Year: 1864

The progress Of the debate on the Con.
| fiscation Bill in the House Of Representa-
tlves, reveals in striking manner the inn
practicable fanatIcism Of the radical portion
of that body The scruples observed in
the preparation Of the original contiScation
bill of 1862, are thrown to the winds. The
| Constitutional limitations of the power Of
Congress hardly receive the respect of
passing notice. The only purpose that
seems to animate the majority Of those " ho
have spoken, is to root out from the South
its present possessors, to reduce its six
millions OF white inhabitants to paupcli ism.
and to divide their lands and possessions
among the conquerors. No considerations
Of expediency check the expression Of these
extreme views. Their advocates will not
listen to the suggestion that long before
such result can be accomplished, North
and South will be involved alike in common
financial ruin !; they sill not consider
whether a Union thus "restered" will b.
really worth the cost ncr will they take
ihto account the fact that thsr course is
largely furnishing fire and fuel to the re-
bellion.


The law as il is, was accompanied by an
explanatory resolution, adopted at the in
stance Of the President, and in conformity
with his constitutional opinions, declaring
that IN proceedings under the act, no con-
fiScaton of real estate should extend be-
yond the life of the person convicted for
treason. This was Mr.. Lincoln's own con-
struetlon, and the general one when tho
act of Congress became law. But now,
as the Washington Iateltigencer remarks:


"Disregarding alike the plain letter Of the
(NanpfYt,rfinn 80
President, the declared weight of authority,
the admonitions of history, the impulses Of
natural justice, and the most Obvious con-
siderations of puic expediency, the adve-
Gates of this charge in the policy Of the
contiscation act seek to impress on the leg.
| islation Of our country under this head y
character for ierocty which reyives the
worst traditions of despotic governments in
barbarous ages. Their misds are so filed
with thoughts of revenge that, in metng
out punishment to traitors. they seem to
forget not only what is due to the Consti-
tu.ion, but to themselves. And this inDo-
vaton on that instrument and on the spirit
of the age is pressed upon the attention Of
Congress and the country, in the hope, We
suppose, that few will be found brave
enough to lift their voices in condemnation
Of anything that seems harsh and violent,
if proftssedly directed against enemies Of
the country


There is a class of men who habituallv
mistake violence for force, and passion for
earnestness, or who suppose that the people
cannot discriminate between the rant Of
loyalty and the genuine sentiment It is
assumed by this class that they occupy a
'coigne Of vantage if they can take any
position which places their antagonists un-
der the odium Of seeming to ask for ten.
derness towards rebels


Does any one doubt that Jefferson
Davis and his CO adjutors desire the passage
of sweeping and unrelenting contisca,ion
acts by the Congress Of the U. s.? Does
any one doubt that they wish success to
the new movement made in this direction
Or does any one doubt that the necessary
we do not say designed consequences
Of all such measures is to overlap their aim
and to furnish fresh fulcram over which
the waning strength Of the revolt may bend
itself to new endeavors in the work Of in.
surging the Southern masses ~


Without impugning the motives Of any
who press these extreme measures, it is
clear that all such measures are directly
auxiliary to he reasonable purposes Of the
insurgents, and contribute, according to
their kind and in their way, as directly to
the resources of the enemy for continuing
the war as the agents who furnish him with
powder and arms for whatever severity OF
legislation tends 10 accumulate and inten-
sify the r, sistance Of the Southern people,
without proportionaliy Strengthening our
hands, is just so much "aid and comfort
given to the leaders Of the rebellion. Utica
A. Y. O5serpsr,