Year: 1861

selves, or submitting the question Of set


tIemcnt to the people in some form by


Which the popular will could be mad,
known. We drfted into civil war


Tho story Of the initiation of this wa,
will sometime be written. It is not nv
purpose to speak of it now When il
dld come tho people of both sections OF
the country sprong to arms. No man
doubted the patriotic impulse that
plomPtd our people as one man, disre-
garding all minor differences OF opinion.
in hope o! saving the country by the
sword from dismemberment and ruin, af-
ter the politicians had refused to save it
by the arts of peace. The signal whistle
OF Rodcrick Dhu was not morc promptly
answered by his clansmen than has been
the call Of the President for volunteers to
defend and if possible save the Govern
ment, and since war has commenced in
my judgment sell-protection and selfdc
Tense require that we should not lay down
our arms. While the South is armed VIC
too must maintain hostile attitude
But will war settle the questions about
which we have differed Let the Presi.
dent answer. quote from his inaugural
address:


Can aliens make treaties easier than
friends ? Can treaties be more faithfully
enforced. among aliens than laws among
friends? Suppose you go to war you
cannot fight always, and when, after
much loss on both sides and no gain on
either, you cease fighting, the old idcnti-
cal questions as to terms Of intercourse
are again upon you"


What then are we to do 4? Let our
armies be proceeded by propositions of
settlcmcnt-lct the "olive branch prcccde
the arrows OF death" be true to the en-
blcms of your country's glory But it
may be asked are you willing to treat
with rebels with arms in their hands p
do not suppose that any terms short of
recognition Of the Southern Confederacy
would be accepted by those who are at
the head of affairs in the South, and |
am not disunionist, either peaceably or
othtrwisc. The leaders of the Southern
rebellion have staked their all upon the
hazard and must stand the cast of the
die. With them it must prove a success
tul revolution or an ignominious grave.


But apprchend that every true patri-
OF desires to see reconstruction of this
Government upon the principles of the
Federal Constitution. and that this is, or
ought to be, the purposes of this war,
and not the unconditional subiugation of
the Southern States. And the question
that addresses itself to us is, how can that
be done | believe that it is possible to
do SO by holding up the hands of the
Union men of the South, and the best
mode Of doing that is to settle forever
the questions that divide us. Let "the
Constitution say" what their rights are
and what we are willing to concede for
when the war Is over 'the old identical
terms of intercourse are again upon us. :"
And this we should do the more readily
as all they d, mand, is conceded, could
not injure us. But again may be asked,
are there any Union men in the South to
whom terms can be offered On this
subject, | can only quote from the Presi-
Congress, delivered on the 9TH of July
last He says lit may well be questioned
whether there is to-day majority of the
legal y qualified voters of any State ex-
cept South Carolina in favor of disunion.
This is a subject upon which the Pres-
dent ought to be informed. And if he is |
correct, why are their voices hushed .
The reign of terror which is said to exist
there, may be one cause, but more po-
tent one is that "the old identical ques-
tions" remain, "lille so many wounds, to
bleed whenever new agitation shall open
them" And until they are closed up
forever, the Union men of the South |
must melt away before the fiery heat of
war. And as time passes, the hope of
reconstruction will give way before fear
of being subugated, until the South will
present an undivided front to our invad- |,
ing armies, and then all hopes of re
nnion are gone forever.


Let us urge upon those WHO control our
affairs, the necessity of adopting some
definite plan OF reconstruction by settling
these cold identical questions" 4" and free |
the mind from doubt as to the future fate
of our Government. AS for the rebellion
itself, Notwithstanding it is the child Of
sectional strife, it is without Justification
or excuse. 1t has no warrant in our Con-
stitution or form Of government. No
government ever yet provided for its own
dissolution, Ours did not; and all the
evils complained of could have been bet
ter settled in the Union than by rebellion
or revolution. but we must treat it as
an existing and terrible reality; and our
judgment ought to be unclouded by pas
sion.


We are told that we must give up our
party, or in the eloquent language Of the
lamentcd Douglas, I'VE must sacrifice
party organizations and platforms upon
the altar ofour country" Let those who
call upon us to do this, set us the example
! the advice Of the dead whom they now
quote had been followed by them at an
earlier day, the great calamity that is now
visiting our country would have been
avoided.


What have they doneto enttle them to
our confidence ? In what single act Of
the civil administration have they shown
any liborality towards us ? Can it be ex
pccted that party that refused TO save
the country from the horrors of civil war
for fear of losing power, will do anything