Year: 1868

the Senate for high crimes and misde-
meanors. impeachment is not dcsi-
rable proceeding 1t is cumbersome
and tedious. It may arrest legislation,


aud present q new issue to the country
at a time when new issues are not want


ed. 1t is not, perhaps, wise prece-
dent to make. 1t gives to power
temptation which passion cannot always
resist II is high, solemn, sacred trust,
only to be used, when absolutely neces


sary for the salvation Of the country.


We Isliere the salsasioss Of tie country
demands the impeachment Of the President


We have all along felt that we might
submit to Mr.. Johnson's administration,


evil as it has been, rather than force all


angry and doubtful question upon the
country With the Congress over
whelmingly Republican, there was no


reason why we should not compel the
President to pursue a wise policy. We


reasoned upon the presumption that it
was better to have impeachment held
over him as check than to begin a trial
that might be as long as that of Warren
Hastings. 1t was q debatable question.
The evidence was far from being con-
elusive. Morally, there was no doubt
| that Mr.. johnson should be impeached.
But impeachment is question of law
and evid dence, not of moral belief. AS
q Republican, there were hundred rea-
sons Why he should be removed. This


would be a good plea in a Republican
Convention. net before the Senate of


the United States. Until impeachment
became an Inevitable. overwhelming ne
cessity, without doubt as to the meaning
of the Law. and the force OF the evidence,
| President a chance to make himself


martyr before the country. Therefore
we have constantly opposed impeach-
| ment, although at times we stood alone


among the Republican press. There is no


longer any doubt The issue is as clear
as it was when Gen. Bureguard opened
his batteries upon Fort Sumter. An
drew Johnson, President of the United
States, tramples upon law. defies the


authority of Congress, and claims to ex-
ercise absolute and despotic power


Congress must inspeaeh him Immediately.


All other questions sink before the
present. It would be difficult to have
our course clearer. A law is passed,


which defines it to be the duty Of the


President to consult the Senate before
removing q certain officer. This law


may or may not be constitutional. The
President has no business with that It
is constitutional until the Supreme Court
decides otherwise. 1t is law until the
Court interposes and invalidates it. The
Presidents sworn duty is to execute 1t
to obey ito see that it is carefully and
studiously obeyed. He may not like it,


But chiefmagistrates have been COM
PEELED to execute laws they did not pre-
fer. He may think it unconstitutional


That is of no more consequence than
the opinion Of any private citizen. His
duty is not to execute the laws which he
may Ahixk constitutional, but to EXECUTE
THE LAWS. If he had been clothed with
judicatory power, if the founders Of the
Constitution had felt that it was wise to
give the President any option in the
matter, they would have SO expressed
it and declared that he might execute
all laws only when the Supreme Court
decided their constitutionality. If the
President has the right to select his
laws, and say: 'This act I will execute
because it suits me, and the other l will
not enforce because it strikes me to be
unconstitutional then Congress and
the Supreme Court might as we'll
adjourn without day. For the right to
do as he pieases with any law, to assume
to be its sole arbiter and judge, may be-
Of the Emperor of Russia. 1t is a com


parativeiy small matter now. Appar


emily, it effects only the right Of Mr.


Stanton to hold the War Office, and OF
the President to select bis constitution.
al advisers. This is not the question,
but only the merest incident Of it, If
the President has the right to remove
Mr.. Stanton in defiance of law, he may
remove Mr.. Chief Justice Chase and
Gen. Grant, and indeed the whole Sen
ate. For the law by which Mr.. Stanton
holds his place is as much law, as sa-
cred and as binding, as that by which
Mr.. Chase presides over the Supreme
Court, and Gen. Grant commands the
army. If he may with impunity order
Lorenzo Thomas to take possession of
the War Departments building which
is not the property of Mr.. johnson, but
of the American people--he may also