Year: 1863

negroes IN this city by the mob, two weeks
ago, bring home to us with Tremendous
force the simple question what are we to


do with this race, which the wisdom of God
has thrown upon our hands. Two solu-


tions to the problem are offered-the one
BY the Abolitiopists- 1.-The other by the


Southern Confederacy. The first proposi-


ton is to admit them to full equality with


the whites in all respects, so that the ques-


tion would no longer be one for the white


race to take care Of, but would be the


equal coacern of the blacks. No longer


interior and dependent, they would then


cease to be "a charge on US as the superi-


ors, and, it is promised, would amalga-


mate with us in a great and peaceful race,


to entire a political millennium. The oth-


er proposition rs to keep the race IN a posi-


tioa of sLauery. The word slavery is not
accurately defined, but it may be taken, in


this proposition, to mean position of


forced labor for the white man, with laws


compelling the white to give support and


protection as the equivalent of the. labor.
This involves the total abnegatione of al


ideas of equality, and rests on the basis of
a conceded inequality IN theraces.


There is still a third position for the


colored race, and that is the position in


which it is found in the Free States, but


one which is certainly very indefinite, and


BY no means so we'll settled as to promise


permanence, or to inure to the benefit of


either race. This Is IN Substance POSE


tiom of acknowledged inequality oftte ra-


ces, and IN general Of dependence Of the


blacks on the sohites. The black is pro-


tected in all his rights by the laws, may


sue in courts, has every claim to the po-


lice and other protection which the whites


have, but is not allowed to vote, unless to


his other qualifications he adds the accu-


mutation Of property to an extent sufi-


cicnt to meet the requirements of the law.


The position of the free black man is,


however, as we have said, very indefinite.


Even with property he does not become,


in law, the equal Of the white, since there


is a law of custom, recognized in the
courts, which keeps his rights, in some
respects, below those of the white. For
example, he cannot claim the right Of ELL
try into all cur public conveyances. He
cannot, us the white man can, compel


landlord to receive him into hotel, or
give him bed iI room with white


man nor can he demand half state room
ION aiNorth River steamboat, or even a
berth in public cabin. 1t must be ad-
mitted byal sensible men that this unde-
fined status of the free black man cannot
always remain thus underlined, in coun-
try like ours, and the more we look at the
future the more we become impressed with
the conviction that he'question what to|
do with the black man is the grand ques-
ton, vastly more important than the slave
ry question, which demands the attention
Of the political economist and the states
man.


Equality as impossible. Men may prate
about it, may argue about it., may rave
about it, but it cannot be. There is not
a man il. the radical party except small
squad 'of'crazy fanatics, who would have
law PASSED compelling him to admit al
black man to his state room, or to his bed
in d crowded country inn, where the law,
and the custom, oblige landlord to give
accommodation to all WHO come, until his
house and his beds are full. Nor would
one Of the leaders Of the equality party
marry his daughter or his sister to black
man. All the talk is for political effect,
but the practical result Of the talk is moth
ing. Nor will these convictions, prejudi-
ces, or whatever else they may be called, |
cease for q century to come. if they ever
cease. Political and social equality lone
cannot exist, without the otheA for. the
black and aohite IS moral impossibi7tY
an this country. | S'P
ga But their position must be defined, or |
they will be d political curse 10 the land |
The tendency Of public opinion, instead
Of being in favor Of tho equality plan, is |
rapidly and dangerously directed toward |
the most contrary idea. There Is more dam
ger that the majority Of the people 10 the |
North would be moro willing to restore
the negro to slavery here, than that they
win admit him to equality In short i'll
the question come up squarely, there is no
manner Of doubt that the vast majority
would be for slavery. Now, we suggest
to our radical contemporaries that their
course implies that this is the question,
and that we have no alternative. IN all
that they are doing they force on the coun-
try the idea Of negro equality. They even
take pains to tell uslithat negro soldiers
are better than white. They extol the
negro at the expense Of the white man.