Year: 1860

on Tuesday Evening, July "a, 1850.


-
Mn. PaRsIDBNT AND GENTLEMEN: The
intelligent voter will so shape his action
as to make il conduco to the success of o
principle, rather than the elevation of man.
He will feel this 10 be the more incumbent
upon him at such time as the present,
when tho tendencies Of parties are moro
distinctly marked than in any previous
campaign. 1t will be my object, this eve
ming, TO endeavor to exhibit, in distinct
light, the dividing line between the political
parties Of the day, and to ascertain, if pos
sible, what, in oil probability, would be the
effect upon the country of the election Of
the respective candidates for the Presidency.


If this were strife merely between in-
dividual men it would possess but triaing
Importance, and | would not trouble you
with either remark or suggestion. But as
/ regard tho contest, the determination will
socn be made not alone as TO our value in
the confederacy, but as to the destiny Of
the nation ITSELF


The policy Of our government is, in many
respects, underlined. The more serious
questions affecting us have but recently be.
come topics Of careful consideration. Our
fathers were unable to foresee, during the
formation of the Constitution, the greater
'embarassments TO which the future of the
country was to be subjected, aud conse
'quently, no provision was made against
them. Subjects which distracted and di
widea them, in their deliberations, have los
much of their former consequence, and we
seem to be more anxious to ascertain what
they actually did say. Even the contro
versies in which we ourselves have been en-
gagged within the last decade have beer
settled or lost sight Of, and we are now
about to enter into that conflict which is t
define many of the most important powers
Of the Government, and to fix the charac
Ter of the dominant institution of the
country. The propriety of re-eligibility tc
office; the exact relations between Fedora
and local authority; the constitutionality o
banks and internal improvements; the reg
ulation of the currency; and the distribu
ton of the proceeds Of the public lands
are no longer agitated; and discussions up
on them are only to be found in our pas
history, and in the fossil remains of extinc
parties. 1t may in truth be said that OLE
things have passed away, and all thing
have become new.


There was time, not very far back il
the past, when Slavery was universally ad
mitted to be a wrong an Sc, unwise in prac
tice, detrimental to both individuals aut
communities, and against the spirit an,
genius OF our free system. Now, however
it is declared to be divine in its origin, tn
highest type of human civilization, and in
dispensable to the maintenance of demo
cratic republic. Formerly it was regarde
as a condition to be constantly reduced
and finally to be extinguished. Now, o
the contrary, the demand is urged that
shall be extended and made controlling
Here | find the cause or source of tn
great political issue Of the present. Shal
Slavery become National institution, ant
governing power in the country, or sha
it remain as the Constitution left il? Thi
is not an inquiry propounded by us of tn
North, but forced upon US by our brethre
of the South. They require an answer q
our hands, and we cannot avoid response
we would. Silence upon our part, unde
the circumstances, could not be construe
otherwise than affirmative of their claims
/ make the distinct avowal that SLAYER
seeks the acquisition of all our new State
for two objects: first, to secure the value {
slaves; and second, to direct the powers
the Federal Government.


"The irrepressible conflict" so frequentl
commented on and denounced by the Sout
is constantly admitted and acted on b
them. They are too astute as observer
and sagacious as politicians, not to kno
there is a necessary and unending antagor
ism between Liberty and Slavery. If the
thought differently, there would be far moi
peace and harmony between the sections.-
1t is their full appreciation of the strugg
for the mastery which arms them for tt
conflict, and induces them to wrestle {,
the victory. There is no moro evident fa
than this, that the advocates of SLAYER
seek its extension, so as to limit the inf
ence Of the sentiment of freedom. "
hate tyranny, and would prevent such
consummation. They ask that all who tc
shall be held as property-be regarded


the chaste language Of an eloquent Senate
as "mudslls" We believe that God Gre
ted all men free, and imposed labor upc
them for their advantage. Which hypot
esis shall be proved truel We will 81
hereafter! But, knowing the principl
of justice arc uniform and eternal, l pr
sumo to believe that those principles W
prevail and human rights be maintained
/ am not ignorunt of the fact that tho
who suppose they may rightfully NAL
merchandise of mothers and their childre
seem to think they can shape the desig
of Providence, and re-write the history


humanity, reversing everything our fathe
thought, and for the maintenance of viii,
they perilled life and honor. l must
pardoned for disagrecing with them, al
protesting against such conclusions.


The extension of negro slavery into Il
the Territories Of the United States has b
comeasettlcd policy of the democratic part
This reality cannot be disguised and oug
not to be denied. It is easily accountc
for. Unity of interest aud unity of desi
will always produce a perfect concentrate
of strength The fortunes of the Sou
have become completely identified wi
their peculiar domestic relations. By the