Year: 1866

! lOymenC OF the elective lrnncnlse'-
During the period Of tho Confede-
racy, there continued to exist q We.
ry great diversity in the qualifca-
tions Of electors in the several States;
and even within Il State u distinction
of qualifications prevailed with re.
gard to the officers who were to be
chosen, The Constitution Of the
United States recognizes these di-
versities when it enjoins that, in the
choice of members Of the House of
Representatives of the United States
"thc electors in each State shall have
tho qualifications requisite for cleo
tors Of the most numerous branch
of the State Legislature. After
the formation Of the Constitution it
, remained, as before, the uniform us
age for each State to enlarge the body
Of its electors according to its own
Judgment; and, under this system,
one State after another has proceed
ed to increase the number Of its
electors, until now universal suf-
frage, or something very near it, is
the general rule So fixed was the
reservation of power in the habits
of the people, and so unquostioned
has been tho Interpretation Of the
Constitution, that during the civil
war the late President never harbor-
ed the purpose-ccrtainly never
avowcd the purpose-of disregard
ing it; and in the acts Of Congress
during that period, nothing can be
found which, during the continu-
ance Of hostilitics, much less after
their close, would have sanctioned
any departure by the Executive
from policy which hasso uniform
ly obtained. Moreover, concession
ofthe elective franchise to the freed
men, by act Of the President of the
United States, must have been eX-
tended to all colored men, wherever
found, and 50 must have established
u change of suffrage in the North
ern, Middle, and Western States
not less than il tho Southern and
| Southwestern. Such an act would
have created q new class Of voters,
and would have been an assumption
of power by the President which
nothing in the Constitution or laws
Of the United States would have
warranted.


On the other hand, every danger
of conflict is avoided when the set
tlement Of the question is referred
TO the several States. They can,
each FOR itself, decide on the meas
ure, and whether it is to be adopted
at once and absolutely, or intro
duced gradually and with condi-
tions. In my Judgment, the freed
men, if they show patience and
manly virtues, will sooner obtain a>
participation in the elective fran
chisc through the State than through
the General Government, even if it
had power to intervene. When the
tumult of emotions that have been
raised by the suddenness Of the So
cial change shall have subsidized, it
may prove that they will receive
the kindliest usage from somo of
those on whom they have hereto
fore most closely depended


But while have no doubt that
now, after the close of the war, it is
not competent for the General Gov
ernmcnt to extend the elective fran
chise in the several States, it is
equally clear that good faith re-
quires the security of the freedmen
in their liberty and their property,
their right to labor, and their right
to claim the just return Of their Ia
Dor. cannot too strongly urge 4
dispassionate treatment of this sub
iect, which should be carefully kept
aloof from all party strife. We
must equally avoid hasty assump-
tions Of any natural impossibility
for the two races TO live side by side
in state of mutnal benefit and good
will. The experiment involves ps
in no Inconsistency; let us, then, 60
on and make that experiment in
good faith, and not be too easily dis
heartened. The country is in need
of labor, and the freedmen are tn
need of employment, culture and
protection. While their right
voluntary migration and expatria,
ton is not to be questioned, would
not advise their forced removal and
colonization. Let us rather encour-
age them TO honorable and usefulin-
dustry. where it may be beneficial
to themselves and to the country,
and instead of hasty anticipations
of the certainty of failure, let there
be nothing wanting to the fair trial
of the experiment. The change in
their condition is the substitution of
labor by contract for the status Of
slavery. The freedman cannot fair
ly be accused of unwillingness to
work, so long aa a doubt remains
about his freedom of choice in his
pursuits, and the certainty Of his
recovering his stipulated wages
In this the interests of the employ
er and the employed coincide. The
employer desires in his workmen