Year: 1874

| ON the Civil Rights Hin.


TEXtrtct ftom Il fIettor.1


! l have been president of the Board
of Education in Atlanta since the
organization of our system, which is
now working admirably, under which
we have separate schools, open to white
and colored children, and every child
belonging to either race can find its
way into good school, if the parent
thinks proper to send it. These schools
are maintained by taxation of the
! whole people, and their burden falls
! mainly upon those who have most
wealth and who often have no children
to educate. am proud of the system,
and of the great benefits which are
| resulting from it, and j feel, as our
white people generally do, that since
the colored people are made citizens, if
they act in their proper social sphere, it
is our duty as well as our pleasure to
aid them in the education of their
children. But do not hesitate to say
| that l should favor the Immediate
| repeal of all laws on this subject and
the disbanding Of the schools as soon
us the civil rights bill shall become n
law.


1t cannot be said that we violate any
provision of the Constitution OF the


United States when we repeal our
school laws, as that constitution requires
no State to maintain any public school,


and we make no discrimination on
account of race, color or previous CON
dition Of scrvitudc when we refuse to
maintain any public school, ut the
public expense, for the children OF
either race.


| But this is not all. Tho attempt to
force equality between tho races on
railroad ears, steamboats, and especially
in hotels and churches, will produce
constant strife and very frequent blood
shed, that will probably soon lead to II
war of races, and produce q horrible
state of things throughout the entire
South, terminating in II agcucral anarchy,
which will end in the determination of
the negro race. Much as | ucprccatc
and oppose all mob law, can not doubt
that, in the excited state of the popular
mind which would follow the attempt
to enforce such Il measure, it would
soon he found that white .iurics would
not convict white men lor killing
negroes who undertook to intrudc
themselves upon them rs social equals.
| And If the Government of the United
States attempted to cocrcc tho white
people of tho South into submission to
negro social equality, they would find
that the white troops, who might be
called INTO the field against us to fight
for such negro social equality, would
generally lay down their arms before
they would perform the task. In u
word, if they drove us to submission nj
the point OF the hayonct, the bayonct
would generally he in the hands of the
negro, and our people would have to
defend themselves against it as best
they could. The result would not be
doubtful. All prosperity would he deS-
| troyed, and general confusion, bank
ruptcy and ruin would prevail until
the struggle between the races tcrmi-
mated, which would, as l have already
said, in the end result in the extinction
of the weaker race.


But ! do not care to pursue this
theme. The consequence Of this meas
urc would be too horrible for coutcm-
plation, and we can only hope that tho
evil will bc avcrtcd by the good, prnc.


teal, common sense OF the. American


people, and the political organizatio,
which attempts to force this state o


things upon the country, or any section


OF it, will meet with ovcrwhcfmin,


defeat in every issue.


! have no hesitation, therefore, il
. ragrceing with you that the passage b.
; Congress of the civil rights bill woult
inauguratc Il feeling of antagonist
, between the white and black races tha
could never be rCconcilcd; and, in say
1 ing most uncquivocally, that no South
( ern gentleman, ! care not whether Il
: be Republican or Democrat, ought, il
z my opinion, to identity himself o
I continue longer to act with the part.


who seek to impose this measure upol
. our people.


TERRIBLE LOSS OF LIFE.