Year: 1877

ourselves, and we appeal to experience
of everything it tries to do; we deny
that it has any business to tlIeoriZe for us
in the premises we deny that the des-
ignated persons will gain-at least, that
they will gain as much as they would if
they were left to deal with us on their
own footing; we deny that they can
gain anything from us, on account Of the
ldlU, but what we lose; we deny that
the total gains to one part of society by
this process can ever exceed the total
losses of another part, 1. e., that the
process can increase the wealth of the
community; we deny, finally, that our
share OF these Hypothetical gains can
ever be redistributed to us so as to
bring back our first loss. We have
never seen money go through such a
process, passing through many hands,
and come back whole, to say nothing OF
loss and waste.


Thus the issue is joined. On the one
side are broad and simple principles, so
elementary that they are mere truisms,
and on the other side are special pleas
of various kinds set up to befOg mems
judgment, and prevent them from draw
ing the infeIences which follow newt
ably.


Let me suggest to you two or three
of the broadest and most commanding
principles which really decide this ques-
ton:


|. We, Americans, have made it the
first principle of our society that no man
shall obtain by law any advantage in
the race of life on account of birth or
rank, OF any traditional or fictitious
privilege of any kind whatsoever, and on
the other hand, we have removed, so far
as the law can remove, all the hinder
ances and stumbling blocks which come
from circumstances of birth and family.
Society gives no aid, but it removes ali
obstacles of social prejudice and tradi-
tion. There is not a man i'll the coun-
try who does not respond with full
heart to the wisdom and truth of this
relation OF society to the individual.
Now, on what principle is this relation
based 1t is on the belief that society
makes the most of its members in that
way. Some men have more in them
than others. We do not know which is
which until they show it; but we be-
lieve that the way to let each one come
to his best, is for society to set them all
Oh their feet, and then let them run
0dCu lOT ulHSSlls "o DcllONC lhdtI liIS


best powers of the community are
brought out in that way.


1t does not follow that men so treated
never make mistakes, and never ruin
themselves. We see them do this every
day but if it were proposed that the


state should interfere, few would be led


astray by the proposition.


The same principle applies to trade


directly and completely. The produc-


tive powers of men and communities


differ, but whatever they are, more OI
less, they reach theiI maximum under


liberty. The total of national wealth


is greatest where each dispOses of his


own energy in production and exchange


with the least interference. This is not
saying that none will make mista> es
: or that free trade will eliminate all ills
: from human life. Free trade will not
make the idle enjoy the fruits of in
; dustry, nor the thriftless possess the re-
wards of economy. Poverty, pain, dis
2 ease, misery will remain as long as idle
? ness and vice remain. Free trade vii
only act in its own measure and way


to leave men face to face with these
things, with Il somewhat better chance
S to conquer them. 1t is one of the grea
= vices of protection that it makes the in


dustrious suffer for the idle, and the


getic and enterprising bear the


losses of the stupid.


2. If, nov, you examine the opposit,
e theory you will find that it assumes
f that we or our ancestors all made ;


great mistake in coming to this country


and trying to live here. We are tol(
that tariff is necessary ''make mar
j ket" for our farmers, that IL tariff i
). necessary to keep our manufacture


from destruction, that navigation law


are necessary to preserve our shipping
, Some of the old countries support ;
!, population twenty OF thirty times a
?, dense as ours with little or nothing o
this artificial system. If, then, we ar
!. not able to live here without this aid
i we must have left Il part of the worl,
e where life is easier for one where it i
+ harder. This brings me, then,


k B. To the great fundamental errO
of the theory, viz: That taxation is
productive force. No emigrants go t.
o the desert of Sahara. None would G
e to New York if it were sand and rocks


If, however, New York is part of tn


earth's surface, consisting of arabic lam


fit to produce food for man if it is Ill
q tersected by mountains, covered b
y forests, and containing iron and Goa
o and if it possesses great rivers and
!, splendid harbOr, then the conditions c
:, supporting human life are fulfilled.
Ii requires only labor and capital to bull
: up there great and prosperous com
e munity. 1t is plain that some parts {


the earth's surface contain more ma


terials for mans use than others, an


the fact as to New York will affect tn


wealth of its inhabitants. 1t is plai


that it makes a difference whether th


people are idle Of industrious, listles
II or energetic, sluggish or enterprisins


1t is plain that it makes a differenc


how much capital they have, or whethe
: there are enough of them for the bes


distribution of labor. 1t is plain that
al makes a difference what is the state {
e the arts and sciences, and what are th
t. facilities of transportation.


is The wealth of New York at any give
d time must depend Oh the way in whic
re these factors are combined. Now th
2 question arises: How can taxation pos
" sibly increase the product? Which on
e of the factors does it act upon?


" Just consider what taxation is. w
20 pay taxes, in the first place, to pay fC
IL the necessary organization of society
rs in order that we may act together, an
- not at cross purposes like a mob bU
II if that were all the state had to do take
: would be very small. We must SUP
l. port courts and police, and army an
is navy. These we need for peace, an
lie Justice, and security. But suppose tha
d there were none who had the will