Year: 1861




N my humble opinion, Mr.. President, we
should begin at least with three Oonfedera-
cies-the Confederacy of the North, the
Confederacy of the Atlantic Southern States


(the slaveholding States) and the Confede-
racy of the Valley of the Mississippi. Ny


life upon it, sir, that vast population that


has already concentrated, and will concen-
trate upon the head-waters and tributaries
of the Mississippi, will never consent that
the mouth of that river shall be held sub
ject to the power of any foreign State what
ever. Such believe would be the conse-
quences of dissolution of the Union. But
other Confederacies would spring up, from
time to time, as dissatisfaction and discon-
tent were disseminated over the country
There would be the Confederacy of the
Lakes-perhaps the Confederacy of New
England, and of the Middle States.


But, sir, the veil which covers these sad
and disastrous events that lie beyond a pos
sible, rupture of this U nion is too thick to be
penetrated or lifted by any mortal eye OF
hand.


Mr. President, am directly opposed to
any purpose of secession, or separation. 1
am for staying within the Union, and defy
ing any portion of this Union to expel or
drive me out of the Union. l am for stay
Ah- HAtAA4 thO OIlO auu ASubluA lOL IL
rights-if necessary, with the sword-with-
in the bounds and under the safeguard of
the Union. l am for vindicating these
rights but not by being driven out OF the
Union rashly and unceremoniously by any
portion of this Confederacy. Here 1 am
within it, and here l mean to stand and die;
as far as my individual purposes or wishes
can go-within it TO protect myself, and to
defy all the power upon earth to expel me
or drive me from the situation in which
am placed. Will there not be more safety
in fighting within the Union than without
it?


Suppose your rights to be violated sup
pose wrongs to be done you, aggressions to
be perpetrated upon you, cannot you better
fight and vindicate them, if you have occa-
sion to resort to that last necessity Of the
sword, within the Union, and with the SYM
pathies of a large portion of the population
of the Union of these States differently con-
stituted from you, then you can fight and
vindicate your rights, expelled from the Un-
ion, aud driven from it without ceremony
and without authority


said that thought that there was no
right on the part of one or more of the
States to secede from this Union. think
that the Constitution of the thirteen States
was made, not merely for the generation
which then existed, but for posterity, un-
defined, unlimited, permanent, and perpet-
ual-for their posterity, and for every sub
sequent State which might come into the
Union, binding themselves by that indissol-
ubls bond. 1t is to remain for that poster
ity now and forever. Like another of the
great relations of private life, it was mar
riage that ro human authority can dissolve
or divorce the parties from and, if l may
be allowed to refer to this same example in
private life, let US say what man and wife
say to each other We have mutual faults:
nothing in the form of human beings can be
perfect let US, then, be kind to each other,
forbearing, conceding let us live in happi-
ness and peace.


Mr. President, have said what | solemn
ly believe-that the dissolution of the Union
and war are identical and iGseparable that
they are convertible terms.


Such war, too, as that would be, follow
ing the dissolution of the Union Sir, we
may search the pages of history, and none
so furious, so bloody, so implacable, SO ex-
terminating, from the wars of Greece down,
including those of the Common wealth of
England, and the revolution of France
none, none of them ragged with such violence.



and enormities, as will that war which shall
follow that disastrous event--if that event
ever happens-of dissolution.


And what would be its termination p
Standing armies and navies, to an extent
draining the revenues of each portion of
the discovered empire, would be created
exterminating wars would follow-not a
war of two or three years, but of intermin-
able duration-an exterminating war would
follow, until some Philip or Alexander,
some Caesar or Napoleon, would rise to cut
the Gordian knot, and solve the problem of
the capacity of man for selfgovernment, and
crush the liberties of both the discovered
portions of this Union. Can you doubt it ?
Look at history-cousult the pages of all
history ancient or modern; look at human
at the character of the contest
in which you would be engaged in the sup
position of war following the dissolution of
the Union, such as | have suggested-and
ask you if it is possible for you to doubt that
the final but perhaps distant termination of
the whole will be some despot treading
down the liberties of the people THAT the |
final result will be the extinction of this
last and glorious light which is leading all
mankind, who are gazing upon it, to cher
ish hope and anxious expectation that the |
llDOAhy hulCu prevails ACAo IA oOOACA VI /
later be advanced throughout the civilized |
world Can you, Mr. President, lightly |
contemplate the consequences? Can you |
yield yourself to a torrent of passion, |
amidst dangers which I have depicted in |
colors far short of what would be the reali- |
ty, if the event should ever happen 1
conjure gentlemen-whother from the South |
or the North by all they hold dear in this |
worldly all their love of liberty-by all
their veneration for their ancestors
by all their regard for posterity-by
all their gratitude to him who has
bestowed upon them such unnumbered bles- |
sings-by all the duties which they owe to
mankind, and all the duties they owe to
themselves-by all these considerations l
implore them to pause-solemnly pause-at
the edge of the precipice. before the fearful
and disastrous leap is taken in the yawning
abyss below, which will inevitably lead to
certain and irretrievabe destruction.


And, finally, Mr.. President, implore, as
the best blessing which Heaven can bestow
nO0n me- u0ou If the direfQl and