Year: 1860

10 KNOW what KIND OF philosophy 1t is that my
colleagues views are based upon. Is it the
philosophy OF persecution and prescription, or
is it the philosophy of Christianity! Does he
suppose when the people of a territory are de-
termlned to act in certain way, and to exer.
else certain rights that by legslating here to
the contrary he can prevent them acting in
that certain way, and exercising those certain
rights Is he OF the opinion that he is going
to convert these men to what he considers
right, by force Is that his idea Does he
expect that if they love slavery and hate
freedom he is going to make them gojd Chris
tians and good treedom.men by legslating that
they never shall have slaves? Would he pre-
pose. in respect to Christianizing Hindostan,
that the best method for the missionary socie-
ties would be to send over and steal their idols
Would he make them Christians any sooner
by leglslating in Massachusetts or here in the
federal government against idol worship in
Hlndostan No, sir; that is entirely Il wrong
philosophy You cannot leglslate religion, or
temperance, or Christianity, or heaven, into
any people under the sun. No, sir this
must be accomplished by other means. Con.
Verts are not made, especially in this country
by force. But, sir it seems to be the cher
lshed opinion Of some that there is no other
way OF making converts to anything good eX-
ccpt by legislation Now | have philosophy
about government, and the duties Of govern
ment, which cannot by any possibility accord
with the views expressed by my colleague.
The propositions that L make as comprehend
ing that whole philosophy, are very simple,
and are only two in number. These first,
that the first duty of the government is to let
the people alone: and, second, that its second
duty is to prevent my colleague, or anybody
else, from interfering with them. Laughter


Now, sir, if they are unable to work out
their own salvation, it is putting very great
burdens, Mr.. Speaker, on you and me, to work
out the salvation of all the people OF this
country. You and might be the only men
who understand in what line and in what di-
rectlOn this great salvation lies. How shall
we accomplish it with the perverse wills of the
whole nation against US!


Now, will state to you what is the radical
and distinctive difference between parties in
this country and there can be traced to this
radical distinction every measure which Oeca-
sionS any conflict in this House or in the coun-
try. That radical distinction is this faith in
the peop.c, and no faith i'll the people 1t SO
happens, and it wisely happens, that no party
will ever control, or has ever controlled this
government but what either exercises this
faith in the people, or makes the people believe
that it exercises it. Laughter.


Now, sir, l challenge any man to controvert
that maxim. 1t has not been done here, and
it cannot be done here. | will meet now or at
any time, any man on these radical PROPOSE
tions of government which l now enuncate
Ii my colleague wishes now to make any eX-
PLANTATION of his views, | will listen to him.
Laughter.


Mr.. GoOCH l have as much belief in the
ability OF the people TO govern themselves as
my colleague or any other man has but sir,
when | look to our territories, | say that those
territories belong to the people OF the whole
H.
vIdual in the country has an interest; and
believe that no ten men, or twenty men, or
one hundred men, from the United States, or
from any foreign country, have right to go
there and build up institutions which shall
make the states to be formed out OF those ter
ritories unfit ever to be taken into the Union.


Mr.. THAYER. Now l understand all that
my colleague is going to say. Laughter


Mr.. GooCn. Then my colleague does not
want my views He has had enough OF
them.


Mr.. THAYER. l understand all that he is
going to say. His propositions are these: first,
that every man III this country has an equal
right to the territory OF the United States, and
therefore his Inference is this that every man
in this country has right to impress his own
peculiar views upon the people who shall oc-
cupy that territory.


MIR. GooCH. No; my colleague mistakes
m" theory. My theory is, that the people, as
whole, own the territories that the views OF
the different individuals shall be placed to-
gether and that the sum OF all the opinions
of all the people shall prevail in the terrific
ries.


Mr.. THAYER Well now, that would work
very great hardship i'll case there should be
nine hundred and ninety-nine men Of one
view, and one thousand men of the other
The nine hundred and ninety-nne who, ac
cordng to his assertion, have an equal right in
the territories would, by the action OF one man,
have no rights whatever


Mr.. GooCH, The theory of our govern
ment is that the majority shall govern. Does
my colleague deny that?


Mr.. THAYER. And all this, Mr.. Speaker,
after the people in the territories have bought
their land and paid for it After that, these
men have Il right to impress them with their
peculiar views on politics, religion, on moral
and mental philosophy, on spirituallsm, and
what not. There is no end to what we might
make topics Of legislation. Well l am not for
making these things topics Of legislation my
self; and if had my way about it, poet
never would write platform for the republi"
can party. Laughter l do not like meta
phors in platforms. | want them prose; or if
they must be poetry, would like to have
them very good poetry.


Now, from what source can this power be
derived that enables men who have sold these
lands to people who are their equals i'll every
respect-who are citizens OF the United States,
where is the power derived from that gives to
men in Maine and Massachusetts and Iowa the
right to say what institutions the pioneer shall
have? But am told, with grave solemnity,
by my colleague, that this is the ancient policy
Of this government. 1t is not so ancient as
Satan. Laughter. 1t is not so old as Sin,
tba lam of rs is n rpDS N
why it should be forever sustained. 1t is old
enough to die.


Mr. GooCH-I desire to ask my colleague
whether le intends to place the trainers OF our
government, and the men who ngrafted this
policy on the territories, in the same category
with the distinguished individual to whom he
has referred, and to say that their work is on
par with what he terms sin Laughter.


Mr. THAYER-No, sir, neither them nor my
colleague. l have no idea of doing such a
thing But | do say of the men who framed
this government, that they might not have
been perfect even in human wisdom and,
do say, contrary to the opinion of many, that
the present generation is not less wise than the
past 1t may sound strangely, but any man
who denies it denies faith in God and human
nature No. sir [ contend that we are degen.
crate men unless we can inaugurate one or two
centuries ago. Have we not improved in the
law of primogeniture Have we not improv.
ed in the feudal system2 But this idea that
Congress have the right to govern the terrific
ries because they have sold the lands to the
people who live there, is part OF that system


No, sir; ! tell you that this territorial policy
has been from the outset progressing all the
while in favor Of popular rights. The first
stage in our territorial policy was, that the
president should send out the executive power,
the legislative power and the judicial power,
for every territory That was the first policy.
The second policy was, that the president