Year: 1860

tile feVOlutlOn IN DaVdl aHdlFS CduScu Ny
duction of steam. He alluded to the warnings o
the late Duke of Wellington, and stated that the
sum required for the defences would be eli, ,O00,-
900, which it proposed to be raised by govern
ment annuities erminable in thirty years. He then
proceeded as follows:


My opinion is that if these works are necessary,
and think common sense shows you they are me-
cessary-[hear, hearl-if they are necessary. they
are necessary as soon can get them. Hear
hear. They are necessary for time present
[hear, hear land it would be folly to postpone for
eighteen or twenty years the completion of defen-
against dangers which hope may not arise
but dangers which we may contemplate as posi-
Bile, and which, if possible may be possible in the
course of a comparatively short space Of time
[Hear, hear. Now, that is a course which know
is to a certain degree departure from ordinary
usage; it is contrary to principle to raise money
by loans for the annual expenditure of the coun-
By raising money by terminable annuities we
could prevent that loan from becoming perma-
nent addition to the debt Of this country. | think
that ought to be avoided in all cases where it is pos
sbe, and in the present case am convinced it is
possible.


Now, as to the necessity of these works. think it
is impossible for any to cast his ewes over
Europe, and to see what is passing there without
being convinced that the future is not free from
danger. 1t is difficult to say where the storm may
burst, but the horizon is charged with clouds which
betoken the possibility of tempest. [Hear, hear. !
The House, of course, knows that in the main
am speaking of our immediate neghbor across the
Channel, and there is no use Disgusting it. Hear.
1t is in no unfriendly spirit that am speaking No
one has any right to take offence at considerations
and reflections which are purely founded upon the
principles of self defence Hear, hear We have,
it is true, recently concluded commercial arrange
ment with France. A laugh. These are not
matters to be treated with evity. [Hear, hear. I
These are not arrangements without great value,
Thaor g. - = -oI Al


which have with each other great commercial in
tercourse-nations between which great mutual
interest are involved in the maintenance of peace
are less likely to fall out and become antagonists
tnan nations between which those ties are not
cemented. Hear, hear. But at the same time
these things are not brought about at once


A great nation which has nothitherto been much
addicted to commerce, whose mind, whose feelings
and whose gories have chiefly been in relation to
warllke operationS-such a nation cannot be ex-
pected on sudden to be entirely free from its for
mer habits, and at once to comprehend all the bene-
fits and advantages that would arise from peaceful
and commercial relations. ] hope much from this
treaty, but that treaty alone would be rail secu-
rity to a great nation like this, with extensive
interests with great wealth, and whose shores are
more open to the attack than the land frontier of
any country, hear, hear, because, whereas, upon
land frontier the points of attack be pretty
well guessed, and can be guarded; country whose
frontiers the is open to attack at any point
to which an enemy able to command the sea may
choose to direct his opposing force Therefore
say it would be folly to rely upon the future effects
OF the commercial treaty when we know that we
have vulnerable points which require artificial de-
fences, and that we have the means of providing
those artificial defences. Hear, hear. Is there
nothing in the state OF Europe that leads us to think
that we might by the course of events be called
upon to defend ourselves against hostile attack?
We see in France an army of six hundred and odd
thousand men, of which four hundred and odd
thousand are actually under arms, and the remain
der are merely on furlough, and be called into
the ranks in fortnight. That army is greater
than France requires for the purpose of Defence
Hear, hear.l


No nation IN the world would think. unprovoked, L,
of attacking France. Nothing could be gained by
it; no one could expect to dsmember France, and
no one would fare otherwise than i'll who ventured
upon an unprovoked attack upon France; and,
therefore, for the defence Of France we may pro-
nounce that vast army unnecessary. | do not mean
to say that that army is raised for the deliberate
purpose of aggression. | trust that it is not, but
the possession of power to aggress frequently gives
tho desire to do so. Hear, hear. You cannot,
you not entitled to rely the forbearance of
stronger neighbor. You are bound to make your
defensive means proportonate to his means of ag-
aggression. Hear, hear. BUTT is only on land
that the arrangements of France are disproporion-
ate to her necessities for defence? We know that
the utmost eXertions have been made, and still are
making, to create navy, hear hear, very nearly
equal to our own-a navy which cannot be re-
quired for purposes of defence of France and which,
therefore, we are justified in looking upon as pos
sbe antagonist we may have to encOunter-a navy
which would give to our neighbors the means of
transporting within a few hours large and fOrmi-
dable number of troops to coast. Hear, hear I
While, IN The one hand, the French navy has in
creased far beyond any amount that it has reached
since the end of the last war, navy has, on the
other, from the changes that has taken place from
sailing ships to steam, necessarily diminished in
numbers. Hear, hear.


