Year: 1869

A few days ago the House of Representa-


tives by decisive vote postponed the Mis-


sissippi question until the next session of


Congress. General Grant now sends in


message advising that provision be made for


holding an election in Virginia, on the Consti-


tuition framed for that State by the late car


pet-bag convention, and suggesting that the


rejected Constitution of Mississippi be again


submitted to popular VOTE This is equiva-


lent to demand for revision of the action


already taken in regard to Mississippi, and


seems to place the President in direct opposi-


ton to the portion of his party which fayors


postponement of the question. The effect of


the message on the Republicans of the House


will be an index and measure of the in


fluence which Grant yet possesses, and of the


disposition of his party to succumb to his


wishes and yield to his commands. If they


reverse their action, and take up the Mis-


sissippi case, it will show that they


do not deem the opportunity favorable for


direct and persistent assertion of congress


sional supremacy in the party and the gov


eminent they refuse to accede to Grants


wishes the refusal will be conclusive of final


rupture, because it viii prove that the con-


gressional Radicals are resolved even at this
early day, and upon an issue which does not
involve any question between Congress and


the executive, to demonstrate their power,
and their intention to hold the President and
the presidency in permanent subjection. This
indeed, is the necessary course of the internal
politics of the Republican party. The general
tendency of the doctrines of that party, and
the direct tendency of its policy, as deve-
loped during the fierce and protracted strug-
gle with President johnson, is to enlarge the
powers and prerogatives of Congress, concur
rently with proportionate restric-
ton of the powers and preroga-
tives of all the other departments
of the government. Grant was used by
the Republican party as an instrument for the
maintenance of its power, and for the consum-
nation and permanent establishment of the
doctrine of congressional supremacy. But the
position of Grant as President, is very differ |
ent from the position Of Grant as candidate |
for the presidency. As candidate be repre- |
sented a principle and policy which, as
President, he was resolved to oppose and to
thwart. Hence his first act was to demand |
the repeal of the tenure of Office act, law de-
vised for the purpose of reducing. the executive
10 subjection to the Senate; and the theories
Of the Republican party required as much in
he case OF Republican as of an opposition
President. Beyond this, the reconstruction
question affords an almost unlimited scope for
egislation outside of the Constitutions; and
ust as far as its opportunities augment the
,owers of the Legislature, they restrict the
'owers Of the executive. AS long as that
question remains open, Congress enjoys an
field of irresponsible legislation; and
S long as it remains open, the President is
neasurably dependent on Congress. Hence,
rant naturally desires that this question be
emoyed from discussion, and Congress, as
aturally, wishes to retain il as an object upon
'hich to try all the experiments of its newly
ssumed supremacy. In the struggle on the
snure of Office act Grant encountered the
enate, and he was defeated. In the struggle
n the reconstruction question he encounters
le House, and the probability seems to be
lat by going further, he will fare even worse
ian before.