Year: 1866

1t is not always that we can remark on
the troubles and difficulties of our neigh
bors without being suspected of self
graduation but ia the case now before
us we see the la60ring ship, not from the
shore, but from a craft in ike evil plight
Having Just had 10 accept from our chief
West Indian possessions an almost total
surrender of theright Of selfgOvernmeDt,
and being engaged at home in the busi-
ness Of constitutional reconstruction, we
cannot help sympathizing with all three
branches of the American legisla-
ture, now brought to a dead
Jock by the irrepressible negro.
That persOn3ge has been proved, by
wager Of battle aud by general acclama-
ton, &" a man and a brother y bis chains
have been broken, and he is a slave no
more. He is even permitted 70 fight for
his country and for equal laws. But then
comes the difficulty Is he also citizen,
and must be be admitted within the pale
OF the constitution, rs we say at home?
The question has agltated parties con-
siderebly In America, for IL is obvious
that very little has been done by chang
inc the slave into pariah and that, such
Is humau natule, if tia legIOas are al
lowed 40 voice in making the laws, they
will be much at the mercy OF their old


masters. As well be the slave of one
man as of a state-nay, better, some
think, for the one man must care for the
slave at least as mEoh IS be does for his
cattle, whereas the state may only regard
him as a public enemy. There are zealOts
there who think this vast expenditure Of
men and money has been to little pur-
pose if the negro is still to be excluded
from civil rights-in fact, TO be nothing
but &" a man and a brother" The civil
rights bill is the reform bill Of the day
at Washington. The president, repre-
senting the common sense and practical
wisdom o. the community, sAd n0t wish
ing 10 saddle himself with new and in
superable difficulties, has, however,
vetoed this bill. The great work Of the
day is the reconstruction Of the Union,
and it is held that this can be done bet
ter without previously putting the negro
into 3 status altogether new to him. His
freedom itself is difficulty enough, and
it is not necessary to add his civil equality
and citizenship.


It is observable that the question is
not made to turn on the merits Of the
negro. Nobody thinks it necessary to
assert either that be is wise, temperate,
honest and IN dependent, or the contrary
People do not even seem to ask how the
negro would vote and act for himself
There can be no doubt Of Presidential
sons warm and strong feeling for the
race, and bis hearty desire to make the
best bargain for it within the compass Of
circumstances. Even his pride as poll
tician is committed TO this, as well as
his philanthropy. The reasons which
have led 70 his veto are rea-
sons Of state, which is only a
phrase for the reasons which any SEN
sible man feels better than ecan explain
better, perhaps, than he can always
venture to avoW. There are matters Of
which a thousand people may be fully
and equally e0gniZapt, though not one
VII allude to them, for be knows well
that somebody viii call him a lbeler,
and the rest win stand by TO hear him
40 called. Wby cannot the negro be de-
clared a citizen and invested with all
the rights Of man? The real answer is
that he is NOT a citizen, and cannot be
made citizen by proclamation or a
law. We have unfortunately had lit
tie experience Of our own 10 this matter.
We gave the Jamaica negro, in common
with his Whise master civil equality and
the right Of selfgOvemment, and we see
how II was ended. All the negr0's ia
stinets and habits gOin the other direction.
He is careless, credulous and dependent (;
easily excited, easily duped, easily fright
ened; always the ready victim Of The
stronger viii. He is material for the
hands Of anybody who wishes TO make
use Of him. Invested with full political
rights, the race must be a magazine OF
mischief. In Jamaica 1t appears that
the negroes would imbibe at day s
notice any absurd delusion as to the au-
thority and wishes Of the British queen,
Of the commissioners, or anybody else
but what they were always looking for
was something to be given them, or some
thing to be done for them, or some law
10 make them all rich, happy landown-
ers. and tax-free forever. Such men are
not citizens, call them as We will Presi-
dent johnson, In bis message takes into
account the education and circumstances,
az well as the race. These four millions
have, he observed, just emerged nom
slavery; and hs notices that the United
States require q five years training in
rennbliean Institutions and habits before
tbev admit 8 European foreigner to citi-
zenship. Even an intelligent English
man must 20 through this probation.
The slave must hess at least az much-


we fear very much more. ne mas BIS
yirtures. IN some respects he contrasts
fayorably with the white man, Nobody
wishes * speak I'D Of hin1, but be simply
Is not capable Of government in the sense
We mean when we talk Of common
wealths. a Is not 10 h.m.