Year: 1865

one error all the past is forgotten.-
He is again called a madman in one
breath, and political schemcr in the
next. A cruel ingenuity perverts his
attempt to restore peace to the low
ambition of political dcmagogue,
scekings personal advantage by the
sacrifice of the great cause in which he
has SO often risked his life and gained
his laurcls. Tho cause of justice re-
quiros that We give fair considera-
ton to this one act for which he is SO
numerically denounced. Let IFS not
too readily follow the lead of those who
are SO ready to destroy such man,
and to imputc to him motives for that
act wholly at variance with his char
acter and anteccdcnts.


On the 18Th inst. General Sherman
and General Johnston signed "mem-
orandum or basis OF agreement" 1t
consists of seven articles, all of which
except the first, are left, certainly, so
far as ShXman is concerned, for the
consideration Of his supcriors, to be
ratified, modified or totally rejected
as may seem best. The only point
which Sherman undertakes to settle
himself is the armisticc, the tempo
rary suspension OF hostIities TO CON
tinue only until the decision is made
upon the other articles by the proper
authorities, and then to cease upon
forty-cight hours notice, if the terms
are rejected. This | repeat, is the
on " point which Sherman agrees to
in the sense of a binding stipulation,
or as within his own just authority.


Certainly no one can doubt the
power of IL commanding officer, where
two armies confront each other, upon
a sudden emergency, to agree to an
armistice between their forces. The
most usual exercise of this power is to
bury the dead. The common right of
humanity requires such an authority.
So, too, touching the living as well as
the dead, if there is proposition
which will stop the further etfusion Of
blood, and which involvcsPoints be-
yond the authority Of the General in
command and which he deems to be
worthy Of consideration, it is not only
within his power, but it is his duty to
entertain them, and to stop further
slaughter until the matter can be sub
mittcdto those functions it is to decide.


Now lot us treat Sherman fairly, for
we are now considering his motives.
The articles contained in the memo
randum may not recommend them
selves TO us, but what warrant have
we to say that they did notrecommend
themselves to Sherman? | am one of
these who believe that there is not n
man in the Republic, in the field or in
civil life, more frank, more earnest
more devoted TO the cause, and more
unselfsh. Furthermore, now that
Abraham Lincoln is gono, it is. diff
cultto find n man whose views are
more comprehensive of the whole
character Of the great struggle thro'
which we are passing.


Certainly, he was among the first
if not the very first-to comprehend
it in the beginning. He was fippant-


y written down as insane for the
prophetic declaration then made. He
was altogether right then he may be
altogether wrong now. Perhaps not
The future may undeceivo him; prob
ably it may undeceive us.


Next, let us see for ourselves what
this memorandum" really signifies;
and, in this connection, let us carry
along the structures upon it that arc
said to como from the Cabinet.


The first article provides that the
contcnding armies commanded by
Sherman and Johnston respectively
are to remain in Stdtn quO, until the
decision is made. This, as | have
said, is the only article which Sher.
man claims to settle on his own au-
thority.


1t holds Johnston and his army fas,
tened to tho spot. 1t gives them no
opportunity TO retreat. 1t is pledge
that they will not escape. lfa single
brigade attempts q fight, the armis-
tice is broken, and Sherman, who is
there to watch, is also there to pursue


The second article provides for the
disbanding not only of Jonston's army
but Of all the confederate armies then
"in existence" Every one of these
armies is to be broken up, and its
soldiers are to be conducted in de-
: tached bodies, TO the capitals Of their
respective States, and there deposit
their arms in the State msonals.


Observe, there is no article which
looks to the disbanding Of any one Of
our armies-not one loyal soldier is to
be disarmed. Wherever we have an
army, military post, or a camp
wherever we occupy II fortress or a
city, our rightful position there Is not
changed or disturbed, and our soldiers
are to remain until we see fit to recall
them.


Observe now, that the arms are to
be deposited in the arsenals Of each
State, at the Estate capitals" Pray
into whose custody do they come!
Nearly all their State capitals are in
our possession; every person and eve.
, rything they contain is in onr power
lfthere is any State capital not yet in
our possession, we have the right to
send our soldiers there the moment
these articles come into force; for al
the same moment the Federal author
ity is acknowledged all over the South
and the Government, through the
War Department, may order our sold