Year: 1863

CONDITIONS OF PEACE.


The Atlantic Monthly for August gives the
usual variety Of articles, and among them we
find an able political one, entitled political
Problems, and Conditions of Peace" The
writer states that his object is "to prove that
the Government possesses ample power, ac-
cording to the law Of nations, to suppress the
Rebellion, and secure the country against the
danger Of another, by Emancipation, through
the military power; that, though Emancpa-
tion is policy, and not lao, the war may
be prosecuted until this end is accomplished,
and Slavery in future forever prohibited that,
by secession and rebellion, the revolted States
have forfeited all right to the allegiance Of
their citizens, who are thereby romitted to
the condition and rights of citizens solely Of
the United States and that the Federal
Government, as well under the Constitution
as by right Of conquest, may impose such
terms upon the reorganization and restora-
ton Of those States as may be necessary to
secure present safety, aud avert danger in
time to come" In short, the wriser claims
that the States by rebellion have forfeited
State rights and are subject to Federal con
troll precisely as are the Territories hence,
as Congress may under the constitution, i'm
pose whatever conditions it plesses as to
slavery and other matters, as precedent to
the admission Of Territory to the Union as a
State, so may it impose like conditions upon
rebel State before re-admssion.


This is substantially the position Of Sena-
tor Sumner and it is as yet an unsettled
question The opposite doctrine is that the
States have lost no rights by rebellion which
they may not reassume, as matter Of right,
on submissions and this theory has been
somewhs, favored by the Administration
though we apprehend thus far as a matter Of
policy rather than right When the questions
come as to the conditions Of peace-whether
we shall have real and substantial peace, or
only truce-whethor we shall OF shall not
require security for future peace by removing
the cause Of the rebellion broader policy
may require a more energetic use Of the right
ful powers Of the people Of the Union, even
though it be at the expense Of the hitherto
conceded peculiar privileges Of the slave
States


1t has been suggested that the question,
whether the Proclamation of Emancipation
has not already disposed Of slavery, may be
left to the Supreme Court as question Of
law, and the rebellious States admitted with
out conditions, but Of course subject to the
decision Of the Court Should the Court af-
firm that to be the law. aud do it before the
return Of the Slave States, the acceptance OF
such decision would settle the slavery ques-
ton without difficulty, except as to those
States and parts Of States where slavery was
not abolished by the Proclamation. But on
the failure of such decision in good time,
we see no remedy but by Congressional action,
or terms fixed by negotiation As to the lat
ter mode, there are various difficulties which
will have to be disposed Of, and even if these
shall be surmountod and terms agreed upon,
we suspect they must be affirmed by Con-
gress. So the question Of power comes back
again 1t is now time TO thrk about it,
rather than to act.


Action, and OF the most vigorous sort, is
wanted outside OF the politicians or the par
lor and bar-,oom peace-makets. Let the wal
be prosecuted let the recent successes be
closely followed up; let the army STRIKE
through Alabama, Georgia, Eastern Tennes
see and Virginia let the navy pitch int
Charleston, Savannah, and Mobile; lei h
rebels be thoroughly orer-p PIONEERED and then il
viii be "a capital time TO act about conditions
Of peace. We have no idea that the country
will or ought to be satisfied without a settle
meut which shall secure permanent peace
The people have suffered TOO much to be sat


sfied with anything less than that The!
cannot. either at the North or South, want an
other rebellion. We do not say another ioar
for the ill-conoeaed hostility Of England anC
France to the unity Of this nation is fas
working in the minds of the American peop
and foreign war may be popular, unles
those nations avert it. Al any rate, we thinl
the draft should 60 on.


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