Year: 1865

The ". Y. Times has letter Of the
Both ult. from its regular Paris CORE
spondent, in which he says;


"The unanimity which prevails in the
Liberal party in France, in condemning
the measures of rigor adopted by our
Government against the leaders Of the
Rebellion, is due in part to the fact that
they do not wish to see precedent es-
tablished which ons day may be brought
TO bear on them. In case of an unsuc-
cesstul rebellion at Paris, the Emperor
might, with show Of fairness, point to
the execution OF Davis aud the fourteen
cafegorieS' of the Amnesty Proclamation
as the rule and guide of his action and,
as his precedents drawn from the great
model republic, the Republicans of France
could not complain"


ID The fact that the Liberal Progressive
party of France---and not of France only,
but of all Europe-are most anxious that
our Government should evince conspic-
uous magnanimity and lenity in its whole
treatment of our defeated Rebels, is no
where disputed. 1t seems to us of the
gravest significance. The European
Democrats, J, but especially those of France,
have had large experience of Rebellions
and Revolutions, and that experience has
taught that olemenoy to the vanquished
! is not less wise than humane. They are
our friends; they speak to us under the
impulse of a common sympathy in great
cause-that Of Universal Freedom.
Shall they not be kindly, thoughtfully
needed? They knoaO that severity here
would be held precedent and justihca-
ton for severity in dealing with the van
quished insurgents in any Liberal revolt
in Europe. and that they urge nothing
effectual against this. Can you suppose
that Order" and Religion" and
Society,"" do not afford as plausible
excuses for severity as Liberty" and
"Union ?"
But we beg our European friends to
Judge us by our acts, not by our words.
We are people given to oratory, and
our bark is apt to be good deal worse
than our bite. President Johnson's
fourteen grounds of exception from his
general amnesty are formidable on paper;
but very few Of those who evince spirit
of hearty acquiescenee in the National
triumph, of submission to the National
authority, have anything to fear.


The real difficulty of our position is
one which our European friends can
hardly apprehend, because it is entirely
outside Of their experience. The foe
which SO venomously sprung at the throat
of the Republic was Slavery. That foe
we must throttle in turn there is neither
peace nor security Tor us otherwise. 1t is
not enough to expsl 1t from our laws, as
we already so nearly have done-we
have also to eliminate its virus from the
lifeblood of half our people. Tens of
thousands Of these part with their life
long mastery over their slaves more re-
luctantly, haltingly, regretfully, than
they would part with their teeth-than
the drunkard Bids final adieu to his
bottle. Life without slaves seems to them
divested of all its poetry. its comfort, its
consequence, its hopes. "A laborer or
servant (or as French democrat would
say, an "auxiliary'') whom they may
not fog, but must pay for his work, they
regard very much as a Montmorency or
Conde would hail the advent of universal,
inexorable Communism after the Icarian
pattern. We must have patience with
these, and yet we must cure them oftheir
inveterate selfdelusion-their temporarily
invincible longing to return to social
order which has passed away forever.
Our situation is one of great difficulty,
yet hopeful and improving. So, friends
abroad, continue to favor us with your
counsel, your, sympathy, but withhold
your Judgment till you see how we get
on. vs .jte.t al. t...


Let them 60.


A few of the malcontents of the South