Year: 1861

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which the recent speech of Senator Seward has mad
upon the public journals, cOate from such of ou
exchanges as have come to hand by the mails 0
last evening, the following expressions of opinion
With the exception of the National Intelligenccr
will be perceived that the views expressed art
wholly those of the New York and Philadelphia
papers, none Of those TO the South or West that
treat of the subject having.as as yet come to hand
We commence with the


Ne,o York Tribune.


Gov. Stewards speech we think. disappoints
those who have sanguinely expected from it So
luton of our national perplexties and disspa-
tion of our national perils. On the other hand
those who looked to it with confident delight as
likely to embody surrender of every distinctivey
Republican principle and purpose in order to turn
away the wrath of the secessioniss will find them
selves disappointed. Gov. Seward indicates pur-
pose to push concession to the utmost verge in order
TO dspe the perils now broodng over the Republic;
but he does not forget that he is Republican.


For the rest, the Tribune would have preferred a
bolder tone, although expressing willingness to
make moderate and concilatory concessions if the
secessonists would signify their readiness to accept
of them in conciatory spirit.


From the Neig Fork Times


IL Is pre-emlnently speech which ought to COM
mand universal attention and exert a general and
sanitary influence. As indication of the spirit
III "nleu tne Administration OF Mir. Lincoln will be
conducted, 1T leaves nothing to be desired. 1t
must convince every candid man that its predomi-
nant and paramount aim will be to perpetuate the
Union-that it will consult, with scrupulous care
the interests, the principles, ard the sentiments of
every section.


Ii Judged fairly and candidly, both by the North
and the South, Gas a declaration Of general prin.
ciples," the Times believes that both sections will
find it difficult to detect in it anything that Justly
obnoxious, to censure. 1t then goes on to say:


In point Of fact, however, the speech will not be
Judged from such point of view. 1t was made in
the midst of criss-after the fever of public feel
ing had reached an alarming height, while one
State was in arms against the Federal Government
and others had formally repudiated its authority.
IL followed very able and elaborate speeches in sup
port of the disunion movement from Senators who
may falrly claim to be its authorized representa-
tves II they have not been its most efficient authors
and agents. The country has been eagerly looking
to Mr. Seward for more than a month for some
plan of relief and the conviction that he had some
snch plan, at once comprehensive, definite and effec
tual, encouraged by the tone of confident hope
which pervaded his speech at the New England din
ner, had taken strong hold upon the public mind
His speech, therefore, will be judged from that ex-
pectation; and probably the general opinion will
DE that 1t falls short OF what the emergency of the
case requires. 1t contains promise of concess-
ions such as are generally considered essential to
the arrest of the disunion movement. 1t encour-
ages no hope that slavery can go into any portion
OF the Territories of the United States under Con-
gressional protection indeed Mr. s. declares ex-
pcitly that he 'shall never directly or indirectly
give his vote to establish or sanction slavery in
such Territories, or anywhere else in the world"
let this demand for Constitutional recognition oil
slave property, and consequent Congressional
protection of slavery in the Federal Territories is
so lar as we can perceive, the only clear and dis
tnct concession upon which the Southern States
unite.


What the opinion of the extreme South will be
is thus surmised:


We see little reason to suppose that Mr.. Stewards
speech, conservative and cOnciatory as it is, will
produce any marked effect upon the disunion move
ment in the Southern States Those that are al
ready committed to secession will see nothing in it
to induce them to retrace their steps.


From the Neu York World


Mr.. Stewards answer to the question how to
save the Union, will be satisfactory neither to
friend nor foe. Applying to his plan the same prac-
tcal test which he has applied to the plans of 9TH
ers the clear result appears thatit is inadequate
as he has declared theirs to be- The people can
and will save the Union, he says, but how, the
people ask. In what way can the people act, ex-
cept through their authorized representatives in
Congress assembled. Yet Congressional compro-
misses, he says, of avail. Do they look to
him, as leading statesmen, for instructions what
to do, feeling that the peril is such as to require
all their wisdom to avert, all Eeir manliness to
meet The senator replies, that we may as well
discard the prevalent idea or prejudice, that "tbe
Union is to be saved by somebody in particular"
lie has nothing to say to the people except that the
Union is inestimabe, and its dissolution our univer-
sal ruin When flames burst out in our dwellings,
can the tirernan stay away from the premises be,
cause the building is valuable and fire destructive?


