Year: 1865

ny ContrhCt tor lno slhtus VI bihNofJ.


The freedman cannot fairly be accused,


Of unwillingness to work, so long as a


doubt remains about his freedom Of choice


in bis pursuits and the certainty of his


recovering his stipulated wages. In this


the employed and employer coincide


The employer desires in bis workmen


spirit and alacrity, and these can b e
permanently secured in no other way.
And il the one ought to be able to enforce
the contract So ought the other. The


public interest will be best promoted, if


the States will provide protection tor the


freedmen. Until this 10 in some way


accomplished there is no chance for the


advantageous use of their labor, and the


blame of i'll success will not rest on them.
/ know that sincere philanthropy is


earnest for the immediate realization of
its remotest aims but time is always
an element in reform. 1t is one Of the


greatest acts on record to have brought


four millions of people into freedom


The career of free industry must be fairs


ly opened to them; and then their future
prosperity and condition must, after all,


rest mainly on themselves. If they fail,


and SO perish away, let US be careful that
the failure shall not be attributable toany


denial of justice. In all that relates to


the destiny of the freedmen, We need


not be too anxious to read the future !;


many incidents which, from speculative


point of view, might raise alarm, will


quietly settle themselves.


Now that slavery is at an end or near


its end, the greatness of its evil, in the


point of view of public economy, become


more and more apparent. Slavery was


essentially monopoly of labor, and MS


such locked the States where it prevailed


against the incoming of free industry


Where labor was the property of the
capitalist, the white man was excluded
from employment, or had but fhe second
best chance of finding it and the foreign
emigrant turned away from the region


where bis condition would be so precari-
GUS. With the destruction of the mo-
nopoly, free labor will hasten from all
parts of the civilized world to assist in
developing various immeasurable |
resources which have hitherto lain DOR |
mant. The eight or nine States neares,
the Gulf Of Mexico have a soil of exu-
berant fertility, climate friendly to long
life, and can sustain denser population |
than is found as yet in any part of ou,
country. And the future influx to them
will be chiefly from the north, or from |
the most cultivated nations in Europe
From the sufferings that have attended /
them during our late struggle, let US look
away to the future which is sure to be
laden for them with greater prosperity
than has ever before been known. The
removal of the monopoly Of slave labor
is pledge that those regions will be
peopled by a numerous and enterprisng
population, which will vie with any in
he Union in compactness, inventive ge>
MUS, wealth and industry.


Our Government springs from, and
was made for the people-not the people
or the Government. To them it owes
allegiance from them it must derive its
courage, strength, d wisdom. But
while the Government is thus bound to /,
lefer to the people, from whom it de.
ives its existence, it should, from the
'ery consideration of its origin, be strong ,
n its power Of resistance to the estab-
ishment o f inequalities. Monopolies,
'erpetuities, and class legislation are con-
rary to the genius of free government, '
nd ought not to be allowed. Here there /
) no room for favored classes or monop- 4
lies the principle of our government I
J that oi equal laws and freedom Of in- I
ustry. Wherever monopoly attains a
)othold, it is sure to be a source OF dan.
er, discord and trouble. We shall but g
llfl our duties as Legislators by accord .
,g "equal and exact justice to all men"
pecial privileges to none. The govern o
lent is subordinate to the people but t;
5 the agent and representative of the Il
eople it must be held superior to mo- II
opolies, W b i C b, in themselves ought s.
ever to be granted, and which, where II
icy exist must be subordinate and .
ield to the government. @


The Constitution confers on Congress Il
10 righ: to regulate commerce among "
Ie several States. II is of the first ne v,
,ssity, for the maintenance of the Union al
at that commerce should be free and W
No State can be justified S'


any device to tax the transit of travel y, !"
I'd commerce between States. The po- g.
lion of many States is such that, if they m