We had at one time, as | have stated, eighty
four sail of the line, all sailing vessels; and they
have been necessarily greatly reduced. The Right
Honorable Baronet opposite, Sir j. Pakington, y
when he was at the head of the Admiralty, did
good service in proceeding to substitute steam line
of battle ships for sailing liue-of-battle ships.
trust we going on in the same course, and that
in short time shall establish our navy on such
footing of superiority to that of any neighboring
Power as is absolutely necessary for existence
nation. Hear, hear | say, however, that
in the present state of things we have no right to
rely for our security on the mere forbearance of a
rival power. Hear, hear. Our interests are
spread over the whole surface of the globe Agents
in every quarter at all times liable through an
excess OF zeal or mistaken sense of duty, to lead
the nations they represent into difficulties and no
one can answer from day to day that something
may not happen in some part of the world that will
lead to disagreeable communications between diff
ferent Powers. Hear, hear.


With the utmost desire that these matters may
be amicaby adjusted, yet, one country is obvious
lv greatly the strongest and another country great
ly the weakest, it is very difficult for any arrange
ment to be made. Hear, hear. The stronger
power naturally exacts conditions which the weaker
may not be disposed to grant, and though, in the
case of an arbitrary monarchy and despotic gov
fittings might be easily arranged, yet where
the power consists of high-spirited and patriotic
nation, with free institutions and with the popular
feeling manifested on every public event, you may
be quite sure that the bulk of the nation, who are
not responsible for consequences, and who do not
know very often the difficulties and dangers that
certain course might produce, would revolt
against the concessions made by the government;
and if they were told that those concessions were
rendered necessary by the absence of the means of
defence, or by the neglect of former governments
to provide for the security of the country, they
might be tempted to vent their indignation against
those in power, and lay the seeds of future dissen
sions. GHear, hear. Thus, for the sake OF peace,
it is desirable that we should not live upon for
bearance, but that should be able fully and
effectually to defend ourselves. Hear, hear. J.
When that is the case no foreign country will,
without ample reason and provocation-which
trust we never shall give-disturb the state of
peaceful relations that may exist. Hear, hear.


What are the dangers to which we are exposed
They of two kinds-I speak now only of the
United Kingdom, and say.nothing of the colonies
or our various foreign possessions. The danger to
which we should be exposed would be that of in
vasiOn, for one or two, or L may Esay three pur
pOses-either with the hope of conquest which |
think no country would imagine to be possible





lis, and there levy heavy contributions, and by
overbearng the spirit and hopes of the country,
dictate in the capital terms of peace that would be
ignomnous to the country and advantageous to
the invader. [iiear, hear.l The third and, as l
think, the more probable attempt, would be by a
sudden attack, by and land, or by land if the
deences were too strong to take possession Of
our naval arsenals, the cradles of our navy,
which is national strength, and by destroying
at the root our naval forces, to lay open af
terwards to other measures of aggression which
they might be enabled to carry out. Hear, hear.
dismiss from my mind the idea that any foreign
power would dream of conquering this country
with the view of permanent possession, as do not
believe it would enter the mind of any one. Hear,
hear. No doubt London might be open to iuva-
sion, but London is too vast space to be surround
ed by Notifications. Hear, hear.


You cannot fortify London as you can Paris
London must be defended in the field. Hear,
hear.l There are strong natural positions between
the coast and London, which, skilfully taken ad-
vantage of, might enable even small force to repel
a larger force, and successfully drive back an inva-
sion. Hear, hear. And there is this to be said,
land our shores, so long as we retain our naval
power, that force must ultimately be lost, because
its communications would be cut off, its supplies
rendered impossible, and sooner or late it would
be compelled to surrender. Hear, hear. 1t
might do great mischief; it might cause extensive
destruction of life and property, and entail great
misery on the country; but the ultimate success OF
such operation would not, apprehend, enter
the mind of any military man or be regarded as
one likely to be attended with permanent advan-
tage to an enemy, except in so far as 1t might in
fict injury on this country. Hear.


The speaker then urged the necessity of protect
ing the dockyards and arsenals. In regard to
London he said:


Bastions and works are not defence for great,


-. I'LL ln,, 1aA 10 = H. L..