Year: 1867

EOIk EEtAtkh<Ss


The telegraph informs us that depu-
tation of Southern dignitaries, with a.
III. Stephens, ex-Vice-President of the so
called Southern Confederacy, at their
head, has arrived in Washington to con-
fer upon a basis of reconstruction They
propose the submission by Congress to
the South of amendments to the Consti-
tuition, containing the positive and mega
tive propositions universal amnesty and
universal suffrage-which, it is believed,
will meet with Southern approval, and
restore them to representation. Although
this measure numbers among it's sup
porters such men as Greeley and Beech
er, as well as the interested ex-officials
of the South, and affords the easiest so
luton of the knotty problem, it is in di-
rect opposition to the expressed will of
the people, and brings in its train a
series of results more to be dreaded than
desired. 1t restores the power of doing
injury to hands that have once ruined
the South, blighted the North, and inn
periled the safety of the Republic.
There is, we know, great deal said
about "magnanimity, /" and the questions
are asked, eff the leaders are willing to
accept the same conditions imposed upon
others, why do you wish to deprive them
of the same privileges? If they are will
ling to take the test oath, why doubt
their sincerity - Because we have been
taught a fearful lesson in magnanimity,
and been the victims of treachery long
enough 1t is incontrovertible that
the South would, if universal amnesty
was granted, return to the highest posi-
tions in their gift, the very same men
who abandoned the Federal Government
at the outbreak of the rebellion, and
employed their utmost energies and
talent in the endeavor to break up the
tions of public trust in the Cabinet and
and Congress; who had sworn to sup
port and sustain the government; and
who, for period of nearly thirty years,
were engaged in perfecting the scheme
of treason which took the shape of open
rebellion in 81. Not only this; they
perverted the powers vested in them for
the welfare of the Union to arming one
section of the country and preparing it
for war, while the other was stripped of
its arms and munitions and left almost
L. Ia d.
at Sumter, the North was stripped of
every available fire-arm it was possible
to steal, and the Southern arsenals were
full TO overfowing. That this would
be an impossibilty to accomplish now. is
admitted but those who would once
violate their oaths and obligations, would
not hesitate to do so again; and the
questions of momentous import that now
absorb the attention of our Legislators,
will not admit of being tampered with
by perurers. 1t may be urged that the
the negro invested with the right of suf,
frage, the most important issues would
be decided. Not so. The government
has freed the bondsman, and two hun
dred thousand of them are being educa-
ted at its expense. The time is coming
when they will be prepared for privi-
leges they do not now enjoy, and in the
meantime, the States are at liberty to
invest them with the right of suffrage il
they desire; but the people have decided
that the ratio of representation shall be
based upon the actual number of voters


and to this decision they will adhere


This the South seeks to avoid by the
present proposition. Again; we have
the question of the national indebted


ness to settle. Repudiate that, and ruin
is inevitable. Admit these men, and
through some chicanery or other they


will endeavor to accomplish it. The
hobby has been nearly ridden to death


about " taxation without representation


being tyranny" and it is held that the
North EFFORTS this from the South. This
is precisely where the trouble is. Con


gress does not desire to receive taxation


without admitting representation.
it did, the question could be easily set


tied by either establishing military gov
ernments in the rebel States, or reducing


them to a territorial condition. Th'
effort tor restoration to privilege hai


been on the side of the Unionists; anC


the rebels have not only rejected al