Year: 1863




ing at Springfield:


There are those who are dissatisfied with
me. To such / would say, You desire
peace, and you blame me that we do not
have it. But how can we attain it? There
are but three conceivable ways: First, to
suppress the rebellion by force of arms
This am trying to do. Are you for it? If
you are, so far we are agreed. If you are
not for it, we are not agreed, A second way
is to give up the Union. am against this .
If you are, you should say so plainly. If
you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution,
there only remains some imaginary com
promise. I DO not believe that any COM
promise embracing the maintenance of the
Union is now possible.


In our judgment, not only is this analysis
incomplete, but the element left out is the
very one upon which the attention of all
thoughtful patriots is now fixed with especial
earnestness. We mean the coupling of
policy with force by positive and solemn
assurance to the people in rebellion, that,
whenever they return to their allegiance,
they shall be protected in all tn cir constitu-
tiona! rights, as such rights were understood
and declared by the national authorities at
the outset of the war. Let the President
add the element of sound policy to the ele-
ment of necessary force, the great body of
"those who are dissatisfied" with him will
be satisfied. The combination of these two
elements is what the conservatives of the
country demand as the true solution of the
promblem of peace. 1t is the very thing
they demand. They do not demand any
compromise except the compromise of the
constitution; they reject every other COM
promise; they do not admit the power of the
President to offer any other. Mr.. Lincoln's
cyra ant in fO fha i
biiity of present compromise is purely irre-
levant. 1t is shot fred in the air. It is
blow dealt at phantom. Nay. it is worse,
inasmuch as it suggests the inference that
Mr.. Lincoln believes he has the power to
compromise extra constitutionally wi tn the
people in ion, and that he is not un-
willing to exercise the power according to
his views as soon as the exercise shall be-
come practicable. This suggestion is un-
happily strengthened by Mr.. Lincoln's very
remarkable pretermission of the only way
of attaining peace which excludes all terms
of compromise except the terms of the con-
stitution, and by his significant declaration
that "the promise of freedom" to the slaves
of the South 'beiug made must be kep'."
All together, the conclusion seems irresisti-
BILE that Mr.. Lincoln's own way of attaining
peace is com pounded of the first and last Of





he appears to be for suppressipg the rebel
lion by force, and then com promising with
the people of the South on terms that will
guarantee the execution Of "the promise of
freedom" to the slaves. In other words, be
appears to be for ultimately negotiating
peace Oh the basis of the proclama alton, in
stead of rendering peace at any time on the
simple basis of the constitution. This is
apparently Mr.. Lincoln's way of attaining
peace. But this is Lot the way Of an over
whelming majority of the 10y al people of
the Union. 1t is the radical not the con-
servative way.


The conservative way is frankly to offer
peace on the basis of the constitution, and
to fight simply until the constitution is ac-
eepted. This is the way which the con-
servatves Of the country are now vigorously
urging Mr.. Lincoln to adopt by proclama
tion of amnesty or by some equivalent act
or at any rate by some act that involves the
assurance of exemption from the extraordi-
nary penalties of con6scation and emanci-
patton on the condition of return to alle-
glance. The conservatives of the country
appeal to the President to throw open the
doors of the constitution to the people in
rebellion, so that they lay see that the path
of their return is clear and free. The con-
servatives invoke the President by a high
act of Justice and of magnanimity to support
our triumphant arms by stimulating the
people in rebellion to revolt against their
wickek leaders and to come back to their
old allegiance. In short the conservatives
urge the President to add conciliatou toI
coercion without su ubtracting from coercion.
Such is the conservative way of attaining
pence. We need not point out the un-
equalled and glorious advantages OF this way.
They are patent; and besides, they have
been set forth heretofore time and again by
ourselves and by others, as they will be
hereafter, if necessary. Our purpose in this
relation now is to adduce not any arguments
of our own but the authority of that peer
less statesman and patriot who has just de-
parted from the midst of US crowned by the
love and veneration of his country men. Mr..
Critterdeu spent in this city the greater part
of the fortnight preceding his death, and
every friend who visited him during his stay
here, and conversed with him at all on
public affairs, can bear witness to his ex-
ceediug anxiety that the President should
at once second tn recent victories of our
arms by proclamation of amnesty or by
some act of like effect, but it is not so gen.
orally known, that. prompted by his absorb
ing so,icitude on the subject, he had resolved
to address private letter to the President,
urging him without delay to take this step.
Yet such is the fact. as is we'll known to 9
number of the friends of Mr.. Crittenden in
cluding the writer Of this article. 10 re-
spouse to a very kind message from Mr..
Crittenden. we called upon him the evening
before he left for his home at Frankfort.
when he introduced the subject of his reso-
luton privately to address the President
concerning proclamation Of am nesty, spoke
Of the deep interest he fel; in the adoption
of such a measure in this hour OF our mill
tary triumph, declared his firm conviet'on
that more than all other agencies beside Is
would serve to bring the war to a speedy
close and at the same time pave the way to