Year: 1862

my. 1t was not necessary as pledge Of our
loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a
reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every
date, and at every place possible There was
not the remotest probability that the States we
represent would join in the rebellion, nor is there
now; or Of their elccting to go with the South
ern section in the event of a recognition OF the
independence of any part of the disafected re-
gion.-Our States are fixed unalterably in their
resolution to adhere to andsupport the Union; they
see no safety for themselves and no hope for
constitutional liberty but by its preservation.
They will under no circumstances consent to
its dissolution, and we do them no more than
juctice when we assure you that while the war
is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastro-
phe, they will sustain it as long as they can
muster man or command dollar Nor will
they ever consent, in any event, to unite with
the Southern Confederacy. The bitter fruits of
the peculiar doctrines of that region will forever
prevent them from placing their security and
happiness in the custody Of an assoc iation
which has incorporated in its organic law the
! seeds of its own destruction.


We cannot admit, Mr.. President, that if we
had voted for the resolution in the emancipa-
ton message Of March last the war would now
be substantially ended. We are unable to see
how our action in this particular has given, or
could gse encouragement to the rebellion. The
resolution has passed; and if there be virtue in
| it, it will be quite as efiicacious as If we had
voted for it. We have no power to bind our
States in this respect by our votes here; and
whether we had voted the one way or the 9TH
er, they are in the same condition of freedom
to accept or reject its provisions. No, sir; the
war has not been prolonged or hindered by our
action on this or any other measure We must
look for other causes for that lamented fact
We think there is not much difficulty, notmuch
uncertainty, in pointing out others far more
probable and potent in their agencies to that
end.


| The rebellion derives its strength from the un-
ion of all classes in the insurgent States and
while that union lasts the war will never end
until they are utterly exhausted. We know
that at the inception of these troubles Southern
society was divided, and that large portion,
perhaps majority, were opposed to secession.
Now the great mass of Southern people are uni
ted. To discover why they are so we must
glance at Southern society and notice the clas-
ses into which it has been diEided, and which
still distinguish It.. They are in arms, but
| for the the same objects; they are moved to a
| enmmnn end, but BIZ different and even inconsis-
tent reasesfIs. no leaders, luIieh nipieheQds
what was previously known as the State Rights
party, and is much the lesser class, seek to
break down national independence and set up
State domination. With them it is war a.
gainst nationality. The other class is fighting,
asst supposes, to maintain and preserve its rights
of property and domestic safety, which it has
been made to believe are assailed by this Gov
ernment. This latter class are not disunionists
per Sc, they are so only because they have been
made to believe that this Administration is In
imical to their rights, and is making war on
their domestic institutions. As long as these
two classes act together they will never assent
to peace. The policy, then, to be pursued is
obvious. The former class will never be re-
conciled, but the latter may be.-Remove their
apprehensons: satisfy them that no harm is in
tended to them and their Institutions; that this
Government is not making war on their rights
of property, but is simply defending its legti-
mate authority, and they will gladly return to
tMeir allegiance as soon as the pressure of mill
tary dominion imposed by the Confederate au-
thorty is removed from them.


Twelve months ago both Houses of Congress,
adopting the spirit of your message, then but
recently sent in, declared with singular unan-
| unity the objects of the war, and the country
instantly bounded to your side to assist you in
CARRYING it on. If the spirit of that resolution
had been. adhered to we are confident that we
should i,6fore now have seen the end OF this de-
plorable conflict But what have we seen! In
both Houses of Congress we have heard doc
trines subversive of the principles OF the Con-
stitution, and seen measure after measure foun-
ded in substance on those doctrines proposed
and carried through which can have no other ef-
feet than to distract and divide loyal men, and
exasperate and drive still further from us and
their duty the people of the rebeious States
Military officers, following these bad examples,
have stepped beyond the just limits Of their au-
thority in the same direction, until in several
instances you have felt the necessity OF inter-
| ferinq to arrest them And even the passage
of the resolution to which you refer has been
ostentatiousy proclaimed as the triumph OF
principle which the people of the Southern
States regard as ruinous to them. The effect
of these measures was foretold, and may now
he seen in the indurated state of Southern feel
ing.


| TO these causes, Mr.. President, and not to
our omission to vote for the resolution recon-
| ncnded by you, we solemnly believe We arc to
attribute the terrible earnestness of those IN
arms against the Government and the continu-
ance of the war. Nor do we (permit US to say,
Mr. President, with ell respect for you) asree
that tho institution of slavery Is ''the lever OF
their power" but we are of the opinion that
''the lever Of their power" is tho apprehension
that the powers of common Government, Gre
ated for common and equal protection to the
interests of all, will be yielded against the in
| of +ho Co,,fbart, Cfafns


There is one other fiea in your address we
feel called on to notice. After stating the fact
of your rcpudation of Gen. Hunters procla-