Year: 1860

largely, II not principally, engaged in
transporting slaves from the barracoons
of Western Africa TO the shores Of Vir-
ginia and the Carolinas; against the ear
nest rotest, too, OF both colonies. And
when / remember all this, and consider
how, in consequence, this domestic servi-
tude has decome so incorporated with
the whole texture of Southern institu-
tions and society; how they have so
grown up together, and are so intermin-
gled, that by no possibility can slavery
be suddenly torn out without the most
deplorable consequences, both TO master
and servant; ] think see reason enough
for very kindly farbearance on our


part; | recognize even stern demand of
justice, irrespective Of all written laws,
that we religiously abstain from every
thing like contumely aud reproach, as
well rs from an offioious intermeddling
with what is now altogether their con-
cern, and none Of ours. And | go still
further, and say, in view of the part taxi
en- by the North in former times, in stock
ing the sugar and cotton fields of the
South with their sable cultivators, that
whoever are entitled to cast the first
stone, we are not that people. 1t seems
indeed incredible that any amongst us
should feel themselves at liberty to in
dulge in the language of vituperation, so
long as we insist on praising our puritan
ical forefathers for every virtue under
heaven, and continue to build the tombs
of the prophets and garnish the sepul-
chres of the righteous, through whose ac-
tive agency the slave trade was carried
on, and all the consequences incurred OF
which many are now disposed 20 com
plain.


Slavery having thus been imposed on
our brethren at the South, not unwilling
ly, we are at liberty to suppose, SO far as
a portion of them were concerned, and be-
come an integral part of their social ex-
istence, they cannot suddenly abolish it
if they would. But whether they shall
or shall not abolish it at all, is no busi-
ness of ours, 1t was rightly said on a
late occasion by one of our most eloquent
orators, while commenting on a remark
of the foremost of our statesmen, that we
had less to do with the slavery of the
Southern States than with that of Cuba
The latter we may discuss as we please
and publish what we please in regard to
it; while the former is guarded against
our approach by the very spirit and in
tent Of our political compact. We can
not assai it without giving Just ground
of offence. Many seem to forget this,
and talk as if we were under moral OBJ
ligation--some undiscovered, unintelligi-
BILE higher law-to wipe out this foul blot,
as they are plased to call it, from our
national character. Why, since the day
when ouT naviga,crs discharged their hv
ing cargocs at the wharves of the South
ern States, it has never for one instant
been under our control, in any manner or
shape whatever. And whether it be
good or bad institution, blessing or
curse to the land where it prevails, is not
our concern. 1t can no more become
practical question with the people of New
England, than is the question of serfdom
in Russia or Poland 1t is less so, for
the reason | have just alluded to, and
good and sufficient reason it is why we
should let it alone.


When the people of the Southern colo
nies, as they then were or lately had been,
were about to unite with those at the
North in a mutual confederation for our
commercial and other purposes, they
were as Independent of us as we were of
them. They had their local laws and in
stitutions as we had; and they had a right
to require, as they did, that one of the
conditions of the compact should be, that
they should continue to manage their do
mestic affairs in their own way, without
any interference from us, just as we are to
manage ours without any intesference from
them. 1t was one of the mutual stipula
tions, that persons held to service in one
State, escaping into another; should, on
requisition, be given up. That was
part of the compact, and very impor-
tant one to those States which were en-
cumbered with numerous population of
this character, and they had a right to
say that, unless that condition were made
a part of the compact, the negotiation
should not go on. They did not ask the
North to sanction slavery, nor to pro-
nounce any opinion in regard to it; no
such thing. All that they demand was,
that slavery should be recognized as a
fact, an existence, a thing that was, sub
iect to no control but thir own; and,
moreover, that fugitives from labor should
he restored-a thing of no sort of conse-
quence to us, but of the greatest possible
consequence to them. To these condi-
tons we assented, and very properly; the
federation could not have been consum
mated on any other terms. And now, if
we deliberately violate these conditions,
or. through culpable negligence, permit
them to be violated; if we allow noisy
faction, whatever their motives may be,
so far to prevail as to set the laws at de-
fiance, and in any way to render the re-
covery of fugitive impossible, whether
by connivance, or sham legal proceedings,
or by open resistance, then what follows?
Why, the compact is broken by us; we
refuse to fulfil its stipulation, and the ag-
grieved States may, if they choose, at any
moment declare the confederacy dssolv-
ed. When their rights in this matter, as
agreed upon and confirmed in the Consti-
tuition, the great instrument of union, shall
be denied them, or cannot any longer be
enforced, the bond is broken, and they
are cast loose from all obligation to OBJ
serve it. The act of separation in that
case is ours, not theirs; the crime of dis
union lies at our door. and not with them,