Year: 1874

THE PUBLIC.


There are many very well meaning
but misguided people, who entertain
the most erroneous ideas and the most
preposterous and arbitrary opinions
about the relations of the press to the
public. We propose to disabuse their
minds of some of the fallaces they EN-
tertain, and to define the duties of the
press to the public and the duties of
the public to the press.


First-The press is constituted by the
public the grardians of morality, the
sentinel Oh the ramparts of liberty's
citadel. 1t is expected to defend the
weak against oppression and to pro-
tect truth against falsehood. The press
is expected to be always on the side of
religion, law, justice and liberty. The
conscientious journalist is in the posi-
tion of sworn judge, who is to weigh
all the evidence before charging the
public, which is to bring in the verdict
of the people, on all matters of interest
to the commonwealth. AS chronicler
ofthe events of the day, he should be as
careful as a sworn witness to separate
what he knows from what is common
report. Truth is the foundation of the
character of paper. AS the publica-
tion of a newspaper is a matter of bus
iness whereby men are clothed and fed,
hepublic has no more right to expect
anything to be done gratuitously than
it has to expect the merchant to give
his goods away. A contribution is one
thing, an eXaction or an eXtortion
founded on custom is another. The
press should and does do its share to-
ward every laudable enterprise, or
worthy charity. But demands of the
public upon its money, time, labor and
material are onerous, in theway ofpolit-
ical cards, charitable enterprises, per-
sonal notices of men in business, which
should come under the head of advertise
ments (for every time business man
is noticed otherwise than apart from
his business, it is virtually an adver-
tisement.) Whatever has the least
odor of the shop about it, is an adver-
tisement whether about a politician,
professional man, a merchant, rail-
road man, a mechanic or farmer. If
the notice is likely to be of any BEN
eft it must be charged for as an adver-
ment, in the regular way of business.


The press is bound, by the terms of
subscription and advertising, to give
all of the local and general news, to
give intelligent and instructive COM
ments on the current topics Of the day,
and to protect the subscriber only from
the encroachments of the advertiser by
keeping out of the editorial and local
columns, proper, everything of an ad-
vertising character, for the subscriber
and general reader is most interested
in the news, and it is not fair to trick
him into reading an advertisement
whether he wants To or not, by insert |
ing one in the editorial or local col
umn. This should be remedied by
putting all business notices by them
selves, so that if you want to read that
sort of literature you can do so. An
advertisement is not, strictly speaking,
news, and has no claim to be put un-
der the head of news. These may
seem trifiing details, but they secure
system, order and justice in the typo
graphical arrangement of the paper,
and enables the general public to read
only what it wants to see.


The most absurd idea, though, of all
the popular fallacies is this: That be-
cause a newspaper is democratic in
politics, it must do all the advertising
and job printing of the party candi-
dates in the party for nothing. 1t must
publish calls, announce meetings, pub
lish long cards of explanation or dis.
pute or record, for nothing, all for the
good of the party. This is all wrong.
The paper, as u business, is not bene-
fitted by the election of this or that pol
itician, who sees money in the office,
and the public or the politician can no
more expect gratuitous work from n
paper than gratuitous groceries, calico,
railway rides and hotel bills. The pol
itician pays his way on the train and
at the hotel. Let him be made to pay
for the means of publicity, which the
newspaper, as a vehicle of public opin-
ion, gives him. This is business. Be
cause man belongs to the same party
you, do are you to take money out of
your pocket to pay forthe composition,
press work, paper, ink, rent, etc,
necessary to advertise him, with
out getting it back ? Not a bit
of it. He wants TO be heard; he is "a
candidate; he wants the office for the
money In il, nine times cut of ten. It's
business with him to get it. Let it be
business with the paper to charge
him for the advertising Of him
self necessary to his getting il.
We do not mean, however, that the
public man shall purchase the opinion
of the press. That must be inviolable
and unpurchasable, otherwise the pa
per is fraud, and unworthy Of respect
or patronage. The politician is simply
put on footing with other business
men, wanting to make money, and it
would be as losing q business to adver-
tise him free as it would be to adver-
tise any other business man for moth
ing. Patriotism, the party, public
spirit, etc, are all very well, but since