Year: 1861

BY TELEGRAPH


MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF TTIE


UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS.


To the Senate and House Of Representatives:


At the opening of your present session | called
| your attention to the dangers which threatened


the existence of the Union. | expressed my opin-


ion freely concerning the origina causes of those
| dangers, and recommended such measures as [ be-


lieved would have the effect of tranquilizing the
| country and saving it from the peril in which it
| had been needlessly and most unfortunately in
| volved


Those opinions and Recommendations do not now
propose to repeat My own convictions upon the
| whole subject remain unchanged. The fact that a
| great calamity was impending over the nation was
| even at that time acknowledged by every intelIi-


gent citizen. 1t had already made itself felt


throughout the length and breadth of the land
The necessary consequences of the alarm thus pro.
duced were most deplorable-mports fell off with


rapidity never known before, except in time of
| war. in the history of foreign commerce; the


treasury was unexpectedly left without means
| which 1t had reasonably counted upon to meet the
public engagements; trade was parayzed manu-


factures were stopped; the best public securities
suddenly sunk in the market; every species of pro-
| perty deprecated more or less, and thousands of
poor men, who depended upon their daily labor for
their daily bread, were turned out of employment.
| L deeply regret that am not able to give YOU
any information upon the state of the Union which
| is more satisfactory than what was then obliged
to communicate. On the contrary matters are still
worse at present than they then were When
| Congress met, strong hopes pervaded the whole
public mind that some amicable adjustment of the
subject would speedily be made, by the representa-
! tives of the States and of the people, which might
| restore perce between conflicting sections of the
country. That hope has been diminished bv every
! hour of delay, and as the prospect OF a boodless
settlement ladies' away, public distress becomes more
| and more aggravated


As evidence of this, it is only necessary to sa 9
| that the Treasury Notes authorized by the Act of
the 18th OF December last, advertised accord
ing to law, and that no responsible bidder offered
to take any considerable sum at par at lower rate
of interest than II per cent. From these facts it
| appears that in Government organized like ours,
| domestic strife even a well-grOunded fear OF
| civil hostilities is more destructive to our public
| and private interests than most formidable
| foreign


In my annual message | expressed the convic-
tion, which l have long deliberately held, and
which recent reflection has only tended to deepen
| and confirm, that no State has a right bv its own
act to secede from the Union or to throw off its
| Federal obligations at pleasure. | also declared
my opinion to be that even if that right existed,
and should be exercised by any State of the Con-
federacy the Executive department of this govern
ment had no authority under the Constitution to
recognize its validity, by acknowledging the indie
| pendence of such State


This left other alternative, as chief execu-
tive officer under the Constitution but to collect
the public revenues and to protect the public prop
erty, far this might be practicable under ex-
listing laws. This is still my province. NV
| province is to execute and not to make laws
| 1t belongs to Congress exclusively to re-
| peal, to modify or enlarge their provisions to
meet exigencies they may occur. possess no dis
| pensing power. | certainly had no right to make
| aggressive war upon any State, and am perfectly
satisfied that the Constitution has wisely withheld
| that power even from Congress.


But the right and duty to military force de
fensively against those who resist the federal Off


GERS in the execution OF their legal functions and
against those who assai the property of the teder
al government, is clear and undenable. But
dangerous and hostile attitude of States towards
each other, has already far transcribed and cast in
the shade the ordinary executive duties already pro-
Vlded for by law, and has assumed such vast and
alarming proportions as to place the subject entire
" above and beyond executive control


The fact cannot be disguised that we are in the
midst of great revolution in ali its various bear
ings. Therefore | commend the question to Con-
gress as the only human tribunal, under Providence
possessing power to meet the existing emergency
To them exclusively belongs the power to declare
war or to authorize the employment of military
force in all contemplated by the Cons tituton;
and they alone possess power to remove grievances
which might lead to war, and to secure peace and
union to this distracted country. On them, and on
them alone, rests the responsibility.


