Year: 1861

i


The diplomatic correspondence between the


American, English and French governments,


which we publish to-day, is of the highest inte-


rest and Of the most vital Importance to the


American people. Last April we exclusively


published the first indications of the coming


storm, and more than week ago we fore


shadowed its subsistence. We saw the frown-


ing, lowering clouds, and we advised the taking


in Of sail. Happily that policy has been


adopted, and the country is saved from the mis-
fortune of a double war. It was the course we
indicated upon the first receipt Of the news Of
the arrest of the Trent, and the capture OF
Mason and Slidell. We then said if the


and contrary to international law, of which


there was some doubt 1t would be the duty as


well as the interest of our government to make
an apology and give up the traitors. Meantime


the evident disposition Of the American people
| was not to apologize, and not to deliver the


prisoners, if the right should turn out to be on


our side. Rather than do so the American


democracy were willing to lose their last


man and their last dollar. They believed they


were right, substantially, and paid little atten-
tion to the nice determinations of international
! law. Their blood was up, and "No Surrender"
was the watchword. Fortunately for England,
there was cool statesman at the helm of the
foreign affairs Of this country, who was not led
away by the syren voice of passion His mas
terly analysis Of public law, his calm dignity,
and his imperturbable courage in deciding
against the United States upon the technicality
Of the case, while he fearlessly asserts that the
principle and the merits are on our side, ought
to fill the English government with gratitude,
and put to shame tho disgraceful conduct o.
the press which professed to represent it.


The London Times and kindred journals
boldly asserted that the American government
was under the influence of mob-''the scum
of the people," represented by the New York
HERMD-and 1t would not listen to the die
tates Of wisdom, but would inevitably rush
into war, right or wrong. The event proves the
very contrary. 1t shows that the scurrility and
! the intemperance are all on their side; that
they and their government are under the
control of the mob, while the American
| government and the American press-particu-
| larly the New York HERALD-are guided by


lofty principles Of craftsmanship, the strictest
rules of international law, and due regard to


the requirements of justice and humanity. Had
| Mr.. Seward and the HERALD, the man and the
journal in this country who have become most
obnoxious to British hatred and vituperation,
| followed the inclinations of the mob, Earl Rus
sells demand would have been replied to with
defiance and war would have now existed be-


tween England and the United States-the most
fatal war in which the British oligarchy ever
engaged II is clear that it is the English press
and English statesmen who are under tho do
minion of the mob. They clamor for immediate
hostilities, aud make preparations for terrible
war upon mere exparte statement, and before
they are sure any international offence was
given or intended


Earl John Russell's despatch is the best eyi-
dence Of this. Under the influence OF popular
excitement, and from the fear Of losing
his place, he is compelled TO call
for reparation and an explanation;
but he does it in such a way as to convince
every intelligent mind that he feels he has
bad case, and that his demand is substantially
unjust however the legal technicaities may be
on the side Of the British government. Accord
ingly he does not venture to lay down any prin-
ciples on which to base his claim, nor to argue
the law of the case. He evidently acts against his
own Judgment and in obedience to the dictation
Of the cGndile. To the candor, ability and legal
| knowledge of Mr.. Seward is the British Minister
for Foreign Affairs Indebted for an exposition
of the true and only grounds upon which
Messrs. Mason and Slidell could be honorabiy
surrendered. Our Secretary of States despatch
will commend itself to the good sense and sober
second thought of the English people, and pro-
duce an immense effect all over Europe, not
withstanding the abuse or derision with which
it will probably be met by the journals in the
interest of the American rebels and the British
aristocracy He has clearly demonstrated that
there was no intention of wounding the SEN
sibities Of the English nation, and that Captain
Wilkes, acting Oh his own responsibility, believed
his proceeding was in conformity with public
law. His error consisted in not capturing the
Trent, and bringing her to port as well as her
passengers, for adjudication. Had he done that
there would have been no just ground for re-
clamation or apology. however liable to ques-
ton might be the soundness Of the legal princi-
pies on which he made the capture. His action
would have been under the color Of right and
law. Mr.. Seward holds that in that case the
Trent would have been fairly liable to con-
demnation, as detected in the fact of con-
veying contrabands;' but whether tho
contrabands themselves, being persons, and
not chattels, could be held in pur-
suance Of the Judgment, is matter of
legal doubt involved in an international fog
which it will be necessary for the maritime
Powers and their jurists to clear away here
after. 1t is question for which it would not
be worth q nations while to go to war, par
ticularly when engaged in conflict in which
she is struggling for her existence, and when


the possession of the persons Of such men as


Mason and Slidell is Of little or no Importance
| to her.


| The matter is now wisely settled, and the
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