smithclay/nortonstories huggingface dataset:
Year: 1862

Lay down the axe; fling by the spade
Leave in it's track the toiling plow;
The rifle and the bayOnet blade
For arms like yours were filter now.
And let the hands that ply the pen
Quit the light desk, and learn to WELD
The horsemans crooked brand, and rein
The charger on the battlefield.
Our country calls: away! away!
To where the blood stream blots the green.
Strike to defend the gentlest sway
That time in all his course has seen.
See, from a thousand coverts-see
Spring the armed foes that haunt her track;
They rush to smite her down, and we
Must beat the banded traitors back.
Ho! sturdy as the oaks ye cleave,
And moved as soon to fear and flight,
Men of the glade and forest! leave
Your woodcraft for the field of fight.
The arms that WELD the axe must pour
An iron tempest on the foe;
His serried ranks shall reel before


The arm that lays the panther low.
And ye who breast the mountain storm,
In grassy steep or Highland lake,
Come for the land ye love to form
A bulwark that no foe can break.
Stand, like your own gray cliffs that mock
The whirlwind; stand in her defence;





AS rushing squadrons bear ye thence.
And ye whose homes are by her grand
Swift rivers, rising far away,
Come from the depth of her green land
As mighty in your march as they;
AS terrible as when the rains


Have swelled them over bank and bourne,
With sudden floods to drown the plains,
And sweep along the woods uptorn.
And ye who throng, beside the deep,
Her ports and hamlets of the strand
In number like the waves that leap
On his long murmuring marge of sand.
Come, like that deep, when O'er his brim
He rises, all his floods to pour,
and filings the proudest barks that swim
A helpless wreck against his shore.
Few, few were they whose swords of old
Won the fair land in which we dwell;
But we are many, we who hold


The grim resolve to guard it we'll.
Strike for that broad and goodly land,
Blow after blow, till men shall see
That Might and Right move hand in hand,
And glorious must their triumph he.
Year: 1862

saries do in the case of Blr. Tremain: we
quote from Seymour's speech which his friends
are circulating to-day as document in aid of
his election. And we say that any and every
attempt in the face of this testimony, to rep
resent him as hearty, whoe.souled supporter
Of the War for the Union, is a palpable fraud,
which ought to recoil fearfuly upon its con.
tIiyers
Year: 1862

THE WrIEIY TRIBUNE Las the largest circulation
of,nv pespsrer in this country If not in the world 1t is
taken by the enerprisiis farmers mechanics merchants and
Manufacturers throughout all the loyal States and business
men In this city who desire to reach those classes can do so
quite efecsuay by advertising in THE WEEKLY Tribune


Price 81 line Advertisements for this weeks issue must
be handed in to-day
Year: 1862

posed Gen. Buffers Southern expedition
until overruled by the War Department;
why he kept promising to move onward,
and never did until the President had re-
peated twice or thrice positive orders to
do SO; and why, when he did so, he per-
mitted himself to repeat the farce OF the
King of France in marching up the Hill
and then marching down again That
all these and many more similar things
are true OF his course as commandcr-in-
chief, | have the most abundant reason
to believe.


That he has almost sinned away, by
postponement and inaction. his day OF
grace with the President and Cabinet, those
most cognizant Of the opinions of the lat
ter sufficiently know. The new Secreta-
ry Of War, Mr.. Stanton, has been growing
IN impatience with aud enlargement from
him, ever since he assumed that Office !;
and but for the President cautious policy
It is quite likely Gen. MeClellaa would
have been dethroned from the leadership
OF the army of the Potomac. There was
tremendous pressure from the Senate
and portion of the Cabinet for change
but the President was firm, and said that
though he had relieved him from the gen.
eral command, in part because he was not
satisfied with his course. he had confidence
HAT now he has taken the field Mt the
head OF his especial division of the army,
he would push forward the campaign as
rapidly as possible, and prove worthy of
the position.


