Year: 1864

Mr.. Seward raises this question in the
, minds of the people Does he suppose


that the American people are likely to be


propitiated towards an Administration re-


specting which such derogatory suspic-
ions are excited by its most distinguished
spokesman-suspicions which its most
distrustful opponents could not have


thought of cherishing until they were


suggested by this most untoward intima-


tion2 Or does he suppose that the


American people will be frightened from


their propriety by this threat-insOmuch


that they will vote to continue the power


of the Union in the hands of its present


disposers, lest, peradventure, ifthatpOw


er be Withdrawn in a constitutional way


by the sovereign will of the people, its


present possessors, in their spite and pas


sion, may betray it with the Union and
Constitution into the hands Of the enemy?


No, Mr.. Seward, the people may not think
highly of Mr. Lincoln's capacity or ad-


ministrative skill, but they are not quite


prepared to suspect him of this tremen-


dous treason. They will, therefore, vote


according to the dictates of their own


understandings and consciences, unawed
| by the threats, as we hope unseduced by


the Establishments, Of power and place.


But if in any minds the suspicion which


has been thus justified should find lodg-
ing and take root, it could only serve to
strengthen the resolve of magnanimous
nation that rulers of whom such premedi-
tated treachery was even supposable,
should be held to have already forfeited
all right and title to the continued conf
dence of the people in the places which,
on such a supposition, they have already
dishonored in their thoughts and betray-
ed in their hearts.


We have again adverted to this pain
ful topic, not so much for the purpose of
pointing the public attention to a most
imprudent utterance, as for the sake Of
impressing on all, and especially on men
who occupy high official stations at the
present time, the importance Of speaking
with deliberatioh and caution on subjects
of commanding public interest at this
critical epoch of our history. We grieve
to say that the Secretary of State does
not seem in his Auburn speech to have
rightly interpreted the duty of one who
essays to be the guide Of the people in
the present difficult emergency. He as
cribes to a portion of the people in the
loyal States, who certainly embraces near
ly one-half, and who may be proved to
be a large majority Of the voting pOpula-
ton, a completely, either willful or igno-
rant, with the insurgents who are in arms
against the safety of the country. The |
supporters of General Mcclellan, are not
conscious knaves, are unconscious tools,
according to the political classification of
the Secretary. He AYERS "that in the plat
form" constructed at Chicago, and in the
nomination Of General Mcclellan there
made, eve have nomination and plat
form which we're made by treaty formal
" contracted between the Democratic
traitors at Richmond and the Democrat
ic opposition at Chicago, signed, sealed,
attested, and delivered in the presence of
The London Times, and already ratified
at Richmond" We ask Mr. Seward |
whether he is prepared to put that state
ment in his next dispatch to Mr.. Adams,
at London, and to 1Ir. Dayton at Paris;
that they may officially inform the gov
ernments of England and France that
One-half of the voting population of the
loyal States has, by the reasonable man
agement at Chicago, been brought into
solemn league and covenant with the in
surgents at Richmend? Does he believe
the statement he has thus publicly made?
Assuredly he does not. We know full
well that it belongs to those vague and
rhetorical exagerations which are deem
cd permissible in the hurly-burly of an
excited political canvass. It is assumed
that the people will everywhere know
how to make due allowances for such
forms Of speech, and that therefore no
Misrepresentation is really conveyed by
them, and that no practical harm is done
to the public intelligence, and no shock
inflicted on the public conscience. 1t
may have been so in former times, but
the people areinno mode to tolerate such
random inuendoes at the present day.
They know in their hearts that General
Mcclellan is as Loyalty, as sincerely, and
as unalterably devoted to the honor and |
glory Of his country as any man in or out
of official station. And they k11ow that he
is Intimately more loyal to tile Union and
Constitution than those wbo nog admins
ter the gouerament, if indeed there be any
room for the ominous question which the |
Secretary of State has started, when he !