Year: 1860




son would speak at tho corner of Broad
and Market streets, on Thursday night in
this city-thc peculiar position he is un-
derstood to occupy in this canvass and
the fact that Breckenridge demonstrations
have been rather few and far between at
this place-attracted very large crowd
on that occasion. The assemblage main
tanned good order, and gave the Ex-Gov-
ernor most patient and respectful hear
ing. lie availed himself of these advan-
tages to make speech of an cxtraordina-
ry character. Tn style and manner of de-
livery he has much improved, but in the
matter he is decidedly more Johnsonian
than ever. lie occupied about an hour
and a half on the subject of Conventions
in gencral-the Charleston Baltimore Con.
vcntion in partcular-th duties OF the
democracy in the present emergency Of
the party--and the territorial or slavery
question; and the remaining hour to the
Homestcad-the Pacific Railroad-Mr
Bell and the Know-Notllings, &c.


IfGov. johnson is right in the various
positions he assumed, it is important that
the whole people of the State should have
the benefit of his arguments. The public
stations which he has held, and that
which he now holds, and the confidence
which the democracy, at least, of Tennes-
see, have rcposcd in him, all cntitle this
speech, which is pronounced by his friends
to be the best of his life, to more endur-
ing form than it now has. We therefore,
desire its publication; and if it is possible
for the Ex-Governor to find time to write
it out for the press, we respectfully but
request him to do so. And in
the event that he may not be able to fur
nish q copy, we desire to state his leading
positions, for present use and future ref
erence. We give them in the shape OF
as being more briefand clear;
and If we have failed to apprehend them
correctly, we trust he or some one au-
to speak for him will point out
the crror--as our object and desire is to
state them fairly and truthfully. They
are in substance as follows: . .rr


1. i have never been an advocate of the
Convention system; and though ! have
been the nominee Of Conventions, could
have got along as well without as with
them. $50.


2. The Baltimore National Democratic
Convention was disrupted on prelimina-
ry question of organization, comparatively
in itself, and not on principle.
While tho people sent their delegates to
that Convention to concentrate public
sentiment Oh the most popular man, the
result was to divide and distract the pop
ular sentiment, and to set up the two can
didatcs. In this the Convention system
has shown its inetiiciency, and has played
itself out.


3. The people are under no obligations
by democratic usage to vote for either of
the nominees, but may freely exercise
their choice between two. 1t is mere
choice of men that the people arc called
upon to make.


4. Squatter sovereignty is where the
people go ON the public lands in violation
of law, and set up a government of their
own outside of and in defiance of the
Federal jurisdiction. 70 this am op-
posed. ...


5. Popular sovereignty is whore the
people of an organized territory hold
Convention to form Constitution and
shape their institutions preparatory to
their admission into the Union as q State,
they have the right to do as they please
on the subject of slavery, as well as all
other subjects. am for popular sover-
eighty.


&. l maintain that Congress has no
power to prohibit slavery in the terrific
ries. The Territorial Legislature, being
creature OF Congress, can have no higher
powers, and cannot assume rights which
do not belong to the creator.


Z. There was difference among demo-
Gratis whether the Territorial Legislature
could establish or prohibit slavery before
the people came to form State Constitu-
ton. This disagreement was referred to
the Judiciary for the decision of the Su-
preme Court. ....-. .a..


s. The Supreme Court decided, in the
bred Scott case, two points-lst. that
bred Scott being the descendant of an
African, could not be considered citizen
of the United States, and could not mai 4
tain an action at law for his freedom; and
End, that though he had been taken north
OF the Missouri Compromise Line, he did
not thereby become freeman. In this
the Court decided the principle of Con-
gressional protection to slavery in the
territories; but it did not decide case
under the Kansas Nebraska Act. That is
left to the future, and since they have de-
cided the principle in that way, they will
probably so decide case should it come
up. .....


% ro,o,oee ID 20, lost ,o,.;o,, 1,;lal
that it was unnecessary to apply the prin-
ciple Of Congressional protection in legis-
lation at the present time, by refusing to
vote it. 1t is now, therefore, q pure alb
straction, and should not be cause Of
division in the democratic ranks. The
people sent their representatives to Char
lesion to give them one candidate; they
split there on an abstraction; they went
to Baltimore to give the democracy one
candidate and they split on a question of
preliminary organization. The leaders
have therefore brought this division and
strife into the party, and it is for the de-
mocratic masses to again unite the party.
am no great tayortc with leaders. But
the people can control them very easily.


10. The democratic masses should har-
monize for the defeat of Bell and Lincoln,
by all going for Breckenridge in the Souili;
and all tor Douglas in the North. -
IL. This can be done without sacrifice
of principle. The difference between
Brcckinridge and Douglas is very slight.
They are both for popular sovereignty, and
while Mr.. Breckenridge believes that the
question of Congressional protection has
been decided under the Kansas Nebraska
Act, by the Supreme Court in the case of
bred Scott, Mr.. Douglas believes that it
has not; but Mr. Douglas is still willing to
abide by the decision of the Court when
it shall be made. If either had been
nominated by united and entire Con-
vention, they would have been accepted