There is sensible abatement 10 the last
few days in the assaults upon Gen. Nc
Clellan. He is in the feld and acting,
and while his opponents must acquiesee
IN the Presidents decision to give him !
chance to renew the public faith in his
ability and wisdom, his friends cannot
feip feeling that his reputation hangs up
on the future Of war. He has certainly
so far trifed with his own opportunities
a. to put his reputation and position at
the hazard of an incident. He cannot
stand up under a failurc-be that failure,
even, the result of no fault of his own
And herein is his seyerest self criticism,
for no man, public or private, has the
right to place himself or let himself be
placed where he cannot stand up before
the public against the accident of single
occasion. No man in America ever had
saeh opportunities as Gen. Mcclellan
10 no man was ever given SO generously
or SO fully such public faith. That, he
and his friends accepted. treasured, secre-
ted. They must not complain now,
If the same public exact as generously as
they gave generously.
Year: 1862

The hand writing is on the rebel
Confederacy's wall. 1t must be per-
fectly Ineligible to every rebel that
can read writing.


There's glory in fighting for our
country, and shame in holding back
Choose ye between glory and shame.


gAll men are kings BY birth, for
no man is born without erOtcn to his
head.


TheGrensda Appeal says there isn't
enough hemp in the country to hang
half of the rebels that the Federal
Government threatens to hang. But
has the Appeal duly calculated how
many rebels each rope may throttle be-
fore becoming unfit for servicef


It Is said that our army drsgs after
it six thousand army wagons. No won
der it has so often proved too slow to
catch anybody.
When we hear from any particular
poipt that the enemy has been hemmed
in on alI sides and cannot possibly es'
cane, we are apt to conclude that the
next news will be that the enemy has
escaped.


Every epauletted fellow strutting
about the streets when he is able to be
on duty should have his spurs hacked
of as unceremoniously a. one would
hack of those of cowardly rooster.


Men may think It important to at.
tend to their business and take care OF
their estates, but what will their bust'
ness and their estates be worth II this
rebellion shall triumph


If officers of the army we're not dis.
missed from the service with too grea.
haste, probably there wouldn't be hait
so many Festorslions.


We shouldn't. wonder. II the r.bel
were TO hang a few hundred Of THEN
own spies for fooling them in regard 10
the feelings Of the people Of Maryland


We will only say In regard to mili
tsry affairs in Kentucky, that q tremer
dous bag is opening wide Its mouth.


The rebels in the interior have stolen
a great many boots, but we look for
Buell. to jerk them out Of 'em.


Some OF the rebels that are captured
are discharged too soon. They should
be put into big gun FIRST.


Ir hunger, as they say, "esn eas
through stone wal" We should think
that bravery might eat through Stone
wall Jackson and his army.


If the men In sll our cities would
turn out and close the war. they
vouldn't so often be called on 10 close
their places Of business.
Year: 1862

. lishrnen. Of Southern Confsdersoy.


The Southern rebels themselves do noe
desire division P~ o.. they would
much prefer to have the Union main
tanned II only they could be permitted
, to rule il. At The outset of the rebell-
ion it was said that Secretary Chase ad.
vocated division in preference to war.


but he found little support, and has


long since, We believe, abandoned that


position. So that at this moment We


know absolutely no party, and no con.


siderable number Of men who regard


dissolution as admissible In any case.


The loyal people Of the whole country


viii light as long as they have q man


or dollar left to maintain the Union.


The "Pescemen" would surrender the


Government 10 jeff Davis and the


South rather than consent % disunicnS


and the rebels themselves prefer q ami
ted country. il they can only make its
destiny subserVient to their interest.


The English, therefore, ih urging q
separation encounter the most power
full sentiment Of the American people.
They demand what is most odious and
abhorrent to the national instinct. The
Americans four English friends may
have heard are proud. ambitious
race, eager for power and consideration
in the world, and reluctant, even beyond
the average, to descend to the level Of
third-rate nation. They will not will
lingly turn away their eyes from those
visions Of Empire which have dazzled
them so long-and they know perfectly
well that unity is the indispensable
condition of making them real.


Every consideration which can effect
the action Of great communities, the
memories and glories Of the past, the
bright anticipations Of the future, the
dreams of the patriot and the hopes of
the ambitious and sspirihg-everything
which can stir the patriotic passions
Of a youthful and energetic nstions
prompts to the preservation Of the
Union at whatever sacrifice Of personal
opinion and temporary convenience.
bC PcdCc poIlgt mOi SO'Cib W "hiSH
The Times relies, understands perfectly
that without unity there can be no peace,
aud that q division Of the Union only
lays the foundation for endless wars.


