Year: 1868

The main objection to Mr.. Sherman's bill is,
that it is said to disfranehise largo portion of
the people Of Alabama. The National Iatclh-
geacer, after making the cheerful observation that
the Editor of THE TRIBUNE has reached posi-
ton lower than that attained by any gentleman
who processes honor and integrity in politics,
argues that we are committing an enOrmity
as great as that of the LecomptOn Consti
tuition in Kansas. That Constitution was the
work of a minority, and it is as criminal for us
TO insist upon the admission of Alabama upon
the terms of Mr.. Senator Sherman's bill as it
was for Mr.. Buchanan to insist upon the adj
mission Of Kansas under the LecOmpton Con-
stitutiOn.


What was the case with Lecomptonf A
number of ambitious politicians contrived a
Constitution, and adopted il by shameless
frauds Towns without O hundred inhabitants
returned thousand votes, and the names OF
the voters seemed to be taken at random from
the Congress Directory or the Dictionary of
Biography. The Free-sOilers were either not
allowed to vote, or were Outvoted by
fraud. In a free election there would have
been no hope for the LecomptOn Constitution
All that Free-State men asked was fair election
How is it in Alabamaq A certain number Of
the inhabitants are disfranchised for rebellion.
That is penalty which they invited. 1t is not
the punishment usually inflicted. Crom-
we'll had one way, and William had an
other A general massacre, the scafOld,
the confscation Of estates, were the PEN
alties of rebellion in other days, and his
tory honors the men who imposed them as
wise, humane and fOrbearng. In Alabama wo
disfIanchise o small portion of the people,
and admit the others to citizenship. Not
an acre Of land is taken, not q life is for
felt, and the penalty is temporary and senti-
mental. The people are requested to form q
Constitution. The Constitution is formed. The
time comes to vote upon its adoption. and large
class remain away from the polls. 1t will
have no part in the government. 1t will not
vote, nor permit the negro to vote. Instantly the
fat goes forth that to vote for the new Constitu-
ton is to accept infamy. The negro who works
for his daily bread is told that he viii be dis
missed If he is seen near the polls. A mer-
chant is warned that he must expect no more
customers; tradesman can have no more
work. One newspaper in Montgomery prom
ises to print list Of those who voted for
the Constitution, in order that they may





be held up to execration. The voters are gen
orally the struggling and dependent class To
them a loaf of bread Is q very serious consid-
Grafton. How would it be in New-York If
every merchant and manufacturer were to an
nounce that visit to the polls would be fol-
lowed by dismissal from work, or with
drawal OF custom 1t is hard enough to
have O decent representation of voters as it is
with every inducement to vote. We can i'm
agine how it would be II the franchise were
to be followed bf social and business penalty


Instead of aiding to reconstruct the Union
we find this large, dominant, aggressive class
resolved TO keep out of the Union. Well, that
is small matter, comparatively speaking. II
they insist upon shivering in the cold, we have
nothing to say but heap high the Goals and make
the aEe brighter for those around the hearth


But they claim the right, and, unfortunately
they have the power, owing to the generosity
OF Congress, to keep ont a large number OF
| loyal men. Here is new question. These
loyal men come to Congress and say: " Gentle
men, we have stood by the Union through
good report and evil report. We have fought
"and bled for il. We are free from the sin OF
rebellion. If any Of US have sinned, we bring
you fruits meet for repentance. We have an
"swered every condition of loyalty. We have
answered every requirement of the Reconstruc-
f" ton act We have formed government. We
have made o constitution, which all men, even
our enemies, concede TO be prudent and liberal
1--WE demand civil government. We insist