Year: 1862

proclaimed as the triumph OF principle
which the people of the Southern States
regard as ruinous to them. The effect of
these measures was foretold, and may now
be seen in the indurated state of Southern
feeling


To these causes, Mr.. President, and not
to our omission to vote for the resolution
recommended by you, we solemnly believe
we are to attribute the terrible earnestness
of those in arms against the Government,
and the continuance Of the war. Nor do
we (permit us to say, Mr.. President, with
all respect to you,} agree that the institu
tion Of slavery is "the lever of their pow
er," but we are of the opinion that "the
lever of their power" is the apprehension
that the powers Of a common Government
created for common and equal protection
to the interests of all, will be welded
against the institutions of the Southern
States.


There is one other idea in your address
we feel called on to notice. Aftor stating
the fact of your reputation OF Gen. Hun,
ter's proclamation, you add


"Yet, in repudiating it, gave dissatis-
faction, if not offence, to many whose sup
port the country cannot afford to lose.-
And this is not the end of it. The pres.
sure in this direction is still upon me and
is increasing. BY conceding what 1 now
ask you can relieve me, and, much more,
can relieve the country III this important
point


We have anxiously looked into this pas,
sage to discover its true import, but we
are yet in painful uncertainty. How can
we, by conceding what you now ask, relieve
you and the country from the increasing
pressure to which you refer We will not
allow ourselves to think that the PROPOSE
tion is, that we consent to give up slavery,
to the end that the Hunter proclamation
may be let loose on the Southern people,
| for it is too we'll known that we woull not
be parties to any such measure, and we
have too much respect for you to imagine
you would propose it. Can it mean that
by sacrificing our interest in slavery we
appease the spirit that controls that pres
sure, cause it to be withdrawn, and rid the
country of the pestilent agitation of the
slavery question! We are forbidden so to
think, for that spirit would not be satisfied
with the liberation of seven hundred thou
sand slaves, and cease its agitation, while
three millions remain in bondage. Can it
mean that by abandoning slavSry in our
States we are removing the pressure from
you and the country, by preparing for a
separation on the line of the cotton States?
We are forbidden so to think, because it
is known that we are, and we believe that
you are unalterably opposed to any divis
ion at all. We would prefer to think that
you desire this concession as a pledge Of
our support, and thus enable you to with
stand pressure which weighs heavily on
you and the country. Mr.. President, no
such sacrifice is necessary to secure our
support. Condne yourself to your consti-
tutional authority: conGne your subordi
mates within the same limits conduct this
war solely for the purpose of restoring the
Constitution to its legitimate authority /;
concede to each State and its loyal citizens
their just rights, and We are welded to
you by indissoluble ties. Do this, Mr..
President, and you touch the American
heart and invigorate it with new hope
You will, as we solemnly believe, in due
time restore peace to your country, lift it
from dependency to future Of glory,
and preserve to your countrymen, their
prosterity and man, the incstimable trea-
sure of constitutional government.


Mr.. President, we have stated with
!rankness and candor the reasons on
which VIC forbore to vote for the resolution
you have mentionend; but you have again
presented this proposition, and appealed
to us, with an earnestness and eloquence
which have not failed to impress US, to
"consider it, and at the least to commend
it 10 the consideration of our States and
people" Thus appealed to by the Chief
Magistrate OF our beloved country, in the
hour of its greatest peril, we cannot wholly
decline. We are willing to trust every
question relative to their interest and hap
pness to the consideration and ultimate
Judgment of our own people While diff
fering from you as to the necessity of eman-
cipating the slaves of our States as means
of putting down the rebellion, and while
protesting against the prOprioty of any cx
ira territorial interference to induce the
people of our States to adopt any particu.
lar line of policy on subject which pecu-
liarly and exclusively belongs to them, yet
when you and our brethren of the loyal
States sincerely believe that the retention
of slavery by US is an obstacle to peace and
national harmony, and are willing 10 con-
tributs pecuniary aid to compensate our
States and people for the convenienccs pro-
duced by such change Of system, we are
not unwilling that our people shall consid'
er the propriety of putting it aside.


But We have already said that we re.
garded this resolution as the Inference of
a sentiment, and we had no confidence
that it would assume the shape ola tan
gible, practical proposition, which would
yield the fruits of the sacrifice it requires
Our people are influenced by the same
want of oon onddonce, and will not consider
the proposition in its present impalpabl(
form The interest they are asked to give
up is to them of immense Importance, and