Year: 1862




pIoy white soldiers, greatly diminishing the efec-
tive strength Of the army. Let the blacks be
put to this kind Of service, and their labors will
\ become more valuable than If they were armed.
But never let weapons be put into the hands of a
race not destined for political equality.


The difference between the President and these
men is that he is practical, and. besides, adheres
to the Constitution. They are always in the
clouds, would overthrow the Constitution and
launch the republic. without chart, compass or
rudder. upon sea of anarchy. But Mr.. Clay
and men like him ought not to be permitted to
assail the war TO discourags enlistments and to
SOW the seeds of strife and division at the orth
when thorough union is absolutely essential to
success IN Y Herald


President Lincoln on Colonization.


WASHINGTON, Aug. Ia.


This afternoon, the President of the United
States gave audience to committee of colored
men, at the White House They we're introduced
by Rev. ]. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigra-
tiOn. E. NJ. Thomas, the chairman, remarked
that they were there by invitation, to hear what
the Executive had to say to them. Having all
been seated, the Presidspt. after a few preiimi-
nary observations informed them that sum OF
money had been appropriated by Congress, and
placed at his disposition, for the purpose of aid
/ ing the colonization, in some country, of the
| people. or portion of them, of African descent,
thereby making it his duty, as it had for long
time been his inclination, to favor that cause;
and why, he asked, should the people of your
race be eolOnzed, and wherei Why should they
leave this country? This is, perhaps, the first
question for proper consideration. You and we
are different races. We have between US
broader difference than exists between almost
any other two races. Whether it is right or
wrong, need not discuss, but this physical diff
ference is a great disadvantage to US bOth as
think. Your suffer very greatly, many of
them by living among US, while ours suffer from
your presence. In word, we suffer on each
side If this is admitted, it affords reason, at
least, why we should be separated You here
are freemen, suppose.


A Voice-Yes, sir.


The Presdent-Perhaps you have long been
free, or all your lives. Your race are suffering
in my judgment. the greatest wrong inflicted on
any people. But when you cease to be
slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed
on an equality with the white race. You are cut
off fCom many of the advantages which the other
race enjoy. The aspiration of men is to enjoy
equality with the best when free. but on this
broad coHtinent not single man of your race is
made the equal of single man of ours. Go
where you are treated the best and the ban is still
upon you. l do not propose to discuss this, but
to present it as fact with which we have to deal
l cannot alter it, if | would. IL is fact about
which we all think and feel alike, and you. We
look to our condition, owing to the existence of
the two races on this continent. | need not re-
count to you the effects upon white men, growing
out of the institution of slavery. | believe in its
general evil effects upon the white race. See our
present conditiOn-the country engaged in warl our
white men cutting one anOther'S thrOats-nOne
knowing how far it will exiend-and then con
slider what we know 10 be the truth. But for
your race among US there could not be war, al
though many men engaged on either side do not
care for you one way or the other. Neverhe
less, repeat, without the institution of slavery
and the colored race a basis, the war could not
have existence. 1t is better for US both. there
fore, TO be separated. know that there are free
men among you who, even if they could better
their condition, are not as much inclined to 20
out of the country as those, who being slaves,
could obtain their freedom on this condition.
suppose one the principal difficulties in the way
ofcOlonization is that the free coiored man can
not sec that his comfort would be advanced by t.
ou may believe you can live free in Washing
ton or anywhere in the United States the remain
der of your liie perhaps more so than you can in
any foreign country, and hence YOU may come to
the conclusion that you have nothing to do with
the idea OF going to foreign country. This is
II speak in unkind sense) an extremely sci
fish view of the case. But you ought to do
something to help those who are not so fortunate
as yourselves There is unwillingness on the
part of our people. harsh as it may be, for you
free coored people to remain with us Now if
you could give start to the white people, you
would open wide door for many to be made
free. If we deal with those who are not free at
the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded
by slavery, we have very poor material to start
with If intelligent colored men, such as are he
fore me, would move in this matter, much might
be accomplished. Ii is exceedingly important
that we have men at the beginning capable of
thinking, white men, and not those who have
been Systematically oppressed. There is much to
encourage you. For the sake of your race YOU
should sacrifce something of your present com
fort for the purpose of being as grand in that
respect as the white people. IL is cheering
thought throughout life that something can be
done to ameiorate the condition OF those who haY g
been subject to the hard usages of the world. IL
is difficult to make man miserable while he
feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred
to the great God who made him. In the Ameri-
can Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by
men engaged in it. but they were cheered by the
future. General Washington himself endured
greater physical hardships than if he had remained
a British subject. Yet he was a happy man. be
cause he was engaged in beneitting his race;
something for the children Of his neighbors, hav.
ing none of his own.


The Colony of Liberia has been in existence a
long time. In certain sense il is success.
The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just
been with me, the first time / ever saw him. He
says they have within the bounds Of that colony
betwee three and four hundred thousand people,
or more than in some of our old States, such as
Rhode Island or Delaware, or in some of the
newer States, and less than in some Of our larger
ones. They are not all American colonists or
their descendants Something less than twelve
thousand have been sent thither from this coun-
try. Many of the original settles have died, yet,
like people elsewhere, their offspring outnumber
those deceased The question is, il the colored
people are persuaded to so anywhere, why not
thereI One reason for an unwillingnesss to do
so is that some OF you would rather remain with
IN reach of the country of your nativity. | do
not know how much attachment you may have
toward our race. 1t does not strike me that you
have the greatest reason to love them. But still
you are attached to them. At all events, the
place am thinking about having for colony is
in Central America. IL is nearer to US than Ii
beria-not much more than one-forrth as far as
Liberia, and within seven days run by steamers.
Unlike Liberia, il is on great line OF travel-it
is highway. The country is a very excellent
one for any people, and with great natural re-
sources and advantages, and especially because OF
the similarity of climate with your native laud-
thus being suited to your physical condition. The
particular place have in view is 70 be great
highway from the Atlantic or Caribbean Sea, to
the Pacific Ocean, and this particular place has all
the advantages for colony. On both sides there
are harbors among the first in the world. Again
there is evidence ofvery rich coal mines. A GER
tain amount of coal is valuable in any country,
and there may be more than enough for the
wants of the country. Why / attach so much
Importance TO coal is, IL will afford an opportuni-
| ty TO the inhabitants for Immediate employment,
till they get ready to settle permanently in their
homes If you take colonists where there is no
good landing there is bad show, and so where
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