Year: 1866

HAS president sDOhmsOm DeferNeu


the Union ParIy?--EHis Veto Mes
sage.


The cry has gone forth by the Radical
press throughout the country that Presi-
dent johnson has at fast shown his hand
and exactly where he stands, and by his
veto of the Freedmen's Bureau bill deserted
the Union party, and sold himself body and
soul to the Democrats, and that hencefOrth
| he must be looked upon as traitor to that
great party who elected him Vice Presi-
dent. Now we confess that we can not con-
sent as yet to let President johnson go.
Nor do we believe that he has any feeling
in common with the Democracy, who have,
ever since he assumed the reigns of Gov
ernment, been endeavOring to patronize
him-heaping upon his head fulsome lau-
dations that must have been repugnantand
sickening In the extreme to man like the
President. There is no one who knows the
| Southern heart better, and no man more
bitterly denounced the rebellion, at the
risk of life and all he possessed; and we
cannot believe that he could so easily
change his opinions, and go over to that
party which he has so often characterized
as composed of traitors of the most malig-
nant stripe, and copperheads of the most
Venomous breed. We would rather believe
that the Union party had somewhat chang
ed its principles, and having achieved that
for which the war was first inaugurated-
an undivided UniOn-it was now asking
| for more-notwithstandi that slavery
was destroyed also-failen never to rise
again, although the destruction of slavery
was notoriginally enunciated or conceived,
when the North was called to arms to pro-
tect the Union and defend it from the ag-
gressions ofthe South. ...
The abolition of slavery was result of
the war, but l. was not for this the great
body of the Union men of the North took
up arms-it was for the preservation of the
| Union intact and to controvert the heresy
of the right of secession, claimed by the
Southern people. The war is now over,
slavery has gone by the board, and the ver-
| lest STAKEHOLDER of the most rampant rebel
State has no hope that it will ever be re-
stored in any portion of the Union. The
war being over we are supposed to be at
peace with our lats enemies. our Southern
brethren, who are now knocking loudly at
the door of Congress for admission TO the
| privilege OF representatiOn-thei Senators
and Representatives ready to take the nee
essary oath, declaring that they have been
legally elected, and will henceiorth and for
ever be true and loyal citiZens-supporting
the Constitution and laws OF the United
States.
Do we wish for peace? If so, would it
not be well to receive our conquered South
| ern brethren as brethren, and not as though
we doubted their loyalty, and laughed at
| their professions of fealty to the Union?
| We can never have united nation so long
as we refuse to permit the Representatives
of the South in our National Legislature.
If we are really desrous for unity-if we
are ever again to trust the people of the
South with power for good or ill-it IS high
time for us to throw of the freezing reserve
which now encumbers MS, and, with a warm
faith and implicit trust in the South, take
| it once more to our cOunsels aud our conf
dence. BY Withholding this, we are doing
injustice to the Union men of the South,
who have right to be represented and pro-
tected In their rights.


| If 1t is our intention to have the South a
part and parcel of the Union, we should
enact no law which would tend to keep
them where they now are, or tend to keep
alive the jealousies which they still enter
tain toward the people of the North. We
must recollect that we are now making laws
without the help of Southern statesmen
the States which seeded not being repre-
sented or heard in their own behalf, and if
we admit that they have never been out of
the Union, we must so legislate as if they
were an integral part of the Union, and for
their benefit as well as for the benefit of the
whole country.


Now, the question arises would the Freed
mems Bureau bill, had it received the sane
ton of the President and become law,
been of that character which we have en-
deaVOred to describe-a law melting out JUS
tice to the South, and for the benefit of the
entire nation? Was there necessity for
such a law, and would not the existing
Freedmen's Bureau answer every purpose
and object desirable to accomplish? We
think these questions are answered satiSfac-
torily by the President himself when he
says:


Il might call to mind, in advance of these
objections, that there is no immediate ne
cessity for the proposed measure. The act
to establish bureau for the relief of freed
men and refugees, which was passed in the
month OF March last, has not yet expired.
1t was thought stringent and extensive
enough for the purpose in view. Before
it ceases to have effect, further experience
may assist to guide us to wise conclusion
in the. policy to be adopted in time OF
peace"


The great mistake is, we are afraid, that
the most of our Legislators have an idea
that we are still at war with the South, and
legislate accordingly. We believe that the
President is honest in his efforts to secure
enjoyment to the freedmen of their new
found liberty and in his belief that the
Freedmen's Bureau bill, which he vetoed
would not secure that end, and was besides
not warranted by the Constitution; and vet
for the veto of this bill, which certain Con-
gressmen apparently had set their hearts
on, the President is denounced as deserting
the Union party and joining the Democracy,
If not the COpperheads. A man like Presi-
dent johnson does not change his coat so
suddenly. I'.'


The President makes good point in the
following objection:


"This military jurisdiction also extends
to all questions that may arise respecting
contracts. The agent who is thus to exer-
else the office of military judge may be a
stranger, entirely ignorant of the laws of
the place, and exposed to the errors Of
Judgment to which all men are liable. The
exercise of power, over which there is 40
legal supervision, by so vast a number of
agents as is contemplated by this bill, must,
by the very nature of man, be attended bv
acts of caprice, injustice and passion"


There is no doubt that the fewer North
ern men we place in power In the South,
the better will it be for the peace and quiet
of these sections over which arbitrary pow
eris exercised. Let the State laws be SO al
tered az not to conflict with the amended
Constitution and the general laws of the
United States, and then rigidly enforced by
the State courts, and there will be little me-
cessity for a Freedmen's Bureau, with its
host of subordinate officers.