Year: 1863

onies long before, and continued to exi st long
after, in every State save one. Surely then
it can not be presumed that these able and
sagacious men intended to stultify them
selves BY declaring that the negro race had
rights, which nevertheless they were not
ready to give them. And yet, it is dvdent
that we must eth er impute this crying inius-
tice to our revolutionary patriots, or suppose
that the case of the slaves was not contem-
plated


Nor is this a solitary example, for we have
a complete PARALLEL to it in the preamble to
the Constitution, where the important phrase,
" We, the people of the United States,' must
be understood with the very same Limitation.
Who were the people F? Undoubtedly the
free citizens who voted for the Constitution


We're the slaves counted as part of that
people? By no means. The negro race had
no voice, no yete, no influence whateve in
the matter. Thus, therefore, it seems per-
fectly plain that both these ins truments
must be understood according to the same
rule of interpre tation. The slaves we're not
included in the Declaration of Independence
for the same reason precisely that they were
not included amongst the people" no
adopted the Constitution of the United
States.


Now it is the established maxim of the
law, that every written document must be
understood according to the true intent of
the parties when it was executed. The Ian
guage employed may be such that it admits
of different sense but there can be only
one just Interpretation, and that is fixed un.
Alterably by the apparent meaning Of its au-
thors at the time. On this ground alone,
therefore, / respectfully contend that the
Declaration Of Independence has no claim
whatever to be considered in the controversy
Of our day. | have stated, at some length,
my reasons for rejecting its famous PROPOSE
tions, as being totally fallacious and untena-
BILE. But even if they were ever so "self evil
dent" are capable of the most rigid demon
stration, the rule of law Utterly forbids US to
appeal to them in sense which they were
not designed to bear.


In the second place, however, it should be
remembered that the Declaration of Indepen-
dence, whe ther true or false, whether it be
interpreted legally or Illegally forms no part
Of our present system. AS great histori-
cal document, it stands, and must ever stand,
prominent before the nations of the world. -
But it was put forth more than seven years
anterior to the Constitution. It's language
was not adopted in that Constitution aud it
has no place whatever in the obliga tory law
of the United States. When our orators our
preachers, and orr politicians, therefore,
take its propositions about human rights aud
human equality, and set them up as the su-
preme law, overruing the Constitution and
the acts Of Congress, which are the real lQp
of the land, can not wonder enough at the
absurdity Of the proceeding. And I doubt
furnish stronger instance of unmitigated
perversity.


Thirdly, and lastly, I am utterly opposed
to those popular propositions, not only be-
cause hold them to be altogether fallacious
and untrue, for the reasons already given,
but further, because their tendency is in di.
rect contrariety to the precepts of the Gospel,
and the highest interests of the individual
man. For what is the unavoidable effect of
this doctrine of human equali:y2 Is it not
to nourish the spirit of pride, envy, and con-
tention2 To set the servant against the
master, the poor against the rich, the weak
against the strong, the ignorant against the
educated ? To loosen all the bonds and rela
tions ofsociety, and reduce the whole duty of
subordinatiou to the selfish cupidity of Pc
cuniary interest, without an atom of respect
for age, for Office, for law, for government,
for Providence or for the word of God


do not deny, indeed, that this doctrine Of
urge men forward in constant struggle for
advancement. Its natural operation is to
force the vast majority into a csaseless con-
test with their circumstances, each discon-
one else. above him, and toiGng with uuceas-
ing effort to rise upon the social scale Of
wealth and Importance as fast and as far as
he can. There is no principle of stronger im-
pulse to stimulate ambition in every depart
ment. And hence arises its manifold influ-
ence on the business, the enterprise, the
commerce, the manufactures the agriculture,
the amusements, the fashions aud the politi
cal strifes of our Northern people, making
them all restless, all aspiring, and all deter
mined, Impossible, to pass their rivals IN the
race of selfish emulation.


But how does It operate on the order, the
stability, and the ultimate pros perity OF the
nation ? How does it work on the steadcast
administration Of justice, the honor and puri
ty of our public officers, the quiet subordina-
ton of the various classes in the community,
the fidelity and submission of domestics, the
obedience os children, and the relations of