Year: 1863

mtnistration.


Our special advices which we publish this
morning from Washington will be found ex-
ceedingly interesting, important and sugges-
tive. They show that while we have passed
the military crisis which menaced the occupa-
ton Of our national capital by the rebel army
Of Virginia, and that while we have secured
the rebellion fairly within our grasp, we are
political crisis which may con-
vulse the different sections Of the Union, and
the loyal States, as they have never
Ing factions and opinions, from the beginning
Of our Revolutionary troubles with England
down to this day.


The correspondence between the Louisiana
Committee of Planters and the President,
touching the restoration Of their State to the
Union, Is very significant. The committee ask
for the necessary authority, as the citizens Of
revolted State anxious to return to the Union,
to proceed in November next to the election of
federal and State officers, under the existing
constitution of the State. The President de-
clines to give the authority solicited: first, be-
cause portion Of the people Of Louisiana are
moving in favor Of State Convention, with
view to some amendments of Its existing con-
stitution; and, secondly, because the authority
to act under this constitution might result In
embarrassments to our military operations
against the armed forces Of the rebellion still
at war with the Union in different parts Of the
State. Now, while we all know that the


planters Of Louisiana are Overwhelmingly


the controlling class Of the citizens Of the
State, we have reason to believe that the
parties interested in this State Conven-
| ton movement are political adventures
and spectators. whose object is to revolu-
tionize and abolitionize the State, in order to
| enrich themselves from the division Of the
spoils. But If the federal administration may
deny the return Of Louisiana under her State
constitution existing before the rebellion,
every rebellious State may be required so to
amend its local constitution before it can be
admitted again to the benefits Of the Union as
to secure the abolition Of slavery within its
borders.


We apprehend that some such design as


this underlies this Cabinet decision against the


loyal slaveholding planters of Louisiana, and


that the abolition faction in the Cabinet are


getting the upper hand Of the President and


his oft-repeated sound and sagacious conser-


vative opinions and purposes. This conclu-
sion is strengthened by our advices concern
ing the late Cabinet discussion of the peace
question. Thus, while Mr.. Seward, Mr.. Blair
and Mr.. Bates are represented as in favor of
. liberal amnesty to the people of the rebel
lious States, including the revocation of the
Presidents military edict Of emancipation, and
the return Of said States to the Union as they
were before their several acts of secession, it
appears that Mr.. Chase, Mr.. Stanton and Mr..
Welles are violently opposed to any such con-
cessions for the sake Of peace, and in favor Of
prosecuting the war at all hazards and at
any cost to their grand ultimatum of the ex-
tirpation of African slavery, from Virginia to
Texas. The idea is also suggested, from Pre-
sident Llncoln's illusions to the Declaration
of Independence in his recent congratulatory
war speech to the citizens Of Washington, that
he too is inclined to the abolition policy of
Mr.. Chase and his radical faction.


Thus, we have reason to fear that. while the
people Of the loyal States are felicitating them
selves upon the successes Of our arms, and the
prospect Of speedy restoration Of the Union
substantially as 1t was, we are.in danger Of the
prosecution Of revolutionary war policy
at Washington which may convulse the
country for twenty years to come. We
think the occasion proper one for word or
two Of admonition to the administration upon
this all important subject. The conservative
masses of the loyal States desire the suppress
sion OF the rebellion and q complete territorial
restoration of the Union; but we doubt If q
majority, even Of the people Of Massachusetts,,
desire the prosecution OF this war to the ex-
tinguishment Of Southern slavery, when peace
and the old Union are within our reach upon


the basis OF the proclamation suggested by Mr..
Seward. We are quite urc that an sverwhelm-
ing majority Of the people Of New York and OF


all the other central States would chserfully


support treaty Of peace upon the simple sub


mission and restoration Of the rebellious Estates,


including their local institutions as they now


exist.


We would recall the serious attention Of Pre-


sident Lincoln to the fact that his ediot Of emsn-


cipation was military measure, justified upon


the plea Of military necessity which ceases


to exist the moment the armed forces Of the rc.
beilion are within eur power; we would ad-
monish him of the danger Of diverting this war


from Its legitimate purpose to the perilous ex-


pertinent Of an abolition crusade. The war
programme OF the abolition disorganizers COM
prehends not only the blotting out of African


slavery, but the practical enforcement Of their


fanatical notions of human equality. The mo-


ment the administration becomes committed to


this revolutionary programme there will be a


popular reaction against II which nothing can


resist The people Of the revolted States will


accept the war as a war Of exterminat ion, and
the conservative popular majorities Of the loyal