Year: 1859

ROoCu ID lyOuE uOAuluCC tOVNCAAOAs s.
state that I'VE have ventured to name the men
whom we mean to support as our standard
bearers, and whom we urge upon those who,
agree with us in opinion, also to support.
This is the ticket with which we this
day head our columns. We care not that its
nominees are not candidates We know they
they are not. We do not ask, we do not ex-
pect them to be, but nevertheless we mean
to vote for them, and so we hope, will all who
love our institutions, State and national, and
would sustain them in their integrity p As
to myself you say truly, that am no eandi-
date, nor do desire to be. You. declare, how
ever, that you and others will vote the ticket.
Your nominees viii have no power to prevent
tins act, and silence and submission would
seem to be the only things required Of them.
For one, however, l cannot permit my per-
sonal or political friends in the State, (few in
number, when compared with the whole pop
ulahon,) to give me even complimentary
vote, without some knowledge Of my political


views lam satisfied that they are not known,
as for fifteen years past, have taken no pub


hc position IN politics, and my only connec-


ton with public life has been in the earnest
advocacy of system Of railroad improvements
| for the State. a9@ ~
For months past have heard but two ques-
tons discussed, either in public or private.
The first is, Congressional legislation for


slavery IN the territories; and tie second the
re-opening Of the African slave trade.


As to the first, hold that the Constitution
Of the United States fully protects slavery in
every territory in which slaves have entered.
That Constitution recognizes them as proper
ty, and as such protects the right Of the mas
ter. This protection is afforded by the federal
Courts established there, and which, deriving
their jurisdiction from the Constitution, and
adopting tn. actions and legal processes
known to the common law, afford full and am
pie protection to all the rights of persons and
property recognized by the Constitution. The
right to property in slaves is fully acknowl-
edged and the remedy for aggressions upon it
are complete and ample. Such are the prin
ciples announced by the Supreme Court OF
the United States in the Dred Scott case. as
| understand them. The introduction and
protection of slaves in the Territories is there
fore guaranteed by the Constitution, and Con-
gress cannot exclude it. 1t should not In any
way legislate on the subject. Having no pow
er itself it can therefore delegate none to the
people of the territory. insist that this
whole subject is taken by the Constitution
from Congress. Our fathers in adopting that
instrument seem to have anticipated the diff
culties that would arise from legislation, and
settled the question by giving constitutional
in lieu of legislative protection. This pro-
lection is full and complete to the STAKEHOLDER
whenever he chooses to carry his slaves into
any territory. When the citizens Of that ter
ritory adopt their State Constitution, when
their pupilage ceases, then, and not till then;
are they permitted to say whether Slavery
shall or shall not be excluded from their State.
AS State they can introduce or excluee it,
as may every State in our Union, whether
free or slave. Should the citizens Of the ter
ritory, previous to this period, be unfriendly
to the institution, and should soil and climate
be unsuited to it, it would not be polite or
desirable for the stakeholder TO settle there


but should the reverse be the case, it will go
there by an inevitable law Of nature, and in
both instances will be fully protected by the
Constitution whilst the territory continues
territory. Such are my views on this sub


iect, and such believe to be the doctrine Of
the federal Constitution. ] cannot but regard
it as unfortunate that many politicians enter


tain different views, and that we daily hear


heated, angry and reasonable debates on this
subject, not only throughout the country, but


even in the halls of Congress. 1t is certain ly





ranties of the Constitution, than the unfriend-


ly legislation of Congress. Let that body


cease to discuss subject over which it has


no control, and again may be witnessed the
spectacle, cheering to the heart of every pat
riot of our fellow citizens of all portions Of
our glorious Union, dwelling together as breth-
rem in unity.


