Year: 1865




Mr.. BLISS. Mr. Speaker, l deem it my
duty to the people whom | represent as a
member of this body, to utter in their name
some words of protestation against the i'm
notation of the Constitution of the United
States which is threatened by the represent
atives of the party which holds the majority
of this House. In that sacred instrument
is contained the life blood of our Govern
ment, and in its fate is involved the highest
mortal interest of the American people.


Revolution, leaping in the dark, is ever
OF the most dangerous tendency. We shall
act toolishlyas Il nation if we allow ourselves
for any selfish motive to forsake and spurn
the well-tried principles and policy upon
which our fathers built our Government,
and from the just application of which
nothing has resulted in opposition to peace
prosperity, and unprecedented national ad-
vancement. We shall act foolishly and
rashly if we abandon theapproved guarantees
of national happiness and greatness which
Heaven and the loftiest human wisdom have
permitted us to possess, and adopt in their
stead some untried and speculative policy,
the realization of which is only in vague
imaginations Of an uncertain and imperiled
future.


There are many reasons why | cannot,
consistently with my conscience and my
views of the true interest of my country, ac-
cord my vote to the initiatory step to what
L regard as the revolutionary measure pro-
posed. In the first place, and which alone
is sufficient for my determent it would in
volve me in the guilt of wilful violation
of the solemn oath without which | could
not have become member of this body
That oath binds me, like many taken before
it, to support, maintain, and defend the
Constitution of the United States. That
solemn obligation have ever intended to
keep, and cannot relax in my purpose now
when the axe Of party majority is raised
in an illegitimate way to strike down its pro-
visions. The plain terms of the obligation
preclude any attempt to change or destroy
any Of its provisions or guarantees, except
by the lawful mode which itself provides,
and which is laid down in its fifth article in
the following words:


"The Congress, whenever two thirds of both
Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose
amendments to this Constitution, or on the ap-
plcation of the Legislatures of two thirds of the
several states, shall cal convention for propos-
ing amendments, which, in either ease, shall be
valid to all intents and purposes us part of this
Constitution when ratified by the Legislatures
of three fourths of the several states or by con-
ventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or
the other mode of ratification may be proposed
by the Congress; provided, that no amendment
which may be made prior to the year 1905 shall
in any manner effect the first and fourth clauses
in the ninth section of the first article, and that
no State, without its consent, shall be deprived
of its equal suffrage in the Senate"


Upon what reasoning and recognition of
facts does any member of this Congress claim
the possible power, under the foregoing arti-
Gle, to take the initiatory steps to the change
proposed? Are the States whose people,
in part are in rebellion against the general
Government, out of the Union in theory and
in fact? Are they foreign Powers, and their
inhabitants foreign people, not Subject to
the Constitution and laws of the United
States? so, why do we raise and send
mighty hosts to enforce, by the sword, the
bayonet, and the cannon, obedience and sub
iugation to that Constitution and to those
laws? If the people of the so o.called seeded
States are not citizens in the Union, why are
our courts engaged, under an act Of Con-
gress, in confscating their estates for acts of
treason against their Government? Treason
implies citizenship; it cannot be committed
by an alien or an enemy. If those States
are not out of the Union in theory of law,
and if their people owe the allegiance to the
Government of the United States which is
claimed of them, then clearly those States
are among the number Of the States three
fourths of whom must unite their voices
upon any " ahiSht NoH-
sttution.


That they are not so legally in the Union,
and so to be regarded as States with con-
trolling portion of their people in rebellion,
is a new and recently assumed proposition,
and at war with every executive manifesto,
proclamation, and declaration from the first
act of secession till now From the COM
mencement of what every one has called re-
bell;on the peoDle of the Federal States, of
all parties and without distinction, have
agreed upon the common idea and doctrine
that ordinances of secession are null and
void that the sovereignty of the Constitu-
ton was unalterably fixed upon all the peo-
pie of the realm, and on that faith, and that
only, the Union-loving patriotism of the
country has responded to all calls made by
the military administration, and allowed the
blood of the nation to be freely poured out
and expended, and grievous national debt
to be incurred Are we row to sec the pre-
dominating party holding these great issues
in its hands change front upon this vital