Year: 1867

lnc &tcW Oticauo 1Anioo PuDhoHoo -
second letter from Longstreet, on the du-
ty Of the South in regard to the Military
Reconstruction act; also letters from Judge
John A. Campbell and Christian Roselius
on the same subject. We make the fol-
lowing extracts from


GENERAL LoHGsTREET's LETTER.


The surrender of the Confederate armies
In 1865 involved


The surrender of the claim to the
right Of secession.


2. The surrender of the former political
relations Of the negro.


3. The surrender Of the Southern Goa
federacy.


These issues expired upon the fields
last occupied by the Confederate armies.
There they should have been buried. The
soldier prefers to have the sod that receives
him when he falls cover his remains. The
political questions of the war should have
been buried upon the fields that marked
their end. Our most cherished objects Of
this earth, blood of our blood, life of our
life, If not duly deposited as ordained by
an all-wise Providence, become offensive
So must it be with this dead matter. If
the last funeral rites of the Southern Con-
federacy have not been performed, let us,
with due solemnity, proceed to the dis
charge Of that painful duty, and let US
deposit in the same grave the agony Of
our grief, that We may the better prepare
ourselves for q return to the duties Of this
life.





1t may be we'll to remark that our efforts
at reconstruction will be vain unless we
embark in the enterprise with the sinceri-
ty Of purpose which will command success.
Great deeds are not accomplished by the
cold support Of indifferent approval; they
must be built Of "sterner stuff" We
must apply ourselves with diligence and
with united resolution, If we hope to lift
the darkness that threatens our future,
and secure comfortable issue from the
difficulties that surround US.


The Fabian policy seems TO be the one
most in favor amongst us-familiarly
termed the system of ''masterly inactivity"
This policy has achieved great notoriety
from the fact that distinguished Roman
general (Fabius Alaximus) at the head Of
awell organized and we'll disciplined army,
by his superior strategy and tactics, delay
ed the progress Of the march of the Cartha.
genisns. and saved Rome. That we can
assume to be in condition to employ
"mastsrly inactivity" without the or
ganization OF political party, or even
the organization of political club, is
beyond my understanding. We might
better be llkened unto the bird that con-
4. n. al. l..
. gins to grieye at the danger to its pursuers,
who are now left alone in the vast desert.


Before we undertake TO change the
course Of impending dangers, we should
endeayor to remove all obstacles that
may be likely 70 impede our progress in
the work Of reconstruction. The chief Of
these is the opinion that prevails, to some
extent among our people. that we cannot
DO wrong, and that Noriherners cannot
do. right. l have no doubt but the same
feelings, with regard to themselves, may
be found among the Northern people.
Both sections are laboring under misap-
prchensions which they should strive to
correct. Both are subject to the frailtjes
of human nature, and each should extend
charity il they expect it in return. Let
US, then, begin to dispel the delusion, and
see If we can establish our claim to great.
ness.


Ii Is now too late to go back to look
after our rights under the law and the
Constitution. 1t is of no practical i'm
portance for US to know whether we have
been deprived Of these rights by lawful or
unlawful process We know that they
are gone, and that the only available law
Is martial law, and the only right, power.
The more we seek for law, when there is
no law, the greater viii be our confusion.
Law at best is slow process by which to
recover lost possessions; to attempt to re-
cover them under doubtful laws and
against power is futile.


Some think that the question Of resist
ance is admissible in deciding our course
OF action. But this is grave error, even
if We had the power to resist, and reason
able hope Of successful resistance. For
when people resort to the violence Of
war they should be prepared TO show to
the world just cause Of war. What cause
can we claim, unless we say that we did
not know what We were fighting for in
the war just ended2


Vuf uutJ icoolfco ltscl INTO TWO very
simple propositions, viz: Relieve ourselves
from our present embarrassments by re-
turning to our allegiance, in good faith,
to the General Government under the
process laid down by Congress, or seek
protection under some foreign Govern
ment. Those who determine to remain
should speed the work Of reconstruction,
and put our people in condition to make
their own laws, and choose their own off,
GERS for their execution.


/ am one OF the particularly disfran-
chised, for have been informed from tho
highest authority that am one Of those
who will be tho last to receive amnesty.
regard this as one Of tho results that be-.
long TO the hazards of revolution, and /
have no better cause Of complaint than
those who have lost their slaves.


IL Is frequently said nowadays, that
constitutional government Is failure, but
the cause aud effect are not appreciated.
If there Is n failure, the fault is with the
people, not with the government. A lu-
natic may destroy the most magnificent
ediice, but IL can only be rebuilt by the
most skillful artist.


JUDGE cAMPDELL's 5 LETTER.


Judge Campbell's letter is addressed to
Gen IopOstroet He saws.