Year: 1861

Indeed, Mr., President, think it will
be wise to discard two prevalent ideas
or prejudices, namely: First, that the
Union is to be saved by somebody in
particular; and secondly, that it is to
be saved by some cunning and insin-
cere compact of pacifcation. If / re-
member rightly, l said something like
this here so long ago as 1850, and after
wards in 1854.


The present danger discloses itself in
this form: Discontinued citizens have
obtained political power in certain
States, and they are using this author
ity to overthrow the Federal Govern
nnent They delude themselves with
the belief that the State power they
have acquired enables them to dis
charge themselves from allegiance to
the whole Republic.


The honorable Senator from Illinois
(Mr. Douglas) says we have right to
coerce State but we cannot. The
President says that no State has right
to secede, but we have no constitution
al power to make war against State.
The dilemma results from an assump-
ton that those who, in snch case act
against the Federal Government, act
lawfully as State, although manifest
ly they have perverted the power of
the State to an unconstitutional pur-
pose. A class of politicians in New
England set up this theory and attemp-
ted to practice upon it in our war with
Great Britain. Mr.. Jefferson did not
hesitate to say that States must be kept
within their constitutional sphere, by
impulsion if they could not be held
there by attraction. Secession was
held to be inadmissable in the face of a
public enemy.


But if it is untenable in the one case
it is necessarily so in all others. fully
admit the originality, the sovereignty
and independence Of the several States
within their sphere; but l hold the
Federal Government to be equally or
iginal, sovereign and independent with
in its sphere, and the Government of
the State can no more absolve the peo-
pie residing in its limits from allegiance
to the Union, than the Government OF
the Union can absOlve them from alle-
glance to the State.


The Constitution of the United


States, and the laws made pursuant


thereof, are the supreme law of the


land, paramount to all legislation of the


States, whether made under the Con


stitution or by even their organic Con-


ventions. The Union can be dissolved,
but only by the voluntary consent OF
the people of the United States, collee-
ed in the manner prescribed by the
Constitution of the United States.
!, Congress, in the present case, ought


not to be impassive; it ought, if it can.


redress any real grievance of the of:
Tended States, and then it ought to sup.
ply the President with all the means


necessary to maintain the Union in the
{ full exhibition and discreet exercise oi


its authority.


Beyond this, with the proper activi.
ty on the part of the Executive, the re-
/, sponsibility of saving the Union be.
longs to the people, and they are abun.
dainty competent to discharge it.
propose, therefore, with great diffidence,


to address myself to the country upon
the momentous subject; asking hear.
ing not less from the people within what


are called the seeding, than from those
who reside within the adhering States


Union is an old, fixed, settled habit oi
the American people, resulting from
conviction of its necessity, and there


fore not likely to be hastily discarded
The early States, while existing as
Colonies, were combined, though i'm.
perfectly, through a common allegiance
to the British crown. When that ale
glance ceased, no one was so presump
tuous as to suppose political existence


compatible with disunion, and, there
fore, on the same day that they de.
clared themselves independent, they
| declared themselves also confederated


States. Experience in war and in
peace, from I776 to 1887 only con
vinced them of the necessity of con


verting that loose confederacy into Q
more perfect, and perpetual Union
They acted with a GOODNESS very diff
ferent from the Incorporate conduct
, of those who now on one side threaten
and those on the other rashly defy dis
, union. They considered the continu
ance of the Union as subject compre
hending nothing less than the safety


and welfare of all parts of which the
country was. composed, and the fate O.
an empire the most interesting in the
|, world.


/ enter upon this subject of contain
ing the Union now, deeply impressed
with the same generous and loyal con
viction. How could it be otherwise
when instead of only thirteen, the
, country is now composed of thirty
} three parts, and the empire embraces
instead of only four millions, no lesl
than thirty millions of inhabitants
The founders of the Constitution, more
over, regarded the Union as no mere
8 national or American interest. On the
! contrary, they confessed with deer
> sensibility that it seemed to them t.
5 have been reserved for the people o
5 this country to decide whether societie,
, of men are really capable of establish
ing good governments upon reflection
and choice, or whether they are foreve
, destined to depend for their politica
r constructions on accident and force.