Year: 1863

/ =


the 23d of September, 1862 contained
an account of an interview between
some Abolition preachers Of that city
and President Lincoln, the statement
being made at public meeting il
Chicago. They asked Lincoln tc
issue an Emancipation Proclamation


He refused, and among other reasons
assigned the following:


81 am approached with the most op


osite opinions and advice, and that by
religious men, who are equal y certain
that they represent the Divine will
| am shure that either the one or the
other class is mistaken in that belief
and, perhaps, in some respects both.
l hope it will not be irreverent for me
to say, that if it is probable that Goo
would reveal his will to othecs, on {
point so connected with my duty, il
might be supposed he would reveal il
directly to me. For, unless l an
more decided in myself than | otter
am, it is my earnest desire to know
the will of Providence in this matter.
And if | can learn what 1t is, | will


do it"


Within a week after he made this
answer in the negative he issued the
Proclamation. In order to learn
what the views of God were, it is said
the President consulted the spirits
and having ascertained what PROV
idence desired from them, he issued
the Proclamation! The President
is believer in mediums. Before he
: thus ascertained Gods views the Pres.
ident was turned against emancipation


He said: ..- ......a. ...


"What good would q proclamation
Of emancipation from me do, especial.
ly as we are now situated? | do not
wish to issue document that the
whole world will see must be inopera-
tive, like the Pope's bull against the
comet! Would my word free the
slaves when l can not even enforce the
Constitution in the rebellious States!
Is there a single court or magistrate.
or individual that would be influenced
by it then? And what reason is there
to think it would have any greater
effect upon the slave than the late law
of Congress, which | approve, and
which offers protection and freedom to
the slaves of rebel masters who came
within our lines? Yet ! can not learn
that the law has caused single slave
to come to us. And suppose they
could be induced by proclamation
of freedom from me to throw them
selves upon us, what should we do
with them? How could we feed and
care for such multitude? General
Butler wrote me, few days since,
that he was issuing more rations to
the slaves, who had been rushed to
him, than to all the white troops
under his command. They eat, and
that is all. Though it is true, Gen.
Bueler is feeding whites also, by the
thousand, for it nearly amounts to a
famine there. IF, now, the pressure
of the war should call off our forces
from New Orleans to defend some 9th
er point, what is to prevent the mas
ters from reducing the blacks to sla-
very again, for, am told, that whenN
ever the rebels take any black prison
ers, free or slaves, they Immediately
auction them off. They did SO with
those they took from boat that was
aground on the Tennessee River a
few days ago. And then I am very
ungenerously attacked for it! For
instance, when, after the late battles
at and near Bull Run, an expedition
went out from Washington under a
flag of truce, to bury the dead and
bring in the wounded, and the rebels
seized the blacks who went along to
to help, and sent them into slavery
Horace Greeley said in his paper that
the Government would proba lie dc
nothing about it. What could [ do!'
i !