Year: 1874

heve that a general European war is probable;
that the gay summer robes of the fields may
before long be trampled and torn by the tread
OF armed troops; that the hot breath of battle
may soon pass over the land, whitening the
fruits of peace. We are getting more and
more accustomed to regard war as one of the
maddest follies of q barbarous age, to look
upon nation that would disturb the peace OF
the world as wild beast that should be Gagged
or killed, and we ask ourselves, How can war
be possible when the people know their
strength and understand their rightsP Yet
nearly every day brings US proof that the
ambition of rulers is not dead; that
intrigues for power still 60 busily on; that
the game on the great checker-board OF
European politics is being played as despe-
rately as ever; that rival interests clash as
fercely now as they have ever clashed from
the days of Rome and Carthage down to the
field Of Waterloo. Wars cannot be made as
readily as they could when vassals and serfs
could be driven to battle at the caprice OF ON
absolute ruler, for tho people are fast adopt
ing the philosophy of Jeannette-


II kings must show their might,





men to fight


But the pride and passions of nationalities
and of creeds are cunningly played upon by
those who desire to use them for their own
ends, and nations may now plunge or drift
into war against their Judgment and will
Germans and Frenchmen did not desire
war; yet the doctrine of the ''inevita-
BILE conflict had SO impregnated the
popular mind that when the leaders
were prepared it was an easy matter to hurl
the hostile armies against each other and to
make the terrible chapter of modern history
that tells the story Of suffering and slaughter
from Woerth to Paris. While the roar of the
cannon still seems to fill our ears the notes Of
preparation for new conflict are sounded.
There is an evident desire to persuade the
people that the contest between France and
Germany must be renewed that Church and
State, Professionalism and Catholicism, aristoc-
racy and democracy must inevitably meet in a
death struggle that beneath the surface agen-
cies are working that must, sooner or later,
burst forth and pour their stream of hot blood
over all Europe. Why is this2 Are we to
believe that the rulers and leaders of Euro
pean governments desire war that there are
ambitions that cannot be satisfied and inter-
ests that cannot be saved without an appeal
to arms; that the game of France
and Germany is to be played over again on
grander scale, and the people SO trained into
belief in the inevitability of war as to be
drifted or driven to their own destruction
Or can we find q reason for believing that
false alarm is sounded to subserve other and
more peaceful ends?


It is not difficult to interpret the warlike
tone of Germany in accordance with the latter
theory. The rule of the Empire is not free
from peril The glories of the victory won by
united Germany in the late war were sufficient
to overshadow the old jealousies of the German
States but as the excitement and enthusiasm
of the conflict die away it is seen that the laurel
crowns encircle Prussian brows and that the
fruits Of victory are mainly grasped by Prus-
sian hands. What more natural than that the
petty jealouses should return, to the risk of
German unity? The democratic movement in
Germany was, before the war, looming up in
threatening proportions. It was prostrated
by the war, for when tho sword was drawn
against invasion democracy was treason. But
few who know the German character will
doubt that the democratic movement must
soon spring up anew with increased vigor
The German mind is the most promising soil
in Europe tor rspublicanism, and when the
people have time to reflect on the cost of the
grand Empire and on the severe military SER
vice essential to its existence it will not be sur
prising if they compare it with simpler form
of government and ask themselves if united
republican Germany would not be better than
united Empire These are dangers to the
government, and they cannot be more effectu-
ally averted than by keeping the war spirit
alive among the people and fourishing con-
stantly before their eyes the red rag of French
invasion and French revenge. So it is not
without plausibility to associate the assumed
suspicion Of French movements, the vague
rumors of Spanish complications and even the
dangerous intermeddling'of Prince Bismarck
with Church questions, with desire to occupy
the German mind and to impress it with the
idea that the peril of foreign war still threat
ems the nation. On o similar theory it may
be reasoned that the war agitation is o policy
of precaution with the French government,
and that hints of retribution, of Spanish
complications and of renewed German aQ-
gression are thrown out to amuse the popular
mind.


But what are we to think when the English
Premier, in his place in the British Parlia-
ment, during the discussion of the Public
Worship Regulation bill, expresses his con-
viction that 'however tranquil may seem the
general state Of Europe, there are agencies at
work preparing period of great disturb
ance?" MIR. Disraeli surely cannot be an
alarmist-at least while in power and