Year: 1863

| like a trumpet aroused the democratic
party and rallied it around the constitu-
ton to beat back its murderers. From
his last speeches, especially since we
know they are his last, we naturally turn
| to Washington's farewell address. But
b ow widely different the circumstances of
| the writers. Washington at the close of
| life of dazzling splendor, with everyam-
bition gratified, turned to the people, and
from an impulse of common gratitude
bade them farewell with counsels and
blessings Douglas had been rejected.
derided, scoffed at, spit upon, crucifed
yet above it all he rose in the very spirit
of the PRAYER .sFather forgive them, they
know not what they do" The angry
| emotions which an unsuccessful cam
paign had created in his followers could
not blind him. Re had foretold that war
would follow Lincoln's election; but he
had also boldly said IN Tiryinia that
such election would not justify revolt,
and he would aid to pu. it down. And
when the wa- came he rose like tower
of light and strength between the govern
ment and its assailants Had he lived
there would be no uncertain sound from
the trumpet of democracy; we should
have had no Ryan addresses and New
York politicians would have been spared
the humiliation of eating their own words,
and the shame of their cDquetry with 'the
scdyncard sisters. ~


All admit that it is our duty, ace havs
s,corn, to support the constitution The
cons stitution as Washington and our faith
ers made 1t; as it was, as it is every
word, every sentence without discrimi-
nation OF provisions; without mental or
moral reservation. Among our political
duties this rises in altitude of obligation
ike the commandments abore the la,cS );
to support the constitution, which is
and .,ecarse it is-the cementing princi-
pie, the encircling band, the life and soul
OF the Union, but how is this duty, which
all acknowledge, to be performed And
here, men who mean the same thing are
found face to face; SO difficult is it to
descend from the generalities to the de-
tails OF patriotism. To support the con
sttufton IS to maintain and perpetuate
the government of which it is the soul
And the manner of our support must be
determined by the character of the dan
ger that threatens it. When assailed by
the theoretical dogmas of notification,
webster supported the constitution by
the Hayne speech. Now, when it is





we can only support the constitution by
overthrowing the rebellion. To do this
the people Of the North must stand to-
gether; must for the time, forget old par
ty dlsputations; must, to quote from
Douglas great speech, which is a perfect
patriotic sermon on the mount" full of
all doctrine and exhortation, "cease dis
cussing party issues, make no allusion to
old party tests, have no elimination or
recrimination, indulge in no taunt one
against the other, as to who his been the
cause of these troubles"


Douglas here fought lesson of patri-
otism tco high for popular comprehension;
and it is now settled By the action Of the
republicans themselves thatwe must keep
up party organizations. But let us not
divide the people upon the great duty of
supporting Megorernment But, you may
S ~, thus to support the government is to
support an administration which is viola
ting the constitution by illegal arrests,
and squandering niggers by proclamation.


Now here | rise to a question of order
Before we discuss this question of the
power of the President to do certain things;
that is-bcfore we enter upon "a construc-
ton of the provisions of the Constitution,
let us first settle the question, whether we
have any Constitution to be construed =
The summary arrest of few northern
sympathizers with treason may be very
unconstitutional that however, is ques
tion that we can discuss hereafter But
this rebellion must be suppressed now or
nerer. Beauregard, in his late proclama-
ton at Charleston, called upon the people
to ''come with or without arms, to come
with scy thes, with fails, or anything to
kill federal soldier" SO here in this
hand to hand fight for nrtional life, we
have no time to examine closely whether
every blow that is given, be according to
the constitution If it kill or help to kill
a traitor in arms, ifit darken the chances
of southern success, and tends thus to
give preponderance to the government,
we will settle this constitutional scruple
after the peace; when we shall not be in
terrupted in our Investigations by the roar
of battle, or seduced away by the sweet
enchantment of DIR; IN and fife Jackson,
by proclaiming martial law at New Or
leans, arresting editors and judges and
threatening to blow UP the le.isltu ture, re-
PEELED a threatened invasion, preservin z
the sanctity Of our soil, and supported the
Constitution. But you may say this was
unconstitutional l suppose SO; but was
it not wise in that emergency to violate
the form of the constitution to preserve
Its substance. The people so declared by
electing jackson twice to the presidency
against all the whig criticisms upon his
so-called arbitrary and illegal conduct
The principles by which our public men
are TO be judged are plain. If it was nee
essary, then it was right to suspend the
habeas corpus If you think it was un-
necessary in those states where the courts
were sitting, so do |; if you think it was
unwise to suspend the habeas corpus, that
which the Anglo Saxon has always regar-
ded as an IL vitation to revolt, so do /; but
is this the time to enter into an angry
contention with the Government, on this
subject, which will certainly weaken it,
and aid the rebellion. OF two evils but
one of which can be corrected at the same
time, les us by all means, first correct the
greater There have not been FIVE hun
dred persons-less than half regiment
-summarily arrested in eli the North
| They have been confined in forts, and fed
and clothed by the government Compare
the sum total of their sufferings with the
condition of FIVE hundred thousand OF our
| loyal men whose blood is daily sinking in
southern soil, and crying to Heaven for
vengeance upon southern traitors and the
northern sympathizers with treason. Let
4 i L II