Year: 1861

EThe following editorial from that
leading Republican paper, the st. Louis
Democrat, indicates the tendency of the
public sentiment at the North-that this
war is to be waged for the abolition of
slavery. Kentuckiars should read and
ponder this article


icy. e4aea /.


The affair at Belmont begins, we fear,
to wear the aspect of those prematurely
announced victories which too often lapse
into confessed defeat. In the teeth of a
terrible and protracted resistance, our
troops fought for five hours with unexcep-
tionable bravery and unquestionable sue
cess. They routed the enemy, took his
artillery, .and captured and burned his
camp. While the battle was raging, how
ever, Confederate reinforcemenfs poured
unimpeded across the river from Column
bus. The elated, yet wearied victors sud-
denly found it necessary TO fight their
way through superior numbers of fresh
troops, in order to re-cmbark. This was
done with desperate gallantry, but with
distressing loss. The accounts differ as
to which side has suffered most but near
ly all unite in making the number nf kill
ed and wounded greater on the part of
the enemy. The full extent of the ad-
vantages gained or injuries sustained, on
either siee, is yet to be learned.


The enemy, on the defensive and i'll
his own country, has thus double ad-
vantage over It's. To counterpoisc this,
we should, if possible, invade and at
tack him with superior numbers. Not
only do we fail thus TO do, but we al
low him the triple advantage of fight
ing in defense, on his own soil, and in
greater force than our own. It may be
no imputation upon our patriotism that
we do not march into the territory of the
foe with more regiments than he mus
ters' TO repel us The Confederates
would be similarly Outnumbered were
they TO attempt an invasion of the loyal
States. The local population rally speed
ily, with little cost and with great ef-
ficiency, to swell the army acting in
their defense. 1t is, therefore, not to be
expected that our armies will move for
ward with greater numbers than those
which will confront them. This is war
to be successfully prosecuted against an
enemy in superior force, with defensive
tactics and policy, and on ground with
which he is perfectly familiar The fau-
rels our armies win against such odds
are richly paid for in blood and treasure.


As if, however, these disadvantages
against us were not enough, we submis-
sively concedc TO the legions of treason an
Immensely potent weapon, which, when
ever we will, we can turn against them.
In addition 10 their numerical fighting
strength, they have an element of popu-
lation and military power of which VIC
are destitute. All the energy of this
element is welded against u.s. vet we
sacredly respect it, While every consid-
Grafton of justice, with the whole spirit
and all the rules and precedents of war,
and the dictates of policy besides, urge
us to use our power to turn this engine
against the foe, we studiously refrain!


Admitting the perfect justice and vail
dity of slavery, the spirit and laws OF war
demand that, when any agency whatever
is belligerently used against US, we
destroy its hostility if possible, and direct
il against the foe if we can. IL therefore
is no "abOlition cry" that calls upon the
Government humanely to free the slaves
of the rebels to crush the rebellion. As
a measure of military efficiency and prac
ticability, and as such simply, it demands
the assent of each lover of his country
and receives that of the mass of patriotic
and unprejudiced citizens.


But slavery is the Pariah of the whole
civilized world, except the South. Itwas
denounced by Thomas Jefferson as an
outrage against Heaven. In view of it,
he trembled for his country, when he re-
membered that God was Just Speaking
of a probable war in behalf of it, he
said, 81 know of no attribute of the AL
mighty that can take part with my eoun-
try in such war" The war has come
in another shape than he anticipated,
even one more infamous. He feared a
war to suppress slave Instructions and
to maintain slavery as it is. The war is
waged, not 70 maintain slavery, nor in
defense of it, but to extend it. Slavery
attempts the destruction of our free gov
ernment, because the people at the ballot
box have echoed the voice and policy of
the republic-cven of the Southern fathers
and founders of the republic! 1t does
not follow from this that the Government
should undertake the destruction of slave
ry by war. 1t only follows that the in
stitution has no peculiar sacredness that
should lead us to respect it while it is
used powerfully against us in war. The
sanctuaries of home and religion should
be reverently regarded, though they be-
long TO the enemy. Yet these are un-
scrupulously taken possession of and
justly, when they are used for hostile
purposes. is slavery more sacred than
they? If, as is demonstrably true, there
ought to be no hesitancy in turning il
against the foe though it were just, still
less should there be a reluctance while
the institution is so gravcly questioned,
while this atrocious war is waged in its
behalf, and while ii is itself weapon so
poteat in the hands of the foe.


1t should be often repeated that the
laboring slave population is an element
of more than twice the military efficien-
cy of the laboring white population. On
ly half the latter actually toll, the We !
men and children being principally con-
sumers and non producers. The slave
women and children are employed to
their utmost capacity, as well as the
od,,I{ ,,,aIa cIara A1atn fha sJIrDlus OF