Year: 1879

There is nothing so remarkable in current
Democratic literature as the comfortable ease
with which the writers and statesmen
of the party isolate themselves from con-
temporary politics and eliminate from their
discussions all direct reference to the actual
issues of the campaign. Governor Robinson
has inst pcnncd letter Of acceptance which
avoids allusion to the work of the COnven-
tion, and ignores every consideration upon
which the election will be decided. 1t reads
like Il document left over from 1876. The
topics it treats are well enough in their place.
they were interesting and important at the
time when they were pertinent; but that time
is long past; other subjects are uppermoSt
in mems thoughts and have become of
paramount consequence in State politics.
"The question OF II continuance Of the re-
form policy" shows itself to-day under an
aspect entirely unlike that which it presented
when Governor Robinson was chosen to Office.
Three years ago the New-York Democracy
could at least profess that it had policy IN
State affairs, and candidate pledged to carry
that policy into effect. But now there Is neither
Democratic policy in New-York nor Demo


cratic candidate. and 1t remains to be seen
whether there is even Democratic party.


Governor RobinsOn's denomination was forced
by long series of manUuvrcs which have
probably not been equalled for bOdness and
cunning in any campaign OF our time. 1t was
secured only at the cost of formidable schism,
and the extraordinary spectacle is now pre-
sented of a candidate Tepudiated by the most
powerful organization of his own party, and
denounced in much more violent language by
the voters who placed him in Office than by
those who opposed him. Yet our excellent
Governor accepts the denomination thus hardly
won in the complacent tone of patriot
who beholds an unsOught honor thrust upon
him, and bows submissively TO the inevi-
table. He did not "consent to the use of
" his name,' until circumstances beyond his
control made 1t "an imperative necessity"
that he should do so and he implies that he
might have refused to be the nominee even
of the illustrious and unanimous" gathering
at Syracuse, but for the conviction that it Is
" the duty of every citizen enjoying the ben
"elits of free government OF the people to
Sacrifice private interests and incinations
"when thus called upon TO serve the public"
This sounds quite nice, and we have no
doubt that Governor Robinson spoke in all ser-
business and sincerity. But, fortunately political
history is not written from the formal letters
of candidates. Who would imagine from this
calm and complacent epistle that the Gov
emor had just finished the first round of a
tremendous fight with his own party, and
that it was In the highest degree uncertain
which of the two resulting factions had got
the better of the OtherY


"The continuance of the reform policy"
viii not be a matter of much interest to the
voters of the State during this campaign, be-
cause they know that the real question in
vOlved in Governor RObinsOn's canvass is not
State affair at all, but the pretensions of
Mr.. Tilden to the Presidency. The Governor
is writing letters, ordering special terms of
court, upsettlng police boards, manipulating
election officers, and publishing complimentary
notices of his own vetoes. merely in order
that Mr.. Samuel J. Tilden may be forced
upon the next Democratic National Con-
vention; and it is impossible to blind
the people to this evident truth. 1t is
true, rs this strange letter of acceptance
remarks, that the approaching election
will touch very closely In its results the home
interests of our people, since sit is the first
election in our history for the choice of all
"the elective State officers and both branches
"of the Legislature nevertheless it Is also
true that the Democratic voters will pay
no regard to these home interests, but will
array themselves with Mr.. Robinson's faction,
or with Mr.. Kelly's according as they are
favorable or otherwise TO the "insatiate am