Year: 1860

mlttedto to this doctrine. All were agreed that the people of the territories, under the constitution, | should control their own domestic institutions. And when there was a conflict of opinion with ref erenceto their powers under the constitution, all were agreed that the supreme court of the United States should determine their extent The argu- ment tsed by statesmen from all sections of the Union in favor of this method of settlement, was that ltwould translate from the halls of Congress to the people to be affected by it, the discussion of thls irritating and intending question; that the time of Congress might then be devoted to the consde- ration If practical and salutary legislation, bene hcial t' the whole country. Do those men who advocate intervention by Congress in favor of slavery expect to obtain it without discussion? ? | The question was thus settled, and you, my fellow citzen', and the people everywhere in the South unconscious of the great wrongs under which you were living were contented and happy. But un- fortunately for the peace of the country pettifog gng quibblers and special pleaders; professional politicians to whom agitation is the breath of their nostris, the food and rament of their bodies, the bane and curse of the country discovered that you were Eronged, insuted, dishonored, robbed of your ] just share in the common territories of the Unon and denied equality in national confederation. have seen, feel, realize injustice or oppres sion, deny that you or are the subjects of either am not to be deterred by the clamors of small | Ii entertained views with regard to questions of public policy, of which not citizen in my State approved, and knew it, honor and candor would | require me to ayow them, and 1 should not shrink | from doing it.

 | It Is with this feeling that declare, as south ern man, studl0us of the interests of section, if the northern members of Congress would voluntarily offer to protect slavery in the territories by federal laws and federal arms the South ought not to ac- cept it. l will prove, attempt to prove, on the future occasion to which 1 have referred, that it would be unwlse and nexpedent for her to do SO.

 The developments at the late Charleston con ventlon indicate the imminence and magnitude Of the dangers that threaten the perpetuity of the Union

 The harmony of its action was destroyed by two classes of politicians. The one actuated by an in veterate malignity towards a prominent candidate TOT the presidency, were seeking it's qualification, not only if it cost the defeat of the democratic party, but the disruption of the Union itself. The other dsunloniss at heart, and honestly believing the prosperity of the southern people would be pro- noted by erecting the slave States of the Union into separate confederacy, would be entitled to more respect, if they would boldly avow their ob- Ject and mantully march towards it without resort Ing to deception and indrecton to accomplish it. The first are aided by all the power and influence winch commanding position and the bestowal of federal patronage, amounting in four years to over three hundred millions of dollars, give to the pre-

  sent administration.

 At the convention were Senators known to en- joy the entire confidence of the President, and to reflect his wishes, who have nominated the ncum- bents of all the federal offices in six or eight of the sovereign States of the Union, employing all the influence which high position, official favor, and immense wealth gave them command of, to defeat the candidate have referred to. Government of hcals Tn large numbers were there from all quarters of the Union, devotlng themselves to the same ob- Ject, who were hegecting their official duties at the command Of their masters, some of them with the wages of their treachery in their pockets in the form ot appointments lucrative offices, bestowed upon them since their election as representatives by those whom they betrayed.

 The capital in trade of the second class, was the posslOnS the preludces, the senstlveness to wrong and insult ot generous and lmpuslve people, 'whose southern hearts to be sufficiently fired to precipitate the cotton States of the Union into a revolution.'

 No sensible man believes that the vindictve- ness with which MT Douglas is pursued s provoked by any want of fidelity on his part to the demo- cratic party, to the rights of the South, the Union or the constitution. If he could have changed his principles with the same facility that many of his revilers have done, much of the vituperation with which ehas been assailed would have been spared him. It has certainly not been from personal con alterations that l have favored the nomination of MT Douglas, but solely because his ideas of gov ernmentai policy will better the interests or the southern people than those of any other can ddate; because l believe he can be elected, and hs election will destroy the abolition organization at the North, build up controlling conservative party in its place, utterly extinguish the no less mscheyous dlsunion party at the South, and give peace and quiet to the whole country. Mr. Doug las is the original friend of the acquisition of Cuba opposed to specific and protective duties, in favor o tariff for revenue, in favor of, and if elected with the will and courage to assert and maintain all the constitutional rights of every citizen, enti tied to the protection of our government, in every State and territory of the Union.

 He has been always and everywhere the bold, able, and eloquent defender of the rights of the southern people, and cannot believe it is in their nature to follow the lead of politicians who. from personal hostility alone, abuse and traduce him. The interests or ambition of Mir. Douglass or any and all other presidential aspi1ants, of every pub lie man of the day, weigh nothing in the balance, slnk into utter lnsi snihcance when brought into competition with the welfare of thirty two millions ot American people. There are many members of the party, north and south, for whom 1 would vote with cheerluiness, and would gladly believe that he was not only one for whom l could vote with reasonable hope of success.

 The treachery to the South, which of late has been charged against Mir. Douglas, might with equal justice and propriety, be imputed to Mr. Cal houn. The only political sins of which Mr. Douglas has been guilty his hcresies upon the territorial question. In exploring the Congress sionai debates for precedent and authority upon this subject, found that in the debate upon the Oregon bill on the 2Ith June, lS46, Mir. Calhoun had used the following language:

 ''There is very striking difference between the position in which the slavehoding and non slave holding States stand in reference to the subject under consideration. The former, desire no action of the goUernment-demand no law to qire them an aduantage in the territory about 10 be eStdbLShed- are willing to leave 1t, and the other territories belonging to the United States, open to all their citizens so long they continue to be territories and when they cease to be so, leave it to their in habitants to form such governments as may suit them without restriction condition, except that imposed by the constitution as d pre- requisite for admission into the Union. In short, they (the slave States, are willing to leave the whole subject where the constitution and the great fundamental principles of fseli..sovenment place it."

 

 " How can the question be settled It can, in my opinion, be finally and permanently adjusted ill tut way, and that is on the high principles of justice ad the constitution. Fear not to leave it to them. The less you do the better"

 

 |" If the obligations of justice and the constitu- ton be too feeble to command the respect of the North, how can the South expect that she will re- Sdiu tle more IteDie uDliSatOnS Of act Ot Congress. Nor should the North fear, that, by leaving it where justice and the constitution leave it, she would be excluded from her full share of the territories In my opinion, if it be left them climate, soil, and other circumstances would fix the line between the slayeholding and free States a. about 36 deg. 30 min

 '' But l go further and say, that justice and the constitution are the easiest and safest ground on which the question be settled in reference to party. H may be settled or that ground simply by non action. If party cannot safely take this broad and solid position and successfully maintain It, what other can it take and maintain? Il it can not maintain itself by appeal to the great prin- clples of justice, the constitution and self govern ment, to what other sufficiently strong in public opinion can they appeal7 greatly mistake the character of the people of this Union if such an appeal would not prove successful if either party should have the magnanmty to step forward and boldly maintain it. It woud in my opinion, be received with shouts ofapprobaton by the patriotic ana intelligent in every quarter"

 Such is the language of Mr. Calhoun It is no disparagement o politicians of the present day to say that he was at least their equal in political sasacty, patriotism and devotion to the sectional interests of the southern States. lie has been my political guide since first gave any attention to parties or politics. He is the sun in my politi