Year: 1867

constitutional amendment by Massachusetts,, on
the ground that while its adoption will be bind
Ing on the North it will be practically dead
letter in the South. The third section, disfran-
chising certain classes Of rebels, he holds, can
not be executed in the South. The only REM
edy, he contends, is to put seven hundred thou
sand negro votes into the scale. He is in favor
of DISTINGUISHING prominent rebels, but if he
can give the negro the ballot he will be will
ing to trust Wade Hampton. He says nothing
of fixing in the constitution, as this amendment
proposes, the binding obligations of the ma
tional debt and the reputation for evermore, as
utterly illegal, null and void of all rebel debts
and all claims for emancipated slaves, and he
overlooks the condition which requires the
concession Of the suffrage to the blacks by the
several States, in order to count them in the
popular enumeration for Representatives to
Congress. In truth, from certain declarations
Of Phillips heretofore, he is ready for the alter
native of universal reputation, il he cannot
obtain universal negro suffrage, as the all-heal-
ing panacea of Southern restoration.


All this means that Phillips is opposed to
any scheme which promises 9 speedy settle
ment of this vexed question. He has his own


theory Of the advantages to be gained by delay.


He has his own visionary projects Of recon-
struction, which can only be reached by re-
ducing the country to chaos and then in begin
ming anew. There are various other leaders
and factionists and fanatics who are driving for
the same point Of departure, although by diff
ferent roads. The leaders of the Northern
democracy are opposed TO the pending amend
ment, because they think that in staving of
this settlement something will turn up" to
bring them, in conjunction with the South,
again into power. The ruling old pro-slavery


class Of the South are opposed to the amend


ment because they entertain similar expecta-


tions. President johnson himself may be


placed in the same category. Greeley, accord
ing to his last pronuncidmisnto on the subject,
is with Phillips as to the infallible specific of
universal negro suffrage, but shrinks with fear
and trembling from President Johnson's i'm
peachment, which Phillips holds to be the first
indispensable step to "liberty, equality and
fraternity"


Such are the disturbing forces operating
against the pending amendment-the North
ern abolition fanatics of the school of Wendell
Phillips, the weak-kneed reformers represented
by Greeley, the old hide-bound Northern DEM
ocratic leaders, the old ruling class of the
rebel States, President johnson and the hold.
over Dred Scott expounders Of the Supreme
Court. These disturbing elements, in many
things conflicting and arising out of different OBJ
jects, are all working together for delay in the
settlement Of our existing troubles. Phillips
and Greeley desire to sacrifice the amendment
in order to secure universal negro suffrage;
vallandigham and the Seymours, Wade Hamp-
ton and all the old Southern political mana
gers still remaining on hand, together with the
administration, are laboring to defeat the
amendment because, If adopted, it will inaugu-
rate new dispensation and an entirely new
organization Of parties, and because under
President johnson and the Supreme Court the
hope is cherished of still another reign Of the
Bourbons, State rights, slavery and all. Thus
it is that the main body Of the dominant party
in Congress is confronted on every side by
hostile factions, and thus among other dangers
this dominant party is threatened with dissen-
sions and divisions which encourage all these
opposing forces to hold their ground.


How is Congress to baffle and overthrow oil
these opposing combinations? Not by delay
nor masterly inactivity; for that is their game.
Not by hedging and ditching to the end Of
President Johnson's term of office; for that is
his policy and theirs, to bring the rebel States,
as they stand, into Congress and the next
Presidential election, under decree from the
Supreme Court. There remains to Congress,
then, only the policy Of pushing through the
amendment as the basis of Southern restora-
ton; and rs il is now made manifest that the
amendment is mainly blocked by President
Johnson, his impeachment and removal will
become the first and the main question with
the new Congress which meets in March.
Whatever else Congress may deem ne
cessary in the way Of reconstruction,
the securities of this amendment must
be fixed in the constitution. Otherwise, with
Southern restoration reputation party will
at once be developed North and South. 1t is
limited that Chief Justice Chase and Greeley
favor a compromise on negro suffrage with the
President; we know that Phillips goes for his
impeachment to secure negro suffrage I; but
there can be no security for anything short Of
the adoption of this amendment. How the re-
publicans now stand in the two houses upon
this question we cannot tell, but with the meet
ing of the new Congress fresh from the people
We expect that, mainly in behalf Of this pend
ing amendment as the great issue of the recent
elections, the impeachment viii be pushed to
the removal of President Johnson.


Upon this line there will be force and con-
sistency in he impeachment; but in diverging
to negro suffrage as the only issue to be settled,
as the only security needed for the future,
Wendell Phillips, as OF old, ia again playing