Our English advisers will do well to
consider this aspect Of the matter lit
lie. They may find it advisable to di-
rect their efforts to some object which Is
more attainable than this, Of dividing
The Union. What the future may have
in store for US we do not know. We
may conquer the South, and bring them
back to their allegiance. We may be
BY them, or even betrayed
into their HANDS, sud compelled again
10 come under the Southern yoke; or
we may struggle for years to come in
wars. Each Of these alter
natives is infinitely more probable than
he consent of the American people to
he disruption and destruction of the
American republic; and this fact John
Bull will do well to lay to hearty
7. Times.
Year: 1862

Arbitrary Arrests---Extraet from SenntOr


Ressenden's Speech


Prom the very able speech by Senator
Fessenden, of Maine, upon the Presidents
Message, we extract the following regard
ing arrests by order Of the President. He
said


q The President did not take an oath to
support the Constitution. He takes an
oath to protect, preserve, and defend the
Constitution These are the words. Or
dinarily all the other officers Of the Gov
ernment take an oath to support the Con-
stitution. But shall not be put in the
position Of saying that therefore he has
right to violate it. I say no such thing.
What do say is this, that it is his para
mount duty TO protect preserve and de-
fend the Constitution, and if an occasion
arises when in order to protect, preserve
and defend that great instrument, without
which the Union dies, he is compelled in
his judgment to violate the rights of an
individual citizen for time, can any one
suppose that he ought to hesitate for a sim
gle instant in doing so2 I know gentle
men appeal to that clause Of the Constitu-
tion which says no man shall be deprived
Of life and liberty or properly without
due process Of law, and they infer that
when the President arrests a man without
due process Of law, that he is depriving
him Of liberty. Granted; but suppose in
his Judgment and the judgment of all
other men, the time arrives when some Of
the individual rights of the citizen should
be violated for time, in order TO preserve
the instrument itself, is it not the duty of
the President at once to take that step2
l think no man will dispute that. | put
the question to my honorable friend from
Kentucky (Mr. Powell who is one of he
most amiable and best natured men in the
world, should judge, what he would do
in q case, if there was no other mode in
which he could prevent the commission of
q great crime, which would be deadly, per-
haps, to the nation itself; and after time,
in which my friend exhibited great skill
in fencing, he pretty much said he would
not do such thing if he was the Presi-
dent, l would not vote for him for Presi-
dent Let me put another question. You
have no right, as q private man, to de-
priVe any other man Of liberty. But sup
pose you had good reason to believe that
enc Of your neighbors intended to murder
another, and there was no other way to
preventit, would you not put the strong
hand upon him, without due process Of
law2


Mr.. Powell-Does the Senator want an
answer noW2


Mr.. Fessenden-The Senator can do as
he pleases.


Mr.. POWELL can't tell precisely what
1 would do. fl thought a man was about
to assault Senator, l would keep close to
him, and if saw any intimation Of it,
would seize him if had the power, and 1
would even kill him before 1 would allow
him to kill Senator.


Mr.. Fessenden-I think the Senator
would venture little further, and if he
had 8 stOutrope, 1 think he would tie him
upon his own responsibility. Mr.. F. then
eontended at some length that no one could
believe the President was not honest in
his motives, that the people Of the country
did not believe IT, and that it was his duty
to act upon his belief when the life Of the
nation was at stake.
Year: 1862

Some months ago, lad who was pu-
pill in the Seminary at Williamsport, Penn
sylvania, enlisted and came to the West
with the Anderson Troop. Being under
age, his mother wrote to him to know if he
desired her to commence proceedings with
view to his discharge from the service,
and received his answer, asking her to de-
sist from such undertaking, in these pa
triOtic words;


E's You wish to know IL like the life.
Certainly not. Inever expectedto, but am
much better pleased than I even anticipa-
ted. did not enter the army because 1
thought would like it, but enlisted simply
out Of q sense of duty. ] am Northerner
by birth; all my interests in this world
are there, and was reared and educated
under the American flag, the glorious " old
stars and stripes, and / could not stand
as s casual witness Of the downfall Of
that flag without raising my arm in its de-
Tense; 1 could not see our glorious Union
totter and fall without rushing to its res
cue. You had four sons, and out Of those
four was the only one able to obey my
cOuntry's call, the only one capable Of de-
fsnding the rights Of our Constitution
aud this is the reason entered the army
Sc do not again ask me If like it, or if 1
want to be taken out at your commands"


