Year: 1864

|


We invite attention to the communication in our
paper to-day, over the signature of '.Zsta.n on the
SUBJECT Of negotiations for peace. It is from the
pen Oh gentleman ofhigh character and of much and
"el-0eserTed influence. Our correspondent does
not assaii the Executive of the State nor is he dis
posed to do 80; but he reminds him of the pledges
he MADE IN tho late campaign apesce man, in the
nope tnat ne viii redeem those pledges and thereby
aid as he could very greatly do in the noble work
OF restoring peace to our afflicted country


Nor is it our purpose to assail any one or to at
tempt to lecture advise the Legislature of the
State. The members Of that body are not respon-
sible to the press for the manner in which they may
perform their duties but to God and their country
We may be permitted to say, however, that very
heavy responsibility is resting upon them and that
1t is very largely in their power to initiate if they
cannotcomplete such measures as win lead to peace
1t is not for to say what these measures should
be- But it is now apparent to every one that there
Is no hope OF foreign Intervention that the war is
to be waged against us indefinitely with undimin-
ished vigor; that mere fighting cannot close the
war, If we may judge of the future by the past
and that the only reasonable ground for hoping for
an early, an honorable and permanent peace is
through and by negotiations. But, it may be an
swered, Mr.. Lincoln would not even receive COM
missioners to treat for peace. How do We know
that? Have we tried himH No When triU We
try himi After We shall have defeated all his ar
mics, and driven them from our soil? When will
that be donef Will some one tell usP


We hold that the President and the Senate would
have no right to make treaty which would divide
any State or States, without consulting those States
question as to the division of State would GER
tainy come up for consideration before the commits
sioners appointed by the two sections; and that
question would have to be discussed and decided
Under this view of the subject alone, without 60
ing into argument to show that the States as SOW
ereigns have right to be heard in any treaty which
is to finally settle the status of the two sections
it is clear that the States ought to be consulted
for their agent the common government cannot
possess the right in any event. or for any reason,
TO dismember State, and if it possesses no such
right of course it could not with propriety, even
discuss the question of division or dismemberment


Again, in discussing the terms of settlement, the
question of slavery mustcome up for consideration.
The Confederate government has no power over the
institution of slavery. 1t subject that pertains
exclusively to the States. By the 4th paragraph of
the 9th section of the Constitution it is expressly
provided that the Confederate government shall do
nothing "impairing the right Of property in negro
slaves" That government has, thereto re, no power
to emancipate slaves to consent to their eman-
cipation, nor in any way to "impair the right of
property" in slaves. Having no such power it can
not even discuss the question The States must,
therefore, be heard as sovereigns, through their
commissioners, in any settlement which may affect
the institution of slavery. To deny them this right
and to give to the Confederate government the con-
troll of the institution, would be to disregard the
Constitution ITSELF and would thoroughly aboli-
tionize the new government as the old government
has been abolitionzed by enemies.


We think it exceedingly important that commits
sioners should be appointed to treat for peace Un
der the old government in 1S60-'61, commissioners
were appointed by all the States to the Peace
| Conference in Washington City and commissioners
also appointed by the Legislature of this State to
| 60 to Montgomery, and confer with then foreign
government There was no objection raised at that
| time to this action, by those who are now opposed
to negotiations for peace. We suggest no hasty
action, and no separate State action. We would do
nothing for North Carolina in this crisis that we
would not do for all the Confederate States. But
we think that the voice Of these States should be
heard for peace and some one State must lead off
in this most important movement. The appoint
ment of commissioners by the States could do nc
harm. and it might result in the grea test good
We believe that if any State should evince deter
mination to act in this matter that it would have
powerful effect in inducing the Congress at Rich
mond to appoint commissioners also, to act in con
| cert with the State commissioners. The result o.
their mission, whatever it might be, could be laid
before the Senate for its action and if approved by
that body, the treaty, the terms agreed upon by
both sides, could be submitted to the people of the
] States for their ratification or rejection.


We are no agtator on this or any other subject
We speak calmly and deliberately, and without pas
sion. Our people desire peace, and they believe il
cannot be obtained merely by fighting; and w'
know that they are looking with intense interest tt
this Legislature not only to guard all their right:
and maintain their liberties but to make earnest
direct and wellconsidered effort to close the wal
by negotiations.


Ift necessary, in order to clear the case of the
Supreme Court, the Legislature should abolish all
such offices as Justices of the Peace, &c.-ConTed