Year: 1861

SPEECH OF G. L. VALLANDIGHAM,
The bill reported by Mr.. Washburn, "fur-
ther to provide for the collection of duties
On imposts, and for other purposes" being
under consideration in the House of Repre-
sentatives on the 10th inst, Mr.. Vallan-
disham addressed the House substantially
as follows:


Mr.. Vallandigham said that in the Con.
stltution which we have sworn to support,
and under which we are assembled here to-
day, it is written that Congress, to which all
legislative power is granted, shall make no
Law abridging the freedom of speech or Of
tho press, and that no Representative or
Senator shall be questioned for any speech
made in Congress. Holding up this shield
of the Constitution, and standing in the place
and manhood of representative of the peo-
pie, he proposed to discuss the direct ques-
tions of this war, though with more decency
of discussion, he trusted, than has some
times been exhibited here


The present war he knew to be foregone
conclusion but there are questions connec-
ted with it about which he felt impelled to
speak. The President in his recent mes
sage demands the enormous loan of $780,
600, 900, an amount nearly ten times great
er han the entire public debt-State and
Feaeral-at the close of the Revolution in
1888, and four times as much as the total
in lebtedness during the three years war
with Great Britain in 1872


The Constitution-to which he gave his
whole heart and utmost loyalty-gave to
Congress alone the power to call for money
and to fix the purposes to which it shall be
applied, and it expressly limits appropria-
tions to the term of two years. Each Sena-
tor and member therefore must judge for
himself, upon his conscience and oath, and
before God and the country, of the wisdom
and justice and policy of the Presidents
demand. Whenever this House shall be-
cone mere machine wherewith to register
the DEGREES of the Executive, it will be high
time to abolish it.


He believed he had the right to say that,
so far as the gentlemen upon this side of the
House are concerned, however they might
suffer in other things, they are firm and
united in the determination that their own
rights as the representatives of the people
shall be preserved in the spirit and the let
ter and some oea ere here present pqavg Rhe are
With sDecoming decency and moderation, but
at the same time fully, and regardless Of
consequences.


It is wise and ancient practise of the
English Commons to precede all votes OF
supplies by an inquiry into the abuses and
grievances, and especially if any infraction
of the NV by the Executive. Let us follow
this wise precedent. Awaiting himself of
his right and duty he would proceed to con-
slider the state of the Union and to supply
some few commissions from the Presidents s
message.


The President had undertaken to give us
his opinion of the state of the nation, and it
was his duty as an honest Executive to make
that information full, impartial, and COM
plete, instead of spreading before us a la
bored vindication of his own course of poll
cy, which has precipitated US into bloody
and terrible revolution. He admits the
fact. He admits now we are in the midst
of general civil war not mere petty in
surrection, to be suppressed in twenty days
by proclamation, the posse comitatus, and
three months militia.


It has been the misfortune of the Presi-
dent, from the beginning, that he partially
and wholly underestimated the magnitude
and character of this revolution, for surely
he never would have ventured the hazard
Gus experiment of plunging thirty millions
of people into war without the authority OF
Congress. But at last, when he found him
self hemmed in by revolution which threat
ened this Capital, he woke up-as his Pro-
clamation shows him to have done. Why
did he not forthwith assemble Congress and
throw himself upon the wisdom Of the repre-
sentatives Of the people, instead of assuming
the powers which the Constitution expressly
conferred upon Congress? powers which
Congress repeatedly at the last session re-
fused to exercise, or permit him to exercise


The President in his message has under
taken to give summary of the causes which
led to this revolution but he has unfortun.
ately utterly ignored the stronger causes
contributed by the abolitionists and disunion
lists of the North, How could he have for
gotten that the South, with one single ex
ception, chose first to come here and demand
it's solemn constitutional guarantees for thei
protection against the abuses of the tremen
dous powers of the Federal Government
before resorting to Secession? Did he no
know that at the last session Of Congress
every substantial proposition for compromise
except the one offered by Mr.. Kellogg, o
Illinois-and all knew how that was receiv
ed-came from the South? The Committe,
of Thirty three was moved for by gentle
man from Virginia, and received the vot,
of every Southern representative, except ont
from South Carolina, who declined to vote
In the Senate this Committee of Thirty three
was moved for by the Senator from Kentuc
ky, and received the silent acquiescence o
every Southern Senator present.


The Crittenden proposition, too, wa
moved by another Senator from Kentucky
Mr. Grittondon-a man venerahIe for hi