Year: 1869

One of the most common instruments
employed by demagogueism is the talk
about q conflict between labor and capi-
tai. When it is deemed useful to get up
some political excitement to accomplish
some partisan cad, the demagogues and
the political tricksters talk about the IT.
repressible conflict between labor and
capital, and proceed to expatlate upon
the wrongs of the laboring man at the
hands of the capitalist and employer
These mischief makers, however, seldom
accomplish anything but harm to those
whose interests they profess to be so So
licitous about; and the "strikes" that
they often succeed in getting up, gene
rally re. act upon the "strikers." Now,
we desire to be understood on this sub
ject. We claim to have a lively sympa-
thy with the working class Our .inte-
rests are identified with those of labor,
and no one can be more concerned than
ourselves about the importance of digni-
flying and ennobling labor. 1t is our
duty--our policy-our necessity-to ad-
vance the interests of the laboring man.
This is the time for material develop
mept, and more than the wealth of in
tellect, we need in the South the wealth
that comes from hard, steady, constant
labor in the fields, the factories, and the
workshops. But Let it not be forgotten
that employers have rights as well as the
employed. Let it be borne in mind that
tho same causes that make times hard to
the laborer, also make them hard to the
employer. About all, let it be rcmem-
bered that the amicable relations be-
tween capital aud labor cannot be dis
turbed without damage to both. They
are parts of one harmonious whole. 1t,
10 the grand economy Of the world, these
elements are distinct, as the billows,
they are one, as the sea. AS the New
York Republic says:


"United they stand, divided they
fall Such are the existing connections
between these two great interests that
the one cannot exist without the other.
As we'll might the hand say, have no
need of the foot. Nor the eye of the
ear, nor the tongue Of the brain Yet,
when combined, they constitute the Jpn
portant parts going to make the man.
What is capital without labor! Can
capital c!o,he us, or feed us without Ia
Dor to cultivate the land, or spin, and
weave the cloth to be made into gar
ments? Capital is of no value when it
ceases to be an article Of exchange,
which must be the case when separated
from labor. The same difficulty occurs
in separating labor from capital. Labor
is employed in the production of all arti-
cles of necessity and luxury but iflabor
be separated from capital, and al! be-
come laborers, where shall we seek
market for the productions of labor 1t
is the free, full aud universal connection
between all the different interests which
goes to make up community, including
labor and capital, creating demand for
all the productions; and by common
consent gold and silver and paper arc
adopted as the measures of value How
idle, then, to talk about an irrepresslole
conflict between labor and capital
Politicians may rant and rage, scold
and fret, hoping to separate in hostile
attitude these two great interests which
to-day hold the world together but any
man or set Of men who attempts to
divide that which God seems to have
joined together, should be looked upon
not only as an enemy of his country, but
an enemy to those whom he seeks to
benefit"


These are the considerations which
address themselves alike to capital and
labor and when political trickery seeks
to antagonize these interests, it is well
for such views to be seriously consider
ed. Concurring in the suggestion OF
MIR. Pcndleton, that there is no sense,
, no satisfaction, no principle aud no poll
cy in merely "cheap labor holding
that labor should be adequately reward
ed-nay, even generously paid for its
seryices-we deem it duty to denounce
the effort made in certain quarters to
excite undue prejudice and distrust in
the minds of the working class, and to
suggest that the elements of capital and