Year: 1868

Sepoy, and who demand the nomination
of negative military candidates; the can
ddate may be q great soldier; his char
acter may have civic beauty as we'll as
military glory; he may be " indorsed "
by Radical politicians. Any of these
considerations might have been pleaded
in behalf ofa military nomination. They
are not pleaded. We must have a mill.
tary man as the candidate of necessity.
These men find success dearer than prin.
ciple, and prefer an easy campaign with
an uncertain leader to manly fight at
every odds for liberty and justice. The
Republican party should certainly meet
this question: Should success in war
be the highest recommendation to the
Presidency Our best men had
hoped later years would give us
the moral strength to do in this re.
spect what no party in this country has
ever yet done. With the exception Of
Washington, we have had no military
President competent to deal literally
with affairs Of State. 1t is customary
to say this of Jackson. We cannot
honor the man with the highest honor
who debased the public morals by foster
ing corruption, aud who regarded the
country very much as he did his panta-
ton in Tennessee, and the public officers
to be kept as we'll under the whip as his
negro slaves. The education of the
mere soldier units him for civil respon-
sibilities. His life is spent in camps
and forts on the Indian frontier, or in
circumlocutiou Offices, drowsily winding
red tape. One Of the greatest modern
thinkers has shown how few of the ele-
ments of character that contribute to
greatness are needed in the successful
military commander, and names Crom-
we'll, Washington, and Bonaparte as the
only three men in modern times who
knew how to command an army and
also how to govern a nation. The ex-
perience of men and books-the knowl.
edge of political economy and civil law
the serenity of temper so necessary
to ruler-are almost impossible to
military man in active service. His
profession is lawlessness, his dsci
pline tyranny. His education teaches
him not to make men happy, but
to give them utility and force. His
virtue is the bayonet, his law a can
non. He is surrounded by soldiers.
With an education limited to the stern
requirements of military command, he
finds the Presidency surrounded by poll.
ticians, who hatter him, and pander to
the very weakness which it would be
wisdom to curb. He is slow to recognize
the sacredness of law. He chafes under
authority and precedent His constitu.
ton is a general order; his supreme court
a corporals guard. Accustomed to alb
,soute power, it is not in his nature to
surrender it. So, when critical Con-
gress ruffles him, or his policy is over
ruled, the temper of his mind is to regard
it as he would break in his line, and
order up his artillery. A President like
Johnson, with military education and
ideas, would most probably have replied
to the exasperating speeches of Sumner
and Stevens by couple of batteries on
Capitol Hill. Freedom is almost ineom-
patible with military spirit. A warrior
who rises by his sword cannot always
resist the temptation to rise still higher
on the shields of his soldiers.


And yet we love these men OF blood
with that lusty, ravenous, unreasoning
love that belongs to our baser nature.
Because our politics are controlled by
men of baser naturea our party leaders
have never dared to oppose the prnci-
pie that success in war is the highest
recommendation for the Presidency.
Because the halting, cowardly and time
serving policy of the Republican party
led to its defeat at the recent elections,
they must enter new campaign with
soldier candidate. The party does not
want soldier. If it had carried Penn
sylvania, it would have done without
him. But this is the hour of its despair,
and only a soldier can save it. This
argument-resting only upon necessity
is urged in spite of reason, experience
and common sense, not only by Demo-
Gratis, but by Republicans. There is not
"a politician here of any party with skill
enough to do the rule of three who does
not feel that military service is the last
qualification for the Presidency. And
yet the leaders of all parties, Republi-
cans as well as Democrats, are striving
to induce some available Major General
commanding TO accept their suffrages.


The friends Of Chase, Colfax, and the
rest argue earnestly that the nomination
of mere soldier, whose principles are
negative and uncertain, and who has no
claim but successful military service,
ends the mission of the Republican party
as the party of progress and justice.
There was, perhaps, a reason, and that
not the most creditsole, why q new
party, forming its ranks aud aiming to
rally the young men, should nominate
Col. Fremont in 1856 1t was necessary
to reach the imagination Of the young
A man was named who had climbed the
Rocky mountains aud planted the Amer
lean flag in midsummer snow. 1t served
his purpose, and the young men shouted,
and cheered, and sung themselves into
republicanism. When the party was
strong enough to win, it selected a states
man. 1t was strong enough to re-elect
HMM the agony of the war-and to
defeat the most popular soldier of the
day. If it were wise to give a civilian
the direction of the war, why is it neces-
sary to give a warrior the direction of
peace If the party is not strong enough
to elect a statesman, let il avoid the
errors which have shorn it of its strength.
They argue that to nominate any man,
soldier or citizen, who is not conspic-
uous representative of republican prin-
ciples, is to admit that the party is no
longer worthy to defend those princi-
Piles, but really to abandon the cause
which has given it so much glory, power
AID usefulness.


The South the South After all, the
Presidency is the mere toying of children
compared with the necessities of this un.
happy region, Do you remember Dante
nnlnrinr hnll md anainr the snnla Of