Year: 1874




and of right ought to be, offensive to whole
some moral sense. 1t observes in his influence
upon general politics, in the scope and direc-
ton of his political philosophy, and the ten
dency of his teachings and his example. the
elements of great mischief to the country.
There has been no such picturesque figure in
our politics ever before him. He occupies
solitary and, as we think, very bad eminence.
Whatever of credit belongs to him for his de-
votion to friends who are or may be useful to
him, or for his vigOr and energy and stubborn
ness, or for his shrewdness, cunning
and audacity, we give him ungrudgingly.
And we are grateful that he stands
up in his own proper person and rep
resents in the distinctest form and
most defiant fashion the force which is at
work for the control of the Republican party
and the domination of the country. 1t makes
the fight an open square one against system
of politics rooted in the most selfish instincts
of mans nature and never rising above them.
There is no mistaking MIR. Butler ever He
believes the majority of his fellow men to be
traders of one sort and another, self-seekers,
sharp at bargains, cunning, tricky


When he appended to his argument in favor
of paying the National Debt in greenbacks
the silly as we'll as dishonest aphorism that
the people never object to policy that puts
dollar in the peoples purse, he supposed he
was astonishing human nature with revela-
ton. He only disgusted it by his self-prOjec-
ton. He is gOdsend to the cause of morality,
inasmuch as he believes morality and virtue
are in such minority and at such tremendous
odds in the world that vice can afford to
swagger and jerk the thumb over the shOul-
the field openly. Better this sort of man a
thousand times than some of the christian
statesmen" wo have had holding large cloaks
between the people and official thieves. Nor
would we do the Republican party any in
justice by representing Mr.. Butler as an
average specimen of the masses or the lead
ers of that party. He is a representative Re-
publican only in the sense that he thrusts
himself into representative positions, and is
recognized there by men who, while they do not
believe in his theories nor adopt his methods,
make no resistance to him, but for the party's
sake give him his will and his way. The
party might strengthen itself greatly by
throwing him off There never was time
when it could better afford to make the ex
pertinent. But the leaders stand Off letting
dare not wait upon l would, until the party
pays the penalty of weakness in its own de-
feat.


The spirit with which Mr.. Butler and the
men of his sort animate politics was fairly
illustrated in the proceedings of the Conven-
ton which last week put him in nomination
for Congress. The speech of the presiding
officer, Judge" Carter, was directed to the
consideration, at considerable length, of the
dangers to political parties from internal dis
sensiOns and the meanness of b0lting regular
ticket This person cited instances in the
Administrations of Jackson, Harrison, and
Fillmore, where internal dissensiOns had dam
aged great parties, and in very solemn way
held them up as warnings. Very plainly this
mans idea of the objects sought by political
action is the preservation of party and reten-
ton of power. He offered no reason-probably
could offer none-why the party should be
continued in power. Within the scope of his
political vision there came only the possibility
of the party suffering defeat What might
happen to the country was of the smallest
consequence. 1t was entirely in keeping with
this line of thought that he should denounce
as lacking in good sense or having an over
abundance of conceit any man who should
bolt a regular nomination. Judge" Carter's
horizon was bounded by the fact that there
must be harmony in the party to keep it in
power. The only calamity that seemed pos
sible to him was the defeat OF the party.


The burden of Mr.. Buffers speech upon ac-
cepting the nomination was his devotion to-
what to any great interest of humanity, any
- III &c &c
government : Not at all, but to the mere
selfish local and personal interests of the men
whom he was addressing. He had secured ap-
preparations for certain local improvements
and an advantage to some of his constituents
in the matter of the Geneva award. All of
which was well enough perhaps but observe
the manner in which he obtained or undertook
to obtain these material benefits. There was
a controversy, he says, between the East and
the West upon the subject of finance. Notice
the largeness of this statesmans definition of
plain question of political econOmy-"a
controversy between the East and the West.n
And he thought that we could not well throw
Massachusetts, into the face of the Western
Empire, which must politically govern this
Country for the next fifty years, if not for
"ever" In other words, he was willing to
vote and did vote upon the gravest political
problem in the whole political situation with
1.-THE West" as he calls it, for imitation, with
the sole object of obtaining the support of the
inhationists for his Geneva Award bill and
Merrimack River appropriations. And Mr..
Buffers speech to his constituents is in sub
stance this 81 voted for initiation not because
Il believed in it, but because got the votes
"of inflationists in your favor upon other
Questions l have taken care of your
"pockets and let the country 60 to the