Year: 1860

but, Sir, let US look further into this
alleged inequality. There is no pretenss
that Southern people may not go ints
Territory which thall be subject to the
Ordinance of 1887. The only restraint
is, thatthey shall not carry slaves thither
and continue that relation. They say
this shuts them out altogether. Why,
sir, there canbe nothing more inaccurate
in point of fact than this statement. T
understand that one-half the people who
settled Illinois, are people, or descend.
ants ofpeople, who came from the South-
ern States. And I suppose that ona-
third of the people of Ohio are those, or
descendants of those who emigrated from
the South; and venture to say, that, in
respect to those two States, they are at
this time settled by people of Southern
origin, in as great proportion as they
are by the people Of Northern origin, ac-
cording to the general numbers and pro.
portion of people, South and North
There is only the exclusion of peculiar
local law. Neither in principle nor in
fact is there any inequality


The question now is, whether it is not
competent for Congress, in the exercise
of fair and just discretion to prevent
the further increase of slave holding
States. That is the question; I see no
injustice in it, to the poaoer of Congress.
[ have nothing to add to what / said the
other day. CONGRESS HAS FULL POWER
OVER THE SUBJECT.


hare said that I shall consent to no
extension Of the area of Stdrsry upon this
Continent nor to any increase of slare rep.
Tesentottea IN the other House Of Conqress.
l have now stated my reasons for nv
conduct and my vote. We, of the North.
have already gone, in this respect, far
beyond all that any Southern man could
have expected, or did expect, at the time
of the adoption of the Constitution. 1
repeat the statement of the fact of the
creation of FIVE new slave holding States
out of newly acquired territory. We
have done that which, if those who
framed the Constitution had foreseen.
they never would have agreed to slave
representation. We have yielded thus
FER, and We have NOW in the House Of
Representatives. t,ce,lty persons voting
upon this very question, and upon all
other questions, who are here only in
virtue Of the representation of slaves
Let me conclude, therefore, by remark:
ing that, while I am willing to present
this as showing my own judgment and
position in regard to this case, and beg
it to be understood that am speaking
for no other than myself, and while
am willing to offer it to the sclsole soorld
as my own justification, rest on these
propositions:


First, That when this Constitution
was adopted, nobody looked for any new
acquisition of Territory, to be formed
into slave holding States.


Secondly, That the principles of the
Constitution prohibited, and were inteu-
ded to prohibit, and should be construed
to prohibit, all interference of the gen
eral government with Slavery as it ex-
listed and as it still exists in the States:
And then, looking to the operation of
their new acquisition, which have, in q
degree, had the effect of strengthening
that interest in the South, by the addi-
ton Of these FIVE States, l feel that theirs
is nothing unjust, nothing of which any
honest man can complain if he is intelli-
gent, and | feel that there is nothing with
which the civilized world, if they take
notice of SO humble a person as myself,
will reproach me when I say, as I said
the other day, that have made up my
mind for one, that under no 'circumstan-
ces will ! consent to the further extern
sion Of the area of Slavery in the United
States, or to the further increase of Slave
Representation in. the House of Repre-.
sentatiyes.