Year: 1863

dent prayer in the name of "twenty milliOns,''
full Of coarse imputations on his intelligence or
his fidelity, he felt called to make answer in self
defence. He wrote as follows to Horace Greeley


As to the policy seem to be pursuing, you say,
have not meant to leave any one in doubt would
the Union. would it the shortest way under the
Constitution The sooner the national authority be
restored the nearer the Union will be the Union it
was II there be those who would not save the Union
unless they could at tho time slavery do not
agree with them If there be those who would not
The Union uni they could 1T the time destroy sa
very, do not agree with them My paramount object in
struggle to the Union and not either to
or TO destroy slavery II could the Union without
freeing any slave would do h and if could it by
freeing all the slaves would do it and f could save
by freeing and leaving others alone would alro do
that What do about slavery and the coored race do
because believe it helps to this U6on; and what
f0rbear forbear because do not believe it would help
to save the Union shall do less whenever shall
believe what doing hurts the cause, and shall do
more Whenever shall believe doing more will help the
| cause"


The President, are well assured, did not suffer
himself to Asrdsluded by the vatioinatiops Of the
political seers who augured the overthrow Of the
bellion by proclamation. Only week or two
before he was persuaded to test its efficacy he
spoke as follows to q committee of Clergymsn from
Chicago who came to assure him that they were





view of his duty on this point. He reasoned with
them as follows


But we will talk over the merits of the What
good would proclamation Of emancipation from, do,
especially stuatedf do not want to issue


document that the whole world will must cessary
be imperative like the Popes Bull against tho comet
Would my word free the slaves when cannot even
force the Constitution n the Rebel States2 Il there
single court magistrate individual that could be in
huenced by it there And what is there to think
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late law of Congress, which approved and which offers
protection and freedom to slaves Of rebel masters who
come within our lines Yet cannot learn that that law
has caused single slave to come over to us.'


And if the proclamation would be practically
useless it was ALSO added the President, rendered
unnecessary by the fact that we had already theory
of the war as fundamental as could be supplied by
emancipation. To this effect Mr.. Lincoln spoke as
follows in his interview with the Chicago clergy
men


Let me say thing more think you should admit
that we already have important principle to rally and
unite the people in the fact that constitutional
is at stake This s fundamental dea going down about
as deep as any thing"


Excellently said, Mr.. President! The men
who wanted something more fundamental than
the support Of constitutional government as the
slogan of the war, were not the men to rally or
unite the people" The proof is sadly evident at
the present time.


On the 22d of September, 1862, cane the pre-
liminary edict of emancipation. But the Presi-
dent true to his original convictions of. duty, pre-
faced the proclamation by the statement that the
practical restoration of the relations of the Fed
eral Government with the revolted States would
continue, as previously, to be the object of the pro-
secution of the war. His proclamation was there
fore, as he conceived it, an expedient, means to
an end, and not an end in itself. Any thing which
it may have contained, inconsistent with this
view, was excluded from a logical place in the
paper by the very theory Of its conception. We
did not believe at the time in the wisdom of the
step which the President took when he issued this
document. And subsequent reflection has COM
bined with subsequent developments to confirm us
in our original opinions


Already many of the Presidents supporters are
seeking to divert the war from its proclaimed pur-
pose. Others regard it as matter of indifference
whether our arms be directed to the extinction of
slavery as a consequence or object of the war
To this effect Mr. Secretary Chase has said:


"safe 10 the States before rebellion from all Federal
Interference slavery has out from its shelter under
State constitutions and laws to asa the natioua lfe
1T will surely die, pierced by its angs and stngs
What matter hob u dies Hhehsr as a conaqnenec
object Of the ohat matter Is this time split
hairs Of logic To il that Providence indicates
clearly enough how the end Of slavery must come IL
in rebel Slave ttates by military order decree or
proclamation, not to be disregarded set aside in any
event nuty but maintained and executed with per-
feet good faith all the eufranchised and it will come
in the loyal Slave States by the unconsrained action Of
the people and their Leeatures aided freely and Qener
ouy by their brethren Of the Free States may be mis-
taken 10 this; but If am, another and better way will
| be revealed"


| To US it is great matter whether slavery
dies as a consequence or an object Of the war,
for we can conscientiously sustain no war which
has for its object to do that which, a. we con-
ceive it does not fall any within the province
than the power of the Federal Government to do.
We know that if the warts protracted long enough
by the resistance Of the insurgents, slavery must
perish, as consequences Of the aoar, and il it be
to others matter of indifference hoo this result is
brought about, we submit that some Difference
should be paid to the views Of those who can sec
their way clear to the support of war for the
maintenance Of lawful authority but not Of war
directed to the reconstruction of the labor sys
tenn Of the South"


Ii there be any who propose to continue this war
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