Year: 1861




Mr. Speaker have not sought the floor in the
vain belief that any feeble utterance Of mine can
stay the tide of events which is fear, bearing us
with irrepressble force into the maelstrom Of an
archy and civil war; but in the hope that may
possibly induce gentlemou both sides Of the House
TO pause and reflect before they plunge our common
country irrevocably into revolution and fraternsl
strife Sir should be recreant to the high trusts
which generous and patriotic constituency have
con6ded tQ me, IL did not exert my every energy
to allay tie excitement which now unhsppily per-
vades every section of country and to do every
act which patriotism can prompt 10 give peace 10
our distracted land. This is not the time for dis
quisitions upon the theory Of Constitution, or
for refined aud critical distinctions between the
rights of the Federal Government and those reecrv-
ed to the States. Revolution actually exists, and
We must deal with stern and unyiedng facts. Six
Of our sister States have shot mady and hurriedly
from their accustomed orbits and longer revolve
around our Federal governmental center. The
" sweet wreath Of our Union has been unbound, /"
universal disrust and widespread pecuniary disas-
ter pcryades every circle Of society and all the
ocatons Of ife and il is the first and highest duty
Of patriot aud Representative to address himself
to the task of composing the differences which have
produced these baneful consequences.


Mr. Speaker, there is no man who has lees SYM
psthy with the hasty and reckless Of sis
ter States OF the South. in their wild scheme of
disunion, than myself They have been rash and
precipitate in their action and have refused even to
advise and consult with Of the border slave States
whose interests were to be 30 materially affected by
their action but in delirium of excitement which
seems to have oycrborne their reason they have
rushed msdly on, reckless OF consequences to them
selves or others. And without stopping to refute
the political heresy Of secession, under cover Of
which they seek to shelter themselves | content
myself with the declaration that believe it has
warrant in the Constitution of the United States.
think, sir, that when our forefsthers adopted our
present form OF Government they intended that it
should be enduring, and were not guilty Of the folly
OF leaving reserved right in any one Of the States
to destroy the very Government they ordained, and
consequently every right which was expressly del
gated to IT, do believe however, in the sacred
right of revolution; aud whenever any government
becomes oppressive to its citizens it is well their
right as it is their solemn duty to throw it off and
establish such form Of government as is consonant
with their honor, liberty, and interests. This is the
right our fathers exercised when they threw off the
yoke of British domination and tyranny; and this
is the word they used to describe it. 1t is the bold
er and mAnicr word, and sayors of the spirit of
lT7G. deny the constitutional right of any State
10 secede from the Union, but affirm the nalienabe,
Inherent right of every free in it to revolution
IKE his Government whenever it becomes oppress-
i've and destructive Of the ends for which it was
formed.


But sir, in order to get at the irus cause Of the
revolution now in progress in the Gulf States, it 10
necessary to revert to the initial point. Why this
dissatisfaction among whole communities in the
South! ls there no. cause for it, or does it exist
alone in the distempered imsginings o Southern
gentlemen1 Let US arrive alta correct diagnosis Of
this political disease and If possible eradicate it.
Northern gentlemen ask for specification Of south
wrongs and grievances and declare readiness to
congdar thaD1 Thu axief hat
the two sections, in my judgment, sir, consists not
30 much in any particular acts OF the Northern
States, although could enumerate many which are
violatVe both Of the Constitution Of the United
States and the rights Of property Of citejs Of the
6outhern States, but in the fact that overshadow


ing and dominant party has arisen in the free States
Of this Union the leading, vital, and controlling
principle Of which is hostility to slavery, with the
avowed aud openly declared policy that the para
mount domestic institutions Of the southern States
shall be forever excluded from the terrific
ries aud declares in the most deliberate and we'll
considered resolves of both conventions and Lcgis-
latures that slavery is great moral and politiCa
evil, and rs such, should be abolished wherever the
Federal Government has the power, under the Con
stituton, to do so and, with this one idea Of anti
slavery, IA a common party vinculum, have nom
mated and elected President and Vice President o
the United States, both residing in free States anC
have succeeded in consolidating the entire North il
their support.


The free States, with a system of labor diSsimila
To that OF the slave States have large majority il
every department of the Government; and the Re
publican party now controls evey free State in th


Union-the free States being nineteen, while th


slave States are but fifteen. This is new phase il
the politics Of the country; and the slave State
being the weaker, are at the mercy Of the dominan
section. This, sir, Is the trae Of unessineS
and distrust on the part of the South. They know
their weakness and your power and it is from tn
syowed hostility Of the dominant section to one o
the most cherished institutions Of the weaker sec


ton that this apprehension and anxiety springs


And ii is for this reason you see southern men ask


ing further constitutional guarantees and a NOR


explicit recognition OF their peculiar institution


--slavery--in the organic law Of our Govern


mcnt.


And this brings me, sir, to the consideration c


tAc several propositions now before tie House; an


shall discuss them in the order in which They stan


for aeticn FIRST, the proposed amendments Il


the Constitution, offered by Mr. Crittenden in tn


Senate, and moved in this House by Mr.. Clemens
of Virginia as an amendment to the proposition
of the Committee Of thrty-three; which provide


as follows;


I'VE here omit the Cgittsnden Amendments, q


as We have inserted them in two previous issues


The first and most important of these propose


amendments TO the Constitution establishes tue oil


Missouri Compromise line by constitutional amend


ment--the Supreme Court having decided that
i, could not be done by congressional enactment. M
Speaker, in order that we may properly understan
, aud appreciate the present status of the shaver


question, connected with the Territories, 1t is M
, cessary that We shall take hurried glance at ou


territorial policy since the formation of our govern


ment and see if we can deduce from it any prime
- plcs of equitable compromise, on which we can a


honoraby and consistently act, and settle our pre-


ent differences.


In 1888, when our treaty Of peace was made wit
e Great Britain, by which our independence as a nj


ton Was secured to us and Acknowledged by th


Power, no State now free owned one acre of lar
- outside Of It's then boundary as a State; nor d
" one of them eede TO the General Government OF
: foot Of land The States now known as the sa'
" J, States Of the Union, own an aggregate territory
~ 638,0l6 square miles; and the States known as Il
: free States al aggregate Of territory Of 1896


square mle,--the now slave States owning 4s6, 3!


square miles more territory than the now free Stat
the slave Rtatal owning nearly fOur times as mu