Year: 1861

they were all landed there in day, they would |
perish in the next ten days aud there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlings2 Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition. l
think I would not hold one in slavery at any
rate yet the point is not clear enough to de-
pounce people upon. What next2 Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
canals? Nv own feelings will not admit Of
this; and if mine would, we well know that |
those of the great mass of white people will not
Whether this feeling accords with justice and
sound judgment, is not the sole question, If,
indeed, it Is any part Of II. A universal feel.
ing, whether well or i'll founded, cannot be
safely disregsrded. We canuot, then, make
them equals. 1t does seem to me that sys.
tens of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed but for that hardness in this respect
will not undertake to Judge our brethren Of the
South.


"When they remind us Of their constitutional
rights, l acknowledge them, not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly; and would give them
any legislation for the reclaiming Of their fugi.
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one."-Speech at Ottoicd, H., Aug.
81, 1858. 80. -,


of this Union, save and except this very institu.
ton Of slavery? What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us7 Our own liberty and pros.
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery? If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition Of things by enlarging
slavery-by spreading it out, and making it
bigger2


"You may have wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out lest you
bleed to death but surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
you regard as wrong.'-Speech at Alton, Oct.
10, 1858.
are entitled to Congressional fugitive slave
law. As the right is constitutional, ! agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the institution Of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes; at least, profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do l yield sup
port to a fugitive slave law? Because do not
! understand that the Constitution, which guar
antics that right, can be supported without
it."-Speech at Alton, Oct. l5, 1853.


"The real issue in this controversy-th one
| pressing upon every minds the sentiment on
the part of one class that looks upon the insti.
tuition Of slavery rs a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as a wrong.
The sentiment that contemplstes the institution
! of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
upon it as being o moral, social, and political
wrong; and while they contemplate it as such,
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among US, and the difficulties Of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Yet having q due regard for these, they desire
O policy in regard to it that looks to its not ere.
ating any moro danger. They insist that it
should, as far AZ may be, be treated as a wrong;
and one of the methods of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. If there be a man among US who
does not think that the institution Of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects Of which l have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with us. And il there be man amongst us
who is 80 impatient Of it as wrong as to dis.
regard its actual presence among MS, and the
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in q sat
isfactory way, and 10 disregard the constitu-
tional obligations thrown about it, that man is
misplaced If he is on our atform."-Speech at
AHon, Oct. Is, 1858.


FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH.


awe the Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of the country, intend to stand
by our guns to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you. When we do beat you,
you perhaps want to know what we will do
with you. will tell you, so far as am au-
thorzed to speak for the opposition, what we
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you,
as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington,
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean
to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution; to abide by every com.
promise of the Constitution and, in word
coming back to the original proposition, to
treat you as far as degenerated men (ifwe have
degenerated) may, according to the examples
of those noble Washington, Jefferson
and Madison. We mean to remember that you
are as good as we are; that there is no diff
ference between US, other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to recognise and
bear in mind, always, that you have as good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as
we claim to have, and to treat you accord
ingly.-Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. II, 1859.
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