Year: 1879

and says that he has hopes for the fu- ture of his country but these excep tions are extremely rare,' and will hardly ever be found in the smaller, noblesse. La republique," says the marquis himself, etant privee de la favour des hautes classes, ne peut ehercher son appui que dans ce que Ton est convenu d'appeler les couches inferieures de la societe." This is true; so true that, not only inc republic as an institution, but even each individu- al republican, whatever may be his personal merits, is s'prive de la favour des hautes classes" He can associate with wealthy republican middle class, but not even with the smaller aristocra- cy. It might have been supposed that in country like France, where there are so many political parties, a man be- longing to one so influential and so well behaved as that of the moderate repub- licans might be tolerated anywhere if he were well educated and had pleasant manners but the theory of the mon archist circles is that there are no moderate republicans--they are all $ communards. Merely to express his approval of any degree of political or religious liberty is quite enough to draw down that evil name upon man, and, when once it has been applied to him, it is an indelible stain. Suppose

 you venture to say, for example, that

 the liberty of the press is not an un-

 mitigated evil, that general liberty of

 public worship might be desirable, that

 the liberty of political meeting is com

 patible with social order, you are a

 marked man, you are set down as a

 '' communard at once. You may say

 such things in rural cafes where repub

 licans meet, you are not allowed to say

 them in good society in the presence

 of ladies. You may not even express a

 liking for representative government

 or speak respectfully of the legislature.

 The proper tone is to sheer at all popu-

 lar representation, to declare that there

 is no necessity for any kind of liberty,

 and that the country could be much

 better governed without any houses of

 talk. You are not allowed to say any

 thing in favor of popular education,

 because that is desired by the republi-

 cans. In short, {" the tone of good so-

 ciety is reactionary to an incredible

 degree, and moderate liberal, in rural

 France, has to avoid the gentry and

 keep to the middle class.

 The defeated parties in France are

 exasperated to such degree that they

 have bidden farewell to everything re-

 sembling delicacy where political ques-

 tions are concerned. The consequence

 Is that a republican, however moderate,

 cannot go into the reactionary society

 of country town without hearing the

 characters of his friends attacked in the

 most merciless way. If he defends

 them, he is at once looked upon as an

 enemy if he sits. tamely at dinner

 table when a friend is slandered with

 out uttering a word in his defense, he

 feels himself, and he is a cowardly

 wretch who has no claim to the respect

 of others or to his own. Then why not

 leave such society at once, and confine

 himself to his own political friends?

 It is easy to say this but what if the man belongs to some profession in

 which success iss not possible without the countenance of the rich ? Take,

 for example, the case of an architect in a country town who has to make his way in the world, has the misfortune to cherish moderately liberal opinions, or, in other words, to feel sentiment of loyalty toward the present government of his country. The poor do not build houses so he must know rich people in order to advance in his profession. The difficulty is complicated in his case by the necessity for standing well with the clergy if he is to work for churches and conYents. Political animosity is so strong in France that people would rather employ an inferior man of their own color than a clever man who is suspected of republicanism and the consequence Is that an architect, in such a town as we have been describing, is placed in most embarrassing position If he happens to be a republican.

 Another great social disadvantage re- sulting from the hatred of certain classes to republicanism occurs in mat rimonial alliances. A young mans chances of making a good match are terribly curtailed by even a suspicion of republication we mean, of course, in the provinces. The best matches, from the worldly point of view, are nearly alwayssmade by young men who have attracted some degree of notice as and the more violent and intolerant they are the5 better their chances seem to be. The hands of most French heiresses are directly or indirectly at the disposal of the clergy ; | and the clergy, perhaps with good both dread and dislike the re- public. The consequence of this is a constant tendency to keep wealth that | is already earned in the hands of the | parties, and to keep the re- publicans as a class down in the social | scale within the limits of the smaller bourgeoisie. How long this will last 1 if the republic continues to be the po litical regime of France it is of course difficult to determine but there are few signs at present that the aristocra cy, or what considers itself such, will evers frankly reconcile itself with the democracy. It would be far better for the country if there could be something ike cordial reconciliation between classes but the republicans avenge lheir social sights by carefully ex ,luding the aristocracy from the Gov srnment, both of the state and of the departments and towns. Then the ar stocracy complains that it has no chance of taking office under a real an1 fba cOoio1 Ivorfora iG !