Year: 1861

Presidency.


1; is barely possible that, Mr. Bell attaches
too much Importance TO the abolition resou-
tions of antislavery societies, and to the fanat-
ical mouthngs of Republican stump orators.
We say barely possible" for we would not
undertake to say what will be the policy Of the
Republican President, or to become the expo
nent Of the principles of that party. We know,
however, that abolition resolutions, are not the
sentiments Of the great mass of the Northern
people, and for this reason, were there none
other, should have grave doubts, concerning
the authority Of stump speakers to define the
policy of the Republican President elect
They are to be regarded rather as the exag.
geration and hyperbole incident to political
canvass, than as the exposition of the policy
of Mr. Lincoln's Administration Admitting
these, however, as evidence of the policy of the
incoming Administration, Mr. Bell would still
seek safety in the Union, exhausting all consti-
tutional means. before favoring secession, which
he justly regards as revolutionary. Consider
| ing the election of Mr.. Lincoln, " in strict ac-
cordance with the regulations prescribed by
the Constitution and laws" it furnishes no
| legitimate cause for secession, or revolution on
the part of any State or States. The election
of Mr.. Lincoln, by strictly sectional vote, is
made tie pretext, more plausible than any
heretofore presented, by men, with whom the
expediency of secession is made foregone
conclusion. Concerning the theory of secessi on
Mr.. Bell says it appears " to have been con-
ceived and propogated in spirit of disaffec-
tion to the Union, ard can serve no other
purpose than to lead the unsuspecting and
crednlous into the support of the scheme ot
disunion, under the deusive expectation that
they would only be thereby exercising a right
reserved to hem under the Constitution, and
that they would be in no danger of incurring
the penalties Of treason, or of exposing them
selves and their country to the calamities Of
civil war"


10 suppose that secession is not revolution
is to suppose hat the Constitution, adopted
with view to "a more perfect Union" pro
vides for its own destruction, and that State
may support The Constitution by the act Of
Withdrawing from it. These propositions we
deem spffi ent to shove the secession theory
from deba'able ground


The Only excuse, then, for the threatened
I TO l.,
found in the Personal Liberty laws of the
Northern States, nullifying the Fugitive Slave
law Of Congress, and is presented as retail
atory measure, and when fairly viewed and
understood. can have no weight with those
who are not committed TO diSmembermeHt OF
the Union, and who have already rejected the
means of redress presented by the Constitution.
Il is the duty of the President to execute the
laws Of Congress This duty is required OF
HIM by his oath of Office He must execute
the laws of Congress, the Personal Liberty
laws OF States to the contrary notwithstanding
or render himself liable to impeachment The
fanatical but impotent laws Of Northern
State are no just cause for revolution in the
South, because tie constitutional duty and
power Of the Federal Government is directed
against them, and the failure of the Executive
to carry out The laws of Congress, renders the
course for his removal plain aud simple
Should the Republican policy, so loudly pro-
claimed from the stump, induce the President
elect to neglect his duty in this respect, and
violate his oath of office, the duty of impeach
ing him devolves upon the Congress of the
Federal Union. This is the remedy to be
found within the Union, and should be exhaus-
ted before revolution or attempts at revolution
could be justified. Mr.. Bell, patriotically and
very correctly. considers constitutional redress
amply sufficient for any wrongs yet perpetrated,
or that, can possibly be perpetrated, and it is
only after due trial, and failure Of such means,
that resort to revelation can be justified in
his estimation.


The same Constitution extends over the
Territories Of the Union, and the same remedy
is sufficient for any wrongs inflicted within
lucli bOtuclS- CHoulu tuC CuPtoHiC OOutI uO-
eide that persons holding slaves, have the right
to their services in the territory OF the United
States, the Federal Courts of the Territories
must sustain that decision, or render themselves
liable to impeachment and removal. Any laws
that Territorial Legislature might pass in
opposition to the Constitution, could amount
to no more than the notification laws of the
Northern States. The refusal of Federal
Judges in a Territory, appointed by Repub-
lican President, TO abide the decision of the
Supreme Court, would furnish no excuse for
the destruction Of the Federal Union. Should
they prefer to abide by the nullifying laws of
the Territory, instead Of the Federal Coustitu-
tion to which they are amenable, there is not a
patriot in the land, who would not invoke the
constitutional power of the Federal Govern
ment to impeach and hurl them from power,
and fill their places with men who would up
hold the Constitution and the glorious Union
formed by the patriots of the Revolution
Considering the provisions Of the Constitution
amply sufficient TO redress all grievances that
have yet arisen. or that may arise, Mr. Bell
could .ot do less than characterize, as he does,
the doctrine Of secession as an absurdity, to be