Year: 1864

In the United States Senate Mr. johnson
of Maryland, delivered very able speech, on
the joint resolution TO amend the Constitution
of the United States, by abolishing slavery in
all the States


Mr.. johnson said we have heretofore kept
four million OF slaves in bondage, and as one
OF the consequences OF that bondage they had
been kept i'm a state OF almost absolute igno-
rance. This was thing of which the worlds
history afforded no parallel. Whether this
was for veal or woe the future must decide.
The only question for statesmen To consider
was whether this measure of emancipation
was right, independent of its consequences; !;
ii those consequences are such as TO render it
expedient at this time.


There was period in our history when
there was but one opinion about the question
of right. The men who fought through the
Revolution, and recommended the adoption
by the American people OF our Constitution,
thought that slavery was not only all evil,
but an evil of the highest character, which
1t was the duty of all Christian people to re-
move. The history of those times would bear
him out in the assertion that If the men by
whom the Constitution was framed, and the
people by whom it was adopted, had antici-
pated our present troubles, they would have
provided constitutional enactment, at some
unremote period, TO revoke the clause per-
mitting slavery. Almost every man OF re-
Election at that time was satisfied that, sooner
or later, the country would be involved in
trouble on account of it.. and they looked
with confidence to the time when it should be
eradicated.


The provisions In the Constitution protect
ing slavery were adopted upon political and
material reasons, and not upon grounds of
morality or religion, and because they be-
iieved it would be difficult to have Union at
all without slavery. Whether they were
right or wrong, it is impossible TO say now.
Ii they had voted TO adopt our Constitution
without the recognition Of slavery, no one
now a spectator of the scenes around us
would regret it. He entertained the same
opinion of slavery now that he had from
the time he first studied the subject of human
rights. In advocating this measure, he was
not departing from his earlier convictions,
and would appeal to the Constitution itsel. ia
justification OF the vote he should give for the
measure. He would not inquire whether
slavery had produced the war or not. The
war was upon us, and slavery had produced
mischief and unless the measure before the
Senate should be adopted there could be no
permanent peace.


Mr.. johnson, at length, proceeded to con-
trovert the idea that the abolition of slavery
could be accomplished either by direct legis-
lation or the exercise OF the war power by the
President. He believed that the rebels still
owed allegiance TO the United States, and
were to be proceeded against as traitors un.
der the Constitution, and any other idea would
be monstrous. He believed that there were
hundreds of thousands OF citizens in the in
surrectionary districts who were just as much
devoted to the Union as any member of this
body. Their obedience to the de fdct0 Gov
ernment was power they could not resist,
aud their obedience was no crime. He claimed
that the war power was in the hands of Con
gress, and the power OF the President was de-
rived from his right as Commander-in-C Chief.
This being the case, no slave could be manu-
mtted unless the proper physical force ac.
companied it. We must get the slaves before
we can manumt them.


The President himself uttered great truth
when he said his proclamation would be like
tue Pope's bull against the comet in districts
unoccupied by our army. II is just as idle
for US to declare the slaves free in States where
our armies do not march as it would be TO de-
clare the rebel armies disbanded by proclama-
ton. Ii the war should terminate TO day, the
slave States that would come actually under
our control would be slave States still. Mr..
johnson contended that the only practical way
ofaecomplishing what all Christian patriots
desired was by the adoption of the present
measure.


He contended that the very preamble to the
Constitution, which stated that its objects
were to establish Justice promote tranquility
and promote the general welfare, and that first
of all liberty might be preserved, gave full
warrant for the proposed amendment. Was
there no justice in putting an end TO human
slavery? Was slavery doing no injury TO the
tranquility of the country? Was it not against
the general welfare and against all ideas of
human liberty. In conclusion, Mr.. johnson
said our sole consideration should be TO bring
-. - Ill.
restoration of the Union. He believed the
Union would be restored and we would have
our National aud State Governments without
human bondage.