Year: 1860

Viueu tuuss on the Slavery question. without
delaying TO consider the merits of either posi-
ton on this question, | maintain that the SEN
tlment of the country is not to be so divided.
Non-intervention is question of eolicy merely,
not of law. 1t is kind Of middle or neutral
ground. 1t would be a source of congratula-
ticn and rejoicing, if the whole country would
acquiesce 10 that policy and end the struggle.
But this will not be done. The Slavery ques-
ton cannot now be regulated by that policy
The American party attempted to occupy a
middle, concilIatory ground on that perplexing
question. 1t has been all in vain. We have
been crying peace, peace, bat there is no peace.
The agitation of this question has Increased
and spread, until it now shakes the whole coun-
try from its center to its remotest borders
All other questions Of principle or governnen-
tai policy have sunk into insignifeance, and it
alone has become the Issue of Presjde0tia
campaign. We extended our lines and barred
our breasts in 1856 to meet and quell this agi-
tasion. What has been our fatel Our lines
have been broken on all sides--our ranks most
sOrely thinned, and the shattered remnant Of
our once gallant band is now so hemmed ia by
the striving forces III the conflict, that it must
be grouLd to powder if it continue to remain ia
its present untenable position. What, then, is
to be done? To me our course is plain. We
must choose between these striving forces. It
Is useless to remain neutral unless We retire
and wrap ourselves close in the mantle of IN
difference Such as have temperament adapt
ed to such state of torpitude may congratu-
late themselves. For nay part do not envy
them. cannot look on indiferently. For
myself | must take one side or the other. We
III he b.Fr 81
be met and passed upon. Then let US, while


in the vigor of our physical aud intellectual
strength, enter this conflict, and, by determine
ing, end it. 1t would be unmanly to defer it
until the infrmfies of age shall have disquali-
fed Us for the service, or to saddle our posteri-
ty with task which our procrastinatiOn shall
have rendered 50 much the more onerous.


Those opposing forces are nothing more and
nothing less than the Slave Power on the one
side, striving against its opponents on the other
side for the aseeudency. This slave power has
assumed within the past fsw years most n,ighty-
proportions. From a domestic institution, reg
ulated by local law, it has plunged to the very
foundation of our Government, aud usurped
the place of Liberty, the cornerstone on which
it was erected. 1t has soarod to the summit of
the arch which spans our Union, and proclaim
ed itself the keystone. Verify, "the stone
which the builders rejec.e,! has become the head
of the corner"


| suppose our Revolutionary struggle, which
"cansed throb in every heart that loved ldb-
crty, and wIung a reluctant tribute even from
dlscomhtted oppression" had been presided
over aud directed by different genius than
the Slave Power would fain persuade US. l
supposed that when that struggle for Liberty
Was ended, and our forefathers, with the smell
of the battle field yet on their garments, laid
the foundations of cur Government, and reared
the superstructure thereon, which has been es-
teemed the palladium of mans rights, meant
it for what it seemed, rather than tor a citadel
of refuge for him who lived aud thrived upon
mans wrongs. So you have also supposed
Have we been mistaken If we have, let us
submit and end this strife. 1t we have not,
let US maintain the integrity of the trust COM
mitted to as by our forefathers, and show the
world that the allegations OF the Slave Power
are libels ou their memory, as base as its as
sumptions are false and groundless, by sheariug
it of its high pretensiOns, curbing the range of
its power, and defining boundary beyond which
it cannot pass In fact, this Slave Power must
be made subordinate to toleratioD, rather than
suffered to be dominant over all restraint. A
Slave Code. may be necessary, but not for the
encouragement of Slavery, but for its limita-
tion and regulation within its present limits
1t must be told plainly and emphatically, so
that there may be no misunderstanding or mis-
take, that within the States where it now exists,
it shall remain undisturbed by any interference
from the Free States, and that all the Consti-
tutional rights and immunities TO which it is
legally and justly entitled, shall be faithfully
enforced and preserved; and that beyond this it
cannot AID will not be suffered to 20.


Until the ascendency of Slavery is perma-
nently established, or its limits emphatically
and definitely defined, there will be no rest
from the agitation with which we are now af-
fieted; neither can questions of the greatest
moment to our country's welfare receive any
attention whatever, much less that attention
which their Importance demands. Then let US
meet it manfully, but in spirit of kindness,
justice, patriotism, and philanthropy. 1t may
sorely try the strength of our Union, but soon
er or later it must endose the test If its en-
durancs will not bear the settlement of ques-
tions which disturb and distract its harmony,
let US know its weakness and suffer the conse-
quences. sIt is better to dwell In a corner of
the housetop than with brawling woman in a
wide house,"


But to return to the subject of coalition
Of Americans and Fillmore men with the Doug
las men, have said that it could not be
formed satisfactorily, aud if formed it could
not succeed. These objections to the forma-
ton of such coalition, to most minds ought
to be satisfactory. Toe probabilities of OBJ
tanning the end sought by the means proposed,
are entirely too vague and uncertain 10 excuse
what, to me, seems to be such an unnatural al
lance. Stealing the livery of heaven to serve
! the devil in, has been severely rebuked.-