Year: 1866

ting, or the payment of poll-tax, q quail
fcation OF suffrage. Let us not, in an eff
fort TO cure one injustice, commit anoth-
er. 1t fails in this also, that it affects hut
partially, and in form difficult if not inn
possible to carry into practice, its avowed
object


The third danger attendant on uncondi-
tional restoration-that of financial char
acter-is the risk that efforts may be made
to procure acknowledgements of the so-cal-
led Confederate debt and compensation for
loss deemed to be incurred by the emanei-
patton of slaves. e does not suffice that
we should be protected against the actual
assumption of the rebel debt and against
payment for slaves; We must be secured,
also, against the damaging effect, ON our f.
nances, that would certainly follow the mere
agitation in Congress of such questions.
This security can be obtained by a constitu-
tional provision only.


Such are the dangers incident to our sit
uation as we emerge from four years Re-
bellion that has left no slave on our soil.
An article amendatory of the Constitution,
framed to avert those dangers, should pro-
vide


First--Equality of rights.


Second-A Just basis of representation.


Third-A probation to assume the rebel

debt or to pay for slaves.


Such an article will accord with the views
of the President, as heretofore distinctly ex-
pressed by himself In his message veto
ing the Civil Rights Bill, while he condemn
ed the details, he approved the principles.
He has more than once assented to the pro-
priety of so altering the Constitution as to
conform the basis OF representation TO the
number of voters And he himself impo-
sed on the ex-rebel States the coudition,
precedent to restoration, that they should
repudiate the rebel debt and relinquish
claims Of compensation for slaves


Place such an Article, In plain and effect
i've language, before our Northern Legisla-
lures, and year is not more certain to roll
around than is that Constitutional Amend
ment to be ratified before its close


Omit, on the other hand, to propose such
an amendment attempt 10 proceed with
out such guarantees and the expectation,
Of permanent harmony between the TWO
great sections Of our country will be an idle
dream. 1t will be but vain crying Of
Peace Peace when there is none.


These guarantees of domestic tranquility
once obtained think we may safely con-
cede easy terms to those who were lately
our enemies in war and are now. la peace,
our friends.


/ see no sufficient cause for excluding
especially by constitutional provision, from
a vote for the next President and for Con-
gressnlen during four years to come, all who
voluntarily adhered to the late insurrection.
The non-excluded, under such rule, would
scarcely number single million of whites
throughout the late insurgent States; one
thirty fifth part, let US say, of the whole
population in 1868. These eleven States,
even under a restricted basis OF representa-
tion, would be entitled to ~ Representa-
tives and % Senators therefore to &c
electoral votes. As the total electoral
votes fall short of 320 that would be more
thar one nth of the whole. Shall we per-
nit in Republic, one hbrty,Jitth Of its pop
uLatjot to rote for Chief Magistrate one nth
Of IT'S entire rote Surely a very hazard
GUS and questionable experiment And to
what practical end For decade, at least,
the North must depend upon her own
votes. A vote against US has but the force
Of single vote, no matter what intensity of
political heresy may be entertained by the
voter. Every one of these men viii be our
opponents on all sectional questions and
whether it be Tom OF Dick or Harry who
comes, it matters but little The plain spo-
AGbg II bbCJ DS pOlAbkSdi ulttd1Slc, may DG
the least dangerous. The number is the
important thing, not the shade Of opinion
held by the indiV dual Let US see to it
that the votes are not too many, and let us
take the chance of the rest.


| am content, also to see each of the late
insurgent States admitted as soon as it rat
if es an amendment of the character refer
red to, and modifes its constitution in con-
formity herewith. The adoption by the
Northern States of the amendment cannot
be reckoned among the doubtful things );
and even if It were lost, that would be the
fault of the North, for which the South
ought not to suffer. Nor, if the State of
Tennessee sees the error of her way and re-
forms, is there any just right why her po-
litical rights should be withheld until South
Carolina also sees fit to repent That each
State should be responsible for its own ac-
ton only, Is natural justice and, as such,
the people, whose instincts arc true, will be
sure to regard it.


Besides this, it is wise policy to present
TO each Of the late seeded States separate
ly such inducements as are likely TO detach
them, at the earliest day, from their present
ass ociates Thus shall we break the faggots
from the bundle Of secession, one by one.


This is an additional reason why the pro-
posed provision to disfTanchise four-ffths
of the Southern voters for Federal offices
until lS70-a provision most odious, as it
must be, TO the South, and therefore Sc
rious obstacle TO her acceptance of any con-
stitutional amendment in which it is incor-
porated-ought not to be adopted


Ii We declare certain classes ineligible TO
Congress, either for period of years or for
life, they should not [ think, be numerous:
a few only of the chief offenders, in vindica-
tion Of the principle; say an exclusion, for
ten years, of those persons who, having been
officers in our army or navy, or members of
the NXXVIth Congress, or having held
seats in the Cabinet or on the Federal bench
in the year 1861, violated their oaths of
office by desertinG their posts and joining
the Rebellion.


These precautions taken, let Us throw
wide the gates Of restoration Sectional
must have an end, some day
or other A husband and wife, said
Lincoln, may be divorced and go out of the
presence and beyond the reach of each other
yet the different parts of our country cannot
do this. They cannot but remain face to
face: and intercourse, either amicable or
hostile, must continue between them. "


Human diSsensions become more and more
aggravated the longer the dissentients re-
main apart. Bring men together on famil-
lar terms and half their preiudces and quar-
rels heal themselves.


Do we fear the result Are we afraid To
in the Legislative hall, those whom
we met and conquered on the battle field?
we must risk. Blessed by such