Year: 1865

| beginning of the war, has treated the
United States with a diabolical malignity
and unfairness, is now trying to persuade
its public that we mean to make war on


England as soon as the present war is
closed. By incessant reiterations of


warnings and threats, it has succeeded in
persuading several of the liberal journals


to discuss the subject seriously, and has


even provoked brief debate in ParIia-


ment, which we are glad to say was also


moderate What the Times aims at is to
produce the belief that fixed resolution
prevails at Washington to fasten some


quarrel upon the imperial government,
knowing that when the anticipation of


war becomes general, the fact of war is
! likely to follow.


That apprehensions of war from this


side of the Atlantic should prevail in


certain circles in England, is not sur
prising. When they reflect upon the


course which the ruling classes have


pursued since the outbreak of the slave


holders conspiracy, it Is natural that they


should expect some kind of retaliation.


But they have yet to learn that democ-


acy, while it educates men into jealous


sensitiveness of their rights, educates
| them also In intelligence, in justice, and


in moderation. We feel the offences of
| British opinion but we know they are


mostly moral offences, that are not just
grounds of war Even the damages in


hicted by the piratical crafts built IN En-
glish shipyards and manned by English


tars, though we might make them proper


ly the occasion for a demand of repara-
ton, are yet of a kind best adjusted by


negotiation or by reference to an impartial
arbitrator Much as we have been out
ragged, we shall not alter our conduct to-


ward foreign nations. In the case of Great


Britain, especially, we shall be cautious


not to play into the hands of the aris-


tocracy, and thesmall band of secession


lists standing behind it, who would both
likely to profit by involving US in war


with strong foreign nation.


| No true American, whatever may be


his feelings toward the aristocracy of
! England, will forget that the great body


of the people, that the large middle, and


nearly all of the working classes, that the


many liberal statesmen, and the fearless
| radical leaders-in short, that the honest,


manly, disin terested sentiment of the ma
ton, has been warmly on the side of the


North. 1t was seen from the outset, by
the poor, starving laborers of the manu-


featuring districts, no less clearly than
by the Mills, the Brights, the Cobdens,
the Fosters, and others Of cultivated
Judgment and insight, that the battle in
the United States was a struggle for con-


stitutional government, for the rights of
the people against an upstart slave oil
garchy, and for the civilization of liberty
against the barbarism of bondage and
they have never sWerved in their devotion
to the just cause. In the midst of pow
erty, suffering and death, they preserved
their fidelity to their own convictions,
thus giving to mankind a grand example


of heroic virtue; while the superior


classes, as they are called-the merchants


in their selfshness, and the mobiles in
their narroWness and arrogance-Were


helping forward, by arms, money, and ap-


plause, the accursed cause of the slave
holder, and trying to embroil the two


foremost nations of the civilized world in


la bloody and destructive war. For this
we owe the people not only our admira-
ton, but our gratitude, and in the prac-
tical sphere, such shaping of our
| national policy as will best promote their
advancement and interests, rather than
the advancement and interests of our
common enemies.


, At the present time, we conceive that


the best revenge that can be inflicted upon


the privileged classes of Great Britain, is


to leave the example of our success in


the civil war to its uninterrupted and


natural effects upon popular opinion


We have so demonstrated the power
: of the repu bile in asserting its
integrity that henceforth republican
: principles have acquired a new impetus
and a new vigOr. The fond predictions
of the minions of despotism and privilege
have come to naught. The great repub-
!, lie is not dead nor dying; the experiment


of self-government has not miscarried
the ''stupendous bubble of democracy,
as the Times called it, has not burst i
their hopes and sayings and Ominous out
, givings have failed; but we shall come out
of the trial. the heaviest and severest to
which a nation was ever subjected
3 stronger in power and more lustrous IL
glory than ever before. The strength
T the stability, the elasticity, the virtue OF
! popular rule will have been proved in the
: hottest fires of civil conflict, before which
other institutions, less vital than ours
would have melted away.


This fact cannot be concealed from the


masses of England. It will become g


mighty weapon in the hands of the pop
? ular leaders; it must settle the question
| of an extensive franchise, for which the
: working classes have so long contended
D it must undermine the ascendency of the
t aristocracy, both in legislation and opin.
: ion; and it must give complete and fna
= victory, sooner or later, to the opponents
] of the hereditary system, to the advocate
s of universal liberty and justice. In oul
2 view, that result would be a more certain
t and glorious one than any that could bt
a accomplished by war, and to that result
E we believe, the great body of our,people arr
a willing to leave it, as the best vindica
s ton of their resentments, and as tht
e noblest triumph of their cause abroad
J. | N. Y. EUeniRQ Post