The Philadelphia Press says this young
dragoon is q native Of Harrisburg, where
srme Of his kindred now reside, whilst
many Of his name sleep in the old church
yard at Paxton, a historic spot three
miles from the capital Of Pennsylvania.
Year: 1862

General Burnside Ruined in Business by


the HiIluiny of RlOyd---His Honorable


Conduct


The stOry of Burnside's honorable deal
ings with his creditors, showing that the
reliable, ambitious lad was the father of
the honest man, we find thus told in Har-
per's Weekly:


ain SO he resigned his rank in the army
and devoted his time and energy to the
manufacture Of the famous rifle which
bears his name. When Buchanan was
elected to the Presidency, his Secretary Of
War, Floyd, agreed with Burnside to arm
large portion of the army with his rife
and induced him to establish extensive
factories for its manufacture. The works
were no sooner completed than another
gunmaker offered Floyd pecuniary in
ducements to break his contract with
Burnside, who was ruined in consequence.
Assigning all his property to his creditors
Burnside came to this city without dol
lar, sold his sword and uniform in Chat
ham street, and went west in search Of
employment. He found it in the Office of
the Illinois Central, where, as soon as his
energies and capacities became known, he
received q salary Of $1,000 a year. OF
this sum he paid one-half regularly to his
creditors, until, by the help Of timely
legacy, he was enabled to hquidate his
debts in full"
Year: 1862

The Journal says that a private
letter from an officer now with
our army in Northern Virginia
to a relative in WILMINGTON, con-
ours in the opinion of our cores
pondent there. He thinks there
is no appearance of an immediate
fight. But Burnside must obey
orders, and orders from Yankee
headquarters at Washington are
to advance at all hazards. There
is a political necessity for it which
cannot be evaded.
Year: 1862

A correspondent estimates the
yearly loss to the Confederacy of
young and manageable men by
the war at 100000. This carries
with it the loss as old maids of the
same number Of marrlagcable wo-
men. lie says:


1t would seem as if the time
spoken Of by Isaiah was about to
lie realized by the women Of the
South:


sAnd in that day seven women
shall take hold of one man, saying:
We will eat our own bread, and
wear our own apparel, only let us
be called by thy name, to take
away our reproach.


This anticipation is discoura-
ging enough, and we do not know
which are most to be pitied-the
women or the remaining men.


The following, which we find
going the rounds of our exchanges
is somewhat consolatory:


SupeyaJuadance Of Mea.-There
is, according to the census, an ex-
cess of 733,25S males over females
IN the former United States. The
fact is noteworthy, and ought to
quiet the apprehensions of those
who feared the war would cause an
undue preponderance OF women at
Ter peace was declared. No mat
ter how bloody the war may be,
OF how long it lasts, it cannot make
way with three-quarters OF a mil
lion of lives, The waste of life
NAV make the sexes nearly even;
but even then we shall be better
off than ENGLAND, where the fe-
males are in excess by nearly a
million, and the social problem OF
the day is how to provide them
with husbands.
Year: 1862

.


ag The most iinitolerable curse possible to be
inflicted npon any community is ignorant and
unfaithful public officers-officers who cannot
lift themselves above partizan prejudices-
whose minds are so weak, and of a calibre so
small. as not to enable them to discriminate
between their acts as private individuals and
as sworn public officers. Some such, of both
high and low degree, we haze in this county,
whose course We shall take occasion, at some
more opportune moment, to comment upon.


In connection, however, it may not be amiss
to men mention that serious complaints reach us
Of the conduct of various Post Masters, par
ticcularly of those at Funkstown and Indian
Spring. Fair play, gentlemen, or we'll hand
you over in company with the necessary doc
uments, to our particular friend, your Master
at Washington, for inspection.
Year: 1862

RG@ AT large Democratic meeting held in
New York, on Friday night last, John Van
Buren addressed the vast assemblage and ex-
planned the why and wherefore of his recent
visit to the President matter which has oc-
casioned much speculation in the political
world. Among other good things he said, we
extract the following as being particularly
pointed. He said!


