Year: 1862

President said " Slavery is the root OF the re-
/ bellion or at least the sine qua non. The en-
bition Of politicians (at the South) may have
instgsted them (the pOliticians) to act, but they
would have been impOtent without slavery as
! their instrument"


/ In the above, the President is made to speak
! doubtingly; but upon the whole it may be infer
/ red that he thinks slavery not so much the cause
as the occasion of the rebellion. The distinction
| between the very different things distinguished
| by these words is exceedingly wide.
/ We take the same view of the matter as the
President is disposed to do. Slavery was not the
cause, but may have been the occasion, OF the
/ rebellion From this point of view, it is clear
/ that you might as well call property the cause
of theft, as to call slavery the cause of the rebel
| lion For il is quite true that without property
/ there would be no theft. But suppose bad men
should conspire to destroy all the rights OF prop
erty; and property holders influenced by fear
snd the representations of men who wanted, tor
their own private purposes, to play on their
fears, should rise unlawtUlly to protect their
rights That rising ought to be suppressed, If
possible, by the strong arm of governmental
power. All necessary means-that Is, all means
sanctioned by the enlghted sense and reason OF
the nineteenth century-ought to be used to
suppress it. If necessary, armies should be
raised and the force of the nation far as pos
sible, be called into action for thHt purpose. But
nothing beyond such resorts ", d be allowable.
in the case supposed, how VIZ lgtul and ride
ulous it would be to propose the abolition OF
properly and all practical distinctions between
guei,R and tuum In such a case it would re-
ouire but little diseernment for any man to see
that such a proposition is as outrageous as it is
absurd 1t would, no doubt, be radical; like
the fever which ent off, but carried the patient
of with it. Plain men Of sense would say that,
if your only method of sewing the life of suf-
fsrer is the Hibernian suggestion of cutting off
his head, you had better leave him to his chances
Of recovery or dying.


In the supposed case of rising on the part of
property holders, it would seem to be about as
sensible to advocate the destruction of all prop
erty rights, as, touching this rebellion, it is to
clamor for the abolition Of slavery. As the Pres
ident implies, slavery is the occasion of this re-
belhOn The ringleaders have made use of it as
pTeteXt for lncitug InsurTectiOn. OF that there
is no doubt. But it is not the cause.


Again, TOO, it must be considered that, looking
at certain anti slavery manifestations in some
free States, many Shareholders might have nstu-
rally been excited by spprehensions as to the
safety of their property, and the practical tenure
by which they hold the rights guaranteed to
them by the Constitution. The minds of men
disturbed by such apprehensions the plot.ers OF
rebellion could influence by appealing to these
natural fears. These men were induced to be-
heve that their only safety as in listening to the
fOmenters Of instruction.


Now, these being undenable facts, ought it
not all along to have been the duty of govern
ment as far as possible, by its declarations and
acts, TO allay these fears, by showing the alarm
Cd population of the South, that it was rebellion
it wanted TO put down, and not slaveryi The
government would naturally and properly sd
dress the South in this way ''You have fears
Of disturbance to your slave property. These
fears are groundleSs. The government will show
you, that 1t intends no war on your rights under
the Constitution or on your property and social
arrangements. All it wants of you is to feel
that the government is sincere and b lay down
arms, which tie mass Of you have taken up by
mistake. If you do not, we must proceed to
make you lay them down but at the same time
we tel you, our war is against nothing but your
rebellion; it is not against a single right you
enjoy under Just administration of the govern
ment established by the Constitution of the
United States"


If then, in the place of a steady presentation
to the South Of such views and Of such alone,
the government proceeds TO DEGREES and acts
of abolition, what fOllows-what in the eyes of
common sense can tOllow-but confirmation Of
the UeTy fears which led so many to scquiesce in
the designs Of The rebel leaders Will notthese
rebel leaders point to such DEGREES and acts with



you so Were we not right in asserting that
the government intended this war not to crush
us leaders, but to crush the South, with its in
dustrial and domestic institutions We saw il
in the outset you see it now' We submit,
that is to be feared that such may be the effect
on the whole mind of the South. The cOnse-
quences, it may be feared, viii be conviction
ten times deepened that their cause is one ofre-
sistanee to oppression, and has been right from
the start


These views are suggested for the calm con-
sideration of all rehecting men, the number OF
whom in our country is not yet, we hope, very
greatly diminished


There is, we admit possibility that such de-
crees will operate SO fOrciby on the Southern
mind as TO incline it yet even this hour, to
thoughts of submission to the government to
whom, plainly to our minds, the allegiance of
all American citizens is, and always has been
due. The President reiterates his declaration
that he wishes only to restore the Union, and
maintain the rightful power of the government,
under q Constitution which equally protects
South and North. Abramam Lincoln, no doubt,
here means what he says. And as President be
can certainly make good what he says in sixty
days, If SOutherners viii only help him. This
may seem, just now, strange appeal. 1t may
be vain one But the South can have all its
rights under the Constitution, and just share
in the administration of this government, if 1t
chooses. 1t now has the power to determine
that slavery, though the occasion of rebellion,
shall not be the occasion of the ruin Of the South
Time presses. Men at the North are more and
more acquiescing in sophis ticstions which aim a
deadly blow to every interest of the South The
day in which the South may still stand solid
part of this Union is rapidly passing away
VIII it not improve their flying mOment2





1--WE have adviees from the Bahamas, dated
at Nassau, n. P, on the ID and 9th of Ssptem-
Der. The secession shipping interest ia the
town was beginning TO experience losses, in con-
sequence of the vigilance of the United States
cruisers and the Parliamentary declarations of
Lords PalmeTBton and Russell, to the effect that
the action of our war vessels was not reported
as constituting blockade of the haTbor. Three
or four houses il Nassau who have sold goods
to the rebels have pOcksted money; but neither
the custom house nor the population at large
have been benefited. All the people have got,
SO far, by the communication with the South and
Havana, has been the yellow fever, which Is
now an epidemic in and around Nassau. The
Oreto, which has Just run into Mobile, left Mas
sau, and overlook and toWed into Green Bay the
schooner Prince Alfred, from which vessel she
took most of her cargo for the South, portion
Of which consisted OF six 32-pounder broadside
guns, and two 65,pounder pivot guns, with
large quantity OF gunpowder shot and shells.
She was six days freightinE with this cOntraband
cargo. The rebel trading schooner Kate, from
Wilmington, and the Anglo Confederate steamer
Leopard, from Charleston, had arrived at Mas
sau. The Protestant bishop of Nassau died on
the 4th of fever.-Neto York Herald.


EVIL EFFECTS OF DANCING. The following
anecdote is related Of tract distribution at the
hospital in Nashville:


A soldier whose legs had been carried away