Year: 1862

dlHIS DcloIe lHlS eNer-apprOlcnllG caCiSIrO-
phe. When nations life is involved,
what matters it whether fatal policy be
slow or rapid-whethcr it consummates its
work now, or fifty or hundred years since?
This Republic was made for centuries-we
hope for ages TO purchase It's ease for a
generation or two, at the cost Of its life
afterwards, is the height Of madness To
style such dO-nothing policy conservatism,
as the fashion is in some quarters, is the
acme of abSur,lity. 1t has no more right to
the word.than the most destructive radical
ism of the day.


The second great fact, which necessitateS
a new settlement OF this matter, is the de-
mOnstrated result that slavery must either
rule or ruin. As Of late years drcIgped, there
Is an irreconcllable antagonism between its
necessities and the necessities OF democratic
| Government. Upon this subject it is idle
to fall back upon the doings OF the trainers
of the Federal Constitution. No historical
fact is susceptible of clearer proof than that
those great statesmen believed absolutely
that slavery would, in generatian or two,
die a natural death 1t would. in all earth
ly probability have thus persisted, had not
the cotton gin been subsequently invented,
i'll consequence OF which slave labor became
an unexpected source of enormous profit.
Our fathers, therefore, cannot rightly be
charged with the folly of Incorporating into
| the Constitution an element which, when it
had gathered strength, would turn against
and destroy it. They never, for a moment,
imagined that it cOuLd gather strength The
The slavery Of to day has got to be Judged,
not from the pointat which rtatherS Judged
1t three quarters ofa century ago, but i'll the
full view Of its present developement and
spirit. The present people OF the South,
instead of considering slavery a transient
evil, as their fathers did, deem it an absolute
good, to be preserved and perpetuated at all
costs, even the life Of the Republic itself 1t
having come to that, it is idle to talk of let
ting slavery alone. Either it or the Re
pubic must 90 to the wall How to put
slavery there safely and effectually must
therefore be the great question with every
true patriot


1t is high time that the people should begin
to take this subject into earnest considcra-
ton. 1t involves too broad interests and
too grave perils to permit its being hastily
decided. There has not been question
during the century that demanded such
profound and thorough discussion. And
yet no man can say how soon the opportu-
nifty will cease. Military events speed on,
and may soon bring the rebellion to its end


Pacltication in some shape will be a necessity:


manage 1t as we may, the shape that is


given to that paciicatiOn must establish


some specific policy. y new treatment of


slavery must be inaururatcd. calculated to


strengthen it or put an end to it. The for


mrr would impose IN ever-increaSing incu-


bus upon the country, which would sooner


or later kill it or bring on new convulsiOns


The latter, if effected too abruptly and srecp-


ngIy, might intiict Il disastrous shock upon


our whole civil and social system. We dc
not say that military necessity may not force


this last resort, without alternative. but
nothing short of the direst extremity should


evoke it. If possible, for the good of the


slaves themselves and of the country at large


the institution should be saved from the


sudden, summary, smiting blow of the mil
itary arm. 1t should be left, if possible, tc
, civil delibcration to devise and apply some
gradual process-onc, that while it Shall bC
! equally effectual for the extinction of the
institution, shall yet be free from all con
stltutional objections, shall secure the cheer
full concurrence Of some, at least, of the slav,
States, and shall invole no peril to cithe
y society or the civil structure. The Presi
dent, in emleu0,Tng to accomplish this, ha
done wisely. Whether his proposed way .
: accomplishing it is the wisest one, remains
0 to be determined.