Year: 1865

an earnest support TO the PreSldentS policy,
as the surest mode of diminishing our armies,
exhausting our resources, breaking the spirits
of our people, and driving them, in despair, to
seek refuge from worse tyranny by placing
themselves under the protection of a govern
ment which they loathe and detest, because it
has wronged and tyrannized over them, de-
strOyed their property, and slaughtered their
sons. These are sad truths which it is exceed
ingly unpleasant to announce. But true states.
manship requires that the ruler do the best that
can be done for his people under all circum-
ces by which they are at the time surrounded.


THE DISCIPLINE OF sHERMAN's ARMY.


Discipline must be restored and enforced in
our armies. One of the reasons given by it's
advocates for the enforcement of the conscript
law was, that better discipline would be MAIN
tanned by giving the appointment of the officers
to the President. Results have shown the re-
verse to be true. Prior to the adoption of that
plan the officers selected by the troops them
selves and appointed by the States, kept men
in the field, and we triumphed gloriously in
almost every engagement with the enemy.
Since that time the officers appointed by the
President have neither maintained discipline or
kept the men in the field. If the Presidents
OF them there. And, fear. the discipline of
that third is loose compared with that exhibit
ed by the Federal army in its march through
this State.


MORE ABOUT DAVIS.


The President having failed in his military
administration and brought the country to the
verge of ruin by his military policy, should be
ment of the constitution to provide for the ap-
pointment of a commander-in chief of the ar
mics of the confederacy by the President, by
and with the consent of two-thirds of tn e SEN
ate, who shall be entirely free from the control
OF the President, and removable only by the
same power by which he was appointed. This
would place the best military talent of the
country in the command of our armies, not in
name only but in fact, and would save us in
future from the heavy calamities which have
befallen US by the capricious removal of great
commander at most critical juncture of an
ably conducted defensive campaign. The late
act OF Congress did not and could not take
from the President his constitutional power as
cemmander-in-chief. 1t provides for the ap-
pointment of general in-chief Robert E. Lee
as general-in-chief is as subject to the orders
of the President as he was before the act of
Congress and his appointment under it, and
the President may at any moment frustrate his
plans by orders which he is obliged to obey.
Congress cannot divest the President of this
power over all the generals in confederate SER
vice, including the general-in-chief. This pow
er is conferred by the Constitution, aud can
only be taken away by an amendment of that
instrument.


These changes may be made without the
evils of revOlution-within revolution. The
Constitution provides for its own amendment
The remedy is perfectly peaceful. 1t declares
that upon the demand of any three States
legally assembled in their several conventions
Congress shall summon convention of all the
States to take into consideration such amend
ments to the Constitution as the said States
shall concur in suggesting, at the time when
said demand Is made. It is perfectly legitimate
and proper for three States to demand such con.
vention, whenever in the opinion of their peo-
pie public good or the common safety REQUIRE
1t. In my opinion the best interests of the
country requires that such convention meet
with as little delay as possible, to propose such
amendments to the Constitution as will reform
abuses by settling disputed points, and effect a
speedy and thorough change of policy in con-
Quoting the war and filling up and sustaining
our armies.


By the construction placed upon the Consti.
tuition as 1t now stands, by those who admins
ter the confederate government, these great
principles have been disregarded, and the gov
eminent of the States, and rights of the people.
lost sight of in the great struggle for indepen-
dence. The achievement of our independence
seems to be the great end and only good aim
ed at by those who WELD the power at Rich
mond. We have been told from the halls of
congress that courts must be closed and state
lilies OoAteraCeo, II necessary, TO accOmpllSn
this object. Indeed some persons in authority
seem to have forgotten that we are fighting for
anything but independence. If so the whole
struggle is in vain, for we had that with the
old government, cOnsecrated by the blood OF
our ancestors and transmitted from sire TO son.
We were independent of all other powers.
But the people of the Northern States got con.
troll of that government and 80 administered 1t
1t as to imperil not our Independence, but our
rights.


We then separated from them and are fight
ing for our rights and liberties; and as a means
of maintaining and securing those rights and
liberties we declared our independence. 1nde-
pendence with these is worth all the sacrifices
which we have made or can make. Our rights
and our liberties are not secondary TO our inde-
pendence. but our independence is only neces-
sary to protect our rights and liberties. Russia
is iydependent of all the world, so is Turkey,
while the government of each is despotism,
and the people have only the rights and liber.
ties which the sovereigns choose to permit
them To exercise. If this is the sort of indie
nendence for which we are fighting, our great
sacrifices have been made to but little purpose.
The recognition by foreign powers of the indie
pendence of our rulers and Of their rights to
govern Us without the recognition of our rights
and liberties by our rulers is not worth the
blood of the humblest citizen. We must gain
more than this in the struggle, or we have
made a most unfortunate exchange. The
further pursuit of our present policy not only
endangers our rights and our liberties, but our
independence also, by destroying the institu-