Year: 1865

/ 49,,
Command white men. Some future ambi
tious President might use the slaves tc
seize the liberties of the country. and put
the white men under his feet. The Gov
ernment had no power under the Consitu-
ton to arm and emancipate the slaves, and
the Consultation granted 10 such power by
implication.


Mr.. Hunter then showed from statistics
that no considerable body of negro troops
could be raised in the States over which
the Government had control without strip
ping the countryo of the labor absolutely
necessary to produce food. He thought
there was much better chance of getting
the large number of deserters back to the
army than of getting the slaves into it,
The negro abhorred the profession of a
soldier. The commaudant of conscripts,
with authority to Impress twenty Thousand
slaves had, between last September, and
the presentitime, been able to get but four
Thousand; and of those, thirty-five hundred
had been obtained in Virginia and North
Carolioa aud five hundred from Alabama.
If he, armed with all the powers of i'm
pressmeut, could not get them as laborers;
how will we be ableto get them as soldiers2
Unless they volunteer they will go to the
Yankees; if we depend upon their volun-





get will desert to the enemy who can offer
them better price than we can. The en-
emy can offer them liberty, clothing, and
even farms at our expense. Negroes now
were deferred from going to the enemy
only by the fear of being put into the
army. If we put them in they would all
go over -'..'


In conclusion, he considered that the
measure, when reviewed as to it's expedi
ency, was worse than as a question of
principle. He was not satisfied that the
majority of the army were in favor of the
measure. The army had been told that the
measure was necessary, and they had &C
quiesced. He did not believe that the
heroes of Manassas, Fredericksburg and
Gold Harbor were holding out their hands
to the negroes to come and save them. He
did not believe that our troops would fight
with that constancy which should inspire
troops io the hour of battle. when they knew
that their fauks were being held by negroes
He repeated that be would have voted
against the bill except for the instructions
which put an obligation upon him. He
should endeavor to mold the bill so as to
carry out the true spirit of bis instructions.
He believed it would pass, and hoped that
it might not gave the evil effects that he
apprehended.


Mr.. Graham also opposed the bill. He
meant to hold out no threat, but he would
say that when Congress adopted such a
measure the States would feel called upon
to consider whether such an ioroad upon
the Constitution did not call for additional
guards being thrown around that instru-
ment. He considered the adoption of the
measure as almost a virtual abandonment
of the principles of the contest.


Mr.. Graham protested egalust the right
q eha Virginia Legislature to instruct it's
Senators after the mature deliberation of
the Senate had disposed of the measure
which affected not the State of Virgfnia
alone, but every State between the Potomac
and the Rio Grande. Mr.. Graham argued
at length against the constitutionality and
expedieucy of the measure.


Mr.. Semmes spoke in. advocacy of the
bill. He advocated it as 3 necessity. II
was better to throw over part of the cargo
than to lose the ship and cargo together.
IL was urged by General Lee, and the con-
sequences which would follow would not
be so bad as had been represented. H
hoped the bill would be so modified IS to
conform to the instructions given by the
State OF Virginia to her Sepators.


Mr.. Orr opposed the bill.


Mr.. Burnett urged its passage.


The Senate resolved into secret session.


EVENING SESSION.


After recess the Senate met at u o'clock
P. NJ, and resumed consideration of the
Negro Soldier bill.


Mr.. Oldham spoke in advocacy of the
policy of armiug the slaves.


After further debate, the Senate adjourn
ee, without taking vote on the bill.