Year: 1866

desire to give it as accurately as possible, AM
the fact that we could not, in the event OF set
ting it up, have gotten off our issue In time t.
mail our paper to subscribers out of the city
we're considerations which led to deferring it
publication until this morning. Various in
timations from Washington had prepared u
for the Presidents veto of the Freedmen
Bureau bill. OF course, up goes at once
Democratic jlbildte as though Mr.. JoHNso,
had declared war with the party that electet
him to the Vice Presidency, and proclaimet
himself the champion of the Democracy
They do not find grounds for it, it seems t
US IN this message. He has expressed him
self in the latter part of it, favorable to tn,
admission OF the representatives of the South
ern States, we would infer by his making thei
exclusion one of the grounds of his veto
HIS feelings on this score were not unknown
In tins, he has republican supporters on the
floor Of Congress. With this body, however
rests the subject, and we will not assume that
the President or these republicans viii
slough off, from the body of the Union
party if the majority in Congress, for time
longer refuse to admit the Southern delega.
tion


AS to his reasons for the veto, drawn from
the body of the bill, and as he states its pro-
visions, without our having seen the bill, we
do not hesitate to endorse his objections as
being substantial and valid. There is in the
emancipation proclamation of Mr.. Lincoln
the national pledge that the freedom of the
emancipated negroes shall be maintained BY
the faith and power of the government. But
1t was certainly not the intention Of Mr.. Lin
coin or the people to redeem that pledge by
unwonted and anomalous organizations, ex-
traordinary in their assumed powers and in
antagonism to the spirit of our constitution
and institutions


The Presidents objection to the bin for the
excessive discretionary power it places in his
hands, is surely valid one. That any Pres
ident, for an indefinite time, and after con-
hrmed peace, and the resumption by all the
States of all their functions, should have a
patronage and appointing power, extending





affecting the business relations of private in
dividuals is measure that we cannot be
brought to endorse. Nor is il necessary in
order to redeem the national pledge to protect
the freedmen. 1t is not at all necessary to be
dashed upon this Seyla in order to avoid the
Charybds of total neglect of the freedmen.


His objections to the third, fourth and fifth
sections of the bill, and its injurious effects
upon the race intended to be protected, we
share. There are, we doubt not, four millions
of INDECENT whites i'll the country who have
not homes of their own. We don't know any
power in the federal government to purchase
homes for these. And it has no more to do
it for emaucipated freedmen. To talk about
it being necessary in order to conform to the
terms of Mr.. Lincoln proclamation. to pur-
chase homes for the eman cpated is to talk
bosh. Those who propose to make contracts
for, and exercise guardianship over, the ne
gro as though he were an imbecile or an idiot,
and at the same time clamor for universal
negro suffrage, seem to us to stultify them
selves. There seems to us to be much prac-
tical wisdom il the statement of the President
that:


Undoubtedly the freedmen should be pro-
tecied, bat they should be protected by the
civil authorities, especially by the exercise of
all the Constitutional powers of the Courts Of
the United States and of the States His
condition is not so desperate as at first may
be imagined lie is in portion of the coun-
LII ~ ,-oI 4
Competition for his services from planters,
from those who are constructing or repairing
railroads or from capitalists in his vicinity, or
rom other States, will enable him ta. com
fnand his own terms.


He also possesses a perfect right to change
his place of abode, and if, therefore, he
does not find in one community or State a
mode Of living suitable 10 his desires or proper
remuneration for his labor, he can move to
another, where labor is esteemed or better re-
warded. In truth, however, each State in
duced by its wants and interests, will do what
is necessary and proper to retain in its bor-
ders all the labor that is needed for develop
ment ofits resources. The laws that regulate
supply and demand will maintain their force.
ard the wages Of the laborer will be regulated
thereby. There is no danger that the great
demand for labor will not operate In favor
Va 'hc iopoici. ANcithct ID sulhCiCut SohoiuC
ration given tot the ability Of the freedmen to
protect and take care of themselves. tits no
more than Just to them to believe that as they
have received their freedom, with moderation
and forbearance, they will distinguish them
selves by their industry and soon show the
world that the condition offreedmen .hey are
selfsustaining aud capable of selecting their
own employment, and their own places.


We claim that those lately in slavery should
be protected; that, as the wards of the Gov
eminent, they should not be made the help
less victims of rebel hate. We do not find
in the provisions of this bin the most advisable
process ofadjusting the social difficulties pre-
sented by the changed status of the emanci-
pated nor do we find in this veto message of
President JOHNSON any willingness to disa-
vow the Governments duty toward this freed
people or submit them to the lawless control
OF reconstructed traitors Albeit he may find
the temper Of those lately in rebellion differ
ent from what he assumes, and that it will be
necessary TO resort to more positive and strin-
gent measures than those he suggests, to
secure protection and justice to the eolored
man.
Decision by the United States sur-


Court.