Year: 1866

dissatisfied with their own work; aud from
the same source we learn that the conserva-
tives-the true Union men of the Nation
egard the proposed amendments as designed
to retard the restoration of the Union. Cons
mencing with the propositions, we have first
an amendment providing that mol person shall


be deprived of life, liberty or property. with>


out due process Of law. All we'll enough,
but already provided for in the Constitution,


and as a consequence not necessary to be


re>enacted. The second amendment looks


to negro suffrage, although the darkey is not


distinctly named. The intention is, that in


States where negroes are allowed to vote,


their representation in Congress shall be in-


creased in proportion to the number OF the


black population. The proposition Is detee;


tive, in that it lacks principle to recommend


it. 1t virtually proposes to trade of the


whole black population of the South for the


consideration of ten or fifteen members of


Congress. That is to say, after all the hue


and cry about what the Nation oVe' the ne


gro the trainers of the amen 1ment are viii


ling to dicker away the darkey in exchange


for score or two of Congressmen. As


matter of trade, the Committee display inge-


nuity in their proposition, but viewed as a


question of principle, and looking to its in~


corporation into the Constitution Of the Uni


ted States, it is in the last degree objection


able That under it the black man will never


secure the right Of suffrage, is 4 question


about which there can be no two opinions.


Is it expected that for the sake of member


of Congress, the people Of. single Southern
State will consent to divide political power


with the degraded blacks? Those who have


studied the history of the world, and recol>


lect with what jealousy political power Is


everywhere guarded, will at once understand


that no such bait as this will ever tempt the


Southern people to extend the right OF sui


frage to the emancpated negroes. Viewed


in this light, the amendment as it stands,


can scarcely fnd favor with the advocates OF


negro suffrage, and certainly those opposed


t, ncsro equality will be disposed to give it


wide berth. The third proposition looks


to the dislranchiSemcnt of those who took |
part in the rebellion until after the next


Presidential election. This is what it means !


nothing less and nothing more-and this |
proposition, branding certain portion of the
people with inlamy, is to be Incorporated into
the Constitution of the United States. II
the men who took part in the rebellion are
unfit to vote in 1868, they are unfit to vote
for all time, and con,ister c., requires that
their exclusion should he permlnent The
idea of amending the Constitution IN order
IN rely that a few hundred thousand voters
may be disfranchised at the next Presiden>
till election, is proposition that Will meet
with but little favor from the great mass oi
the American people, who free from pr'Ju-
lice, and guided alone by patriotic Instincts
will prefer to draw the vail Of oblivion over
the past, rather than perpetuate It's memHry
n the shape of a Constitutional amendment,
The proposition is only worthy narrow, con-
.racted minds, and will be opposed by all
men of liberal sentiment. If it is desirable
hat Southern traitors be punished, then let
them be punished in accordance with the
law of the land. To this purpose the laws
,lreadv in existence are amply sufficient, and
instead of coming amendments to the Cons
stitution, Congress would be much better
employed in inquiring by what right Chief
Justice Chase refuses to hold a session of
his Court for the trial of the head of the
rebellion. After the Scottish rebellion of
1745, did England propose to dislranchse
the people of Scotland? Orlater still, after
the Irish rebellion of 1S48, did England
propose to deny ireland representation in
the British Parliament? In both instances,
the heads Of the rebellion were punished,
but England scorued to wreak her vengeance
on the mass of the misguided people who for
the moment were seduced from their aliegi>
lnce. Shall we of free America deal less
literally with our misguided cOuntrymen ?
The fourth and last prOposition-that pro-
hibiting the payment of the Confederate
debts simply absurd. By its terms, the
rebel debt does not become due until after
the recognition of the independence of the
Southern COnfederacy-au event not likely
to occur, aud in the absence of which the
holders are precluded from demanding pay,
ment Commenting on this proposition, a
high republican authority says: Nothing
is more stupid than the fear that there will
ever be an attempt made to assume the rebel