Year: 1866

From the Washington Republican.


No sounder principle was ever enun-
ciated by On American statesman than
| that of the President, that too frequent
amendments of the Constitution were
unnecessary and dangerous. The mod
ern presumption which inspires so
many members Of Congress to improve
upon the work of Madison and Jay and


Hamilton, is not by any means com
mendable or consistent. The founda-
| tions of Government, as laid down by
the fathers, were set IN eternal princi-
! pies and reared upon the enduring
rock Of justice and right. We have
! seen nothing in either the statesman
ship or the ability of our present Fa BIZ
ans 10 indicate their superior knowl-
edge over the men who framed our
organic law. 1t may be regarded as a
heresy in radical conventicles, but we
put as high an estimate upon the tai
ent, the integrity, and the wisdom of
the Convention of l7S7 as the Thirty


ninth American Congress. We admit
that extraordinary occasions may
arise, and unusual circumstances may
occur, requiring an alteration of
the fundamental law. But they
are extremely rare; and such
change should only be resorted
to where the vast legislative
powres possessed under the Constitu-
ton fail TO establish any right or rene
DIV any wrong. The abolition of slave
nv was an occasion of this kind and


to the glory Of the American name
and the honor of humanity, the pro
hibition of human bondage is law of
the land So, too, we are willing to
concede that the ratification of the ba-
sis Of representation demands coEstitu-
tional correction. We will not deny
that the freedom of the slaves leaves
the basis in such a manner that it op-
crates unjustly, and in a different way
than that intended by those who adj
iusted the system at the commence
ment of the Union. We do not hold
this change to be Of such vital impor-
tance as 10 keep the country in a state
Of fermentation, or to create any deci


ded alarm or agitation; especially we
90 not think that the inequalities Of the
present basis should be made pretext
for keeping eleven States unionless, and
millions of American citizens out of
their hereditary representative rights.


We are perfectly willing to use all our
efforts to install new basis, provided
it is right and Just of itself; and that
basis we maintain should be the elect
or In no other way can we have abso-
Lutte justice, that only will insure the
actual equality of every ballot.


While doing this we cannot assent
that the readjustment of the relations
of the lately insurgent States should be
postponed until the present represent
alive system is altered. We will not
consent to do one injustice to correct
another. All the other propositions in
the programme of Congress, as it at
last appears, after the senatorial
manipulation, we regard as utterly use
less, aud of no value should they be
ratified The disqualification clause Of
tho senatorial reconstructors is already
provided for sufficiently by the test
oaths, which ere likely to remain fully
as long as the country shall require
them. We nave exploded too often


the fallacy Of protecting the national
obligations by constitutional amend
ments to need q repetition. The debt
stands IN no danger whatever Of repu-
diation, b1t Of increase When you can
alter the Constitution to prohibit add
ing anything to the debt, you may es-
tabish its inviOlability; until That time
we shall have to depend upon the hon
esty and virtue of the people TO secure
it. In that lies its safety. it is an IN
nocent amusement to which we make
no objections, for Congress to submit
as many amendments as it pleases to
the people 1t may deal them outlike
autumn leaves for aught we care; but
if they are TO be made the condition
of political action, and the criterion
Of political faith, or if they are to be
the reasons for delaying the solemn
duty of restoring the unity, harmony
and prosperity OF this nation, then we
give them our unrelenting opposition.