Year: 1866




a State was warranted as a measure of war.
the question Immediately presents itself
whether we are still engaged in war. Let
US not unnecessarily disturb the commerce
and credit and industry of the country, by
declaring to the American people and to the
werld that the United State are still in
condition of civil war. At present there is
no part of our country in which the author
ity of the United States is disputed Ofen-
ces that may be committed by individuals
should not work forfeiture of the rights OF
whole communities. The community has re.
turned or is returning to a state of peace and
industry. The rebellion is at an end. The
measure, therefore, seems to be as inconsis-
tent with the actual condition of the coun-
try as 1t is at variance with the Constitu-
ton of the United States.


If, passing from general considerations,
we examine the bill in detail, it is open to
weighty objections In time of war, it was
eminently proper that we should provide for
those who were passing suddenly from con-
dition of bondage to state of freedom; but
this bill proposes to make the freedmen s
bureau, established by the act of 1865, as
one of the many great and extraordinary
military measures to suppress formidable
rebellion, a permanent branch of the public
administration, with It's powers greatly en-
larged.


/ have no reason to suppose, and do not
understand it to be alleged, that the act of
March, 1865, has proved deficient for the
purpose for which it was passed. although
at that time, and for considerable period
thereafter, the Government Of the United
States remained unacknowledged in most of
the States whose inhabitants had been in
volved in the rebellion. The institution of
slavery, for the military destruction of which
the freedmen bureau was called into exis-
tence as an auxiliary, has been already eff
fectually and finally abrogated throughout
the whole country by an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, and prac
tically its eradication has received the assent
and concurrence Of most of those States in
which it at any time had an existence. |
am not, therefore, able to discern in the
condition of the country anything to justify
an apprehension that the powers and agen-
cies of the freedmen's bureau, which were
effective for the protection of freedmen and
refugees during the actual continuance of
iIostiiities, viii now, IN q time of peace and
after the abolition of slavery, prove made
quate to the same proper ends. If am
correct in these views, there can be no ne
cessity for the enlargement of the powers of
the bureau for which provision is made in
the bill


The third section of the bill authorizes a
general and unlimited grant of support to
the destitute and suffering refugees and
freedmen, their wives and children. Sue
ceediDg sections make provisions for the rent
or purchase of landed estates for freedmen
and for the erection for their benefit Of suit
able buildings for asylums and schools, the
expenses to be betrayed from the treasury
of the whole people.


The Congress of the United States has
never heretofore thought itself empowered
to establish asylums beyond the limits of the
District of Columbia, except for the benefit
of our disabled soldiers and sailors. 1t has
never founded schools for any class of our
own people, not even for the orphans Of
those who have fallen in the defence OF the
Union, but has left the care of their educa-
ton to the much more competent and efh-
cient control of the States, of communities,
of private associations and of individuals.
1t has never deemed itself authorized to eX-
pend the public money for the rent or pur-
chase of houses for the thousands, not to say
millions of the white race who are honestly
toiling from day to day for their subsistence.


4 system for the support of INDECENT per-
sons in the United States was never con-
templated by the authors of the Constitu--
ton. Nor can any good reason be advanced
why, as a permanent establishment 1t should
be founded for one class or color of our peo-
pie more than for another. Pending the
war, many refugees and freedmen received
support from the Government, but 1t was
never intended that they should hencetorth
be fed, clothed, educated and sheltered by
the United States. The idea on which the
slaves were assisted to freedom was that, on
becoming free, they would be self-sustaln,,,
ing population, and any legislation that shall
imply that they are not expected to attain
self.sustaining condition, must have ten
dency injurious alike to their character and
their prosperity.


The appointment of an agent for every
county and parish will create an immense
patronage, and the expense of the numerous
officers and their clerks to be appointed by
the President, will be great in the beginning,
with a tendency steadily to increase The
appropriations asked by the Freedmen S bu-
reau as now established for the year 1866,
amount to S1I, ,745, 900, and it, may be safely
estimated that the cost to be incurred under
the pending bill will require double that
amount, more than the entire sum expended
in any one year under the administration OF
the second Adams.
If the presence of agents in every parish
and county is to be considered as war mea-
sure, opposition, or even resistance, might
be provoked. so that, to give effect to theil
jurisdiction. troops would have TO be station.
ed within reach of every one of them. and
thus a large standing force be rendered ne
cessary Large appropriations would, there
fore, be required to maintain and enforce
military jurisdiction in every county or par
| ish from the Potomac to the Rio Grande.


The condition of our fiscal affairs IS en-
couraging. but in order to sustain the pres
ent Measure of public confidence. it is neces-
sary that we practice, not merely customary
| e,,,no,nv hut as "a, as possible. severe re-