Year: 1879




Two of the late issues of the Con-
temporary Review have contained ar
ticles by the Rev. W. L. Blackley,
proposing a new method of curing
pauperism. He calls his remedy Com
pulsary Providence" and the plan is
as follows: Somewhere between the
ages of seventeen and twenty-one, ev-
cry wage-earner can lay aside for him
self a sufficient sum to insure him a
lifelong provision against sickness
and old age. If he choose to do this,
he should be encouraged to do so; if
he does not choose, he should be COM
PEELED to do it. 1t follows, of course,
that if every wage-earner were thus
provided for, there could be no such
thing as persons throwing himself
on the parish for support.


The amount necessary thus to pro-
vide for each individual is estimated
at $50, and it is believed that this
amount would cover all the expense Of
collecting and managing such fund.
To give the amount of safety to each
man, with the minimum of cost, it is
proposed that the Government take
charge of the funds of this National
Club. The whole business is to be
managed on the principles that govern
the Odd Fellows and similar benevo-
lent societies, except that membership
in the National Club is to be made
compulsory. While every man will
be forced to insure himself against
destitution, all will be free to insure
enough to provide for their own esti-
mate of comfort. The Club will fix
only minimum which must be laid
aside, and leave the maximum to each
mans preferences.


The merits of the plan are as obvi-
Gus as they are great. 1t is in the
highest degree unjust for the law to
compel thrifty man to provide for
his thriftless neighbor, when it is
equally easy to compel the thriftless
neighbor to provide for himself. But
not only every man who owns proper
ty and pays taxes, but every frugal
and hard-working artisan, has to con-
tribute to the support of the pauper
population Mr. Blackley's scheme,
if it become law, will keep the
man unable to support himself
with his own money, and not with
other peoples, as is now done. In
other words, it will compel tramps
and paupers to do for themselves what
the State is at present compelled to do
for them.


That some such plan as this is de-
hardly needs demonstration.
1t is comparatively easy to compel
tramps to go to work
or leave the community. But when
these same tramps become too old or
too feeble to work, the community
must support them. Thus, under our
present laws, there is an inevitable
amount Of pauperism to burden the
community. But if every one able to
work were compelled before his ma
iority to lay by sufficient sum to
support him In sickness or old age, the
habit of thrift thus encouraged might
induce him to persevere in saving
from his earnings, and at any rate he
would never become a burden to 9TH
ers The burden of pauperism would
be reduced to the support of those who
ire cripples or invalids from their
childhood, and who have no friends
lble to take care of them. Cases like
hese are comparatively few, and
would be no burden at all.


The great objection to this plan is
hat it is hard thing to compel
nan thus to save money enough to
provide for himself. If man refused
o obey such law, it would be neces-
ary for the State to compel him to
abor in some workhouse until he had
armed over and above his support
While working the prescribed mini
mum, say $50. But it would be nee
ssary to do this only in the case of
nen who are paupers from choice.
Iost men would rejoice at the possi-
'ility of insuring themselves against
vant as long as they lived by laying
p so small sum of money as $50.
md when compulsion should be nee
ssary it would be justifiable. Pau
erism is greater evil in the commu-
ity than ignorance; but compulso-
y Education act is not felt to be
ruel thing, and a compulsory Provi-
ence Act would not be more cruel.
t is certainly not so hard to compel.
he viciously idle and improvident to
1sure their future as to tax the frugal
nd thrifty for their support