Year: 1864

by the personal ends for which the war
was managed. This incapacity or self.
ishness naturally produced such results
as led the European Powers, and logi-
cally enough, to the conviction that the
North, with its greatly superior popu
lation, its immense resources, and its
credit, will never be able to recover the
South. Sympathies which should have
been with us from the outset Of the war
we're turned against us, and in this way,
the Administration has done the coun-
try double wrong abroad. 1t created
hostility or, at best, indifference among
those who would have been its friends
if the real intention Of the people could
have been better known; while at the
same time, it neglected no occasion for
making the most humillating conces-
sions.


Against theis disastrous condition Of
affairs the Cleveland Convention was
protest.


The principles which form the basis
Of its platform have my unqualified and
cordial appreciation, but cannot SO
heartily concur in all the measures
which you propose. 1 do not believe
that onfscatiou extended to the prop
erty of all rebels, is practica bic, and, if
it we're So don't think it measure of
sound policy. 1t is a question belong
ing to the people themselves to decide,
and is proper occasion for the exer-
else of their original and sovereign
authority AS a war measure, in the
beginning of a revolt, which might be
quelled with prompt severity, l under
stand the policy of condscation, but n OF
as final measure of reconstruction after
the suppression of an insurrection.


In the adjustments of which are to
follow peace; no considerations of ven
geance can consistently be admitted.


The object Of the war is to make per-
maneutly secure the peace and happi.
ness of the whole country, and there
was but single element in the way o.
its attainment. The element of slavery
may be considered practically destroyed
in the country, and it needs only your
proposed amendment of the Constitu
ton to make its extinction complete.


With this extinction of slavery, the
party divisions created by it have also
disappeared. And if, in the history Of
the country, there has ever been a time
when the American people, without
regard to one or another of the polit;-
cal divisions, were called upon to give
solemnly their voicein a matter which
involved the safety Of the United States
it is assuredly the present time.


IF the Convention at Baltimore will
nominate a man whose past life justi
fes a woll-grounded confidence in his
fidelity to our cardinal principles, there
is no reason why there should be any
division among the really patriotic mer
of the country. To any such | shall
be happy to give my cOrdi Al and active
support.


My own decided preference is to aid
in this way, and not be myself oandi.
date. But if Mr.. Lincoln should be re
nominated, as believe it would be fata
to the country to endorse a policy ant
renew power which has cost us the
lives Of thousands of men, aud need
lessly put the country on the road t.
bankruptcy, there will remain no alter
native but to organize against him ev
. cry element of conscientious opposition
q with the view to prevent the misfortun
of his reelection.


In this contingency l accept th
nomination at Cleveland, and as a pre-
liminary step have resigned my com
=, mission in the army. This was sacri
fee it gave me pain to make. But


had for long time fruitlessly endeav
ored to obtain service. make thi
sacrifice only to regain the liberty c
speech, and to leave nothing in tn
= way of discharging to my utmost abil
= ty the task you have set for me.


With my earnest and sincere thank
for your expressions of confidence an
" regard, and for the many honorab
terms in which you acquaint me wit
e the action of the Committee,
. l am, gentlemen, very respectful
F." and truly yours,


j. C. FREMONT.