This city stands now, with all its intelli-
gence, enterprise, activity and wealth, beside
the Union, in opposition to abolition. and with
our solidity force and poYer that tsrrifes
these people who are opposed to us, that puts
an end to this idea of arbitrary arrests, and
teaches the Government that their real danger
lies in the act of ovsrstepping the laws of ihe
Constitution. So long as the officials 60 ih
strict conformity to the laws, they may be al
lowed to linger out a sick1y existence to the
they dspaiA ahiAeit official term; but the moment
right they resolve society into It's origfdaleso of
ments and they give notice to us, who have
physical force mot only that physical force rests
with the governed, but that resistance TO ty-
rants is obedience to God


The real security of Mr.. Lincoln and his
Cabinet, and the men who are now admins
tering the Government of this country, lies in
their faithful obedience to the Constitution.
The moment they depart one line from it they
resolve society into its original elements and
make it a question of physical force; and in this
community, and in New jersey, with its Ia 'Ooo
majority for the Democratic ticket, and in
portions of New YORK oJavv, If tL.y transcend
in one line the letter the written Constitution
1 would not answer for the personal safety of
any man connected with the Government who
should set his foot on our territory. They have
talked of arresting prominent men on our eide
They have spoken at times of arresting me.
Not TO me; they would not tell such nonsense
to me, but to sick relatives, women and children
1 told them that they did not dare arrest me in
New York city 1he physical force was too
strong They thought they would arrest me
in Philadelphia, where they had majority,
and went there to see if they would.


They did not do it there, and went to Bal
timore,. and as they did not do it there l went
to Washington, and into the Presidents house
TLaushter and spplause.j And as thy bust
ness there has been q subject Of considerable
conversation, now state that had no busi-
ness on earth there except to see whether they
wanted to arrest me; but they did net dare to
so long as kept inside the Constitution and
the laws; for though very moderate lawyer,
know the law enough not to violate it, while
knew perfectly we'll that they did not dare
arrest me as they had arrested women. know
this, that if any man connected with the illegal
arrests that have been madsin New York State
sets his foot upon the soil of New, York State,
1 will arrest him. ECheers long continued.
And, so help me God, he ahall be brought to
such punishment as the Constitution and the
laws of this country admit.
Year: 1862

tyrone of the modes in vogue here for the
punishment of petty offences against mntary
discipline, such as drunkenness, &c, is the
Handwriting of the offender with his arms
stretched around the pole in the centre Of the
Public Square. In this position, mounted on
a box, he is compelled to stand for several
hours exposed to the vulgar gaze of curious
crowd. One gentleman went through the op-
GRAFTON on Thanksgiving day.
Year: 1862

that these collateral outside questions may
not be discussed, and that we may unite
tremendously for the purpose ofputting down
this rebellion, and trust that he may be
willing out of the abundance Of his patriot


ism even to give his slaves to the cause of
the Union ifit becomes necessary, and not
be giving the weight Of his influence 9 and Of
his talent-which is BY no means small
enthusiastically on his part, to the canse Of
the rebellion. II any speech delivered du.
ring this session of the Congress Of the Uni
ted States shall see the light in the rebel
States, it will be the speech which the Sena-
tor from Kentucky has just concluded. and
thus has he, very unintentionally on his part.
neutralized much that he has said II the
policy and bearing Of the Senator from Tndi-
ana, during the earlier part Of this rebellion,
which he has so severely criticised. I had
intended, Mr.. President. after making these
explanations, to say . few words in relation
to the legitimate subject Of discussion before
the Senate, but, on account of the lateness
Of the hour, I will not claim the further in.
diligence of tire Senate. pses. aai41
Year: 1862

respectfully informs the public of Manito-
voc town and county, and surrounding
country, that he has recently purchased
the Drug and Medicine store formerly kept
by LEUBNER & RUDIGgR, on the corner of
Franklin and Eighth streets, south side Of
the river, and that in addition to their
large stock, he is constantly adding to and
repIenishing the same lie has large
end extensive assortment Of PURE