Year: 1863

when they arrive at the age of twenty one
years; and all slaves over ten and under
tWenty-one years shall be free when they
arrive at the age of twenty-five years aud
no slave shall be permitted to come into the
State for permanent residence"


The article to be stricken out is the same.
J except as to the Importation of slaves, as
the obnoxious clause in the Missouri Con.
sutution. After one of the most memora.
J BILE discussions that ever took place in
Congress, the Legislature of Missouri was
J required to declare that the clause should
not be construed as authorizing the pas
sage OF any law excluding free persons of
color if by thelaws of any other State they
should be citizens of the United States.
4 The same objection was raised in this
case, and If our admission had been press
ed with that provision included, similar
discussion must have taken place, aud our
friends IN Congress embarrassed, and the
admission delayed, perhaps defeated The
friends of the new State, in view of this
fact, we're willing to forego this prohibition
In the organic law, and the more SO be.
cause the entire subject would be in the
hands of the Legislature: and because. too.
oy the terms of the very next section the
antl-tree negro law of Virginia was put in
force and so continued until the Legisla-
ture should see fit to alter it. It was
thought, under these circumstances, that
the surrender of this section was a very
trivial matter in comparison with the ad-
vantage gained.


But here the objectors get foothoold
again. and we are told that by the striking
out OF this prohibition, the new State will
be oVerruu by a free negro population.
1 HhA
free negro laws of Virginia are continued
IN force is a sufficient answer. But as so
much capital is sought to be made of this
objection in many quarters, and as it is a
question in regard to which the strong pre-
JUDGES of people render them open to i'm
position, it may not be out of place or time
to examine this subject somewhat mi
nutely.


1t is urged that Congress has no right
to interfere with slavery, it being domes-
tic institution, entirely subject to the con-
troll of the States toleratiug it. Why this
position is pressed with so much vebe-
mepce is not quite clear. for we are not
aware thatnnybody denies it. Il is very
prevalent error, and one that is sedulously
cultivated, that this is a proposition for
Congress to interfere with the institution
of slavery amongst US. Not so. Tue pro-
position is for the people of West Virginia
to interfere with it-not in Eastern Virgil
MIA or South Carolina, but within their
own limits and among themselves. II is
yet to be shown that non-interference by
Congress compels uou-interference by the
States. Certainly each State is at liberty
to do as it plcases with its own. Slavery
within the forty. eight counties of West
| Virginia is the creature ofthe people with
in that territory, and it is nobody elese's
b9siRess what they do with or about it.
They have as perfect eoatrSI over it ae
lover any other species OF property, They+
fmGy regulate, establish, or abolish it, 4
may seem to them best. II is our domestic
institution, and why shalt not ,De regulate
It as we see fit, subject only and always to
the Constitution of the United States !?
Well, this is what is proposed. Congress,
speaking for the whole nation, tells us
that the existence of this institution
amonst us is an obstacle to our admission
but that if we think separate State gov.
ernment would be of more advantage to US
without this institution than this iustitu-
tiOn without the separate State government,
the choice is in our hands, and we may re-
move the objection by providing for the re-
moval of theinstitution. Arc we 10 be told
that this is in effect the same-that it is
only an indirect dictation-that such adj
vantages are offered that self interest drives
US to accept the proffer. The answer is,
that if Influences and motives are to be
taken into account, every action of every
man is "dtctated" BY something or some
body But when it comes to such fine
spun theories, the practical common sense
view of the question is lost aud it becomes
simply ridiculous. If Congress compelled
us to abolish slavery, and compelled us TO
become State under such enforced coudi-
tion, then there t0ould be dictatiou of n very
offensive sort. But it cannot do either
1t can only suggest; and we may adopt or
reject The suggestion as pleases us best.
That is simply all there is of this much
talked of ''unwarrantable and offensive"
interference by Congress with our domestic
lnstitutions. II may be very CALLING to the
"lofty Virginia pride" of some people TO
have suggestions made them from any
quarter, no matter how much they NAV be
designed to benefit, butit is hardly worth
while to pay attention to this class. for il
will generally be found that their empty
pride is about all there is of them. People
of good sense can stoop to conquer in need
full cases, though this Is not one OF them.
II any false conception of our immense dig
nifty and importance restrains US from
adopting suggestion that would confer a
4 great public benefit, then there is something
else we were as well rid of as of the un.
healthy Institution which engendera it.


1t is proper to add that in our case, the
suggestion of conditions did not originate
with Congress. The suggestion was made
to that body by those authorized to make
lit on behalf of the people of the
new Stately our senators and reure-
sentatives, by the New State Commission
ers, and by prominent gentlemen from every
part of it sent on for the purpose
Strangely enough the convention in franz
ing the constitution had declined to act on
the subject Of slavery, though the people
wanted that question settled, and ali re-
cognized itas the most important one to
be dealt with. However, at the election