Year: 1860

| Bible IN one hand and Sharpes rlile III the
other, to shoot down the friends of free
institutions and of selfgovernment.-
Popular sovereignty in Kansas was striclS-
en- down by the combina tions in the
northern States to carry elections under
pretence of emigrant aid societies. In
retaliation, Missouri formed aid societies
too; and she, following your example, sent
men into Kansas, and then occurred the
conflict. Now, you throw the blame upon
Missouri, merely because she followed
your example, and attempted to resist its
consequences. L condemn both but /
condemn thousand-fold more those that
set the example and struck the first blow,
than those who thought they would act
fnpon the principle Of fighting the devil
with his own weapons, and resorted to
the same means that you had employed


But, sir, Notwithstanding the efforts
of emigrant aid societies, the people OF
Kansas have had their own way, and the
people of New Mexico have had their own
way. Kansas has adopted free State
New Mexico has established a slave Ter
ritory. / am content with both. If the
people of New Mexico want slavery, let
them have it, and l will never vote to re-
peal their slave code. IfKansas does not
want slavery, l will not help anybody to
force it on her. Let each do as it peases.
| When Kansas comes to the conclusion
that slavery will suit her, and promote
her interests better than the prohibition,
let her pass her own slave code; / will
not pass it for her. Whenever New
Mexico gets tired of her Jode, she must
repeal it herself; | will not repeal it for
her. Non-intervention by Congress with
slavery in the Territories is the platform
on which | stand.


But want to know why will not the
Senator from New York carry on his
principles to their logical conclusions?-
| Why is there not man in that whole
party in this body or the House of Rep
resentatives bold enough to redeem the
pledges which that party has made to the
country? l believe you said, in your
| Philadelphia platform, that Congress had
sovereign power over the Territories for
their government, and that it was the
duty of Congress to prohibit, in all the
Territories, those twin relics of barbar-
ism, slavery and polygamy. Why do you
not carry out your pledges? Why do
you not introduce your bill? The Sena
tor from New York says they have no
new measures to originate; no new move.
ment to make; no new bill to bring for
ward. Then what confidence shall the
American people repose in your faith
and sincerity, when, having the power in
one House, you do not bring forward a
bill to carry out your principles? The
fact is, these principles are avowed to get
votes in the North, but not to be carried
into effect by acts of Congress. You are
afraid of hurting your party if you bring
in your bill to repeal the slave code of
New MeXico-alraid of driving off the
conservative men; you think it is wise to
wait until after the election. | should
be glad to have confidence enough in the
sincerity of the other side of the Chamber
to suppose that they had sufficient cour-
age to bring forward a law to carry out
their principles to their logical conclu
sions. l find nothing to that. They
wish to agitate, to excite the people Of
the North against the South, to get votes
for the Presidential election; but they
shrink from carrying out their measures
lest they might throw off some conserva-
tive voters who do not like the demo
cratic party.


But, sir, if the Senator from New York
in the event that he is made President,
intends to carry out his principles to their
logical conclusions, let us see where they
will lead him. In the same speech that
| read from few minutes ago, L find
the following. Addressing the people of
Ohio, he said:


'You blush not at these things because they have
become as familiar household words; and your
pretended froe-soil allies claim peculiar merit for
maintaining these miscalled guarantees of slavery
which they find in the national compact. Does not
all this prove that the whig party have kept up with
the spirit of the age; that il IL true and faithful
human freedom as the inert conscience the Amcr-
can people will permit it 10 bcl What then, you
say, can nothing be done for freedom, because the
public conscience remains merit Yes, much can be
done, everything can be done. Slavery can be lmi-
ted 10 its present bonds"


That is the first thing that can be done
slavery can be limited to its present
bonds. What else?


at can be amclioratcd. II can be and must be
abolished, apd you and can and must do it,"


There you find are two propositions;
first, slavery was to be limited to the
States in which 1T was then situated. 1t
did not then exist in any Territory
Slavery was confined to the States. The
second was that he as a New Yorker, and
they the people of Ohio, must and would
abolish it; that is to say, abolish it in the
States. They could establish it no where
else. Every appeal they make to north
crn prejudice and passion is against the
institution of slavery everywhere, and
they would not be able to retain their
abolition allies, the rank out-and out abo-
litionists, unless they held out the hope
that it was the mission of the republican
party, if successful, to abolish slavery in
the States as well as in the Territories of
the Union.


know they tell us that all this is to be
done according to the constitution; they
would not violate the constitution except
SO far as the constitution violates the law
Of God-that is all-and they are to be
the Judges how far the constitution does
violate the law of God They say that
every clause of the constitution that rec
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