Year: 1860

always feel gratifed with any manly and hon,
est criticism made upon our Society, whether in
regard to its principles or its measures II we
arc not practical, we desire to be If there is
4 better way for us to pursue, we will thank any
one to show us where it lies. Our heaity desire
Is che immediate, unconditional, eternal abolition
of slavery, (applause,) and we would leave no
stone unturned no weapon unused, that is lawful,
to bring about thai desirable event. l think the
American Anti-Slavery Society is chara ,terized
as much by its practical good sense as by its high
moral principle, and, indeed, that its good sense
and practical character are seen in its high moral
principle


How shall we abolish slavery in this county
BY striking hands with Shareholders by entering
into a compromise with those who trade in slaves
and the souls of men, and by giving them The
right hand of Christian fellowship or the left
hand Of political afilation or shall we come out
and be separate? 1t is by a stern logical and
moral necessity that we have been driven to de-
maud the dissolution of the Union. 1t has not
been q step rashly taken by US. We are Ameri-
can born, and we grew up, with the blood given
to us, with an almost iGoarous generation for the
Union. We have had our days of shouting, The
Union forever = and of glorying in the starspan-
gled banner and the American Constitution. These
We're days of ignorance. Now we abhor the Cons
tiiution, and, ir the language OF this book, pro-
nounce it "a covenant with death and an agree
ment with hell.' Applause and Kisses } AS for
the atar-spanged banner, it is clotted with human
blood. 1t waves over four millions of the child
rem of God, reduced to the condition Of things. We
have torn down that flag, and will not allow it to
a. nd for Tho
Union, we say that as it was based upon certain
compromises, everywhere understood everywhore
conceded whereby slavery was rendered secure
and the Shareholders had extraordinary power put
into their hands, because they Shareholders, it
is sinful to uphold it, and we therefore ex3laim,
mo Union with Shareholders =


As for the Republican party. does it deny one
of these slaveholding guarantees which the nation
has recognized from the beginning No Does
not the Republican party believe that, by the Con-
stitu:ion, the stakeholder has right to make
blave-bunting ground of the entire North Yes !!
Does it not concede that, 10 proportion to the
number of slaves in the Southern States, the
alaveholders may have added political power
Does it no. believe that, in case slave insnrrec
ton takes place. and the Shareholders not able
to put it down, they have right TO call upon
the President of the United States, and he is
bound to summon the military and naval power
of the country to suppress that insuTrecton !?
Yes And is not the Republican party ready to
take oath that it will carry out all these conditions
as faithfully as any party that has ever yet ap'
peared in the country? Yes Then, how can l.,
claiming to be friend and representative of the
slave on the day of election, march up to the
ballot-boz, and give my vote for such party,
and say that | have dOnea deed for freedom |
see no hope for the peaceful emancipation Of the
slave in our country, while the North is willing
to carry out these slaveholdiug guarantees and
compromises-none whatever. see nothing be-
fore us but fire ard blood, while the North is
resolved to remain in connection with the South.


What is the use of making it matter Of mere
words Nothing can be found in the CCnsttu-
tiOn pertaining to slavery, we are told. The word
slave or slavery never has been in that instru-
ment therefore no such alleged compromises were
ever made. This is verbal criticism. Bat it is
against historical evidence in regard to the actual
design Of the instrument. / think the man would
insult my understanding who should come upon
this platform, and undertake to deny that Con-
gress had ever passed a Fugitive Slave bill. But
why may ne nOl ! w uou ulu SuuSE6ob eFtI pass
such bill? Examine it, and you will mud that
there is not word in it about giving up fugi-
tive slave or about slave-hunting. What is it ?
1. is simply and entirely the language of the Con-
stitution of the United States. And yet the
ment of that Fugitive Slave bill has created such
an indignation, such horror of mind, that the
world itself has shuddered in view of it, Ah we
must go to the meaning of things. True, neither
the words fugitive slave nor slave-hunter are in
the BILL true its language on the face of it, is IN
exceptionable. but the meaning tho intent, the
design of it, makes it's dabOlism, and gives it its
power nd SO it is everywhere correctly inter,
preted and exactly carried out, according to its
intent. Suppose l agree with another that, in or
der to su bserve my own purpose, ] will help him
commit some deed of vilany. We draw up our
papers; but, of course, we are shrewd enough not
to put down what we intend to in plain English.
We agree upon certain deceptive words between
us, which we mutually understand, and which,
while they do not technically describe the thing
will answer our purpose. agree to it. take
the benefit Of the crime and, having obtained it,
/ turn round, and defy him to prove that ever
agreed to commit any crime whatever. Would
this be honest? Would it not be a fraud


Il take the nation at its word and that s, that
ve have Constitution whereby slavery is prolec-
ted by certain guarantees. The nation has never
had doubt upon this subject. This criticism
about words, words, words, is purely exceptional.
The people everywhere reject it, and oil parties,
from the beginning of the government until now,
have understood and conceded the three-ffth slave
representation, giving up the fugitive slave, and
putting down slave insurreotOn by the General
Government whenever necessary. 1t is in their
hearts to have all these things dOnei they meant
it from the beginning-they mean it now and
taking them az their word, We summon them to
repentance, and toll them that they have entered