Year: 1861




therefore, as you are willing to amend the in
strument, and to entertain propositions of ad
justment, why not go further, and relieve the
apprehensions of the southern people on ali
points where you do not intend TO act aggres-
siVely? You offer TO amend the Constitution,
by declaring that no future amendments shall
be made which shall empower Congress to in
terfere with Slavery 10 the States


Now, il you do not intend to do any ether
aci prejudcial to their constitutional rights and
safety, why not relieve their apprehensions, by
inserting in your own proposed amendment to
the Constitution, such further provisions as will
IN like manner, render it impossible for you to
DO that which they aoprehend you intend to do,
and which you have no purpose of doing, If il
be true that you have no such purpose? For
the purpose of removing the apprehensons of
the southern people, and for no other purpose,
you propose TO amend the Constitution, 50 as to
render 1t impossible, in all future time, for Con-
gress to interfere with slavery in the States
where It may exist under the laws thereof
Why not insert similar amendment in respect
to slavery in the District of Columbia, and in
the navy-yards, forts, arsenas, and other places
within the limits the slaveholding States. over
which CongleSs has exclusive Jurisdiction e.
Why not Insert similar provision in respect to
the slave trade between the slaveholdipg States!
The Southern people have more serious appre-
henAons on these points than they have of your
direct interference with slavery IN the States.


Ii their apprPhensons on these several points
are gEoundless, is it not a duty you owe to God
and your country to relieve their anxiety and
and remove all'causes of discomfort Is there
not quite as much reason for relieving their
apprehensons upon these points, in regard to
which they are much more sensitive, as in re-
spect TO your direct interference in the States,
where they know and you acknowledge, that
you have no power TO interfere as the ConatI-
tuition now stands? The faet that you propose
10 give the assurance on the one point and per-
emP:orIiy refuse to give it on the others, seems
to authorize the presumption that you do in
tend TO use the powers of the Gener Govern
ment for the purpose OF direct interference
with slavery and the slave trade everywhere
else, with the view to its indirect effects upon
slavery in the States I; or, in the language of
MIR. Lincoln, with the view of its tfultImate ex
tinction in all the States, old as well as pow,
north as we'll as SOUTH"


Ii you had exhausted YOUR ingenuity IN de-
vising plan for the express purpose OF IN
creasing the aFPrehensions and infaming the
prssions OF the southern people, with the view
OF driving them into revolution and disunion,
none could have been contrIved better calcu-
lated 10 accomplish the object than the offering
OF that one amendment to the Constitution, and
rejecting all others which are infinitely more
important to the safety and domestic tranquil
lty OF the slaveholdng States.


Ia my opinion, we have now reached
point where this agitation must close, and all,
the matters in controversy be finally determin-
ed by constitutional amendments, or civil war
and the disruption OF the Union are inevitable.
My friend from Oregon,t ,tMr. BAKER, who has.
addressed the Senate for The last two days,
will fail ip his avowed purpose to 'sevade" the
question. He claims to be liberal and conserv-
ativp, land / must confess,tha he seems the most
liberal of any gentleman on that side of the
Chamber, always excepting the noble and pat
riotic speech of the Senator from Connecticut.
(Mr. DlxoN;) and the utmost extent to which
the Senator from Oregon would consent 10.
GO, was 10 devise scheme 5v which the real
question at issue could be evaded.


Iregretthe determination, to which appre-
bend the Republican Senators have come, 10
make no adjustment, entertain no propositions,
and listen to no compromise OF the matters in,
controversy.


s I fear, from all the indications, that they are
disposed to treat the matter as party question,
to be determined in caucus with refere ence to-
its effects upon the prospects of their party,
rather than upon the peace Of the CO untry and
the safety of the Union. invoke their delib-
crate Judgment whittier 1t ia not dangerous
experiment, for any political party to demon
srate to The American people that the unity OF
their party is dearer to them than the Union OF
.hese States. The argument Is that the Chica-


h,y4 h.
10 a majority of the States must be maintained
at all hazards, no matter what the consequence
to the country. insist that they are mistaken
10 the fact when they assert that this question
was decided by the American people in the
late election. The American people have not
decided that they preferred the disruption OF
This Government, and civil war with all its
horrors and miseries, 10 surrendering one iota
of the Chicago platform. II yon believe that
the people are with you on this issue, let the
question be submitted to the people on the pro-
position offered By The Senator from Kentucky,
or NINE, or any other fair compromise, and
will venture the prediction that your own Peo-
pie will ratiiy the proposed amendments to the
Constitution, in order 10 take tins slavery agita-
ton out of Congress, and restore peace to the
country, and insure the perPetuity OF the Un-
ION.


Why not give the people chance 1t is an
important crisis There is now different issue
presented from tina, in the presidential election.
have no doubt that the people Of Massachu-
setts, by an overwhelming majority are in ia
vor Of prohibition OF slavery in the territories
by an act OF Congress. An overwhelming
majority of the same people were in favor OF
the instant prohibition of the African slave
trade, on moral and religious grounds, when
the Constitution was made. When they found