Year: 1861

'"f'H vi toul StOo, ,oUu,uuO 10 l,UUU,


100000.


Why should this property be ex-


cmpt from the hazards and conseqeen-


ccs Of rcbellious war?


1t was boast Of the leader of the


rebellion, while he yet had seat in


the Senate of the United States, that


the Southern States would be compar-


atively safe and free from the burdens


of war, if it should be brought on by


the contemplated rebellion, and that


boast was accompanied by the savage


threat that Northern towns and cit


les would become tho victims of ra-
pine and military spoils," and that


Northern men should "smell Southern
gunpowdcr and feel Southern steel"


No one doubts the disposition of the


rebels to carry that threat into cxecu-
tion. The wealth Of Northern towns
and cities, the produce of Northern
farms, Northern workshops and man
ufactories, would certainly be seized,
destroyed, or appropriated as military
spoils. No property in the North
would be spared from the hands of the
rebels, and their rapinc would be de-
Tended under the laws of war. While
the loyal States thus have all their
property and possessions at stake, are
the insurgent rebels to carry on war;
fare against the Government in peace
and security to their own property?
Reason and justice and self preserva-
tion forbid that such should be the
policy of this Government, but, de-
mand, on the contrary, that, being
forced by rebels and traitors and re6-
els to the extremity of war, all the
rights and powers of war should be
exercised to bring it to a speedy end.


Those who make war against the
Government justly forfeit all right of
property, privilege, or security, de-
rived from the Constitution and laws.
against which they are in armed re-
bellion and as the labor and services
Of their slaves constitute the chief
property of the rebels, such property
should share the common fate of war
to which they have devoted the prop
erty or loyal citizens.


While it is plain that the slave prop
crty of the South is justly subjected
to all the consequences of this rebel
lious war, and that the Government
would be untrue to its trust in not
employing all the rights and powers
Of war to bring it to speedy close,
the details of the plan for doing SO,
Ike all other military measures. must.
i'll a great degree, be left to be be de-
tcrmincd by particular exigcncies.
The disposition of other property be-
longing to the rebels that becomes
subject to our arms, is governed by
the circumstances Of the case. The
Government has no power to hold
slaves, none to restrain slave of his
liberty, or to exact service. 1t has a
right, however, TO use the voluntary
service of slaves liberated by war
from their rebel masters, like any 9TH
or property Of the rebels, in whatever
mode may be most efficient for the de-
fence Of the Government, the prosecu-
tion war, and the suppression of the
rebellion. 1t is clearly right of the
Government TO arm slaves, when it
may become necessary, as it is to use
gunpowder taken from the enemy.
Whether it is cxpedient to do SO is
purely military question. The right
is unquestionable 10y the laws of war.
The expedicucy must be determined
by circumstances, keeping in view the
great object of overcoming the rebels,
re-establishing the laws and restoring
peace to the nation.


1t is vain and idle for the Govern
mcnt to carry on this war, or hope to
its existence against the re-
bellious force, without employing all
the rights and powers of war. As has
been said, the right to deprive the
rebels OF their property in slaves and
slave labor, is as clear and absolute,
as the right to take forage from the
field, or cotton from the warehouse, or
powder and arms from the magazine.
TO leave the enemy in possession of
such property as forage and cotton
and military stores, and the means of
constantly reproducing them would be
madness. 1t is, therefore, equal mad
ness to leave them in peaceful and Sc
cure possession of slave property,
more valuable and efficient to them
for war, than forage cotton and mill
tary stores. Such policy would be
national suicide. What to do with
that species Of property, is question
that time and circumstances must
solve, and need not be anticipated fur
ther than to repeat that they cannot
be held by the Government as slaves.
1t would be useless to keep them as
prioncrs Of war, and selfpreservation,
the highest duty Of a government, as
of individuals, demand that they
should be disposed Of or employed in
the most effective manner that will
tend most speedily to suppress the
insurrection and restore the authority
of the Government. If it shall be
found that the men who have been
held by the rebels as slaves, are capa-
bic of bearing arms and performing
efficient military service, it is the
right, and may become the duty of the
Government to arm and equip them,
and employ their services against the
rebels, under proper military rcgula-
tion, discipline and command.


But in whatever manner they may
be used by the Government, it is plain
that, once liberated by the rebellious
acts Of their, they should never again
be restored to bondage. BY the mas
ter's treason and rebellion he forfeits
all right to the labor and service
of his slave and the slave of the re-
bellious master, by his service to tho
Government, becomes justly entitled
to freedom and protection.


The disposition to be made of the
slaves of rebels, after the close of the


war, can be safely left to the wisdom
and patriotism of Congress. The Rep
resentatives of the People will unques-


tionably secure to the loyal slavehold-