Year: 1862




What, ask, stands in the way of magnan.
imous recognition of this generous offer :
And what has there been in the political ac
tlon of the North, either before since the
rebellion, which should deter you, from en-
tering fully, freely, and without any feeling
OF jealousy or OF injury, upon the consldera-
lion, with us of whatever measures the pro-
gress and continuance of this war may render
necessary Suppose the bill now before the
House shall operate unfavorably to the iDsti-
tuition OF slavery, what is there in that circnm-
stance to call out your opposition, or to pre-
vent your giving it that calm, candid consid-
Grafton which you would to any other meas
ure Of like justice aud necessity If slavery
must have the life of the Republic, or the Re-
public must have the life of slavery, will y you
hesitate in choosing between the two? Are
you not unconditional Union men7 Would
you not regard it as a high privilege to pre-
serve the Government to which you and we
owe all. by the sacrifice even OF portion of
what you regard your interests? 4? But we
invite you to no sacrifice in which we are not
willing to bear even more than an equal part.
Not only, then, on the ground that we have
respected every constitutional obligation as
toward all the slave States; not only on the
ground of magnanmity and fraternal con-
sideration OF the rights OF the border States
beyond what is set down in the compact, but
on the ground of common suffering and COM
mon wrong endured at the hand of comm on
enemy, do we appeal to those who represent
those States in this Honse to JOIN with us in
all measures which tend to the restoration of
the Union on the basis of mutual justice and
protection.


Some settlement of the conflict which is now
being waged there must be, and the intere IT'S
OF the border States, any more than ours of
the more northern States, do not admit of any
settlement which does not involve a restora-
he mi nff ha Ifnin Rnt
On what terms shall the people of the rebel
lious States, or rather that portion Of the two
or three hundred thousand shareholders which
instigated and which upholds the rebellion,
come back? What do gentlemen propose |?
Are those seats which were vacated on the
eve OF this rebellion, by men then, already,
while the oaths they had sworn to uphold
the Constitution were fresh their lips,
STEPPED to the eyes in treason, are those
seats to have the same occupants as be-
fore 2 Are the men who come fresh from
leadership on the fields of rebellion, whose
hands are red with the blood of our sons and
our brothers, to come again on to this floor,
and here, again, under the protection of the
Constitution they have outraged and defed
to renew in these Halls the contest which has
disturbed the country for more than half a
century, and the bitter fruits Of which we are
now reapiDg How will the constituents of
gentlemen from the border States whose homes
have been deSolated how will the loyal peo-
pie of the North who have contributed of their
treasure and their lives so laviShIy TO put
down the rebellion. relish such proposition I?
For myself, l say-and in this | know that l
represent all but an inconsiderabie, COM
pletely pOwerlesS minority of the people Of
the free States-while the problems, connect
ed with our social and political institutions
were working themselves out in pacific con-
tests, regulated by legal and constitutional
forms, | was content to leave their solution
to natural laws. Whatever might be our ideas
our private convictions, we Ill felt bound to
subordinate our action to the precepts and the
obligations imposed by the Constitution.
When all existing interests and relations are
bound up in the invioablity of an existing
compact, the responsibility of disturbing it, of
breaking up the foundations of society, of un-
loosing the passions of thirty millions of peo-
pie, and entailng upon them the suffering and
privation inseperable from state of war, is
one which may we'll cause the most unscrupu-
lous partisan to shrink from pressing to the
last appeal any cause of difference.


The South, with no provocation, without
even a reasonable apprehension of any, has
rashly assumed this responsibility, and | am
for holding the men who have instigated the
act to strict accountability. So far as those
actively and voluntarily engaged in promot-
Ing the rebellion are concerned, | hold that





be assigned to them and their property of
whatever kind, as entirely original ques-
ton. They having rejected all the resources
of argument, having deliberately repudiated
all the obligations OF the compact, and waged
atrocious war, am for final settlement OF
the questions in dispute, one which shall
leave no room for a renewal of the struggle.
The rebellious States, by the very act of re-
bellion have forfeited all their rights under
the Constitution. The only laws by which
they held slave property have become VOID,
SO far as they are concerned, because of their
reputation of the only authority that could
give them force.


But gentlemen will say that the people of
the southern States have been forced into re-
bellion, that they will gladly return to their
allegiance If they are treated with lenity and
forbearance. But the measure of retribntion
contemplated by this bill is not for the mis-
guided people of the South, but for those who
have instigated, and who, after its passage,
shall continue to instigate and to uphold it.
l believe that the great mass of the people of
the South are not disloyal except as they are
deceived and misled. 1t is only slavery that
is disloyal; aud We propose to visit upon
the abused masses only mercy and forbear-
ance, but upon the few who embody this dis
loyal power, exemplary punishment in seiz-
ing their property, and upon their persons if
they shall be within our reach. 1s there any
thing in this to which any loyal man, whether
from the border States or the more northern,
can object?


IT the decision of the question involved in
this bill embraced only ordinary interests, if
the matter of slavery could be kept out of
sight, apprehend there could be only one o.
pinion on the main question involved, howev-
er we might differ as to details. If the peo-
pie of the Northwest or of New England stood
in the relation to the rest of the country and
to this House in which the people of the ex-
treme southern States stand, I apprehend
there would be no difference of opinion as to
the powers of the Government to hold the