Year: 1864

sworn to obey the Constitution should re-


speet IT. Let no one take alarm at this.


There is no danger that the domestic


institution crushed in the Caroliuas
| and Louisiana will long survive in Ken
lucky or Maryland Already, as YOU


have stated to us, solemn proposition
has been made to all the loyal States;
already one of the most important, Mis-
sour, has set the example of acceptance.


10 be thus uneasy about the mainte.
nance OF slavery in the North argues to
our minds quite too much tenderness
Tor the South. We look with suspicion
upon this pretended Abolitionism whose
unfrIendly exactions were first put forth
on the very day illumed in America by
the dawn OF abolition. We frankly say
we could never have foreseen that the
election of Mr.. Lincoln and the several
acts We have just enumerated would be
an endless cause of complaint, and dis
trust and unworthy denunciation from
50 many men who plume themselves in
Europe upon their hatred to slavery.


And since to destroy the North in
public opinion it was not enough to &C.
cuse it of too much favor to slavery.
another grievance has been found. The
North oppressed the Southl The strug-
gle was of two nationalitiesl The South
had risen for independence.
Its independence there were then SUBJ
jeet provinces in the heart of the Union?
Doubtless these provinces had no part in
the Government of the country, the
South had not the same rights as the
North? Of course the South was held
in this state of inferiority and subieetion
by numerous Federal garrisons? Not at
all. All the States enjoyed the same
rights, took like part in elections. If any
section was favored it was the South, to
which further suffrage was granted in
proportion to the number of its slaves.
If any advantage had been enioyed it
was by the South, which had given the
majority of Presidents and chief officers.
Yet in this free country, a country with
out an army, and whose material means
as well as laws were sufficient barrier
against oppression, in such country we
are told of a province claiming inde-
pendencel


We are of your opinion, gentlemen,
that independence and nationality are
words too noble to be abused. In their
abuse, things are compromised, and the
more noble and sacred these things the
more careful should we be not TO con-
found them with what is neither noble
nor sacred-a revolt in the name of slav-
cry, fratricidaf revolt which would de.
stroy a free Constitution and tear asun-
der common country for fear lest there
might be interference with the internal
slave traffic, the continued breeding in
Virginia, the sale and separation of fam
lilies, and lest perchance some Territories
should be shut out from the conquests of
slavery


In vain we seek in the United States
for nationality striving to regain its
independence. Not only has independ-
ence been nowhere assailed, but there
is absolutely no trace of separate ma
tionality. Nowhere, perhaps, is there a
more thorough national homogeniety.
North and South the race is the same;
faith, language, history, and, we boldly
add, interests are all the same ALL
these States have struggled together,
suffered together, triumphed together.
Their glories. their defeats, are common.
Their Constitution sprung from the free
consent of all; all pledged themselves
alike to remain faithful to its obligations.


This pledge is no empty word with
which caprice may idly sport Among
the inventions of our epoch there is none
more extraordinary than the right of
Secession. Those who discovered it will
no doubt teach us where it should STOP
If each section has a, right of secession
from the country as whole, why not
each State right of secession frem such
section? Why not each County right
of secession from the Statel Why not
each town a right of secession from the
County? Why not each citizen a right
of secession from the town?


The truth is that, but for slavery, the
South would not talk of its suppressed
independence, nor of the right Of seees-
sion. Slavery has brought the two sec
tons to strife. The extinction of slave
ry will restore unity. The North and
the South viii some day wonder that
they could have failed to appreciate the
most complete and homogeneous of ma
tionalities


A last resort remains. That we here
may not see the great struggle on the
subject of slavery, an attempt is made
to present the struggle as one for domi-
nation.


But this latter struggle is the very life
of free countries. 1t is not surprisin
that the North and the South each strove
actively, energetically, noisily for the tri.
umph of their candidate and policy. But
when one of them, losing the battle of the
ballot, plunges without hesitation into
another kind of battle; when it resists,
arms in hand, the result of q regular
election; when on the very day that it
ceases to rule it tears into fragments the
common country, it is guilty of a crime
for which it is difficult to imagine an ex-
cuse.


II


You will crush the revolt, gentlemen.
You will succesd-such is our belief-in
Ee-establishing the Union. twill emerge
from the bloody trial stronger, more free,
more worthy of. the noble destiny to