Year: 1861

T.ese are recorded as the last words of the
brave Lawrence, who fell on board the fri
gate Chesapeake in a naval encounter with
the British. They boarded and took the
Chesapeake, but they, and not the Ameri-
cans, lowered her colors. This was in 1918;
and ever since that time, Americans have
loved to repeat the last words of Lawrence
on account Of the great meaning they convey
words which saij. Die, if need be, for
your ship, your flag and the honor of your
country"


Those days, and especially the days of
Revolution, are recalled again TO mind, and
with them the many sacrafices made in de-
fense of right And If great sacrifices can
be made in defense OF ones country how
much more may not some sacrifice of mere
opinion, or of partially disturbed rights only,
be made to preserve the country? Don't al
low the ship to be given up to mutiny, 10y
disputng as to who shall command her for
the next four, or as to whether she shall
vary little to the North or South in her
course If nothing but the amending of the
chart will suffice, then let it be done The
great ship will sail by a somewhat different
chart just as well, if all agree. But let us
leavy the ideal ship and come back to the
reality. Like the chart of the ideal ship, the
Constitution Of our country as it is, is good
enough for us all if we would rise above
mere sectional feelings. True, many may
/ hon tlts 60, fh.. AF fNn
parts of it, and let those who are called upon
at this time to forego their opinion as TO the
meaning Of the disputed points do so. If it
rests with the Republicans TO preserve the
country undivided, by conceding what is de-
manded, and they will not do it, then the
responsibility of whate, er must follow, will
rest upon them as well upon those who
are now in arms against the government.


What will it avail for Senators and Com
gressmen to make long and elaborate speech
es to prove that slavery may or ought not to
go into the territories. We take it that the
opinions of Senators and Congressman upon
the disputed points as TO what the meaning
of the Constitution may be upon the slavery
question, are so firmly fixed as to be immova-
ble 10y any argument which can now be ad-
duced. The controversy on these disputed
points has been going on for years, and pre-
judice, and sectionalism, and hatred engen
dered by continued opposition have added
| strength to the opinions of the conflicting
parties, Mo- the mere arguing on the dis
puted points can do no good. 1t is the yield
ing, we take it, which will do the work
Now let us see whether there will be some
yielding of party doctrine by those from
whom the country demands it. Let us see
whether sacrifices can be made for the peace
able suppression of internal violence, as well
as sacrifices to repel foreign armies.


The Republicans believe that the demands
of the South are most unreasonable. Well,
what follows? Nothing, only that the Re-
publicans must be governed 10y the stern law
of necessity and do now what policy and
party doctrine forbade them to do before.
Of course when we speak of necessity, we
assume as truth what appears to be believed
by all, to-wt: that it depends upon Congress
by the adoption of some compromise accept
able to the South, to prevent the final seees-
sion of a number of the States, and TO pre-
vent hostilities between the Federal Govern
meat and those who are in arms against it.
Let policy and party fealty yield to necessity
and all Will be we'll