Year: 1864

we do n0eaSk which OF these Is urStl In the
scale of importance: for the sake Of the
present argument, we might concede that
the abolition of slavery deserves to take
rank Of the military defeat of the rebels
without in the slightest degree invalidating
the force of our reasoning. The question.
as we now wish to present it, is, if the sue
cess of the war and tie abolition, of slavery
have any connection rs cause and effect,
which of the two must first take place in
order to render the other feasible. Or, to
state it differently, and strike at once at
the heart of the subject, would the abo!i-
tion Of slavery by constitutional amend
ment effect its object by the mere force Of
the enactment, or would military opera
tions still be necessary to make the amend
ment respecteda To suppose that the
rebels are standing out on constitutional
point, and that they would at once submit,
like good loyal citizens, to an amendment
of the federal compact so made as to be
legally binding, would be singular mis-
conception of the nature of the rebellion.
They are fighting for independence. They
repudiate the federal Constitution altogeth
er. Whether amended or unamended,
whether kept or violated by those who
still acknowledge allegiance to it, they
maintain that its authority does not bind
them; and they willfght with as much reso
luton and persistency to resist the emanci-
patton of their slaves BY constitutional
amendment, as they will to resist emancipa-
tion by the necessary operation of war, or
by the illegal proclamation of the Presi-
dent. An amcnoment of the Constitution,
then, has not the slightest tendency to bring
the war to more speedy termination.


1t was idle and childish to amuse oursel-
YES with amendments to the Constitution to
operate upon the seeded states, until we
have demonstrated our ability to enforce in
those states, the provisions of the unamend
ed instrument When we are able to com
pei obedience to the Constitution as it
stands, we shall have reasonable change
of enforcing provisions not yet in it. Until
then, the amendment would be simply an
unseenly and vainglorious threat, exposing
us to derision by our notorious inability to
put it in execution. The first thing in order
is to reacquirejurisdiction over the revolted
territory, we can then, with more show of
propriety, establish new rules for itsgovern'
ment.


As from tho nature of the case, consti-
tutional amendment abolishing slavery
would be imperative Until after the war,
there is no good reason why it should not be
deferred until the war is over. The war
alone is business of sufficient magnitude
to tax all our energies and resources until
the government now exercising jurisdiction
in the revolted states is overthrown and put
out of the way. We have already had more
than enough of unmilitary and qulxotic en-
terprises undertaken on the foolish idea that
there was some shorter by path to sue
cess than finding the main rebel armies and
routing them. The administration has squau-
dered our resources by scattered expedi-
tions to densely populated slave regions
with the purpose of creating alarm which
should recall the rebel troops for homo de-
fense. 1t is notorious that these expeditions
have failed of their object. The rebels have
acted on military principles, and despite our
efforts to divert them, have kept up as ei
feesive concentration of their troops as it
the slave question did not enter int" the
controversy. They have frequently gained
advantages by encountering US with super
ior numbers at the decisive point. And the
sooner We abandon all, but purely military
objects, and wage the war with an eye single
to military results, the sooner we shall be
in position to enforce not only the original
Constitution, but such amendments as
We may hereafter think fit to ingraft upon
it, World.