Year: 1860




one southern State, and he cannot hope to carry
single one in the North.


The election of either Mr.. Breckinridge or Mr.,
Douglas we should regard as q serious misfor-
tune toathe country. Except upon the particu-


lar point on which they are at issue, we may
presume that the course and policy of their adj
minstrations would be substantially the same
The election of either would continue those a.
buses and corruptions which have done so much
to demoralize our people, which have brought
our institutions into such undeserved distrust g.
broad, and against which the unperverted con-
science of the whole country so energetically
protests.


NO CHANCE FOR DOUGLAS OR BREoKINRIDGE..


But we deem it unnecessary tospeculate upon
the consequences of an event which can never
take place. The election of either Mr.. Douglas
or Mr.. Breckenridge is simply an impossibility,
and the Democratic party North and South may
as we'll look this fact steadily in the face to-day
as hereafter, for to this conclusion they must
come at last. A political house divided against
itself cannot stand. Every man in the country
of sound mind, whose wish is not father to his
thought, must be convinced that neither of the
Democratic candidates can be chosen by pop.
ular vote. t2@yiA AA .sI--


THE REPUBLICAN PARTY A SECTIONAL PARTY.


Before the people of the United States the
contest is between Mr.. Bell and Mr.. Lincoln
and, assuming this as a fixed fact, we proceed to
state some of the reasons which should induce
all well-wishers to their country to vote for the
former rather than the latter. These reasons
apply with equal force to the North and the
South.


The great, the obvious, theAiRsnperable>QRs
lection to NJ: Lincoln's claims is founded. upon
the fact that feis sectional candidate, and that
the Republican party is a sectional party. I. In
ffteen0qt of the thirty three States which COM
20 our Union, the Republican party has no
substantial exisssnce; and, SHOULD Mr.. Lincoln
be clf6selA his administration n~c6ald have nd
Sesth herK s1pfort, but only southern opposition.
We are we'll aware how energetically the Re-
publican party disclafns all designs hostile to
the constitutional Arigfts of the South; we be-
,lieve that many. d its members are sincere
in these> dfSelaimers; the distrust awakened
throughout the South by the existence and atti-
,tude Of the Republican party may be a ground
less distrust. That the Republican party is hon.
estly believed throughout the whole South to be
sectional party, and as such is viewed with un-
compromising hostility, is enough for the pur-
poses of our argument. If they have earned
such a reputation without deserving it, it, is
misfortune, to the consequences of which they
must submit. But surely they have not earned
it without cause. To say nothing of the afro
cious and unwarrantable language which their
most popular speakers are in the habit of using
to say nothing of the fact that many of their
campaign documents are mere abolition har-
angues, made up of the foulest and fercest abuse
of the entire South, the unconstitutional stat
utes which some of the Northern States have
passed, against the execution of the Fugitive
Slave law-are in direct opposition to the pro-
fessions of the party, and justify the distrust
which the South entertains of them. We do not
say that the election of Mr.. Lincoln would be
fatal to the Union. We are not disunionists;
and no disunionist has right to be a member
of the Constitutional Union party. Under any
possible combination of circumstances, We can
not conceive of dissolution of the Union as
anything but the greatest of calamities. Come
what will, we shall stand by the Union as the
most precious jewel of our souls. But knowing
the proud and sensitive spirit of the southern
people, we do say that the election of Mr.. Lin
coin would expose the Union to q peril to which
no true patriot should wish to see it exposed
And, further, we do say that the attempt to gov
ern the country upon the distinctive and pecu-
liar principles of the Republican party would
be fatal to the Union. In other words, the at
tempt on the part of the National Government,
by positive law, to exclude slavery from such
portion of the national domain as would become
slave territory but for such exclusion, would, in
our opinion, break up the Union. And the
converse of the proposition is equally true; any
to force slavery, by positive law, into such por-
tion of the national domain as would become
free territory but for such Intervention, would
also break up the Union.


The calm and dispassionate observer can see
in the Republican movement only combina-
ton of the Northern States to take the govern
ment of the whole country into their hands, and
to administer it with reference to an exclusively
northern policy. And in like manner, the sup
porters of Mr.. Breckenridge propose to take the
government of the whole country into their
hands, with a view of administering it with
reference to an exclusively southern policy. In
either case, tie result would be diversion of
the General Government from its legitimate
sphere; or rather an assumption of powers on
the part of the General Government, not dele.
gated to it, which one-half of the Confederacy
would regard as usurpation, and to which it
would refuse to submit. The fact that our Un-
ion is composed in part of saveholding States,
and in part of non-slaveholding States, imposes
grave duties upon both sections-duties of for
bearance, concession and Cancellation; respect
for each others convictions; tenderness in hand
ling each others sensitive points-in short, such
rules of self-control and self government as reg
ulate in social life, and in the relations of busi
ness, the intercourse of gentlemen who may
chance to differ widely on the gravest questions.
To these duties we would fain recall both the
North and the South. The Union is blessing,
the continuance of which imposes some sacrifi-
ces on both portions Of the country. Neither
pro-savery zealots nor anti-slavery zealots can
use the powers of the General Government for
the advancement of their own peculiar views,
however honestly entertained.


SLAVERY AND ANTI-sLAvRRY AGITATION.


1t is necessary consequence of the unhappy
fact that our political contests have become mere
struggles for the possession of power between
the North and South; that our political discus
sions have become little else than mutual crimi-
nations and re-criminations. The people no
longer listen to arguments, addressed to their
reason, in defense of particular measures, or a
certain course of policy, but to exciting appeals
to their sectional prejudices, which only heat
the blood and infame the passions. The
North is taught to hate the South, and the South
is taught to hate the North. On both sides, Ian
guage is used which is studiously selected for its
CALLING and exasperating qualities. There is no
recognition of the law of charity, which suffers
long and is kind; there is no admission OF the
tremendous difficulties which environ the whole
subject of slavery; Northern speakers denounce
the South for maintaining the system, and yet
they are unable to suggest any scheme for get
ting rid of it.; Southern speakers make no dis.
tinction between the rankest abolitionism and
that abstract opposition to slavery ITSELF which


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