. in the national democratic convention. and
still later in 1860. the democracy in the nit
ed States affirmed the right of the veto as one
of the sacred rights of our government, and
declared that any law which could not he
passed over Il veto by Il two-thirdS vote had
no right to become a law, and that the only
redress was an appeal from the veto to the poo-
pie at the next election. That has been the
democratic doctrine on that subject from the
rcmotcst day-ccrtainly from General Jack
sons time until now What would You have
said in 1851 if the democratic majority in the
Senate. instead of taking the course which ii
did had simply said 1--WE will put an amend
mcnt on an appropriation bill declaring tie
right of any State to sccedc from the Union
at pleasure, and forhidding any officer of the
army or navy of the nitCd States from inter
iering with any State in its purpose to Sc
ccdc?" Suppose that that democratic ma uri
" had said then ''Put that on these appro-
priation bills. or We will refuse supplies to
the government" Perhaps they could have
killed the government then by starvation:
hut in the madness of that hour. the leaders
of the secession movement did not dream
that it would be honorable to put their fight
on that ground. but they marked ont their
plan of battle and fought it out. But now.
in way which the widest of seccssionsts
never dreamed of taking. it i proposed to
make this new assault on the yitals of the ma
ton. Gentlemen. addressing the democrat
ic side of the house, we have tried to count
the cost. We did try to count it in lS6l. be
fore We picked up the gauge of battle: and,
although no man could then forecast the aw-
tul loss in blood and treasure, vet. having
started in we staid there to victory. We
simply made the appeal to our sovereign
to that omnipotent public opinion in America
to determine whether the Union should be
shot to death; and now, lawfully, in our
right and in our place here. we appeal to our
common sovereign to say whether you shall
break down the principle of free consent in
legislation at the price of starving the gov
crnment to death. We are ready to pass
these bills for the support of the government
at any hour when you will offer them in the
ordinary way, and if YOU offer these other
measures as separate measures, We will meet
YOU in the spirit of fair and traternal debate.
But YOU shall not compel us, YOU shall not
coercc us. even to save this government, I'M
Ill the question has gone to the sovereign TO
determine whether it will consent to break
down any OF its voluntary powers. And on
that ground, gentlemen, we plant ourselves.


Loud applause on the republican side and in
the galleries. We remind YOU, in conclu-
sion, that this great zeal of yours in regard to
keeeping the officers of the government out
of the States has not always been yours. |
remember that only six wears before the war
YOU law authorized marsmls ef the United
States to go through all our households and
hunt for fugitive slaves. 1t did not only that
but it empowered marshals to call for posse
comitatus and to call upon all the bystandcrs
to Join in the chase. And your democratic
Attorney General declared. in an opinion in
1854, that marshal of the United States.
might call to his aid the whole posse. nclud-
ing soldiers and sailors and marines
of the United States to join in
the chase and hunt down the fugitive.
Now, fellow members of the House. if for
the purpose of making slavery eternal, you
could send your marshals and could summon
posses and use the armed forces of the L nit
ed States, by what face or grace can you tell
us that, in order to procure freedom in cleo
tions and peace at the polls, You cannot use
the same marshal with his armed posse: But
| refrain from discussing the merits of the
proposition. | have tried in this hurried
and unsatisfactory way to give my ground of
opposition to this legislation.


As Mr.. Garfield resumed his seat he was
again loudly applauded on the republican
side and in the galleries