Year: 1866

vens we take from the Congressional
Globe :.


Mr.. Stevens-Mr. Speaker, 1 rise to
conclude. the debate, but will not move
the previous question until | finish what
| have to say. l am glad, Sir, to see
great unanimity among the Union friends
in this House on all provisions of this
joint resolution exeept the third one. 1
am not very much gratifed to see any di-
vision among our friends on that which |
consider the vital proposition of them all.
Without that it amounts to nothing. l
do not care the snap of my finger wheth-
er it be passed or not if that be stricken
out. Before another Congress shall have
assembled here, and before this can be
carried into full effect, there will be no
friends of the Union left on this side of
the House to carry it out. | should be
sorry to find that that provision was strick-
en- out, because before any portion Of this
can be put into operation there will be, if
not Herod, worse than Herod else.
where to obstruct our actions. That side
of the House will be filled with yelling
secessionists and kissing copperheads.-
Give US the third section or nothing. Do
not balk us with the pretence of an
amendment which throws the Union in
the hands of the enemy before it becomes
consolidated. Gentlemen say | speak of
party. Whenever party is necessary to
sustain the Union | say rally to your par
ty and save the Union. | do not hesitate
to say at once, that section is there to
save or destroy the Union party, is there
to save Or destroy the Union by the saliva
tion or destruction of the Union party.


The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Bing-
ham) who has just taken his seat, thinks
it difficult to carry it into execution, and
he proposes to put it into bill which the
President can veto. Will my friend tell
me how much easier it is to execute it as
law than as a provision of the Constitu-
ton? l say if this amendment prevails
you must legislate to carry out many parts
of it. You must legislate for the pur-
pose of ascertaining the basis of represen-
tation. You must legislate for registry
such as they have in Maryland. 1t will
not execute itself, but as soon as 1t be-
comes law, Congress, at the next ses-
sion, will lesislate to carry it out both in
reference to the Presidential and all other
elections as we have the right to do. So
that subject falls to the ground.


Gentlemen, tell us it is to strong-too
strong for what? Too strong for their
stomachs, but not for the people. Some
say it is too lenient. 1t is too lenient for
my hard heart. Not only in 1870, but to
1S070, every rebel who shed the blood of
loyal men should be prevented from ex-
ercising any power in this Government.
That, even, would be too mild punish
ment for them.


Gentlemen here have said you must
not humble these people. Why not p
Do not they deserve humiliation Do
not they deserve degradation 1t they
do not, who does +? What criminal, what
felon deserves it more, sir !? They have
not yet confessed their sins; ard He who
administers mercy and justice never for
gives until the sinner confesses his sins
and humbles himself at his footstool.-
Why should we forgive any more than
He?


But we are told that we must take them
back as equal brothers at once. l shall
not agree they shall come back except as
supplicants in sackcloth and ashes. Let
them come back and ask forgiveness, and
and let us then consider how many wo
will exclude. All regret is, this is not
sufficiently stringent.


Sir, they tell us, | hear several gentle
men say, that these men should be ad-
mitted as equal brethren. Let these
friends of secession sing to me their siren
song of peace and good will until they
can stop my ears to the screams and groans
Of the dying Uictims at Memphis. | hold
in my hand an elaborate account from a
man whom 1 know to be of the highest
respectability in the country, every word
of which | believe. This account of that
foul transaction only reached me last
night. 1t is more horrible in its atroctty,
although not to the same extent, than the
massacre at Jamaica. Tell me Tennes.
see or any other State is loyal of whom
such things are proved regret that
the true men of those States cannot be
brought in with rebel constituency be-
hind them. They would misrepresent
their States. Therefore I cannot agree
to let them in under the present state Of
affairs. Let us have probation; let us
be sure that more than willingness to come
in has been felt by them.


Mr.. Speaker, / do not intend to occu-
by many minutes. / was indeed aston
ished to find my respected colleague, ]
will not say SO tender hearted but so lie.
nient to those toward whom mercy is not
rendered necessary. But / know SO vel
his natural kindness of heart and his
proximity to that eloquent divine who SC
lately has slaughtered whole herds Of
fatted calves, that cannot be much sur
prised at it. But, sir, if he is so fond oi
such associates, let me suggest in all kind
ness to him that he can find better COM
pany nearer home He lives very neal
Cherry Hill, where there is State insti


tuition containingseveralh hundred inmates
| who


Mr.. Thayer-Willthe gentleman allow


me to correct him in his geography?
do not live near Cherry Hill. l live OF


the top of Chestnut Hill Laughter.


And l would like to know the name o