Year: 1865

e,
the State o Ohio. He wore the triiOrm of
Federal soldier His coat sleeve dlngled loosely
at his sidc because he had lost an on the
culinary field of Olustec; he hObbed along
crutchcs, because he had lost a leg in the slme
bloody conflict That man had pcrillcd his life,
and lost his arm and leg, ia vindicatus the Gov
ernment, and in M iintainne the honor of its aag.
lie battled mmfully for the nationality of the
country, and the pcrpetuity of these institutions
which now enables the gentleman from Monroe
to stand in his place this floor, and abuse this
same negro being unfit to come into the State,
or hold property within its limits.


Behold the ingratitudc of the thing. | know
there yagabond negroes aud vagdbond white
mon also; and did suppose that the repeal of this
article would make pau2er house of this State.
for worthless negroes, rs does the gentleman from
Monroe, would not urge its adoption. But, sir,
what candid man suppcscs that the abrogation of
this article will have any such efectl The gen
tleman says it would be an invitation for all the
lamey bind, dcformed and worthless negroes OF the
South to come into the State, and make their
homes among us. Sir, j: is no such invitation;
is it an invitation OF any kind to the negro. 1t
is nothing more than act Of Justice to him. One
hundred and sixty thousand negroes gTrdlcd on
their armor. and fought in the late war, 20 main
tain the honor and stability of Indiana and the
other States, against the organized assaults OF Sc
cesson and treason. And yet it is proposed to
forever exclude these soldiers any number of
them, from the right of setting foot within the
limits OF the State, or holding property therein.


appeal to every indid to bear wit
moss II this is not wrong which should be righted.
| appeal to every member upon this floor if the re-
peal OF this article is doing more than common
Justice demands of | think not. The argu
ment OF the gentleman just referred to- is totally
unenable in all its aspects The idea that its alb
rogaton will be followed as he describes, and the
society of the State contaminated by revolving
admixture of the black element, partakes largely
Of the ridiculous and absurd. Why, sir, Indiana
and Illinois the only States which cursed
with the odium of retaining the black laws, some
of the provisions of which are dcSpOtic enough to
have been originated in the barbarism OF the mid
die ages. Ohio has such laws, or constitutional
provisions as that under discussion, and yet we
have not learned that she is troubled more than
Indiana, with negroes. Her people well
educated, and refined, rs those of any other State
and they do not seem to he alarmed for fear he
will become their equal socially, that his will
become ibe dominant race, and hold Office, and mix
up generally with them. Look to every other
State, with the two exceptions mentioned, and see
if they are not in as favorable condition as In
diana in regard to this question, while they at the
same time, do the negro justice by giving him the
highest title TO the soil, and home within their
limits.


But the gentleman says the races can not live
together, and should be separated. | combat this
proposition with the stern logic Of facts. / say
that they have lived together since the carly
settlement of the country by ancestors, and
no,c living together in this State as well as every
other State of the Union. This population has
not proved a dangerous one by any means, "a a
general thing, and never will so prove. But if a
practical plan for the separation OF the two races
should be presented, presume there are but few
men anywhere, of the dominant class, who would
oppose il. No such plan has been presented yet
- l,,f-
bound to do the best We can for them under the
circumstances which surround them at the present.
Instead of keeping class in our midst in servity
and ignorance, it would be far better and safer TO
give them full justice, by granting TO them, at


least, the right make valid contracts in the
State, and the further right, if they desire il, to
have homes on our soil.


But the gentInan from Monroe suddenly evinces
much fear of the negro. lie is afraid he viii de-
grade the white race to his level, and then chase
it out OF the country At this point Of his speech
he drew terribly dark picture; his white lips and
chattering teeth, showed plainly that he was in
great trepidation at hs own fearful statement of
the case, and have no doubt that every time he


looked of the page from which he was reading
his distorted vision bchcd thousand or more
wooy heads. just ready TO charge upon him, and
malgamate with him on the slightest proyoca
tion During almost the entire period OF the war,
it was rSolvcd in Democratic conventions that the
negro would not fight; that his Ignorance and
stupidity were such that no amount of training or
education would ever elevate him above his pres
ent condition. Democratic stump orators, and
Democratic newspapers adopted the same view, in
cor sonance with all the Southern papers, and the
most superb exhibition of valor on his part failed
to draw from tEcnis any thing but calumny and
detraction. But now that it is proposed to strike
out the thirteenth article of our Constitutions so as
to do justice TO the negro, by allowing him a home
within limits, and valid tile to the soil he
may purchase with the fruits of his industry and
cconomy, the gentleman from Monroe suddenly
becomes alarmed lest this same negro should out
strip him in the of life, and finally gain the
I asscendancy TO such an extent rs to chase the
whole Democratic party out of the United States.


sometimes think that might be done, without
damaging civilization very much, but again ]
conclude that it is probably better that the organ
cation should remain, face TO face with the dread
full negro as living witness in tduor of the doctrine
Of the total depravity of man. The gentleman
arraigns the radicals, so-called by himself, for
commencing the agitation of the negro question
in the beginning, which agitation, he alleges,
provoked the late civil war, and the consequences
which followed therefrom. / cannot, sir take the
time OF this House in arguing the question rs to
who to blame in the beginning, but state a
historical truth. when say that deeper radical
ism has characterized the politics OF which the
gentleman is leader, in times past, than ever
/
cal character which has existed since the adoption
of the Federal Constitution. This every well
informed man knows, and every candid NAH will
admit.


The gentleman, in his speech classified thirteen
different reasons for opposing the passage of this
resolution, each of which might be the basis of
speech, but have neither the time, nor the incli
nation TO discuss them all. This subject has been
discussed so repeatedly that it is useless con-
sumption of time to repeat the arguments for it, or
against it, and therefore prop to take leave
OF it, so far as am concerned, in Few moments,
and trust its fate to a vote of the members of this
body, believing that they will act as becomes just
and intelligent men. The 10Th reason assigned
by the gentleman fer opposing the resolution,
reads in these words: industrious negroes would
compete with white laborers, compelling the latter
to work side by side with the former, which would
tend to tue degradation of labor" Well, sir,
there is not the slightest probability that negro
laborcrs will ever become so numerous, under any
state of circumstances, to compete in any
material degree, with white labor, or cause it
reproach in any way. believe when the admins
traton of James Buchanan, and its supporters heye
and elsewhere, were endeavoring by every means,
both fair and foul, to entail upon the people of
Kansas the blight OF negro slavery, the gentleman
endorsed the policy, and stGdousy closed his eyes
to the question of the degradation of free labor,
when i'll competition with the labor of the free
! white man there.


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