Year: 1864

bring about the results predicted, he pettishly
inquired, "Why don't you, instead of publish
ing that id Copperhead stuff, give us some
thing of the other side ?' We certainly never
attempted anything in the line of argument,
without starting out with both sides of the
question presented in view, and we might an
swer our Republican friends question by say
ing that however fairly question may be pre-
sented, some men are so set in their ways, so
one-ideaded, or so preudiced that they never can
see but one side of it. According to the system
of philosophy that has always been accepted by
the world-or at least up to the time of the COM
mencement of the present rebellion-the process
of reasoning has been from cause to effect The
Herald, reasoning from what it knew of the state
of the public mind, says that it predicted four
years ago that if Lincoln was elected the South
would secede, and now, upon the same basis, it
predicts that in the event of his reelection in
surrection at the North will follow; and to pre-
vent such an unfortunate state of affairs it ad-
vses the people to choose another than Mr.. Lin
coin for President, as the only possible means in
their power of averting the calamity. "But,"
says our Republican friend--and not only him
but many others-'yOu must not utter such
warning, for by so doing you only give counte-
nance to and hasten the blow !" What a sys-
TEN of reasoning is this Upon the same prn-
ciple, they might argue that to warn a man to
stand away from before cannon about to be
touched off, would insure his getting shot At
the time the famous Crttenden compromise res
olutions were before Congress, and while their
adoption was increasingly urged by the Demo-
Gratis and American members as being accepta-
BILE to the South, and as a certain way to avert
secession and civil war, many of the Republi-
cans argued that there was no cause for alarm,
that the rejection of the resolutions would not
bring about secession and rebellion, and that
there would be no cause for secession. Others
of the same party thought that they did not
fear rebellion, but if it come to blood they said,
let it come, they would not be responsible for it.
But the compromise resolutions were finally de-
feated by the Republicans-they voting in
body against the resolutions and the Democrats
and Americans voting for them. Secession and





promise foresaw and predicted. Therefore, the
Republican party has been held, in a great
measure, responsible for aiding in bringing
about rebellion, for the representative men of
the party had it in their power to pass the res
olutions, allay sectional animosities, satisfy the
South that theirs was not an Abolition party
organized for the purpose of making a war upon
Il. 81,


do it. Now, we presume, our Republican friend
would argue from these premises, that the men
who insisted that there would be no rebellion,
and who at the same time were opposed to and
voted down all compromises, were the true pa
triots and statesmen, and that those who fa-
vored compromise were aiding traitors! Of
course, if he arrives at such a conclusion (natu-
raj enough for him) we must respectfully. beg
leave to differ with him, as our reasoning fac
ultes will not permit us to come to any such
conclusion. Without stopping to discuss such
shallow propositions as our friends, further, we
will tell what we set out to do, the reason why
we don't publish ''the other side"


Three years ago we invested our 'Gttle alp
IN printing material, and came here and com
menced the publication of the STATESMAN. In
the first number issued we stated that we should
"conduct our business in our own way" We
felt able to do this, and as the type and fixtures
were our own, we felt that we had right to do
it. and as we set those type ourselves, wrote our
own editorials, and knew our own dispositions,
we were certain we aoould do it. In short, we
regard our business as we do any other mechan-
ical branch-one that should be followed for
profit, and that so long as it is carried on le-
ultimately no one has a right to dictate to us
how it should be done any more than we have to
go into dry goods store and tell the merchant
how he shall arrange the goods upon his shelves;
and while we always act upon the principle of
buying where'we are best suited, we deem it tie
right and duty of others to act upon the same
principle toward us. We never were reduced
to the necessity of begging patronage, and we
never will be, for should a time ever come when
we failed to secure a support from the business
to which we have been educated, we shou feel
competent to seek it in some other line. We
act upon thesbroad business principle that what
benefits individuals benefits communities, and
what benefits communities tends to the prosper
ity of the country at large. Then, while we are
giving attention to our own affairs, we have the
interests of the community and the country in
view and labor alike for both. But, as we
would not beg for patronage upon the principle
of independence neither would we give up our
principles and write to suit the fancy of any par
ticular party for its support. We do not arrive
at conclusions without examining into the
"whys and wherefores, y and what we write po-
litically we do conscientiously. Believing that
the policy that has been pursued by the Admin
istration ever since the departure of Mr. Lincoln
from the principles enunciated in his Inaugural
Address, has been tending to the destruction of
the Union and its free institutions we cannot
say that we believe he should be reelected; but
the contrary we believe and freely assert that
he should not be reelected. Mr.. Lincoln was
nominated upon platform which requires the
to be prosecuted as much, if not more, for
the abolition of slavery and the subjugation of
the South, as for the preservation of the Union.
he has declared his intention to have the war
41roaeouted for the abolishment of slavery if re-