Year: 1866

from whom. He (Mr. Cook) had ex


amined the bill with some care and
had not found anything in it tending
to take from anybody, white or black,
any right which he now enjoyed under
the Constitution and laws of the Uni.
ted States. This general denunciation
OF the bill did not seem entitled to
much weight four millions of human
beings had been set free by the Proc.
lamation of the President and by the
amendment of the Constitution, and
had become self-depend6nt. They were
now required to take care of them
selves. Many of them had been enga
ged in the defense of the country, and
with their aid the Government had sue
ceeded in suppressing the Rebellion,
and now what was to be seen? In at
least six States of the Union laws had
been enacted by the reconstructed Leg
lslatnres SO malignant in their spirit
toward the freedmen, so subversive of
their liberties, that the President of the
United States, or the commanders act
ing under his authority, had set aside
those laws and prevented their execu-
ton. Gen. Thomas. in Mississippi,
Gen. Swan, in Alabama, Gen. Sickles,
in South Carolina, and Gen. Terry in
Virginia had issued positive orders for
bidding the execution of laws passed
by the Legislatures Of those States in
relation to black men. yagrant laws
had been passed, which, under pre-
tence of selling colored persons as va
grants, were calculated and intended
to reduce them to a state of Slavery
again. Laws 50 abhorrent to the spirit
of the age had been set aside by mill
tary power but the time when mill
tary power could protect them mnst
cease. 1t was idle to say that they
would be protected by the States The
conclusive answer to that was that the
States had already passed laws virtu-
ally renting them to state of Sla-
very The gentleman from New Jer-
sey (Rogers), had declared himself for
the protection Of these men. But he
was opposed to every practical meas
ure intended to protect them. He was
like the man in the State of Maine who
said he was in favor of the Maine Liq-
uor Law, but was opposed to enforcing
it. He Cook knew no way by which
these people could be protected except
by the action Of Congress either in
passing this bill or q constitutional
amendment, as ii Congress had not
now the constitutional power. When
gentlemen told him that they were in
favor of the liberties of these people,
but were opposed to every practical
measure to protect them, he should
most respectfully doubt their judgment
in the matter. If the Vagrant Acts to
which he referred had not been set
aside, these four millions of people
would again be slaves. He believed
that the bill was the appropriate reme-
dy. He believed that Congress had
the constitutional power to pass it,
and that it was its duty to do it. Con-
gress would be guilty of q want of
good faith. of a want of honor, and of
common honesty, if it abandoned these
men who had aided the Government,
and thereby rendered themselves OBJ
noxious to the white men of the South,
without protection. For his part, he
would never consent to do it. He had
shuddered as he heard the gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Rogers) de,
claiming that he was speaking and
thinking in the spirit which animated
the Saviour of mankind when he made
an atonement for the human race, while
he (Rogers) was striving to have these
people left utterly defenceless in the
hands of men who were constantly de.
vlsing means to reenslave them. For
himself, he trusted that this bill would
be passed that those men would be
protected that Congress would say to
them, Because on our call you aided
us to suppress the rebellion, and be
cause the honor and faith Of the nation
were pledged for your protection, we
will maintain your freedom aud redeem
that pledge"


Mr. Thayer pa obtained the floor
and the bill went over until tomorrow