Year: 1861

were known III the world at that time
as governmental powers and certain
ly power to destroy the Government
itself, had never been known as a gov
ornamental, or merely administrative
power. This relative matter Of Ma
tiCnal power and States rights, as d
principle, is no other than principle
of generality. Whatever concerns
the whole should be confined to the
whole General Government, while
whatever concernsothe State should
be left exclusively to the States. This
is all there is left Of the original prin-
ciple about it, Whatever the nation
al convention in defining the bounda-
ries between the two as applied to the
principle with exact accuracy is not
to be questioned. We are all bound
by that definition without question
What is now combatted is tho posi-
ton that secession is consistent with
the Constitution, is lawful and peace
full. 1t is not contended that there is
any express law for it, and nothing
should ever be implied as law which
leads to unjust and absurd conse-
quences. The nation purchased with
money the countries out of which sew
eral of these States were formed Is
it just that they should go of without
leave or without refunding? The ma
tion paid very large sums, in the ag-
gregate, | believe, nearly 100000
600, to relieve Florida from the abo=
riginal tribes. Is it just that she
should now go off without any return? ?
The nation is now in debt for money
applied for the benefit Of these so call
ed seeding States, in common with
the rest. Is it just either that credi-
tors shall so unpaid or the remaining
States pay the whole? A part of the
present national debt was contracted
to pay .hc old debt of Texas. Is it
just that she shall leave and pay no
part of this herself. Again, if one
State may secede so may another, and
when all shall have seeded, none is
left to pay the debts. Is this quite
just to creditors Did we notify
them of this sage view of ours when
we borrowed their money? If wo
now recognize this doctriue by allow
ing the seceders to go in peace it is
difficult to see what we can do if
others choose to go, or to extort terms
upon which they will promise to re.
main.


The seceders insist that our Consti=
tuition admits of secession. They
have assumed to make national con-
stitution of their own in which, of
necessity, they have either discarded
or retained the right of secession as
they insist it exists in ours. If they
have discarded it they thereby admit
that on principle it ought not to exist
in ours. If they have retained it by
their construction of ours it shows
that to be consistent they must secede
from one another when they shall find
it the easiest way Of settling their
debts or cflectinG another selfish or
unjust object.


The principle itself is one Of disintcz
grafton and on which no Government
can endure. If all the States save
one should affect the power to drive
that one out Of the Union, it is pre-
sumcd the whole class Of the seeded
politicians would at once deny the
power and dcnounce the act as tho
greatest outrage upon State rights.
But suppose that precisely the same
act, instead of being called driving
one out, should be called the "scced-
ing" of the others from the one, it
would be exactly what the secoders
claim to do, unless, indeed, they make
the point that the one, because it is
minority, may rightfully do that which
the others, because they are the ma
jority, may not rightful!y do.


These politicians are profound in
the rights of minorities. They arc
not partial to that power which made
the Constitution and speaks from the
preamble, calling itself eve the peo-
pie"


1t may we'll be questioned wheth=
er there is to-day a majority Of the
legally qualified voters of any State,
except, perhaps, South Carolina, in
favor of disunion. There is much
reason to believe that the Union men
are in majority in many if not in all
of the seeded States. The contrary
has not been demonstrated in any one
of them. 1t is ventured to affirm even
those Of Virginia and Tennessee-for
the result of elections held in military
camps, where the bayoncts were all
on one side of the question voted upon


can scarcely be considered as de-
monstrating the popular sentiment at
such and election. All that large
class who are at once for the Union


and against coercion would be co


creed to vote against the Union. Il
even may be affirmed without extray-
aGance that the free institutions which
we enjoy have developed the powers
and improved the condition of our
whole people beyond any example in the
world. Of this we now have a strik-
ing and impressive illustration. So
large an army as the Government has
now on foot was never before known
without soldier in it, who has not
taken his place there of his own free
choice. But more than this, there are
many single regiments whose mems


bers, one and another, possess full


practical knowledge, Of the arts and


sciences and professions, and what


ever else, whether useful or elegant,


is known to the whole world and there


is scarcely one from which there could


not be selected a President, a Cabinet,
a Congress, and perhaps a Court
abundantly competent to administer
the Government. Nor do l say this
is not true also in the army of our late
friends--now our adversaries,- in this
contest +; but if it is so, so much the
better reason why the Government


which has conferred sucif>benetits on
them and on us should not be broken
up? Whoever in any section pro
poses to abandon such n Government


would do well to consider in Difference
l l.. Il. 81