Year: 1862

the tropics, so that, even under existing
conditions, il is but q question Of time;
and that il will free itself when it Rets
there, we have also seen, 80 irresistible Il
natural law. Mr.. Lincoln only proposes
to obey this natural law and facilitate lie
operation. 1t is the disregard of IL which
has created the disorder under which the
body polite is now suffering. Can il be
doubted that the fever will abate rapidly
when his policy is adopted? And, in.
deed, such is the nature of the case that
l feel warranted in saying that the dis
turbance will cease as soon as il is known
that the nation has accepted Mr.. Lincoln's
policy, and before single negro has left
the Union. The outbreak, as / have al
ready said, sprang from the convictions
in the common mind in the disturbed 70.
gion that the negroes were to be liberated
and put npon an equal footing with the
whites. The mere idea Of this amalga-
nation was instrumental in producing the
rebellion. There was no actual emanci-
patton. The idea of the separation of
the race is q complete antidote to that
poison. II is the duty of the national
government to make the provision Mr..
Lincoln recommends. That government
alone has the control Of our external re-
lations, and therefore the States could
never be relieved of this race without
the action of the Federal government.
And will take the occasion to say that,
in my judgment, the representatives Of
the North will very soon find they will be
called on to act by their own people
The oontrabands are going North, and 10
will soon be demonstrated, think, that
the working men of the South do NOS
differ from their brethren of the North,
in desiring that this population shall be
provided with more suitable home than
is to be found among the white populs-
ton. The wisdom Of Mr.. Lineoln's
policy will vindicats Itself thea, and not
before.


The efficacy of Mr.. Lincoln's PROPOSE
tion to give peounisry aid to such Of the
States as may wish TO embrace the sman-
cipation policy is also questioned. II
that proposition stood alone, there would
be reason for this. And it is because
the venerable gentleman from Kentucky
[Mr. Wickliffel who believe truly re-
fleets the feelings Of tho Union slave
holders of his State and section, did not
consider it only as part of the Psssi-
dents policy, that he regarded it with
disfavor. i judge SO, indeed, without
having conferred with him upon the sub
ject; but I feel some confidence in the
opinion, because while he differed on
other points Of public policy with his
brother, the late Robert
Wickliffe, upon matters pertaining to
slavery, there was, believe, an accord
snce of views. If / am right in this i'm.
preston, then l am authorized to say
that the views of the President, taken %
a whole, will be accepted by that gentle
man; for i received letter from his
brother in 1858, warmly sustaining those
views as explained by me in my speech Of
that year; and / will take occasion to say
that although Mr.. Robert Wickliffes WAS
never member of Congress, or other
wise engaged in administering the Fede.
raj government, yet he was among the
foremost of those extraordinary states
men and lawyers who have rendered the
State of Kentucky SO illustrious in the
history of the Union. He was the COM
peer of the great John Breckenridge,
Henry Clay, Hardin, Bledsoe, and other
great minds who nave passed from the
scene.


! am not of those who believe that il
is impossible for this government to put
down this rebellion and emancipate the
slaves or make any other disposition of
them which may seem good. That opin-
ion has been put forward generally by
those who did not wish to see the re-
bellion put under foot. 1 observe that
much has been said by the English press
to the effect that this government could
never subjugate the seeded States, and
we can appreciate the sincerity of their
declarations when we consider that the


British government itself holds nearly
two hundred millions of people in the


very condition to which some of its pub
lie men declare that this government can.
not subject the seeded States. As far 90
physical power is concerned, I have
never doubted the ability Of this govern
ment to reduce the seeded States, and
subject them to any terms we may choose
to dictate; but contend that we cannot
subjugate them without maintaining q
vast army and without changing the very
form Of our government.


We cannot emaacipate the slaves Of
the South and maintain them in the oon-
dition of freemen upon the soil Of those
States, without the presence Of an i'm.
mense force equal to that which is re-
quired to set them free. IL csnnet Be
done, because no law can be executed
which is against the sense of the people
of community, without the application
Of force. This is illustrated by the fugi-
tive slave law, which is held to be oonsti.
tutional, and which is scquiesced in By


very large majority of the people Of the


North, and yet il has been svaded and
resisted, and its execution in almost every
given instance costs the government


more than the value Of the slave rendered


up under IT, This is because the Law il


repugnant to tho moral sense Of large


body of the northern people.


How will you execute . decree Of


emancipation which win set free the