Year: 1861

The B0MBARDMENT OF SUMTER.-An eastern
correspondent of one of the San Francisco pa
pers says the taking of Fort Sumter, in so short
time. was not remarkable. 1t was attacked by
Moultrie and half dozen land batteries, on the
land, or weak side-the very direction from
which the Government, when the Fort was built
least expected attack The Fort was placed
there to protect the city of Charleston from an
invading feet, not to protect itself against city
batteries and defences further inland.


Fort Pickens it is supposed, will be the next
point of attack If the Boston Courier tells the
truth, it will not be so easy matter to get pos
session of it as it was of Sumter. The Fort was
twenty five years building, is well manned and
provsioned now, is armed with one hundred and
forty heavy guns and mortars, and is occupied by
a full complement of men. If the attempt is
made there will be warm work at Pickens


WM. ii. SEwARD.-The greatest living states
man of America is William II. Seward. He so
stands in the estimation of European nations. A
majority Of the educated and unbiased of our
country So regard him. Occupying this proud
position it is nasural that the eyes of the world
should be turned towards him in the present dis
tracted state of American aG.,irs He is the first
adviser of the Administration, and on him de-
wolves the duty of furnishing good counsel for
the guidance of his country.


Thus far we know what his counsel, and what
his policy has been. He talks like a pacifcatOr.
But, when the emergencies likely to arise are
come, there is an intense anxiety manifested to
know what course he will deem best to pursue.
Will he favor concession? Will he decide for
coercion? Or will he counsel for the indepen-
dence of the South? We have his past history
his character and his speeches, from which tC
Judge of the probable course of the man. His
late speeches inculcate the doctrine that party i:
subordinate to the Union. He, however does
not appear to favor compromise measures gotten
up under the pressure of the present excitement,
and in all his votes he has shown not whit of a
temporizing policy which looks to an immediate
settlement of difficulties lie is willing to allow
the people to act on matters of estrangement
when the cool, sober second thought has returned,
but not sooner. Doubtless the man will be con
sistent. He has always been sO-m0re SO than
any statesman now on the stage of action. lie
has life long been consistent to the principles
he professed, and will prove true to the last, we
may he well assured. He will, therefore, concedC
nothing to the slave interest more than the Con
stitution guarantees. But so great is his devo
ton to freedom, regarding it as superior to al
human institutions, as he does, we are not sc
well assured that he might not regard the sepa
ration of the Slave States from the Union as a
step fatal to slavery. Should such be his vie "
of affairs, the question is open for discussion,
whether he may not favor the independence OF
the Slave States rather than the act of coercion


Daniel O'Connell, than whom Ireland never
produced more fervent patriot, declared the
independence OF his native island was not worth
the shedding Of single drop of blood William
II. Seward his laudator extols the sentiment as
Christian and in accordance with the advancing
spirit of the age. Acknowledging the oppression
and burthens of the Irish people as intolerable
under the British domination, and proclaiming
the wrongs thus endured by Ireland for ages, he
yet indorses the sentiment that independence and
freedom are not worth the loss of single life.
Such opinions would certainly make the Premier
of America valuable man for the Union if he


lived in the South, but is he not liable to the
kindred opinion that the retention of the South
ern States in the Union is not worth hazarding a
single life ?--.NeUdda Journal