Year: 1862




HON. VIM. PITT FEssENDEN,


OF MAINE.


I'm the United States Senate, Tuesday April 1862


ON the bill TO abolish Slavery in the District ol


Columbia.


Mr.. Fessenden, (Rep.) do not propose
to discuss the question OF the pending amend
ment, or to consider the main question at any
considerable length but, sir, as | presented
Yesterday the resolutions Of my State on this
subject and the subject also Of the resolution
which was sent us by the President, deem
il nv duty to say few words with reference
to both those points, if the Senate will ex-
cuse me in speaking OF both on the propo-
sitiOn now pending, in order to save myself
the trouble Of speaking again, and tho Sem
ato the pain OF listening to me again upon
either of the questions referred to in the res
olutions, and now before the Senate.


The resolves from my State which laid on
the table yesterday, approve the resolution
under consideration in the Senate, which EN-
mated from the President, rendering aid to
such States as might see fit to initiate the
policy of abolishing slavery in those States.
The Legislature Of Maine approve 1t, and ex.
press the willingness of the people of Maine
to be taxed for that purpose. That resolu.
ton of the Legislature relieves me, II had
any difficulty at all on the subject of any
question that might arise with regard to the
propriety Of Senator or Representative
from the State Of Maine voting afIirInatiycly
upon resolution which proposes to pay
money for the States for their use il they
should see fit to initiate o measure OF that
description. They are very much more
competent authority to decide upon that
question than their Senators and Represents.
tiyes in Congress, and IL seems they have do
cided upon il.


Now, sir, there have been two questions
raised with reference to that proposition, and
If the Senate will excuse me, wish to say q
word or two upon that proposition before
proceeding to the measure now under consid.
Grafton. One is the constitutional power ol
Congress to vote money for that purpose, and
the other is in regard to its propriety. As
to the constitutional power, l think it is toe
early to discuss that question. The resolu'
ton proposes nothing but an expression oi
opinion on the part Of the Congress OF the
United States that the United States ought
in a certain contingency, provided the people
of any State should SEQ lit to initiate thi'
policy 6f abolishing slavery, to aid them in
so doing to certain or reasonable extent
Ii does not even say that 1t will be the duty
of Congress to vote that money, but that II
would be the duty of the United States to ex'
tend that aid My constituents have do
clared that they conincided in that scnti
ment. Ii is very obvious that whether Con.
gress now possesses the power or not, IL the
people of the United States should be oI
opinion that it is their duty, they can very
easily put Congress in such u position rs to
carry out their will. Therefore, sir, voting
simply that it is the duty Of the U. s. to dc
II involves no constitutional question what.
ever in reference to the power OF Congress =
Senator's will sec that very easily by looking
at the terms of the resolution itself. Even
il il should there would be no very particu.
lar difficulty about it, because the matter
would be left for after consideration. Ii isl
mere expression Of opinion. Il is holding
out helping hand, or showing a disposition
to hold out helping hand to the people OF
any slave State which might see fit Of itsell
to initiate policy Of the kind referred to.


might have had some doubt, perhaps,
whether, us n Senator sent here at time
when this question had not been considered
ut ala Senator representing the State oi
Maine-I was authorized, even indirectly, to
pledge that people to policy Of that des.
cription involving an expenditure of money
but, sir, the people themselves. through their
representatives, their Legislature, have taken
that question out of my hands. and advised
me that il would be the disposition and will
of the people of Maine ~ to act. | am sat.
isiied with that decision. had little doubt
with regard to the matter OF that resolution
before receiving this authoritiyc exposition
of the opinions of the people represent, and
| should probably have voted for the resolu.
ton, believing il to be sensible and wise ir
its terms and in its meaning, even il | had
not received not the instructions but the nd
vice that have received on the subject.


Now, sir, let me ask honorable Senators
who represents slave States here, what objcc
ton can be taken TO il? Is il an insult "a
you? Does It propose, directly or indirectly
to interfere with your authority upon your
own soil? Does it claim for the Congress ol
the United States, or for the people Of tn,
United States us whole, the right, In any
way, directly or indirectly, TO interfere with
your authority upon your own soil? Not nj
all you cannot pretend that. is it any
thing more or less than saying to you that
il you choose to act in given direction, and
you find yourself involved in pecuniary diff.
cultics IN consequences OF that action toe
great for you to bear, it is the opinion Of the
people Of the free States that, under the cir
cumst.nces, as brethren connected with you
by the tie OF common country, and moi
suffering under the burden which you bear
aud as this measure is for the general good
as we have always contended, we think 1t nc
more than right that we should bear q part
Of the burden. Ii that an insult to you In
any way? Is it an injury to you? Is II in
the slightest possible degree, breaking ou,
pledge that we will not interfere with slave.
~ in the States Of the Union J You can hard.
ly 80 pretend IL. .I'
wha. then is the argument 1t is this, a