Year: 1863

Office, so the monopoly is secure. In
South Carolina a man must own ten ne
groes, besides land, TO qualify him for
seat in the lower house of the Legisla-
ture. He must be property -holder TO
vote. The ridiculous complacency
of the South Carolina politician is rarely
seen to better advantage than when he
discourses about his State being ruled
by "master race" AS Spratt has IL,
We haze no demagogues, for there is no pop
ulace to breed them"


In such Government the poor white
man has no such hope, can have no hope.
He is despised and treated worse than
negro. The property qualification re-
quired to establish his manhood is out of
his reach, and the "master class" which
regards him as a nuisance, can afford to
despise him. The avenues to wealth are
blocked up by the ruling class. His own
poor pair of hands, without aid, must by
badly rewarded toll, support his family.
If there was free, laboring population,
he could hire and get help, but his mas
ters do not desire it. In 1856 Governor
Adams, of South Carolina, an advocate
for re-opening the slave trade, in his
annual message to the Legislature uses
the following language: "If we cannot
supply the demand for slave labor, then
we must not expect to be supplied aoitE a
species Of labor tCe do not rant, and 0licl is,
from the very nature Of things, antdgonistic
10 our institutions. A


They "do not want free white men
down there. They only want negroes
for labor. Then, to-day, what is the
grave mission of this Southern Rebellion?
Itis TO extend the occupation of the soil
by negroes! II is to perpetuate the negro
in increased numbers upon the land Of
country everywhere capable of support
ing white people. 1t is TO increase an in
ferior race, which must reduce half the
continent to barbarism and exclude the
superior race, 1t is to establish, by the
operation of the laws of nature, reacting
upon themselves, negro dominion over
the best part of our country. Texas
alone is capable of suppocting sixty mil
lions of people. Shall white men, who
fought and paid for it, have a share in the
soil or motor shall it be overrun with
negroes? No;7, I hare some faith IN the
aoliite man. belong to tie sol,ite man $ par
M / believe in civilization and not in
barbarism--in houses in place OF huts-
in books instead of bones and banos lin
school teachers instead of overseers.
am opposed to the establishment of any
system of government which increases
the negro race at the expense of the white
race, and must eventuate in Africanizing
the best half Of our country. This is a
t0liite mans country, and must be goueTned by
sohtc men, and eventually worked and deUel-
Opsd by WkSte men. The nation is only the
aggregate of individual conditions, and
civilization itself the sum of their per-
soual improvement. National progress
is the result of individual industry, en-
ergy and uprightness, as national decay
is of individual idleness and vice.


The rebels are fighting for the negro.
Ali over the South Caesar and Pompey
and Dinah are living in as much comfort
and quietude as the blockade permits,
while million of white men are Staying
each other, Ca the bloody field of bat
tie noble hearts lie bleeding OF
,olits men, who have left loving wives and
sisters and little children at home weep
ing for the absent, whose faces they never
again shall see, Are they not worth a
thought? And yet some Of our friends
think their chief duty is to watch that
the car of State, in its onward move
ment, does not run over the negro. Isay
the preservation of my own freedom is
of more Importance to me than the pro-
lection of Rebels rights in property, for
the sake of which hG-nas tried 70 rob me
of my freedom, an d has deluged the land
with blood and filled it with mourning.
The lives and happiness of twenty mil
lions of treenien are more important than
the perpetuation of a monopoly Of labor
in the hands of three hundred thousand
Rebels. The Union, with all its precious
freight of human homes and human
freedom, must be preserved!