Year: 1868

Of every instrumentality in our power


belllon, and the whole country accord
ed in the use of colOred soldiers. and
gallant and glorious service thew rem.
dered. In 1864 a proposition was


brought forward in this body to amend
the Constitution of the United States
think that is very radical now, but il
was very radical then. It was tho
great measure of the age, and almost
of modern times, and it was finally
| passed-an amendment setting free
every human being within the limits
of the United States. But, sir, we were
very far then from where we are now,
All will remember the celebrated Win
ter Davis bill, passed in June, 1854,
which took the power of reconstruction
out of the hands of the President, where
it did not, in fact. belong.


refer to Mr.. Lincoln; but if that bill
had passed it would perhaps have re-
suited in the destruction of this Gov
ernment. We can all see it now, al
though 1t was then thought to be the
most radical measure of the times.
what did it propose? Itproposed to pre-
scribe plan to take effect when the
| war should end, by which these rebel
states should be restored. refer to
mat Dill simply to show how we have
all travelled. 1t required but one CON
oltlon or guarantee on the part of the
south, and that was that they should
put into their constitutions a provision
prohibiting slavery. 1t required no
other guarantee. 1t required no equal
lzat1on OF representation; 40 security
against rebel debts, or against bayment
Tor emanclpated slaves: and it confined
the right of suffrage to white men, But
1t was thought TO be great step in ad-
vance of the time; and SO it was; but
events were passing rapidly, and in
1860, the President came forward with
his proposition, and am stating what
is true from an examination of the doc.
uments when Isay but for the want of
power with the President, his scheme
In nltselfconsidered was far moro radical
than that of the Winter Davis bill but
events were rapidly teaching the states
men of the time that we could not re-
construct upon that basis.


Still, Congress was not prepared to
take forward step until the summer
OF 1866, In the Passage of the constitu-
t1onal amendment, which we now re.
gard as halfway measure, necessary
and vital as far as it went, bnt NOT 90.
ing far enough. That was rejected. and
we were then compelled to 20 further,
and we have now fallen upon the plan OF
reconstruction which 1 have been con-
stdering. II has been dictated bv the
logic of events. 1t overrides all Sr0n
Sc
rides all theory, in the presence of the
necessity for preserving the life of this
nation; and if future events shall de-
termlne that we must go further, for
one am prepared to say that 1 will go
as lar as sinai! be necessary to the exc
cutlon OF this guarantee, the recon-
struction of this Republic upon a right
OASIS, and the successful restoration OF
every part OF this Union.


CONGRESS AND THE DEMoCRACY-How


EACH APPEALS TO THE COUNTRY.


Mr.. Pro sident, the column of recon-
structton, as 1 before remarked, has
risen slowly. 1t has not been hewn
from single stone: It is composed of
many blocks, painfully laid up and put
together, and cemented by the tears and
blood of the nation. Sir, we have done
nothing arbitrarily. We have done
nothing for punishment, aye, too little
for punishment. Justice has not had
her demand. Not man has yet been
executed for this great treason. The
arch fend himself is now at liberty
upon bail. No man is to be punished;
and now, while punishment has gone
Dy, as we all know, we are insisting
only upon security for the future. We
are simply asking that the evil spirits
VINO brought this war upon us shall not
again come into power during this gen.
Grafton, again to bring upon us rebel
lion and calamity. We are simply ask
ing for those securities that we deem
necessary for our peace and the peace
of our posterity.


Sir, there is one great difference be-
tween this Union party and the So
called Democratic party. Our princi-
pies are those of humanity; they are
those of justice; they are those of
equal rights; they are principles that
appeal to the hearts and the con-
sciences of men: while on the other
side we hear appeals to the preiu-
olce OF race against race. The
white man is overwhelming in the
majority in this country, and that ma
Jorlty Is yearly increased by half
million of white men from abroad, and
mat majority gaining in proportion
from year to year until the colored men
will finally be but a handful in this
country: and yet we hear the prejudices
or the white race appealed to to crush
tnls other race, and to prevent it from
rising to supremacy and power. Sir,
there is nothing noble, there is nothing
generous, there is nothing lovely, in
That policy or that appeal. How does
that principle compare with ours? We
are standing upon the broad platform
OF the Declaration of Independence,
that "all men are created equal; that
they are endowed by their Creator with
certain inalienable rights; that among
these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
OF happiness" We say that these rights
are not given by laws; are not given by
the Constitutions; but they are the gift
or COO to every man born into the
world. Oh. Sir, how glorious is this
great principle compared with the in
human-I might say the heathenish-
appeal to the prejudice of race against
race; the endeavOr further to excite the
strong against the weak; the endeavor
further to deprive the weak of their
rights of protection against the strong.



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