Year: 1862




try cannot afford to lose. And this is not the
end of it. The pressure in this direction is
still upon me and increasing. BY conceding
what now ask, you can relieve the country in
this important point"


We have anxiously looked into this passage to
discover its true import, but we are yet in pain
full uncertainty. How can we, by conceding
what you now ask, relieve you and the country
from the increasing pressure to which you refer7
We will not allow ourselves to think that the
proposition is, that we consent to give up sla-
very, to the end that the Hunter proclamation
maybe let loose on the Southern people, for it
is too well known that we would not be parties
to any such measure, and we have too much re-
spect for you to imagine you would propose it.
Can it mean that by sacrificing our interest in
slavery we appease the spirit that controls that
pressure, cause it to be withdrawn, and rid the
country of the pestilent agitation of the slavery
question? We are forbidden so to think, for that
spirit would not be satisfied with the liberation
of seven hundred thousand slaves, and cease its
agitation, while three millions remain in bondage.
Can it mean that by abandoning slavery in our
States we are removing the pressure from you
and the country, by preparing for separation



den SO to think, because it is known that we are,
and we believe that you are, unalterably oppo-
sed to any division at all. We would prefer to
think that you desire this concession as pledge
of our support, and thus enable you to with.
stand pressure which weighs heavily on you
and the country. MIR. President, no such sac
rifce is necessary to secure our support. Con-
fine yourself to your constitutional authority
confine your subordinates within the same linn.
its; conduct this war solely for the purpose Of
restoring the Constitution to its legitimate au-
thority concede to each state and its loyal citi-
zens their just rights, and we are welded to you
by indissoluble ties. Do this, MIR. President,
and you touch the American heart and invigo-
rate it with new hope. You will, as we solemn
ly believe, in due time restore peace to your
country, lift it from dependency to future of
glory, and preserve to your countrymen, their
posterity, and to man. the inestimable treasure OF
constitutional government ess
Mr.. President, we have stated with frankness
and candor the reasons on which we forpore I'd
vote for the resolution you have mentionedi out
you have again presented this proposition, ana
appealed to us, with an, earnestness and elo-
quence which have not failed to impress us, to
"consider it, and at least to commend 1t to tho
consideration of our States and people" LINUS
appealed to by the Chief Magistrate Of our ne-
wee we cannot wholly decline sstssf are wng nst ts
trust every question relating to their interest ana
happiness to the consideration and ultimate Judg-
ment of our own people. While differing from
you to the necessity of emancipating the slaves
of our States as means of putting down tne
rebellion, and while protesting against the pro-
priety of any extra territorial interference to n-
duce the people Of our States to adopt any par
ticular line of policy on subject which pecun-
arly and exclusively belongs to them; yet when
you and our brethren of the loyal States SIN
cerely believe that the retention Of slavery by
US is an obstacle to peace and national harmo-
ny, and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid
to compensate our States and people for the in
conveniences produced by such change of sys-
tenn, we are not unwilling that our people shall
consider the propriety of putting it aside.


But we have already said that we regard this
resolution as the utterance of sentiment, and
we had no confidence that it would assume the
shape OF atangible practical proposition, which
would yield the fruits of the sacrifice it required
Our people are influenced by the same want Of
confidence, and will not consider the proposition
in its impalpable form. The interest they arc
asked to give up is to them of immense import
ance, and they ought not to be expected even to
entertain the proposal until they are assured
that when they accept it their just expectations
will not be frustrated. We regard your plan as
proposition from the Nation to the States to
particular manner and yield up valuable inter-
est. Before they ought to consider the proposi-
ton it should be presented in such a tangible,
practical, efficient shape as to command their
confidence that its fruits are contingent only up
on their acceptance. We cannot trust any thing
to the contingencies of future legislation. If
Congress, by proper and necessary legislation.
shall provide sufficient funds and place them at
your disposal to be applied by you d, the pay
ment of any of our States or the citizens there
of who shall adopt the abolishment Of slavery,
either gradual or immediate, as they may deter
mine. and the expense of deportation and colo
nization of the liberated slaves, then will our
States and people take this proposition into care
full consideration, for such decision as in their.
judgment is demanded by their interests, for their
honor, and their duty to the whole country


We have the honor to be, with great respect,


CA. WICKLIFFE, Chairman


GARRETT DAVIS,


T. WILSON,


J.J CRITTENDEN,


JNO. s. CARLfLE,
j. w. CRISFIELD.-


J. s. JACKSON, 5e,si


fl. GRIDER e


JOHN s. PHELfH


FRANCIS THOMAS,


CHARLES B. CALVERT,
-. G. L. Il. LEARY, .A, s


EDWIN TT. WEBSTER, l


Il. MALLORY, sgs8ys aasi..


AARON HARDING. ,ss a.


JAMES s. ROLLINS,
j. w. MENZIES,