Year: 1861

a Vague notion seems to have got abroad
amongst few Of the more rash and excited
mill owners that We could get over tho diff.
cuities OF our position and supply ourselves
with cotton to an unlimited extent at once,
by recognizing the Southern Confederation.
A more futile, basclcss and utterly illogical
notion has perhaps never been entertained.
In the first place, it is impossible for this
country or any other to recognize Conied.
Grafton which does not exist, and very posi-
bly, never may. Any recognition Of the
South now. would bc simply helping 1t in its
struggle for existence. Itwould be taking a
side in the midst Of o desperate conflict, and
would thus Of course be in fact declaration
Of war against the North. But in the second
place five did recognize the Southern Con.
federation ever so fully, If all the world
recognized it, this would not in the least
further the end in view. We should be not
one whit nearer the cotton than before. The
Northern States would have exactly the same
right to blockade the Southern ports as now
and they would bo certain to exercise the
right even more strinscntly. We should
have no legal ground or pretencc whatever
for attempting to break the blockade. II
we attempt it, this would equally be a de-
claration Of war against the North, and we
could only carry out the attempt by force
but r force is to be used ut all, 1t may as
we'll be used at once. And those who would
suggest the recognition of the South in order
to obtain supply of cotton, ought logically
to demand from the Government naval
armament to take 1t by force.


From the London Post Of August II:


No foreign Power has the smallest right
to interfere in the matter. Something might
possibly be done in the way Of negotiation,
although that Is very doubtful, but us to
the question OF right, there cannot be two
opinions. As very erroneous notions lave
been and still are entertained upon this subject
we shall shortly explain the true state of
the case. We shall show, moreover, that,
instead Of mending matters, any active in
reference upon our prrt would only bring
about fresh complications, and very probably
involve us as principals in contest to which,
for many reasons, wo earnestly desire to put
u stop.


From the London Star of October II


Lord Russell should have observed the
rigidly constitut tional attitude ofMr. Lincoln's
Government before no rashly described 1t as
that Of combatant for "empire." Would
our Foreign secretary permit its application
to his own Government, by the Minister
either Of n despotism or a republic, IL re-
bellion were to show itself in ode Of the three
kingdoms? Yet nearly every man who has
taken service in the Confederate armies, was
in the exercise, q year ago, Of those political
rights which arc denied to five sixths of the
people Of Great Britain and Ireland. A rc-
bellion of free citizcps, unable to allcge the
slightest infraction of their constitutional
rights, is surely not to bc likened, even by
the faintcst implication, to patriotic struggle
for national existence.


We cannot suspect Earl Russell of the rc-
motest completely with these reckless poll.
ticians who advocate the recognition o. the
Confcdcracy as preliminary to br'akins the
blackade. But il is Language like his-un-
guarded, ambiguous, unsympathetic-that
encourages the hope Of something being done
our diplomatists and warships to relieve the
cotton crisis. The hope is alike criminal
and fallacious. Until conscicnce-and even
shame, the pale relic Of conscience have per-
ished from the public mind Of England, no
such gigantic outrage can be possible.