Year: 1866

business is to be at the enforcement Of


this measure over the vast region over


which tits intended to operate, l5}nG9
do uot propose to consider the policy


of this bill. To me the details Of the bill


are fraught with evil, The, Fhite race
and black race Of the South have hitherto
lived together under the relation Of mas
ter.and slave, capital owning labor. Now
that relation is changed, and as to owner
ship, capital and labor. arc divorced -


They stand now each master Of itself r.


In this new relation one being necessary
to thoother, there will be new adjust
ment, which both are deeply interested
in making harmonious. Each has equal
power in setting the terms and if left to
the laws that regulate capital and Aabor
it is confidently believed that will salts
factorily work out the problem. Capital,
it is true, has more intelligence, but Ia
Dor is never SO ignorant as not to under
stand its own interests, not to known its
value and not to see that capital must pay
that value. This bill illustrates this ad-
justment. Il intervenes between capital
and labor, and attempts to settle the
question of political economy through the
agency Of numerous officials, whose inter.
est it will be to foment discord between
the two races, for as the breach Lwidens
their employment will continue, and when
it is closed their occupation is gone. In
all our history, in all our experience as
people living under Federal and State
law, no such system as that contemplated
by the details of this bill has ever before
been proposed or adopted, They estab-
for the security Of the colored race safe.
guardswhich are infinitely beyond any that
the general Government has ever proyi-
for the white race. In fact tho distinc-
ton Of race and color is by the bill made
to operate in favor Of the colored and
against the white race. They Interfere
with the municipal legilation Of the States,
with the. relations existing exclusively be.
tween State and its citizens, between
inhabitants of the same State. II is an
absorption and assumption of power by
the general Government which If aceuiss-
ced in must sap and destroy our federatiye
system Of limited powers, ad break down
the barriers which preserve tie rights OF
the States. 1t is another step or rather
stride toward Capitalization aud contrac.
tion Ofall Legislative powers in the ma.
tional government. The tendency Of the
bill must be to resuscitate the spirit Of
rebellion, and to arrest the progres of
those influences which are more closely
dra wing around the States the bonds Of
union and peace.


F My lameDted predecessor, in his pro.
clamatibn Of the. LIST of January, 1868,
ordered and declared that ali persons
held as slaves within certain States and
parts of States, therein designated, were
and thenceforward should be free; and
further the Executive Government of the
United States, including the military and
naval authoritives thereof, would recog.
nize and maintain the freedom Of such
persons. This guaranty has been render
ed especially obligatory and sacred by
the amendment Of the Constitution abol.
ishing slavery throughout the United
States. I therefore fully recognize the
obligation to protect that class Of our
people whenever and wherever it shall
become necessary, and to the full extent
compatible with the Constitution of the
United States. Entertaining these sen.
timents, it only remains for me to say
that l will cheerfully cooperate with
Congress in any measure that may be
necessary for the preservation Of the civil
rights of freedmen. as we'll as those Of al
other classes of persons throughout the
United States, by judicial process under
equal and impartial laws, the Federal
Constitution. | now return the bill to
the Senate and regret that in consider
ing the bill and joint resolutions, forty
two in number, which have been thus
far submitted for my approval, am CON-
PEELED to Withhold my assent from second
measure that has received the sanction Of
both houses Of Congress.


[Signed,] ANDREW JOHNSON.


Washington, D. G. March 27, 1865.