Year: 1866

now engaged it is well TO remember that temper
ance OF tone and careful regard for truth are al


ways powerful allies. We have lately bad signal


illustrations Of the folly of exravagant statements
and personal aspersiOns; and there can be no more
palpable absurdity than that those who stood
steadily together against rebellion when rebellion
was formidable are now anxious ard plotting TO
surrender the Government to rebels defeated and
dsgtaccd. Yet these charges gravely made
against such men as Charles Sumner on the one
hand, aud Andrew Johnson on the other. Now
either both of tn csc gentlemen may be mistake en-
in the policy of reorganization which they favor,
but there is surely no reasonable grouhd for be-
lieving that they are hostile to the Union Gov
ernment Their views Of the true course 10 pur-
sue may hopeessly differ but certainly while their
intentions are beyond suspicion the difference Of
their views may be discussed without acrimony
The situation is entirely without precedent, and
denunciation, insnnation, and fierce partisanship
merely confound the confusion and exasperate
honest differences.


1t is unjust 10 assert that Congress is hostile
to the loyal men at the South it is to insist that
the President Is anxious TO have dsloyal men sit
in Congress. 1t Is as inaccurate to declare that
Congress means to sustain pauper class of freed
men at the expense OF the Government as TO argue
that the President intends to betray the freedmen
defenseless into the hands OF those who hate
them Ii is as untrue to say that the course Of
Congress violates the Constitution as that the
policy Of the President overthrows it. The truth
lies between all these extremes, as may be seen by
looking at the last point We have mentioned. IT.,
for instance. it be alleged, in defense of what is
called the Presidents policy, that the war was to
prevent secession; that 1t was successful; that Sc
cession was therefore prevented; that the States
are now, as before, in the Union; and that, conse-
quently, Congress has no constitutional right to
prohibit their representation-t no less true that
il those States in the Union they wefe eqhay
90 in May last and that the President has no con-
sttutional rish.to appoint Prov isional Governor
of State in the Union. The truth is, that the
President acted from the necessity of the case; and
that must be the principle OF action until reor-
ganzation is complete. Then, and not before. the
authority which is called the war power ceases,
ard the normal habit of Union is resumed. The
argument is by no means ended, as Senators Doc
little and Johnson seem to suppose when it is
proved that the late rebel States not of the
Union. They were not out. of the Union a year
ago. Was any representative which South Csro
lima might have chosen to send TO Congress at that
time TO be therefore admitted without question:
No sensible will affirm such an absurdity.


Neither the President nor Congress hold that the
mere fact Of laying down arms raised against the
Government proves either the loyalty OF those who
surrender or the propriety of adm tting without
question the representatives whom they send
Senator Reverdy Johnson himsel concurred in the
report made to the Senate in February of last year
that il was Improper for this body to admit to
seats Senators from Louisiana till, by some joint
ton Of both Houses there ShaH be some recognition
Of an eriSfin9 State Government acting in harmony
ruth The Government Of the United States and recog
nzing its authority" All that Congress asks is
that the subject shall be Investigated and the facts
ssceraned, and for that sole purpose wasthe Recon
siruction Committee appointed. The President
also realirms the same principle when he says, in
speaking Of the late rebel States: "When they
comply with the Constitution, when they have
given sufficient evidence OF their LOYALTY and that
they can be trusted. when they yield obedience to
the law. say extend to them the right hand of
fellowship and let peace and union be restored"
So says the Presidents so say all. But here are
points TO be decided, and by whoml l. it not
evident that Congress must decide then for itself
before il Can admit single member? The Presi-
dent may for himself be satisfied upon some Of
these points, and say in his Veto Message that, in
his Judgment, "some" of the late rebel States may
properly be admitted TO representation. But sure
" neither he nor any other can expect that
his conviction will bind Congress There was
never subject, indeed. which required more de.
liberate consideration. The honor of the country
pledged TO the freedmen; the security of r'ie
tiona debt; the increased representation given by
the Emancipation Amendment to the late rebel
States the danger of any risk Of assumption Of the
rebel war debt in any form-all require the most
thoughtful care in legislation.


But the most truly patriotic men may honestly
differ about methods, and il upon any point Con-
gress and the President disagree, the Constitution
indicates the course to pursue. He may interpose
his veto. If Congress overcomes it by the Con-
sti,utional vote, it will become law of the United
States which the President is sworn to execute.
fhs veto p:evails, the will Of Congress SO far
fails to become law. But the President, il he
have any regard for the dignity OF hi. office OF for
the Just distribution OF powers in this government.
will be very wary Of declaring that his view of the
case shall prevail against that Of Congress. The
President is but a coordinate branch of the Gov
eminent He is not the superior of Congress nor
of the Supreme Court lie is the executive off
Ger of the laws. Meanwhile his veto of any meas
ure is deliberate appeal to the country upon the
point of difference, and the country will decide the
question at the balletbox.


But We confidently trust that no such appeal will
be necessary. The President and Congress have
the same end 10 view. They beth desire the re-
sumption by every State of its relations in the
Union at the earliest moment consistent with the
general peace and security; and il Congress, ac-
cepting the facts of the situation, trusts something
to time something to the traditions oil the Govern
ment. something to the sure laws which, despite
passion and prejudice still control human affairs;
and if the President, mindful Of the equal dignity
and responsibility Of Congress, remembers that
frmness is not inconsistent with forbearance, nor
conviction with oonciliation; and il orators and
journals reflect that rhetorical fury is always feeble
and futile, the great party of loyal men who saved
the Union will secure its peaceful perpetuity By
mutual moderation and wise concession.