Year: 1859

when he comes to Massachusetts or mott II no
then you have no right to govern him, but mu'
leave him to 60 and come when and where
pleases If he is, then you have bound yourself I
protect him by your government, In the simpl
fact that you have made government You hav
only transferred to it, as the instrument of you
action, the obligation which already rested upo
you, by virtue Of Code decree, written in you
very souls.


That then, is our answer to those that talk t
US about the Constitution. We contend that mas
much as slsveholding is the violation Of all bumai
rights, that inasmuch as the refugee has q righ
to leave it behind him. and seek freedom elsewhere
if he cannot find it at home and inasmuch as b,
has come to Massachusetts and is within the rescl
Of her protection, he has acquired thereby righ
to that protection. and we cannot divsst ourselve
OF the obligation to give ii to him.


But then, they tell us the Constitution forbd
it, nevertheless. What ask,is the relative author
ity of Constitution shat man makes, and Consti
tuition that God makes? WHAT'S the relaiivelau thor
ity of an absolute moral obligation, and mere con
ventional obligation One would think there neet
be no labored answer to questions like these and
there would no, be. if men had not suffered their
minds to be befogged by the false teachings of pol
iticians and priests. When Boston pulpits cor
enunciate the Infamous and baspbemous doctrine
tina, we must obey the statutes enacted by con
sttutional Legislature whether wise or unwise
just unjust, and when the doctrine that there il
any Higher Law is repudiated by political parties
and secuted by political leaders, and denounced
as heresy to be punished by political death, it be-
comes necessary for US to teach the very rudiments
OF political morality, it becomes necessary for us
to tell new truths plainly that we might almost
tremble in the utterance, as insulting the under.
standing and moral sense which we address but
so it is.


Now / ask-bocause / do not mean to 20 at
length into this argument-but one question I:
What is, after ALL the source of your obligation
to obey the law Of the land? Why, you say. be-
cause the constituted Legislature has enacted it.
But that only puts the question one step farther
of. What is the source of your obligation to rec.
ognize the authority of the constituted Legislature
of the landf In other words what is the source
of your obligation to obey enactment because it
is legislative enactmentf Oh, you will tell me,
it is your right and duty. The instant you make





somewhat within me that takes hold of my moral
sense. which takes cognizance of duty and my
inquiry is whether am bound to obey the dictates
of my moral sense or not. If am not then no
matter how you make it clear that my moral sense
requires it, sweep away the statute and the
moral sense together, and tell you it does not
please me to obey either. But if, to avoid that
conclusion, you say, am bound to obey the die
tates of my moral sense, then ask you, what ust
do with your statute when that conflicts with nv
moral sense land you have already answered me,
in assuming that am bound to obey my own con,
scentous conviction. That is, you say, that to
deny my right or obligation to obey my own con.
scentous convictions, is virtually to strike at
the very foundation Of allegiance to your govern
ment.


But pass on to another consideration. The
Commonwealth of Massachusetts is to be called on,
through its Legislature, this winter, to enact that
no slave shall be taken back to bondage from its
jurisdiction. can easily suppose that the objec
ton will be urged there which we hear elsewhere
the Constitution and the Union = have shown
that the Constitution. whereinsoever it conflicts
with the moral law, is not and cannot be binding
that it is not only right but our duty to tram,
pie upon it; but have this further reason, that
the party in interest against the claims of justice
and humanity has already forfeited even its appa'
rent claim upon the ground of the compact of the
Constitution. Whenever men make bargains,
they make them with the understanding of mutu
is not only benefit but an obligation
on both sides of the bargain. II say to you, This
farm shall pass into your possession for SO much
money to pass into mine, and you give me your
note Of hand and receive the deed, when the time
comes for tho payment of the note of hand, if you
refuse to pay it, am under obligation any lon,
ger to recognize your right to the property, but
have right to use such means as will be effectusl
to bring that property back into my possession !;
or, if the note is to be paid before the deed is Civ
en-, have q right to refuse the deed. Applause.
You all understand the principle well enough. and
| think you already know enough of our relations
to the Slave Power to see the application of that
principle in the case before US. The bargain, we
are told was this that for certain considerations,
we of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts will
give up to the STAKEHOLDER his fugitive from sla,
yery Well, 80 the bond, if it do not exactly 40
read, has been. by common consent, interpreted
But, in the frs. place, the bargain rested upon
these considerations-that,w whatever rights were
to Us in the Constitution, We shall be
permitted to enjoy without molsstation and, SEQ.
ond, (if not expressed, yet necessarily implied in
the absence OF any terms extending the obligations
further,) that we should not be obliged to surren
der slaves carried from any part OF the earth that
was not covered by the terms of the compact
Now, in both of these particulars. the Slave Power
has violated the terms Of its compact and has thus
released us from our obligation, if it were posi-
BILE that compact so immoral could impose any
obligation at the beginning. The Shareholders
have not been true to the terms Of the bargain we
made. The Constitution has guaranteed to us the
privileges and immunities Of citizenship, 60 where
We will within the compass of this Union. IL 80
to Carolina, l am a citizen of the United States,
and. by virtue of my citizenship, have right to
free speech and free press. and to use my moral


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