Year: 1861

intends to alter the Constitution, but on.


ly so to amend it as to carry into effect


the true spirit Of the Constitution. He


hoped, SO far as the Territorial question |


was concerned, all parties would unite on


from Kentucky Mr.. Cittenden. He


hoped the Senator from Kentucky


would arrange his amendment as to take


the subject entirely away from Congress;


thus the question which has distracted us


can be put at rest forever. But this col


league thinks it dishonorable for Mr.. Lin


coin to make terms before his inaugura-


tion. He thought not in view Of the long


recess. Jefferson never thought himself


dishonored because his election disclosed


a defect in the Constitution. We may


expect to hear tomorrow Of the separs-


tion Of one State, and we are told that


others will follow. We can either make


fair division with the States that go


out, or make such al adjustment of the


difficulty as to hold many States, and in


little while bring back those who have
gone out, or we may make war. War


makes itself, and it makes no difference


whether we send an army to disperse the
Convention of South Carolina, or wheth-


er we attempt to collect the revenue. He


did not care whether he called it coercion


or enforcing the law. They and he knew


it meant civil war, and he called on those


who lived in distant States to help to


avert a calamity which would fall chiefly


on the border States.


Ill ,lo,,1l - I,c


cuss the abstract right Of secession-we


should not put forth the hand to lift the
vail which hides the Atlas Of State sover-


eighty which supported the Government


on its shoulders. But if we listen, he


seems to move uneasily, and when he


speaks his voice will be that of an earth


quake and the avalanche. Let us not go


into these questions. 1t is a question Of


empire, and not a question of customary


legislation. He read from the letters Of


James Macintosh to show the duties of


politicians, and from Alexander Hamil


ton to show that coercion of a State is of
no avail He also read OF John Quincy
Adams fourth annual message to show
that no conflict of States and Federal
Government was ever contemplated In
the Constitution, and that the States
never delegated the right to pronounce an
, act of Congress unconstitutional. He
read from Jackson's Message that the
: Union could not be perpetuated by force
of the General Government, but by the
fraternal feeling Of the States, and that
+ each State has the unquestionable right
to regulate its own concerns, and that
all acts calculated to disturb the peace are
: in direct opposition to the spirit of the
S Constitution. He also read from the de-
bate in the Senate on the 1lth of June,
1 1858, between Messrs. Wade and
Toombs, on the sovereignty of the States,
' when Mr. Wade said he was as good a
nullifer as the Senator from Georgia.
4 He then referred to what his colleague
said about making war. Shall we make
9 war upon the people of the State or try
to conciiate them, and lay deeper the
foundations Of our Government. He
I (Wade) would commend the counsels of
t John Quincy Adams. Mr.. Pugh here
Y read from message of Mr.. Adams to
show that .he deprecated force in such a
, case. The idea that the Constitution
l compels the President to rush forward in
to war is utterly amazing. 1t is a ques-
? tion for Congress. Yet we are told we
| are to be pushed headlong into war with
G our fellow citizens. 1t is monstrous!-
0 We learn from history that when man
desires to commit an atrocity he tries to
e convince himself that he is in the service
: Of God. What no man would do indi-
n vidually, force us into q war with sister
} State, is now fashionable. We are told
S that we must try and convince our con-
= sciences that such is our duty. We must
y try and force back State which we car
0 win back by kindness and conciliation.--
t In this connection the Senator from New
If Hampshire, (Mr, Clark, could not se'
It the impropriety of asking the Presiden
a to give us all the orders he had given te


the troops at Charleston. and how many
if he had sent there. If the people desire to
S take the forts, that is just what they want
= and it is far better to take the troops ou


and shoot them.


= He then read the first article ofthe tenti
S section of the constitution, and said Soutl
j. Carolina had already violated some o.
it these provisions, and if it is duty tc
le compel obedience by the sword. then it il
" the duty now of the President to go t.
y war. But do we carry out these provis
5. ons by force? What would we gain by
o war? Who would collect the revenue
s. Is that maintainance of the Union? lii
s. was for peace and oscillation, and there
If fore would sand by the side Of his f'icnC
r, from Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden,) anC
Is hold open the doors as long as possible
d He would not debate the right Of seces
> sion. He thought this the path of duty
d and wisdom, not the wisdom of dema
lie gogues and tyrants, He was against th'
3 idea, under whatever name, of proclaim
y ing civil war. When the Prince Of Wales
y was here he might have remembered tina
r, if his grandfather had listened to the coun
t. sells of Edmund Burke this country nigh
h now be province of England. Mr.. Pugl
l. here read from speech of Edm'd Burke
y to show that he was against using force t
le compel the colonies to submit. Ill
|. (Pugh) was opposed to the idea OF plum
1t ging the whole country in civil war. Wa
1t vas horrible, even when waged in the ho
= licst aad best Of causes; but war waged b,
D. one part of the American people agains
y the other is too horrible to be described
r Yet, we are told that we have not th