Year: 1865

past have been a qualified allegiance, man


ifested through his master, as the allegiance


of word through It's guardian or of an


infant through its parent. But when the


master becomes false to his allegiance, the


slave stood face to face with his country,


aud his allegiance, which may before have


been a qualified one, became direct andim-


mediate. His chains fell of, and be stood
at once ins the presence Of the nation,


bound Ike therest of. US to Its public de-


fense, Mr. LineOln's proclamation did


but take notice of the already existing


right of the bondmen to freedom. The


treason Of the master made it a public


crime for the slave to continue his obe-


dience; the treason ola State set free the


collective bOndmen of that State. This


doctrine is supported by the analogy of
precedeuts, In the times Of feudalsm
the treason of the lord of the maner de-


prived him Of his serfs; the spurious


feudalism that existed among us differs


IN many respects from the feudalism Of the


middle ages; but so far the precedent


runs parallel with the present case; for treas.


on the master then, for treason. the master


now, l60ses his slaves. In middle ages the
sovereign appointed another lord over the


serfs and the land which they cultivated; +;


in our day, 1.-The sovereign makes them mas


tiers of their own persons, lords over them


selves. It has been said that we are at
war, and that emancipation is not bel


ligerent right The objection disappears


before analysis. In war between inde-


pendent powers the invading foreigner in
Fites to his standard all who will give him


aid, whether bond orfree, and he rewards


them according to his ability and his


pleasure with gifts or freedom; but when


at peace he Withdraws from the invaded


country, he must take hisaiders and COM


fOrters with him; or if he leaves them


behind, where he has no court to enforce


his DEGREES, he can give them no security,


unless it be by the stipulations of a treaty.


In civil war it is altogether different.


There, when rebellion is crushed, the old


Government is restored, aud its Courts re-
sumo their jurisdiction. So it is with us
the United States have Courts of their
own, that must punish the guilt of treas
on and vindicate the freedom of persons


whom the fact of Rebellion has set free.
Nor may it be said that, because Slavery.
existed in most of the States when
the Union was formed, it cannot right
fully to be interfered with now. Change


has taken place, such as Madison foresaw,
and for which he pointed out the remedy.
The Constitutions of States had been
transformed before the plotters of treason
carried them away iuto Rebellion.


When the Federal Constitution was
formed, general emancipation was thought
to be near; and everywhere the respective
Legislatures had authority IN the exercise
of their ordinary functions, to do away
with Slavery; since that time the attempt
has been made in what are called slave
States to make the condition of Slavery
perpetual; and events have proved with
the clearness of demonstration, that
constitution which seeks to continue a
caste Of hereditary bondmen through end
less generations is inconsistent with the
existence of Republican Institution. So,
then, the new President and the people of
the United States must Insist that the
CONSTITUTION shall now be so amended
as utterly to prohibit Slavery on any
part of our soil for evermore. Alas that
a Safe in our vicinity should withhold its
assent to this last benefcient measure; its
refusal was an encouragement to our enc
mics equal to the gain Of pitched battle;
and delays the only hopeful method Of
pacifcatiOn. The removal of the cause of
the Rebellion is not only demanded by
justice; it is the policy of mercy, making
room for a wider clemency it is the part
of order against a chaos of controversy its
success brings with it true reconeilement,
a lasting peace, continuous growth of
confidence through an assimilation OfHthe
social condition. Here is the fitting eX-
preston of the mourning to-day. And
let no lover Of his country say that this
warning is uncalled for. The cry is delu-
sive that Slavery is dead. Even now it
is nerving itself for fresh struggle for
continuance. The last winds from the
South watt to US the sad intelligence that
a man, who had surrounded himself with
the glory of the most brilliant and most
varied achievements, who but week ago
was named with affectionate pride among
the greatest benefactors of his country and
the ablest generals of all time, has usurped
more than the whole power of the Execu-
tive, and under the name Of peace bas re-
vived Slavery and given security and po~
litieal power to traitors from the Chesa-
peake to the Rio Grande. Why could he
not remember the dying advice Of Wash
ington, never to draw the sword but tor
self,defense or the rights of his country,
and when drawn, never to sheath it till its
work should be accomplished 2 And yet
from this bad act, which the people with
one united voice condemn, no great evil
will follow save the shadow on his own
fame. The individual, even in the great
ness Of military glory, sinks into insignif-
canee before the resistless movements IN
the history of man. No one can turn
back or stay the march of Providence. No
of despair may mix with our
sorrow. We owe it to the memory of the
dead, we owe it to the cause of popular
liberty throughout the world, that the
sudden crime which has taken the life of
the President of the United States shall
not produce the least impediment in the
smooth course of publicafAirs This great
city, in the midst of unexampled emblems
of deeply seated grief, has sustained itself
with oomposure and muguanimity. 1t
has nobly doneits parti in guarding against
the derangementof business or the slight
est shock to public. credit. The enemies