Year: 1867

with regard 70 territories, settled the prin-
eiples of such acts. Impartial s1frage,


both in electing the delegates and ratif--
ing their proceedings, is now the fixed
rule. There is more reason WIN eolorsd
voters should BE admitted IN The rebel
States than in the Territories. In the
States they form the great mass Of the 10y
al men. Possibly with their aid LOYAL
governments may be established in most
of those States. Without Il all are
sure to beruled by traitors; and loyal men,
black and white, will be oppressed, exiled
or murdered. There are several good
reasons for the passage of this bill. In the
hrst place, 1t Is just / am now con6ning
my argument to negro suffrage in the
rebel States. Have not loyal blacks quite
as good right to choose rulers and make
laws as rebel whites? In the second place,
it is necessary in order to protect the loyal
white men in the seeded States. The
white Union men are in a great minority
in each of these States. With them the
blacks would act in body; and it is be-
lieved that in each Of said States, except
one, the two united, would form a rajOri
ty, control the States. and protect them
selves. Now they are the victims of daily





seeution or be exiled. The convention of
Southern loyalists, lately held in Phils-
delphia almost unanimously agreed 10
such bill as an absolute necessity
Another good reason is, it would insure
the ascendancy Of the Union party. 'sDO
yOu avOw the party purpose?" exclaims
some horror stricken demagogue. I do
For believe on my conscience, that on
the continued ascendancy of that party
depends the safety of this great nation. If
impartial Suffrage is excluded IN the rebel
States, then every one Of them is sure to
send solid rebel representative delegation
to Congress, and east a solid rebel elector-
al vote. They, with their kindred cop
perheads Of the North, would always elect
the President and control Congress-
While slavery sat upon her defiant throne
and iEsulted and intimidated the tremb-
hing North, the South frequently divided
on questions of policy between Wings and
Democrats, and gave victory ultimately
to that section. Now you must divide
ttem between loyalists, without regard to
color, and dislOyalists, or you will be the
perpetual vassals of the fIee-trade, irritG-
BILE, revengeful South. For these. among
other reasons, l an for negro suffrage In
every rebel State. Ifit be Just il should
not be denied; If it be necessary it should
be adopted; if it be punishment to trait
ors, they deserve it. But It will be said,
as it has been said, This is negro equalityl
What is negro equality, about which so
much is said by knaves, and some of which
is believed by men who are not fools? It
means, as understood by honest republi-
cans, Just as much, and no mo-e =
Every man, no matter what his race or
color, every earthly being who has an
immortal soul, has an equal right to
justice, honesty and fair play with eV-
cry other man, and the law should Sc
cure him those rights. The same law
which condemns or acquits an African
should condemn or acquit a white man.
The same law which gives a verdict in
a white mans favor should give YER
dict in 8 black mans favor on the same
state of facts. Such is the law of God,
and such ought to be the law of man.
This doctrine does not mean that q
negro shall sit on the same seat, or eat
at the same tlble with a white man.
That is a matter of taste, which every
man must decide for himself The law
has nothing to do with it. If there be
any who are afraid of the rivalry of the
black man in Office or in business,
have only to advise them to try and
beat their competitor in knowledge
and business capacity, and there Is no
danger that his white neighbors will
prefer his African rival to himself. 1
know there is between those who are
influenced by this cry of negro equall-
ty" and the opinion that there is still
danger that the negro will be the smar-
test. For | never saw even a contra
band slave that had not more sense
than such men. There are periods in
the history of natious when statesmen
can make themselves names for poster
ity but such occasions are never i'm
proved by towards. In the acquisition
Of true fame, courage is just as necessa-
ay in the civilian ash the military he
70. In the Reformation there were
men engaged as able and perhaps
more learned than Martin Luther.
Melancthon and others, were ripe
scholars and sincere reformers, but
none of them had his courage. He
alone was willing to go where du-
Ly called, though devils were as thick
as tiles on the houses" And Luther is
The great luminary of the Reformation,
around whom the others reVolVe as
satellites and shine by his light. We
nay not aspire to fame. But great
events fix the eye OF history on small
objects and magnify their meanness.
Let US at least escape that condition.