Year: 1877




subject of local government. Still the
article is far from specific in its advice on
the grand point of disagreement among
Irish patriots. The contest for popular
approval is between the plan of Home
Government dependent on the Britlsn
crown, and that of absolute national inde-
pendence. On this question the article
cited is not definite.


The Pilot is clear, and justly we think,
that O'Connell was too pacific when he
enunciated the axiom that the freedom OF
Irel and was not worth o drop of blood.
In that case the struggle might as well be
abandoned. The English government is
not one to make concessions on sentimen-
tai grounds or to restore. q conquered
country to it's legitimate owners simply be-
cause to do so would be right. In dealing
with either men or nations that are gov
erned by worldly considerations we must
be prepared to show, not only that we
have rights, but that we have fair chance
of enf for cling them, joined with the full deter
mination to do so if necessary. AS great
genius and as practical man as Mr.. O'Con-
nell was, lie seems in this instance to have
fallen into an excess Of submisslveness
rather Quaker than Christian in it's theory.
The British Government is not going to
abandon any advantages which it holds in
Ireland or elsewhere unless under cOmpul-
sion. The history of the concession OF
1882 followed by subsequent ueurpation
is conclusive on this point.


A moment seems to be rapidly approach
ing when an opportunity of compulsion to
q greater rless extent will be presented. 1t
is generally believed that the war now COM
mencing in Europe will soon become uni
versal in that quarter OF the world. 1t
will in such case be a battle of the giants
and every national resource will be strain
ed to it's utmost. England will then be in no
condition to find Ireland in arms against
her authority. Her garrisons will be
weakened to the lowest point and hearty
and spontaneous rising of the whole
population would for the moment drive
every yestige of British power from the
island.


Would it be wise to 60 30 far 7 Or
would it be better to follow the policy of





separate local government under q federal
| crownf 1t is not for us on this continent
to answer that question. God gives to
those who are to be responsible for any line
of conduct graces necessary to decide upon
| it with wisdom. They have, as it were, an
instinct of what is best which is denied to
others not called on to act. But theoretically,
| bor
and at a safe distance, we say Don't
trust England again. Remember 80 and
it's local self government. What became
of that government when the hour Of
England 8 peril had passed


Bat here the article of the Pilot recalls
US to the conditions of success. Intelli-
gence and muscular strength are not suf
ficient in struggle with such a power as
Englard. A people may be brave and
hardy and quick witted, foil of resources
and even of genius for war,-the Irish are
pre- eminently all of this,-and still be at a
great disadvantage if not united and or
ganized.


Whether Ireland intends to strike for
independence, or to limit her demand
! w AANI4o Nulop III CuSoI ucI pOSlGlOu
ought to be backed up with dis
play of physical force of the right sort,
that is, disciplined force. Every man in
the Island capable of bearing arms ought
to be subjected to as thorough a military
drill as can be possible in the face
of England's jealous espionage. Then
England wonld see that the people meant
business and were capable of attend
ing to it. What could Gen. Ogden have
done with = raw militia here on the famed
l4th September If that militia had con-
sisted of the same gallant spirits who as
disciplined forces followed him on that
occasion their personal chivalry would have
availed nothing. The drill of the White
League had made them soldiere.


The Pilot, however, presents one phase
of the subject that would look very dis
couraging if it were not considerably exag-
geratod. 1t says that English gold and Eug-