But those who believe that civil war is now inevi-
table, and that out of civil war the North and
South can never issue as a united nation, will see
no prescience in his optimism now; and hereafter
even if the Union shall be preserved bv war, they
will deny the praise of the highest practical states
manship to him who, having the opportunity did
not pronounce the decisive word which secured its
preservation by the more benignant methods of
peace.


From the Neu York Herald of S,ndayl


With all its soft and silky professions Of forbear-
ance, patience, concation and compromise, we
apprehend that this speech closes the door of recon-
ciliation, and proclams coercion the deliberate
ly chosen policy of the President elect.


x


We somewhat more clearly comprehend
what is before us:-First, nothing in the shape
of compromise. Secondly, the Inauguration of
Mr. Lincoln as President Of the United States with
seven, or ten, perhaps fifteen of the States
cut oil and organized under another government;
and third, the discovery by Mr. Lincoln, his Cabi-
net and his party, that satisfactory securities to
Southern institutions not attanable in the Union
must be conceded to the Southern confederacy.


From the New York Herald MOndoyl


We may now expect that this speech will give
new hope to the friends of the Union, and that it
will create tremendous among the sentmen-
tai Republicans, who will charge Mr. Seward with
inconsistency and vacillation. Mr.. Seward is not
inconsistent The statesman who is equal to his re-
sponsibilites is obliged to keep pace with the pro.
gress of events to be guided by the lessons of the
past and the prospects of the future. Mr. Seward
has not turned a political. summerset, but he has
detached himself to certain extent from his poti-
cal friends. As the responsible man in the next
administration, he is right in preparing to throw
off all party trammels, and to stand before his
countrymen "clothed, and in his right mind" 1t
is to be hoped now that Mr.. Seward will so far
moderate his views to advocate the immediate
assemblage of National Convention.


From the Nepo York Su.l


Inc ultra Republicans are greatly incensed, but
without reason. They ought to have known this,
that Mr.. Stewards "bark is worse than his bite 4"
We have never regarded him as dangerous in actu-
al service. His weakness for occasional escapades
OF ultraism in expression, sympathy with Jersey
rescuers, and the like-which may be touches of
the demagogue-has done more harm than his pub
lie conduct in office, which at Washington has been
and evidently will be quite conservative.


From the Philadelphia North Americana


Mr.. Sew ard has at length been placed in a re-
sponsible attitude before the country as a member
OF the incoming administration, and in this position
he speaks We dare to say that no man of fairness
in any part of the country will call him ex-
treme, or will say that such readiness as he ex-
hibits to satisfy the demands of those who
oppose the Republican party can possibly belong
to an extreme and impracticable man. Many in
his own'party will be ready to say that he has
OVereStlmaVeu tue necessity l0r abandoning certain
positions he has held in regard to the extension of
slavery to new territories; but MIR. Seward insists
that the public gency, and the overruling neces
sity to keep the Union together, demand at least
much yielding as this.


From the Philadelphia Pressl


However much radical Abolitonists, on the one
hand, may be disposed to find fault with Mr. Sew
ard, or ultra pro-slavery men, on the other,
plain that he has shown disposition to Weld to
all their exactions, feel satisfied that the masses
of the American people, who are yet attached to
the Union and anxious for its preservation wheth-
er they live north or south Of Mason and Dixon's
line, will cheerfully concede that he has taken a
bold and manly step in the right direction. He
discusses his theme in style worthy of its trans
cendant Importance, and as one who fully realizes
the folly of refusing to sacrifice a few cherished
prejudices or stubborn convictions to save great
empire and to rescue happy and prosperous peo-
pie from all the sufferings and horrors of civil
The Union may be destroyed in spite of the
anxious desire to preserve it, and the conc iatory
spirit he has evinced; but certainly his remarks on
Saturday should have no small influence in calm
ing the exaggerated fears entertained in the
South of aggressions on the part of the Admin
istration, and in restoring harmony to our dis
tracted and divided Confederacy.


From the Philadelphia Ledger.I


While Mr.. Seward is eminently conciliatory in
his tone, and entirely free from offence to any Sec
tion yet the most that he has to offer in the way of
concession is that which it is admitted is secured to
the States at present. either expressly by the Con-
stitution, by acts of Congress- and by decisions
of the Supreme Court. So far as disposition is
evinced to 90 into convention for revision of the
Constitution upon this point, there is concession;
but it is concession that does not meet the present
difficulty 1t is not what may be thought of these
matters few years hence by the people, but what
present measures OF compromise will avert the
coming ruin.


From the Philadelphia Enquirerl


We commend the speech to the PHILADELPHIA pub