Year: 1862

way TO 90 1t, and the constitution gives the
government this method in all its rig0r.
You would seek to do it, if understand
you right, by passing laws and DEGREES and
orders of, at least, doubtful constitutional
authority. You can't but know but that a
law or decree confscating property is inop-
erative while that property is in the hands
of an armed enemy. You would con6scate
and then capture. l would capture and
then coniscate. But that is not the main
difference between US. Let US be frank and
state it 10 The p,ainest Ia guage. would
prosecute this war for the restoration of the
Union. You would prosecute it for the
abolition OF slavery. When the war is over
l would leave the people that should be left
in any and all the States in possession of all
the political rights they possessed oeiore the
rebellion-preserving all the States, and to
all OF them equal political rights.


You would reduce portion OF the States
to dependencies, and deprive them of the
constitutional rights OF regulating their
own domestic institutions. am tor restor-
ing the Union-you for impairing it. l
don't now argue which theory is the best. l
only want to make clear the point Of differ
ence. You may say of mine that 1 have too
much respect for slavery. deny that 1
have any respect for slavery. My respect
for the constitution, however, is supreme
Whenever and wherever slavery stands in
the way of conquest by onr armies, l would
not spare it, and l care not how sorely it
may be impaired by the conflict, or whether
anything of it be left when the war is over;
but the right of each State to do with it
just as heretofore, when the war is over,
must be epreserved or you see it is no restoro.
taom. Those, who with me, are for complete
restoration of the old Union, can take
no other ground. You who are for change
may be wiser than we, and, once breaking
through constitutional restraints, you may
make all the improvements you think best,
but your action is revolutionary, not consti-
tutional.


You say the rebels have broken the con.
stitution; certainly they have, and l would
punish them as the Constitution provides.
Its provisions are ample for crushing them
~ arms and hanging them by law. Law
breakers are punished by the laws they
break, and those who execute the laws and
in6ict the punishment should not themselves
become law breakers.


Let me close with an extract of q letter
from Gov. Sprague, in an answer to an
invitation to the late New England dinner
at the Astor House:


trust that we shall not forget that this re.
bellion is based upon q mistake; that the
masses of the South have been deceived by
md fnnO hiprr
ments and purposes. 1t should be our object,
while vigorously prosecuting the war, to give
the lie to, and not to substantiate, the state.
ments by which thousands on thousands of
honest men of the South have been misled.
Let US see to it that when the war is ended the
Southern people shall blame their own leaders
for not having confirmed the stories these
leaders have circulated in reference to our
motives"


In this way only, it seems to me. can we
restore the Union, union of hands and
union of hearts, and become again happy,
prosperous, and powerful nation. For my
self, l do most heartily disavow any other
wish than that of bringing together these
now belligerent States without the loss to
any one of them of single right or priv
lege which it has heretofore enjoyed.


I think these views should be published
in connection with our former correspond"
ence, as defining the issue between US. 1
have not attempted to defend my position
nor assail yours-only to present the issue.


1t is one upon which I have foreseen
there was to be division. I had hoped it
might have been postponed until after the
war, when we come to determine what use
we would make of our victory over rebel
lion. But the abolitionists are determined
to make it now.


Yours truly, A. s. OWEN.


Hon. JAMES DUNN.