Upon the question Of re-opening the Afri-


can slave trade, my views are fixed, and, l


believe, unalterable. am opposed. to it in
| every shape and form. am not only oppos-
ed to it in principle, and on grounds of public
| policy, but am opposed 70 the agitation Of
| the subject ITSELF 1t can do no good, but is
productive of incalculable evil. The question
is an impracticable one. Not only the North,


but tenths Of the South, are opposed to it


MANY, very many who advocate it, use it, not
for the Interior purpose of cheapening and in
creasing slaves, but with the covert desire Of
producing disunion. They know they cannot
reopen the slave trade that this is impoSsi-
bic, but they believe, that by the advocacy Of
extreme and ultra measures measures detest-
ed by the North, despized by the South, and
abhorred by the civilized world, they are Civ
ing food and aliment to fanaticism at the
North, and are cementing and encouraging
Black Republicanism there. What follows
Whilst they are making these Northern fanat-
les omnipotent, and rendering their success
almost certain, they proclaim that the election
of one of that party to the Presidency, would
be Of itself sufficient cause for disunion, and
commence talking about enrolling the militia,
and levying tax to purchase arms for inter-
nal warfare. They would first produce ter
rible evil in the election of a President ayow-
edly hostile to our domestic institutions, and
then without waiting for an overt act Of hostil-
ity, would rush madIy from this evil, into the
fearful calamity of disunion. do not say
that all who advocate this measure Of re-
opening the slave trade, are actuated by the
desire of disunion, but do say, that the course
they are pursuing, may, and probably viii
produce that result, and that many Of them
desire il believe, therefore, the agitation Of
the question is dangerous.


Some of our opponents declare, that the re-
ftlsal by Congress to enact slave code, would
be cause for disunion; others that the refusal
by that body to repeal the slave trade laws,
should make us dissolve our connection with
the North, whilst all know that Congress does
not possess the power, or, if possessing the
power, has no inclination to pass their "code,' y
and that it will not and should not remove the
punishment from those who will import AT
rican slaves. Disunion will be the inevitable


result of these demands. Let Congress alb
stain from all interference with slavery in the
territories, and leave the question where the
| Constitution, by means Of its courts, adopting


the forms, and enforcing the remedies OF the


common law, has placed il. Its hallswill nand


cease to echo to the cries Of ianaticlsm, the


the much needed and useful legislation OF the


country will receive its proper consideration
| Let the South cease to agitate questions ol


dangerous and doubtful import; let 1t cease
to present issues, that will minister TO the


strength of Aboltionists; let It turn its atten-
ton to interests at home, and peace, union ana


prosperity viii be the result Above all, let


us in Mississippi, devote more care and atten-
ton TO the agricultural and manufacturing M
terests of our State; 10 our mechanical and
educational interests; TO our railroad and
levee interests 10 building a city for export
and import in our own State, and in few
years VIC will possess the ability, las we ever
have the will, to meet our friends with iber-
atty, and our enemies with steel.


These are my views upon the topics that
seem, at present, the only ones canvassed in
our State. have but stated them, without
an effort to support them by argument, which,
under existing circumstances would be inn
proper in me. In fact, you and others may
regard this communication as uncalled for,
but cannot permit even the few hundred,
who may vote for your nominee for Cover
nor, to even compliment him by a vote, dicta-
ted by personal or political regard without
some knowledge Of the principles he advo-
Gates. II you and Others, possessing this
knowledge, will still persist in voting for him,
the convection that few Of his fellow citizens
approve his views, viii mitigate the chagrin
which ever accompanies defeat, oven where
success is not sought and might not be desira-
bic. Yours, &C., II. w. WALTER.
EMANCIPATION IN JAMAIcA.--Ihe American


Missionary isays respecting the Jamaica mis-


sion: Letters from the missionaries contain
but little that is encouraging, and not little


that is trying. One Of them writes, that petty
crime is on the increase in the island, the only
exception to this being found among the peo-
ME that are under the direct influence of the
missionaries In the mission church at Eliot,


there had been some painful detection, and it


had been found necessary to cut of four of
the members. Another missionary writes that
all the churches throughout the island seem to


be suffering from reaction that has been
going ON ever since the time ofspecial zeal
that marked the first few yers succeeding EN-
ancipation."