Year: 1859

IRON tue fnneJlfenla state Journal


It affords profitable enjoyment to read
the speeches and correspondence Of lead
ing statesmen, when time has developed
their true character, and parties have 50 re-
constructed their platforms that none Of the
original timbers remain in their structure.
And when thus engaged, one finds unmis-
taxable evidence Of pure patriotism, tried
and true statesmansbip, the heart naturally
/ turns with patriotic devotion 10 the honest
man, and it as naturally recoils from the
painful evidence Of time-serving polite
ian, and revolts from any association with
the name. On tho eve of an importantpo-
litical campaign especially, are opportuni-
ties furnished for study of character, and
an intelligent discrimination between the
statesman and the politician. Our readers
will better appreciate the suggestions we
have made, when VIC tell them that seven
teen years ago the eminent statesman
whose name heads this article, then dem
ocrat, made a speech in which is traced tho
exact position of the Republican party Otto
day. The speech referred too was reported
in substance in the Ohio Statesman, then,
as now, a leading democratic paper, and it
will scarcely be doubted as reliable authori-
ty on the subject The paper from which
we make the following extract, is dated De-
cembeI 3lst, 1912.


Mr. Chase said "that slavery was an in
stitution purely local in its character. The
principle of despotism which is the funda-
mental principle Of slavery had no lodg-
meut in the Constitution Of the United
States. That Constitution left the States
which then permitted Slavery, to continue
or abolish at their discretion, but conferred
no authority on Congress to establish or
continue it beyond State limits. The au-
thority of Madison and others was full to
this point"


He also said that "he did not consider
unanimity on questions of money and trade
as essential Establish justice and liberty
restore the government to its true sphere
of action-deiver it from the slave power
and there would be little difficulty in set
Ting these questions. The great question
in currency seemed to be whether credit
could be made to serve the purpose of mon
l. ey. If it could-if the paper could be
made the actual representative of the spe-
Gle dollar, always exchangeable for it atthe
will of the holder, without loss or consider
able inconvenience-he had no objection to
mixed currency. But he was utterly op-
posed to mere paper money systemic
all bank frauds-to all bank suspensions on
thir issues or deposits-to all useless bank
expansions"


He also stated that sit seemed to him
that the Creator of all designed that the
different nations of the earth should live to-
gether in harmony and mutual intercourse,
supplying reciprocally the wants of each
other, and that all unnecessary restrictions
upon intercourse and mutual supply are
wrong in principle, and impolitic in prac-
tice. Bat that indSmuch as duties on i'm
ports 10ere the most Convenient sources of
revenue and the settled policy of the gov-
ernnoent Vds to raise the national revenue
an that manner, he could see no objection
to so arranging these duties as to encour-
age any branches Of production or naanu-
tactures which would, in reasonable time,
become SO established as to maintain them
selves without protection"


Since the publication of the above in the
journal from which we take it, that paper
like its party, has changed in everything
but name, while Gov. Chase is the same
pure and devoted statesman to-day, advo-
eating the same principles, and we need
scarcely add that he is Republican: and
the Republican party rejoices in the service
of men like him, whose principles are pure
integrity undoubted, and abilities unsur-
passed. In connection with the foregoing,
we are glad to have an opportunity Of ma
king the following extract from letter ad-
dressed by Gov. Chase to Hon. R. T. Stan
lev, October 25, 1859.


"Surely there should be no disagree
ment between Republicans as to the Tar
i'll. Whatever may be any mans theoret-
ical views of Free Trade we are all agreed
that there is no prospect of the adoption of
the policy of unrestricted commercial inter-
course by civilized nations during the life
time of any of us; and no one, l believe
proposes the adoption of that policy by the
United States without the concurrence of
other nations. Certainly l do not am
a practical man, and wish the take practic-
al views Of this Tariff question, as Of every
other, avoiding ultraism in every direction.
| know that We have always had tariff
know that we never had horizontal tar
if, unless the Compromise act of 1888
may be called such. know that for long
time to come, and perhaps as long as our
Union shall eudure we shall have a tariff.
Now these things being so, am clearly of
opinion that tariff laws, like all other laws,
should be so framed as to do much good,
and as little harm as possible; and / am
therefore, in favor of such determinations
as will best secure and promote the inter
ests of labor--of our own labor-and the
general we'll being of our own people. No
American Statesman who would not SO
shape American legislation and Admins
tration as CO protect American industry and
guard impartially all American rights and
interests"