Year: 1863

We can not but regret the suppression OF
the attempted Convention at Frankfort
Our readers know that we have no sympathy
with their supposed principles, having
promptly warned the public of their probable
intentions; but this act of military authority
is dagrant violation of the right of the citi-
zens to peaceably assemble. Col. Gilbert
seems to have proceeded upon the assump-
ton that there were rebel spies in the Con-
vention, and to have justified his procedure
upon that ground. If the charge was true,
it was the duty of Colonel Gilbert to arrest
and try the suspected parties. His course
in breaking up the Convention can have no
justification.


The Legislature was in session. If this
assembly was dangerous TO the peace of the
State or the Union, resolution cauld have
been promptly passed requiring them to dis
perse. The Governor was at hand. If nee
essary, his authority could have been exer-
cised. The magistrates, all of known 10y
atty, were within immediate call. IF this
was reasonable or disorderly assembly, it
was in their power, and it was their duty, to
order that body to disperse. There was no
emergency calling for the extraordinary au-
thority of the military, and Colonel Gilbert
has Just gone far enough to show con-
scousuess that it was an usurpation, and not
far enough to prove that it was necessitated
by public danger.


Colonel Gilbert refers to the repudiation
of the principles of that party by the DEM
ocYatic press of the State, and the refusal of
the Legislature to allow them the use of the
House, as a condemnation. 1t is true the
press and Legislature believe their principles
to be dangerous, but they never proposed to
violate law themselves. 1t certainly must
have astonished both Of these to learn that
tn cir opinions were used to Justify the viola
ton of one of the most essential rights of
civil liberty.


1t was the intention of the press to resist
the course of this party by the open and le-
gitimate exercise of argument and persua-
sion. They did not ask, and did not wish,
the dangerous interpostion of this authority.
Colonel Gilbert, by his course, has changed
the issue entirely, and placed these men in
the attitude of sufferers for the attempted
exercise of an undoubted right-a right in
the support of which every free citizen is in
terested. The question is no longer whether
party that demands the immediate recog-
milton of the independence of the Southern
Confederacy shall prevail in the State, but
whether such and every military officer in
the State has right to break up public as
semblies? The question, is whether these
men are entitled to the protection of the
declaration of rights in the State Constitu-
ton? The question is whether we have any
State Government at ail-whether the civil
law is superior to e.military-whether our
lives and fortunes are held at the will of
minor m ilitary authorities or not?


If this policy is to revail, we are no long
or free people under the protection of the
laws, but military despotism. We have not
one, but many masters. Every district is
governed by petty tyrant, who is at once
the Judge aud executioner of his own edicts.
Colonel Gilbert's motives may have been
good.> but we have nothing to do with his
motives. He had no more authority to do
this act than be would have to march to the
State Capitol and disperse the Legislature at
the point of the bayonet, and his course is
tyrannical aud indefensible violation of
right that lies at the very foundation of re-
pu biican freedom. 1--


If this is the manner in which we are to
be governed, our elections are a mere farce.
If military officer is to be judge of thein-
tentions of every public meeting, with the
power to dsperse, the only choice the peo-
pie can have is that of accepting whatever
he may decree 1t is folly to discuss whether
we shall accept the emancipation scheme OF
Lincoln or not. We had as we'll write and
talk about the civil government of the in
habitants of the moon. We are subjugated





vaporing debating society; our Courts are
mere mustang courts, without the fun that
enlivens them. 1t is a worse condition than
to be under an unlimited monarchy. The
ruler of kingdom will find his interest in
that of his people. Such authority as Col.
Gilbert has exercised has no such restraint.
The prosperity of the people of this State
/, nothing to him. His obedience to the will
of his superior is his only interest The
military officers are in the position of the
Persian Satrsp or Roman Prefsct. They
may tyrannize, Cypress and enrich them
selves at the expense of the provinces, as
their predecessors did, with the exception
that there no tribunal, as at Rene. to make
them disgorge. 1t is policy fatal to free
dom, fatal to the Union.


We are for no terms with rebels, but we
are opposed to following their example in
evil. Armed rebels must be resisted with
arms; bu. we must not throw away the
sacred rights which our fathers SO hardly
won. If his Convention had been allowed
| to proceed, we expected to oppose their cam
didates and resist their policy. We never
had any doubt that they would be rePudiated
| by the people The contest was already de-
/ cided beforehand, and this act had not even
necessity to justify it,


Wa hone this is the last time we shall
ever have to record an act of military usur-
patton in this State. We hope that this
policy, subversive of the interests of the
State and the Union, will receive prompt
condemnation at the hands of the people
and the authorities. We hope that Col
Gilbert and other officers will confine them
selves strictly to the exercise of their duties,
and not incur the imputation that they are
more dangerous to the rights and liberties of
| W than fn ha
Mistaken zeal, mistaken loyalty, may be as
dangerous as rebellion itself; and people who
submit to a uniform destruction OF the Jaws,
| which lia at the foundation of civil liberty.