The Union is sacred trust left by our revou-
tionary fathers TO their descendants and did
any other people inherit so rich legacy. 1t has
rendered US prosperous in peace and triumphant in
war. Our national flag has 1oated in glory over
| every sea. Under its shadow, American citizens
have found protection and respect in all lands be-
meath the sun. If we descend to considerations of
purely material interest, when, IN the history of
all time, has confederacy been bound together bv
such strong ties of mutual interest? Each portion
of it is dependent all, and all upon each por tion
| for prosperity and domestic security.


| Free trade throughout the whole supplies the
wants of one portion from the productions of
| another, and scatters wealth everywhere. The
| great planting and farming States require the aid
of the commercial and navigating States, to send
their productions to domestic and foreign markets,
and to furnish naval power to render their trans
portation secure against all hostile attacks Should
the Union perish in the midst of the present excite
ment, we have already had sad foretaste of the
universal suffering which would result from its de-
| structon. The calamity would be severe in every
portion of the Union, and would be quite as great,
to say the least in the Southern as in the Northern
States.


The greatest aggravation of the evil, and that
| which would place in most unfavorable light,
both before the world and posterity is, as am firm
ly convinced, that the secession movement has been
| chiefly based upon misapprehension at the South
OF the sentiments OF the majority in several of the
| Northern States. Let the question be transferred
from political assemblies to the ballot box, and the
people themselves would speedily redresss all ser-
! Gus grievances which the South has suffered. But
| in Heavens name let trial be made before we
plunge into armed conflict upon assumption
that there is no other alternative. Time is great
| conservative power.


Let us pause at this mOmentouS point and afford
| the people, both North and South, an opportunity
for reflection. Would that South Carolina had
been convinced of this truth before her precipitate
action. Therefore | appeal through you to the
people of the country to declare in their might that
the Union must and shall be preserved by all con-
| stiutional means. | most earnestly recommend
that you devote yourselves exclusively to the ques
| tiOn-how this can be accomplished in peace. All
other questions, when compared to this, sink into
lnsignihcance. The present Is no time for palia-
| tions-action, prompt action, is required delay
in Congress to prescribe or to recommend distinct
and practical propositions for conciaton may
| drive US to point from which it will be almost i'm
| possible to recede.


Common ground, on which Cancellation and har-
mony can be produced is surely not unattainable,
! propositions to compromise by letting the North
have exclusive control Of territory above certain
line, and to give Southern institutions protection
below that line, ought to receive universal appro-
| baton. In itself, indeed, it not be entirely
satisfaction, but when the alternative is between
reasonable concession on both sides and the desruc
tiOn of the Union it is imputation upon the pa
| triotism of Congress to assert that members will
! hesitate for moment.


Even now danger is upon US. In several of the
States which have not seeded forts, arsenas, and
| magazines of the United States have been seized
This is by far the most serious step which has been
| taken since the commencement of the troubles
| This public property has long been left without
garrsons and troops for its protection, because no
person doubted its security under the flag of the
country in any State of the Union; besides our
small army has scarcely been sufficient to guard
our remote frontiers against Indian lncursl0ns.-
The seizure OF this property, from all appearances,
| has been purely aggressive, and not in resistance
| to any attempt to coerce States to remain in the
| Union.


| At the beginning of these unhappy troubles de-
termined that action of mine should increase the
excitement in either section of the country Ifthe
| political conflict to end in civil war, it was
my determined purpose not to commence it, or even
furnish excuse for it by any act of the govern
ment My opinion remains unchanged that Justice


as we'll sound policy requires US still to seek a


peaceful solution of the questions at issue between


the North and the South. Entertaining this con-
| viction, refrained even from sending reinforce
| ments to Major Anderson, commanding the forts in


Charleston harbor, until absolute necessity for


doing should make itself apparent, lest it might


unjustly be regarded as menace of military CO.


ercion, and thus furnish, if not provocation, a,


ea-t pretext for an outbreak on the part of South


Carolina.


No necessity for these reinforcements seemed to


exist. l was ured by distinguished and upright


gentlemen of South Carolina that no attack upor


Major Anderson was intended, but that on the con


trary, 1t was the desire of the State authorities


much as 1t was my own to avoid the fatal conse


guences which must eventually follow military col


llslon: And here | deem it proper to submit fol


your information, copies of communication dated


the 18th of December, 1860; addressed to me by X


W. Barnwell, j. I'll. Adams and james L. Orr, com


mlssioners from South Carolina, with accompany


ing documents and copies OF my answer threto


dated 3lst December.


In further explanation of Major Anderson's re
! moYal from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, it /