Year: 1861




The following is the last Message of President
Buchanan transmitted to Congress on the 9th inst:
To the Senate and House of Representatives.


At the opening of your present session [ called
your attention to the dangers which threatened the
existence of the Union [ expressed my opinion
freely concerning the ginal of those dan
gers, and recommended such measures as | believ-
ed would have the effect of tranquilizing the
try and saving it from the peril in which it had
been needessly and most unfortunately involved.
Those opinions and recommendations | do not now
propose to repeat. My own convictions upon the
whole subject remain unchanged. The fact that
great calamity was impending over the nation
was at that time acknowledged by every in
telIigent citizen. 1t had already made itself felt
throughout the length and breadth of the land
The necessary consequences of the alarm thus pro-
duced were most eplorable-imports fell off with
rapidity never known before, except in time of
war, in the history of our foreign commerce; the
treasury was unexpectedly left without means which
it had reasonably counted upon to meet the public
engagements; trade was paralyzed; manufactures
were stopped; the best public securities suddenly
sunk in the market; every species of property de-
preciated more less, and thousands of poor men,
who depended upon their daily labor for their dai-
ly bread were turned out of employment.


l.
any information upon the state of the Union
which is more satisfactory than what was then
obliged to communicate. On the contrary, matters
are still worse at present, than they then were.
When Congress met strong hope pervaded the
whole public mind, that some amicable adJ Justment
of the subject would speedily be made by the
presentatves Of the States and of the people, which
might restore peace between conflicting sectious of
the country. That hope has been diminished by
every hour of delay, and as the prospect of blood
less settlement fades away, public distress becomes
more and more aggravated.


AS evidence Of this, it is only necessary to say
that the treasury notes authorised by the act of
the 18th of December last were advertised accord
ing to law. and that no responsible bidder offered
to take any considerable sum at par, at lower
rate of interest than II per cent. From these
facts it appears that in government organized
like ours, domestic strife, or even well grounded
fear of civil hostiiites is more destructive to our
public and private interest, than a most formidable
foreign war.


In my annual message [ expressed the convic-
ton, which l have long deliberately held, and
which recent reflection has only tended to deepen
and confirm, that no State has right, by its own
act, to secede from the Union or to throw off it's
Federal obligations at pleasure. [ also declared
my opinion to be, that even if that right existed
and should be exercised by any State of the con-
federacy, the executive department of this govern
ment had no authority under the constitution to
recognize its validity, by acknowledging the in
dependence of such State.


This left me no other alternative, as chief exc
cutve officer under the constitution, but to collect
the public revenues and toprotect the public prop
erty. so far as this might be practicable under
existing laws. This is still my purpose. My pro-
vince is to execute and not to make laws It be-
L..
or to enlarge their provisions to meet exigencies
as they may occur. I possess no dispensing pow
er certainly had no right make aggressive war
upon any State, and | perfectly satisfied that
the constitution has wisely withheld that power
even from Congress-


But the right and duty to use military force de-
fensively against those who resist the federal Of
fcers in the execution of their legal functions, and
against those who assal the property of the feder-
al government, is clear and undeniable. But a
dangerous and hostile attitude of States towards
each other has already far transcribed and cast in
the shade the ordinary executive duties already
provided for by law, and has assumed such vast
and alarming proportions to place the subject
entirely above and beyond executive control


The fact cannot be disguised that we are in the
midst of great revolution in all its various bear
ings Therefore, commend the question to Con-
gress as the only human tribunal. under Prov-
dence, possessing power to meet the existing emer
gency. To them exclusively belongs the power
to declare war or to authorize the employment Of
military force in all cases contemplated by the
Constitution; and they alone possess power to re-
move grievances which mi ght lead to war, and to
secure peace and union to this distracted country
On them, and on them alone, rests the response
bility


The Union is sacred trust left by our revolu-
tionary fathers to their descendants, and did
any other people inherit so rich legacy. 1t has
rendered us prosperous in peace and triumphant
in war. Our national flag has foated in glory
over every sea- Under It's shadow American citi-
have found protection and respect in all lands
beneath the SUM- IF we descend to considerations
of purely material interest when in the history of
all time has confederacy been bound together
by such strong ties of mutual interest? Each
portion of it is dependent on all; and all upon
each portion for prosperity and domestic securi-
ty.


Free trade throughout the whole supplies the
wants of one portion from the productions of an
other and scatters wealth every where. The great
planting and farming States require the aid of the
and navi eating States to send their
productions to domestic and foreign markets, and
to furnish naval power to render their transporta-
ton secure against all hostile attacks. Should
the Union perish in the midst of the present ex-
we have already had sad foretaste of the
universal suffering which would result from its
destruction The calamity would be severe in every
portion of the Union, would be quite as great,
10 say the least in the Southern asin the Northern
States