Year: 1868




SEYMOUR, of New York, was, on tn
22d ballot. on the motion of Mr.. PEN
pLEToN's friends, and amidst tremen
dons applause, unanimously nominate'
as the Democratic candidate for Presi
dentof the United States. The nomin
atien has been received with great sat
isfactiou by the friends of all the othe
candidates-and the universal belle
within our party is that Mr. SEYMoUl
will be the next President. He is
man of pure character, exalted patriot
ism, experienced craftsmanship, and il
point of talent he has no superior il
America.


For Vice President, the Convention
has presented us with Major Genera
FRANK P. BLAIR, of Missouri. Of ir
reproachable private character, rip,
scholar, brave soldier, a statesman o
ability, and fair representative Of til,
vigorous West, he adds great siren gtl
to the ticket so admirably headed.


With the Platform, which is all tha
the most enthusiastic friend of Mr.
PENDLEToN and of his financial views
could desire, this ticket will be IRE
sistible before the people.


We here append the principal par
of the speech delivered by Mr.. SEY
MoUR at Cooper Institute, on Thursday
evening, June 25th, which we presume
very fairly foreshadows the financial
policy of his administration of the
Government:


We must hare a uniform currency for all
CLASSES. There is but one question to be
settled. Shall our currency be uni
formly good or uniformly badf


There are two ways of making ouI
paper money as good as coin. One is to
contract its volume by calling in the
legal tenders. This will make them
scarce and will force specie standard,
but il WjH carry ruin and bankruptcy into
erery part ofhe country. 1t will bear down
the prices of property and labor. 1t is
policy which cannot be carried
through, for the country will not con-
sent to it. There is another way of lift
ing up our greenbacks to par, which
will not harm any, but will help all,
which will bring back confidence, will
revive business and enterprise, will
tighten taxation, and will give to labor
honest money, and will do justice to
the public creditor. Aud that way is
to give to all the world full faith in the
honor and wisdom of the American
Government. Our paper money is not
its par in coin, because the national
credit is dishonored. How can the
notes of our Government, which pay no
interest, be worth their face in gold or
silver, when the bonds of the Govern
ment which pay six per cent. interest
are worth only eighty cents on the dol
lari You cannot make the notes put cut
by banks worth more than the bonds
which secure these notes.


tits a sad thing to say that our cred
it is dishOnored in the markets Of the
world, but it is true, and it must be
said, if we are to find remedy. 1t is
humiliating to find that when Great
Britain borIows thousand dollars for
twenty years it pays the lender but
Sl10O, when, if we make the same loan
we have to pay S27OU to the lender. If
we wish to help the tax payer, if we
wish to get ut the cause of debascd cur-
rency in the hands Of the labOrer, We
must first find out why our credit is
dishonered, for it is a tainted credit that
sinks alike the value of bonds, of green
backs and bank notes. Make the credit
of the United States as good as that of
Great Britain, or of a merchant in good
standing, or of mortgage on farm,
and our troubles weuld disappear.
Make our money good by an honest and
wise course, and, when this is done, 1t
will be worth twenty-five per cent. more
than it is now, which will be equal to
an increase of one quarter in the
amount of currency. Business will be
strengthened, industry will be encour-
aged, PRICES will be regular, and men
will then dare to go OH with useful en-
terprisese


We find right here the cause of our
troubles, perplexities and national dis
grace. Our credit is tainted But for
that, we coHld borrow money as Britain
does at three per cent. and cut down
taxation. But for that our paper money
would be good, and gold and silver
would glitter in the hands of labor
But for that fact there would be no
question how the bonds are to be paid,
and we should never have heard of the
greenback issue. But for the national
discredit business men would not be per-
picked, and the disquiet and fears which
disturb the pablo mind would not exist.
Now if this dishonor cannot be helped,
we must bear it in the best way we can,
and we must get on with the sectional
and social and political troubles grow
ing out of it until time and events shall
bring some cure. But if it can be shown
to be the work of those in power, then
all sections, all classes, and all interests
should unite and turn them out.


Fortunately we have official state
ments to guide US in our inquiries. We
take the showing of the very parties
under impeachment to show here guilt
lies. To show the waste of those in
power, let US compare the cost of gov
ernment during the four years of peace
before 1861, and the four years of peace
following the lst of July, 1865. For the
fiscal year ending July l, 1869, i will
take the estimate Just made by the COM
mlttee of Ways and Means.


Bear in mind that this is the best
promise the Republicans can make on
the eve of Presidential election. 1t
will prove to be many millions short of
what they will spend, but We will give
them the benefit of their own state
ments. After the clese of the war, and
up to the lst of July, 1865, the War
Department paid Sl65, 900 900, which is
S75, ,0OO, 900 more than was spent by the
same department in the four years OF
Mr.. Folks administration, and which
included Tie cost of the Mexican war.


1t took nearly t'rice as much to stop the
rar under Republican policy as it did 10
carry oaa nar under the Democratic man.
aqemeaL But l will not take this $780,
0O0. 900 into account.


Let us close the war. Since July l,
1868, the cost of government will be by
official reports and estimates $3.50, $780,
2SS. Up to July l, 1869, by the estimate
of the Chairman of the committee OF


.Ann@