Year: 1868

MIR. HoRATIo SEYMOUR has written two


letters positively declining to be candi-


date for the Presidency. In the delega-


tion Of the State he formally and pointedly


withdrew his name. In the Convention


he announced that his personal honor re-


quired him to refuse TO allow his name to


be mentioned. Yetwe presume that there


was no one familiar with New York poll


tics, or with Mr.. Seymour's public ca
reer, who did not know that he was can
didate; and that fact is illustrative of the
man. "N 'N


The nomination is a signal triumph of
the New York managers, as the platform
is of the Pendletonians. When it was


suggested that Mr. Seymour was not un-
favorable to Chase, an astute observer
asked, Are you quite sure of it?" He,
evidently, was not, and he laughed at the
excessive greenness of the yEIe7ald in sup
posing that Mr.. Seymour would seriously
withdraw in favor of the Chief Justice.
There is no compromise between right
and wrongn said another Democrat ~ If
we suppose the Republicans to be right,


we ought not to nominate candidate; if
we are right, we ought to nominate one of
our own representative men, and not a


radical Republican Of yesterdsyA


The Convention agreed with this gentle


man, and we have d truly Representative


man Of the party, which, by its unscrupu-
lous devotion to the extension and perpe-
tuity of human slavery plunged the coun-
try into war which insisted that the re-
bellion was successful until il was wholly
defeated, and which now claims that, as
the country would not be destroyed, it
shall be disgraced. OF this kind of patri-
n n fota
is proper representative When the war
was imminent, and the rebel Senators were


seeding and all was doubt and darkness
and confusion, Horatio Seymour justified


them, and cast the whole responbility of
their crime upon those who, believing that
liberty was better national policy than


slavery, had lawfully declared that slavery
| should not be extended upon the national


domain. When the war began, this pro-


phetic statesman announced that it would
develop the resources of the South and


prove ruinous to the North. When it


became clear that it was question be-


tween slavery and the Union, Mr..


Seymour insisted that the Union must
be surrendered rather than, slavery
When the agony of the war was EXTREMIST


Mr.. Seymour, then Governor, came to the
city of New York, and In public speech


derided the patriotic hopes of the coun-
| try, and instigated a mob against the
Government then engaged in drafting


men. He presided at the Convention


which urged surrender to the rebellion.
Rejected by the people az Governor, he


appeared at Democratic Conventions af-


ter the final victory of Grant and the
Union army to denounce the party that


had sustained the war, and to instill in
the public mind the idea that the war


debt was wicked creation of the Repub-
| lican party, and that the taxation was the
result of Republican misrule and not of


the rebellion. No word of encourage


ment to loyal men in the field fighting
for their country-no syllable of sym
pathy with four millions of human beings


held in the most hopeless slavery by bis


countrymen--no declaration of any great,


generous, humane principle of public and
national action, has ever fallen from the
| lips Of this man, trained from his youth
to politics and 70 public speaking A


plausible politician, an unscrupulous
partisan, the obsequious servant of the
only aristocratic class in the country, the
fiatterer Of the labOring man, and the


stigmatizer of labor, Mr., Seymour is the
fit candidate OF a party which, in its
prime, sought TO make of the American
| Republica vast slave empire; and in It's


decadence, still inspired by the spirit of


slavery, seeks to perpeluate class lhatreds,
and to govern the country unjusuy.-
HarperS Weekly.