Year: 1867




A Talk with the President-rEr. Johnson.
| Personal Views.


| WASHINGTON, D. c., Feb. 21.--'' The
trouble is" said the President, " that in
stead of inquiring what we are and oul
present powers, we insist on making our
selves something else, and inventing new
powers which it cannot be for our benefit
to WELD We make the mistake OF be.
coming inventors, instead Of applying our
selves to become discoyerers.


"'There are now a score Of plans for re-
constructing the Southern States before
the country. and the public mind is undnly
agitated as to which shall be adopted
Amendments are proposed to the Constitu-
ton, amendments Of every possible char
acter whereas, if people. Instead of III,
venting new things, would seek to discover
what already exists, they would find all the
powers they need TO accomplish their legl-
innate wishes in the Constitution as ii
stands.


"The Constitution guarantees repnbll-
can form of government to every State,
and says that no State shall be deprived OF
its representation in Congress without It's
own consent. Well, on the other hand,
some of our people say that they will not
allow men who participated i'll the rebellion
to be their peers and to have voices in the
great council Of the nation. They there
| fore demand a constitutional amendment
on this head and SO, likewise, for every
other evil that they can find or fancy to be
existing.


But does not the Constitution itself
provide a remedy for this very evil, where
| it says that each House of Congress shall
be absolute Judge of the elections, returns,
and qualifications of its own members p
May not each House, under this while re-
iecting any prominent eX-rebel OF man OBJ
noNious for liisloyalty, who shall be sent
| from any OF the so-called Confederate
States, at the same time not deprive the
State of representation, but merely say :
"This man We rel ect under our constltu-
tional prerogative. We do not, however,
deny the right OF your State to representa-
ton, whenever you shall send lis Il proper
man I?


"See for Il moment, what would be the
effect of this course. We at once divide
the public opinion Of the State so treated,
at present made unit under the ban Of
indiscriminate exclusion. We hold out q
great reward for the election Of loyal men,
and attach penalty, which the State must
themselves impose, for the restraint Of ac-
tive participants in the late rebellion
There are scores and hundreds Of ambitious
men of loyal record III every State who
would then be naturally forced to the sur
face, but under the present system of in
discriminate exclusion, it can make no diff
ference whether loyal or disloyal Senators
and Representatives shall be sent.


Given let us take an extreme case. Sup
pose the State of Georgia should send A.
H. Stephens to the Senate, and that the
Senate should say We acknowledge the
right of Georgia to representation {; we ac-
knowledge that the credentials Of Mr. Ste
phens are made out in the proper form );
but in view of his connection with the re-
bellion, and former connection with the
United States, vein the exercise of our
constitutional privilege-do not choose to
accept Mr.. Stephens as our peer; and must
insist that some man of loyal record shall
be sent in his place.


"Would not the Georgians at once COM
mence looking around for some one who
could satisfy these conditions And would
not an immediate impetus be given toward
building up loyal sentiment in that State?
The wounds our country has suffered are
not vital though the depletion Of blood was
great There were none OF the great bones
broken, for the framework of the COnstitu
ton still remains, and is sufficient, if we
could only abstain from further Irritating
surgery. The best healing in surgery is



first intention, or force of nature; but our
violent doctors in Congressman this is
spoken with no disrespect to that body, but
as fact of observation-Will still insist on
tearing open the wounds afresh IL order to
force faster healing by caustlc appllca-
tions and the actual cautery.


"What we need-what we vitality need,
both for payment of the national debt and
to enable us to assume proper for
eign policy, too long, I confess, delayed
is harmony, internal peace, and a condi
ton of restored confidence that will draw
capital to develop the industrial resources
of the South, and to assist the Southern
planters in reorganizing the shattered re-
lations of labor. We need all this to make
the national burdens endurable. Every
bale of cotton, every barrel Of sugar, every
tierce of rice, every hogshead of tobacco
raised in the ex-rebel States must furnish a
proportionate reduction to the taxation Of
the North and must go, so far as it may be
worth, toward restoring an equilibrium IN
our foreign exchanges, which must be the
first fundamental step towards a return to
the hard-money basis, instead of paper cur
rency.


'' AS for myself, my convictions in poll
tics are things that [ cannot change to suit
the expediencies Of this or any other mo-
ment. Iney nave grown with my grown,
they have strengthened with my strength,
and they are to me only less sacred, and as
much to be preserved, as my religious faith.
Attempts are made to make it appear that
my words at different times have been in
consistent but were not the circumstances
inconsistent under which the apparently
contradictory words were spoken or opin-
ions given During the high storm of re-
bellion, or in the first heat of its subsidence,
words were proper to be said which would
be utterly improper in time of peace We
put broken limb in splints to hold it
quiet whether the patient will or no but
to insist on holding the splints there when
the limb is restored, or when further ex-
animation shall have proved that the
wounds, though deep, were only flesh
wounds, leaving the bones nninjured-
would not be wise surgery, but cruelty ; not
craftsmanship, but barbarous usurpatior.


''I am accused of usurping power, when
my whole life has been one continual bat
tie against the tendency of bureaucracy or
aristocracy-the concentration OF power IN
the hands of the few. [ was accused OF
usurping power for my veto of the first
Freedmen's Bureau bill although that veto