Year: 1866

The evidence thickens upon us that the Government of the United States is about to close the final act in the drama of this great Civil War, in the judicial trial of Jefferson Davis, President of the late Southern Confederacy. As an American citizen, feeling ourselves boundup in veal or wo, in glory or shame, with the desti- ny of this indivisible Republic, we are glad of it-for, henceforth, whatsoever touches the honor or sullies the fame of the American Union, touches the honor and undermines the foundations of self respect of every citizen over whom floats, as proud symbol of national strength, the once -adored Star Spangled Banner" of the Republic The cruel incarceration of this feeble old man-the bloody-minded mutterings of fanaticism which have, time and again, rose to a howl of popular clam ors for his swift execution, have long enough put in jeopardy the character of the American people; and it is quite time that we should afford the expectant na- tions an opportunity to render the great verdict whether we are indeed civilized people worthy to be entrusted with the leadership in the cause of popular liberty because capable of surmounting the pas sions engendered in war of ideas-or so steeped in inherent barbarism as to be in capable, like kings and despots, of sti1ing the savage instinct of revenge

 The execution of Mrs. Surratt, Wirz and others, is great blot on our national history, only to be glossed over by the ex- cuse of indignation at crime so stupen- dous as to madden the nation, and excite the popular heart to a degree which made 1t memorable in demanding an atoning victim It was the misfortune of these persons to be in the way of being seized on as subjects whose execution seemed, to the then exasperated popular mind, retrib utive justice In such condition of the popular mind and heart, suspicion assumes the garb of certainty, and circumstances which would be easily explained at the tribunal of cool and unimpassioned reason, are invested with the solidity of the most damning proofs

 But in the case of Mir Davis, now, there is quite different condition of things. No one, who is not himself such madman or fool as to be capable of any extravaganza, however absurd or crimi- nal. believes that any crime can justly be ! .,,. z, ooainst Jefferson Davis, save that of being Chief of poop,'sc in revolt against a existing Goyernment-the head of a Revolutionary Government, seeking, by force of arms, to solidlfy itself into absolute National Independence. This is the head and front of his offending. Whatever acts of war were committed under his sanction and direction we venture to affirm were strictly in accordance with the laws of war for he was bred a soldier, and knows what is and what is not lacfut war fare. It is too late to say that he was the leader of local revolt, the head of a cir cumscribed rebellion" None but sim pletons or fanatical demagogues speak or write of the late terrible struggle, as other wise than as a public, Civil War The Government which orders his trial so re- cognized 1t, in various ways.

 The crime, therefore, of Mir. Davis, Ii he be criminal, is a pot'ttc@ crime, the highest of which citizen or subject can be guilty-that of treason against the Gov ernment of which he was citizen. The question is novel and will be a moment ous one. in its decision If MT. Davis be guilty of treason, and therefore worthy oi l death on account thereof, what is the crime, and what shall be the punishment of almost the entire southern people, oi whom he was but the executive represent atiye? It would be infamous injustice tc hut to death Jefferson Davis, and let the tens of thousands of southern men-dad aoomen-without whom he could have been nothing, go free. Nay, more-ii Jefferson Davis has been guilty of treason

 snociallv and personally, what is the crime