Year: 1863

hundred thousand negroes. This you know
is against the deep-rooted prejudice of at
least one half Of our people. Such bill
would have been rejected with one common
voice eighteen months ago. Even the men,
tion of the subject created profound ind!g-
nation. You have done this and more.--
You have passed laws, in the opinion of the
people, which violate the Constitution
You have scorned the friends of the Gov
ernment. You have turned away from us
the hearts of the people by these measures.
We have sown deep the seeds Of future dis
asters to the Government. implore the
House to pause before it sanctions any more
measures of that kind.


Mr.. Speaker, can we carry on the war
more successfully by transcending the Con-
stitution than we can by obeying it? Ihave
always said that the Constitution was our
bulwark; that it was our best defense; that
our strongest defense was to keep within the
clearly defined powers of that instrument.
But what have we done. We have as
sumed powers not delegated by the Consti-
tuition. We have acted, not according to
the provisions of the Constitution, but ac-
cording to the sentiment which ae.uated US
at the moment. We seem to have been
controlled by the petty spirit of party rather
than by the spirit of patriotism and de-
termination to obey the Constitution and
the laws You have lost the heart of the
people, and you have lost it by the dogmas
you have inaugursted and established rather
than follow the Constitution.


The gentleman from Pennsylvania Mr..
Stevens said the other day that we have
every man in the field that we can get vol
unfairly. Why is that? Because the object
is clearly proclaimed of abolishing slavery
throughout the United States. You have
done this while you have had an accidental
majority here. Hence it is that the people
have changed. This is the only time when
that party ever had a majority in the House
Il mean a majority of sbolitionists. With
this accidental power what has it done? 1t
has declared emancipation by law. 1t has
declared by law for the raising of negro ar
mics. 1t has declared emancipation and
confscation by law. By these means, l say,
you have lost the hearts of the people,
Why do not the people have the same en-
thusiasm in the war that they had at first?
Then they put a million men into the field.
The country is still in peril, in more peril
than at first, and why is not our Army OF
two million men now put into the field? IL
is only because of the bad policy by which
YOU have established the dogmas Of the abo-
litionists, of emancipation ofslavery through
out the country. 1t is that which has in
duced them to lose confidence in you. II
is not for the country, it is not for the white
man, it is for the negro this war is to be
waged; and for that war / am not. The
logical conclusion from the impolitic course
we have pursued is, that we have lost the
hearts of the people.


You say that this bill Is framed on the
idea that the people will no longer Volun-
teer-that the people will no longer stand a
draft Why not? Because the people will
not do one thing or another; they will neith-
er volunteer nor stand draft, aud you are
obliged by law to coerce them. That Is
the condition in which we are placed; and
this bill is nothing more than the logical
conclusion of what we have previously done.
We have created a necessity for it. The
people are no longer with US. and therefore
we must force the people by coercive and
penal laws, by new Jurisdiction, provost mar
shals scattered through the land, and by q
new sort of military judicature to which the
people have not been accustomed. And
knowing that you have an unwilling people
to deal with, you make that law as coercive
as possible, and accompany it with every
sort of inquisitorial and compulsory power,
judicial and exclusive, in order to insure
obed ence, willing or unwilling, to that law
Is not that our condition, fairly considered?


There is out one sort Of consistency which
deserves the respect of honest men, and that
is to let your acts be consistent with your
convictions at the time you are called upon
to vote. 1t is not what we did yesterday
that we are to consider alone. We have
lived through a time of trial and of trouble.
Have we learned nothing? Up to this time
1 fear we have learned very little. Our les
sons have been very severe, and the fear OF
more dangerous lessons hereafter ought to
instruct US. The life of the country is at
tackled, and that life is upon your hands, and
its its preservation depends in a great mea-
sure upon your wisdom, upon your solemn
deliberations, and your solemn consideration
of all the mighty questions upon US.


If we want to get back the Union how
must we doit? Wemust change our policy.
This bill will not answer your purpose -
You must get back what you have lost
You have lost the heart of the people, snd
the confidence of the people. The people,:
affectio rs are turned away from US; and will
they bear more exactions and burdens laic
upon themP No, sir; you are mistaken il
the remedy. Your only remedy is to regair
the confidence and heart of the people, t.
substitute for the distrust which now exist


confidence that your object is a national one
aud not a mere public one; not the abolition


of slavery, but the salvation of the country
! Get that back, and you do not want thi


bill; fail to get it back; and this bill will b.


Just as inoperative as if there was not wor


written upon it.


You say draft will not do; that drai


will not be submitted to. I know nothin


about that. Will, then. this more exactin


provision be submitted to? In a countr
like ours, laws which do not carry alon


with them the assent Of the people are bu


blank paper. Have you not cause to fei


that unless you win back the hearts of th


people, and their confidence, this bill wi


do you DO good? You are nistaking th


disease altogether. The disease of the pul