Year: 1863

He might With as much reason have issu-
ed proclamation to them to lay down
their arms. Both equally expose him to
a contemptuous rejection of his scheme
But he makes distinction between
slavery in the rebel States and slavery in
the loyal States, and proposes to the lat
ter compensated emancipation as an equiv
alent for their surrender of the institu-
ton ITSELF It is probable that this prop
osition was intended especially for Ken
tucky; but how vain is an offer when there
is no power to accept it, even if there was
disposition to do SO? Kentucky's Con-
stitution fixes the institution as a part of
her settled policy, and the question is a
concluded one, only to be reopened by the
call of Convention and the adoption of
new Constitution. This could not ow-
ing to the provisions of the instrument,
be effected until many years have elapsed
Ma period before the arrival of which it is
to be hoped this wretched war will have
been brought to close.


But even if there were no constitutional
impediment in the way, his proposition
would be and ought to be promptly re-
ljectsd. Kentucky understands her own
interests too well to be thankful for gra-
tuitous advice as to the mode in which
she should manage them; and when she
wants the assistance of any outside admin
istration of her affairs, she claims the
privilege of originating the suggestion. I
would therefore suggest the propriety of
your passing resolution, by way of re-
sponse to the Presidents proposition,
that Kentucky rejects it; and at the same
time, in behalf Of her own unquestioned
rights as an independent power in the
control of her own State polity, protests
against any interference with it as unwar-
ranted by the Constitution of the United
States.


After thus disposing of what may be
considered as especially addressed to Ken
lucky, / would call your attention to the
proclamation of the President, declaring
freedom to all slaves in the rebel States,
and forbidding the interference of the ar
mics of the United States with any who
were endeavoring to assert their freedom


I have thought it becoming my official
station to say what have in relation to
so much of the proclamation as looked to
an admission or rejection of it by our
state. But Kentucky is equally involved
in the material branch of the proclama-
ton which undertakes, by Presidential
edict, to emancipate, instantly, all the
slaves in the rebellious States. These
may, without an exaggeration of their
numbers, be set down at four millions.
Abstracting them from the aggregate of
the slave population of the United States,
aud there remains mere fragment In
Delaware; not over one hundred thousand
in Maryland; about fifty thousand in Mis-
souri,; and by the last census two hun
dred and twenty five thousand in Ken
tucky. So that it is apparent that Ken
lucky has the largest residuary interest,
supposing that the proclaim. tion is en-
forced in the Southern States. That the
value of this interest must be reduced to
nothing by the successful operation of the
Presidents ultimatum, is too manifest for
argument Is there any reason why Ken
tucky should be subjected to this indi-
rect but no less fatal blow?


Is there any thing in the Constitution
of the United States that warranted it ?
Was there any thing in Congressional
| legislation that warranted it? And does
any subsequent Endorsement by partisan
Congress relieve it from its original usur-
patton? 1 think that one may search in
vain for any such power given to the Pres
ident in the Constitution of the United
States; and any exercise of powers not
granted therein is an attempt to save the
| =. - L
all loyal States hold it to be fundamental
doctrine that the Union, if saved at all
must be saved in conformity to the Con-
stitution, and not in violation of it. The
truth is clear that argument is superfu-
ous No one at all versed in the spirit OF
the letter Of our institutions can serious
ly contend for such powers as the Presi.
dent undertakes to exercise in his procla
nation. The assumption of them has
alarmed the American mind, and the
contemplation of the result of them hat
grieved the American heart. Disguise
the purpose as you may, it is in truth al
linducement to servile insurrection, By
giving it probability of success in for,
bidding the army to interfere. I will no


pause here to depict the horrors of ser


vile war; no Imagination can conceive o


tbem-no pen can paint them. Even tn.


sanguinary Cataline, impressed with tn,


sense of the horrors of servile war, ant


serupulously regarding the dignity of Ro


map citizenship, rejected the aid of slave


although they foeked in great number


to his standard. And those slaves wer


men of the same generic root with tn


Romans, and many Of them educated il


the arts and arms. This historic trutl


might have been needed with profit b


the President, and the force of it is i'm


mensely increased from the fact that tn


"Amsrican citizens Of African descent
a-e the progeny of brutal ancestry, an
: of different race from our own.


But suppose his plan succeeds SO far a
to give freedom to four millions of slave.


and that it is effected without servile in
>urrection, what then is to be done wit
! hem? Are they to be permitted to choo.
heir own domiciliation, and, if they ar
may they not come into Kentucky in vas
II ,orI os ofEaofuallx, dc trox, AZ, =,