Year: 1862

policy is adopted And, indeed, such is


the nature of the case that feel warranted


in saying that the disturbance will cease as


soon as il is known that the nation has ac-


cepted Mr.. Lincoln's policy. and before q


single negro has left the Union. The out.


break, as have already said, sprang from


the convictions in the common mind in the
! disturbed region that the negroes were to be


liberated and put upon an equal footing


with the whites. The mere idea of this a.


imagination was instrumental in producing


the rebellion. There was no actual emanci-


patton. The idea of the separation of the


races IS complete antidote to that poison.
1t ia the'duty of the national Government
to make the provision Mr.. Lincoln recon-
mends. That Government alone has the
control OF our external relations, and there


fore the States could never be relieved of
this race without the action of the Federal
Government. And will take the occasion
to say that, in my Judgment, the Represent
tIves OF the North will very soon find that
they Will DO called on to act by their own
people. The contrabands are going North,
and 1t will soon be demonstrated, think,
that the working men Of the South do not
differ from their brethren of the North, in
desiring that this population shall be pro-
vided with more suitable home than is to


be found among the white population. The
wisdom of Mr.. Lincolns policy will vindi-


cate itself then, if not before.


| The efficacy of Mr.. Lincoln's proposition
to give pecuniary aid to such Of the States
as may wish to embrace the emancipation
policy, Ii also questioned If that PROPOSE
ton stood alone, there would be reason for
this. And 1t is because the venerable gen.
tleman from Kentucky, [Mr. Wickliffe,]
who, believe, truly reflects the feelings Of
the Union shareholders of his State and Sec
tion, did not consider it only as q part of
the Presidents policy, that he regarded ii
with dsfavor. judge so, indeed, without
having conferred with him npon the subject;
but feel some confidence in the opinion,
because while he differed on other points Of
public policy with his distinguished brother,
the late Robert Wickliffe, upon matters per-
tanning to slavery, there was, believe, an
accordance of vicws.


If am right in this impression, then
am authorized to say that the views of the
President, taken as a whole, will be accept
ed by that gentleman for l received let
ter from his brother in 1853, warmly sus-
tanning those views as explained by me In
my speech of that year. and l will take
occasion to say, that although Mr.. Robert


Nlckliffe was never member of Congress.
or otherwise engaged in administering the
Federal Government, yet he was among the
foremost Of those extraordinary statesmen
and lawyers who have rendered the State
of Kentucky so illustrious in the history Of
the Union. He was the compeer of the
great John Breckinridge, Henry Clay, Har-
din bledsoe, and other great minds who have
passed from the scene.


am not of those who believe it is impos-
sible Tor this Government to put down this
rebellion and emancipate the slaves, or make
any other disposition of them which may
seem good. That opinion has been put for
ward generally by those who did not wish
to See the rebellion put under foot. OBJ
serve that much has been said by the Eng
lish press to the effect that this Govern.
mcnt could never subjugate the seeded
States, and we can appreciate the sincerity
OF their declarations when we consider that
the British Government itself holds nearly
two hundred millions of people in the very
condition to which some Of its public men
declare that this Government cannot sub
Ject the seeded States, As far as physical
power is concerned, | have never doubted
the ability of this Government to reduce
the seeded States and subject them to any
terms we may choose to dictate; but con-
tend that we cannot subjugate them without
maintaining vast army and without cham
sing the very form of our Government.


We cannot emancipate the slaves of the
South and maintain them in the condition
of freemen upon the soil OF those States
without the presence Of an immense force
equal to that which is required to set them
free. 1t cannot be done because no law
can be executed which is against the sense
OF the people Of a community without the
application of force. This is illustrated by
the fugitive slave law, which has been held
to be constitutional aud which is acquiesced
in by very large majority of the people Of
the North, and yet it has been evaded and
resisted and its execution in almost every
given instance costs the Government more
than the value of tho slave rendered up
under it. This is because the law is repug-
Eant to the moral sense of large body Of
the northern people. How will you execute
a decree of emancipation which will set free
the slaves of the South upon the soil and
among people the whole body of whom
are opposed to it, and who have taken up
arms in rebellion against this very idea OF
negro equality?


1t can only be done by the presence Of
an immense army, sufficient to prevent tho
white race from re-cnslaving the black and
by waging constant war upon the people
OF our race for the protection of the black
race. How long would it be endured by
the northern people that war should be
waged upon the people of their own race
at the South to make the blacks their c.
qu's? l do not belcve that any party
could retain power at the North upon such
an issue. We should not overlook another
consideration in dealing with this subject.
Our armies are composed of men, and men
act alike under similar circumstances
Northern men in the South are not noted
for any particular prejudice against slavery,
aud the soldiers whom it will be necessary
to maintain at the South in order to secure
the freedom of the enfranehised slaves. NAV
come to look upon the matter in different
light, and the result may be simply change
Of masters for the slaves. 1t is notorious
that the contrabands are now the servants of
our soldiers.


We can make emancipation acceptable to
5he whole mass of the non shareholders at