Year: 1867



 often called the attention ofcongress, is vet a subject of profound and patriotic concern. He says: 'sIt is therefore a source of profound regret, in comply ing with the obligation imposed upon the president by the Constitution, to give congress from time to time infor- nation of'the state of the union, that 1 am unable to communicate any definite adjustment, satisfactory to the Ameri- can people, of the questions which, since the,close of the rebellion, have agitatcd the public mind. On the con- trarv, candor compels mo to declare that at this time there is rro union as our fathers understood the term and as they meant it to be understood by us. The union which they established can only exist 'where'aH the states are rep resented in both houses of congress. To the president, the process offestora- ton seems perfectly plain and simple {: It consists merely in faithful applica- ton of the constitution and laws. The execution of the law is not now ob- structed by physical force there is no military or other necessity, real or pre- tended, which can prevent the obser- vance of the constitution either north UT sOutH. All tuC dHu oii thS obligations of states and individuals can be protected and enforced by means perfectly consistent with the funda- mental law" It is clear to his appre- hensiou that the states lately in rebel- | lion arc still members of the national -mion. When did they cease to be so 2 Ordinances of secession adopted by Q portion, in most of them by very or o,r csf n mere nullities. If we admit now that purpose intended by the authors, we sweep from under our feet the whole ground npon which we justify the war. ytfa sa Ai9- t The president elaborates these views at great length, and then says: 'Being sincerely convinced that these views are correct, I would be unfaithful to my duty if I did not recommend the repeal of the acts of congress which place ten of the southern states under the dominion of military masters. If calm reflection shall satisfy a majority of yonr honorable bodies that the acts referred to are not only violations of the national faith but in direct conflict with the constitution, l dare not per- init myself to doubt that you will im- mediately strike them from the statute book,

 The president proceeds to say he has no desire to save from the just and proper consequences of their crime those who engaged in the rebellion, but as mode ofpunishment the meas ures under consideration are the most unreasonable that could be invented. Many of these people are perfectly in- nocent, and of those who are guilty with their own consent, the degrees of guilt are as various as their shades of character and temper. But these acts of congress confound them all together in one common doom. Indiscriminate vengeance on classes, sect, parties or upon whole communities for oflenses committed by portion of them against the government to which they owed allegiance, was common in the barbar- ous ages; but christianity and civiliza- tion have made such progress, that to resort to a punishment so cruef and un- just would meet the condemnation of all unprejudiced and right minded men. The principles of justice of this age, especially in this country, do not con- sist in stripping whole states of their liberties and reducing all of their peo- pie, without distinction to the condi- ton of slavery. He says he is aware that it is assumed that this system of government for the south is not to be perpetual but if the guarantees of the constitution can be broken provision ally to serve temporary purpose, and in part only of the country, we can destroy them everywhere and for all time. Arbitrary measures often change, but they generally. change for the worse il is the curse of despotism, that it has no halting place.

 The president then says: '1t is man. ifestly and avowedly the object of these laws, to confer the privilege of voting on the negroes and to disfran- chisc such number of whites as to give thc'former a clear majority in the elections in the southern states. This, to the minds of some persons, is so inn portant that revolution of the con- stitution is justified as the means of bringing it about. We are not per mitted to do evil that good may come | but in this case the end is evil. The subjugation of these states to negro dominion would be worse than mili- tary despotism under which they are now suffering. The blacks in the south are entitled to be well and lu- namely governed and have the protec- ton of just laws for their rights of person and property. If it were prac- ticable at this time to give them a government of their own, it is ques- tionable to do SO; but now they are permitted to elect legislators, organize states and elect presidents. No inde- pendent government has been main- tained by the negroes"

 The message goes on to argue the dangers of the elective franchise, ard says that four millions of degraded slaves of yesterday cannot be made intelligent freedmen day. The pres ident is willing, to join in any plan to better the condition of the negroes in all their rights, save transferring to them political enfranchisement. The president alludes to the millions that the congressional plan has cost, and says it will increase the burden of tax ation and may bankrupt us. "We must not" he adds, "delude ourselves. It will require a strong standing army, and probably more than seven millions per year, to maintain the supremacy of negro governments when they are es- tablished. The money thus thrown away, if put into sinking. fund would pay the national debt in fifteen years. It is vain to hope the negroes will maintain their own ascendency."

 He discourses the extent to which the president may go toward protest ing the constitution and opposing the unconstitutional acts of congress, and says it has caused him much solicitude; and he believes that executive resis- tance to unconstitutional acts in times of high party excitement might lead to civil war. The executive would eoncede much to preserve the peace, but there may be times when he would hava to faLa a etand raoardlaes If fba