Year: 1862




pie are just as much the source of proper in
fiuences in the administration of government,
as they are the source of those powers by
which governments exist at all.


Nor is 1t even right or safe to allow any,
body of men, in administration to do as they
think best. They are to be watched, their
policy discussed. their mistakes exposed, and
their selfishness and imbecility rebuked. The
almost universal silence of newspapers and
popular assemblies upon government policy,
for fear that the government might be en-
barrassed, has damaged the administration.
1t is meant for kindness, but it is cruelty
DE Toequeville said, 'that all governments
would be Just as rascally as the people would
let them be-" Power is not any safer in the
hands of the men now holding the reins at
Washington, than IN any other equal num-
Der of honest men. Power eorrupts. 1t
burns like fire


1t is time that the dangerous silence of this
country were broken, and that papers and
popular assemblies spoke out, spoke often,
and spoke etfectually. To be sure, there is
danger Of faction, and of embarrassing the
government But We must take the risk
Silence breeds worse dangers than discus
sion. Corrupt men like to burrow and plot
when II Is deemed unwise to debate mat
tiers.


In the first place, We have a right to de-
mand of the government the enunciation of
clear Policy: or, if they have none, We
have right to know that, in order that one
may be supplied to them by the people. To
be sure, We are TO put down rebellion; to
maintain the constitution and the laws: 10
bring back the states to their allegiance
These are good words. But what meat is in
them? Every child knows tha, to end this
War, involves other questions than merely
those of military strategy.


The most serious political questions, the
most new and vital civil policies, are as much
concerned in the ending of the war as is the
sword. Every nation en- the globe knows
but our own-that the gist of this war ia
Slavery. This is the pivot on which the
whole history turns. A clear, bold, frank an
nunelatlon OF government policy on that sub
'ect Will go far toward settling the public
mind. The administration have seemed 10
shrink from the question. If Mr. Lincoln
wishes the country TO settle If, let him say so.
If, however, it te taken for granted that it is
the business of the administration and of
Congress TO mark out the line of policy, let
that be said. And then, let it be also done.
The government seems to US to be in the
position of men who don't know what to do,
and are afraid that the people will find it out.
There seems to Us to be a disposition in
Washington TO settle this great question of
the Right of people to their whole country,
not on principles but on policy; and not up
on high policy, but upon narrow and
mean one.


We are panied to say that the men in


Washington have been considering what
they will do after the war is over, rather than


in bringing the war TO close.


1t has been the fashion TO shut I'D every
paper that critieises these things, with the
declaration What do vou know about war !?
, lie take the ground that the method and con-


duct a The 'rar are just as much within the
province Of the intelligent public as any other


national interest. A people that are compe-
tent TO form their own laws, TO shape their
courts, 10 discuss their domestic and foreign
pollcy-who debate tariff, finance, state
: rights, and every intricate principle of gov


ernment-are competent TO discuss war. Ii
is too late for any profession TO make If.


functions mystery too deep for the com


mon people, and TO be handled only by pro.
d fessiOnal experts.
This is the common peoples war. They
furnish the men, the money, and the enthu
= slasm Of patriotism. They can understand
:. war. They ought to understand it. 1t il


treason to their right to assume the contrary
Are six lawyers in cabinet any better fit to
. discuss military procedure than as MANY hon
II est men of equal intelligence out of the cab
+ met? What has Mr. Lincoln's education
d done for him, more than ours for US, to Fl
= him to Judge of military affairs?
e. Itis said the cry "On to Richmond
Is brought the country to the verge of ruin
and shows what mischief may be done b.
&c meddling.


n No. 1t was not the cry, but the silenc
ls which followed it, that did the mischief
I'd That march should have been resumed i
ie less than three months. Last October an
'. November were better for the ending of thi
as war than any months since. The peopl
ot urged this government forward. They d,
! manded an immediate conflict. They wer
n right.


What If for want Of good officers the
were at first defeated ? They should hav
!" tried il again, and soon. Our forces wer
re not disciplined? 1t was the same with ou
ar enemies. When both sides are alike militii


they will win who show most energy an
ne dash.


At And now, another horrible disaster ha
l befallen our army before Richmond; and
up appears that again the administration, wit
"a! the whole resources of the nation in the