Year: 1860




legislation and in treaties, it feels the necessity
of being practical in its care of the national
health and life, while il cavs metaphysical spec
uaion to those whose duty it is to cultivate the
epnobling science of political philosophy.


But in the midst of these subjects or, rather.
before fully reaching them, the Republican party
encounters unexpectedly, a new and potential
issue-one prior, and therefore paramount to
all others, one of national life and death. Just
as if so much had not been already conceded
nay, just as if nothing at all had ever been con-
ceded to the interest of capital invested in men,
we hear menaces of disunion, founder, more
distinct, more emphatic than ever, with the con-
dition annexed that they shall b, executed the
moment that a Republican Administration,
though constitutionally elected, shall assume the
Government.


do not certainly know that the people are
prepared to call such an Administration to pow
er. know only, that through succession of
floods which never greatly excite, and ebbs
which never entirely discourage me, the volume
of Repubcanism rises continually higher and
higher. They are probably wise whose appre-
tensions admonish them that ii is already strong
enough for effect.


Hitherto the Republican Party has been con-
tent with one elf-interrogatory--how many
votes it can cast? These threats enforce an
I
them? This latter question touches its spirit
and pride. | am quite sure, however, that as
it has hitherto praciiced self-denia in so many
other forms, it will in this emergency lay aside
all impatience of temper, together with all am
bition, and will consider these extraordinary
declamations seriously, and with Just modera-
ton. 1t would be waste of words to demon-
strate that they are unconstitutional, and equally
idle to show that the responsibility for disunion
attempted or effected, must rest not with those
who in the exercise of constitutional authority
maintain the Government, but with those who
unconsttutionally engage in the mad work Of
subverting it.


What are the excuses for these menaces?
They resolve themselves into this, that the Re-
publican Party in the Moth is hostile to the
South. But it already is proved to be ma
jorty in the North; it is, therefore, practically
the people of the North. viii it still be the
same North that has forborne with you so long
and conceded to you SO much? Can you justly
assume that affection which has been so COM
plying can all at once change to hatred intense
and inexorabe?


! You say that the Republican Party is a sec
tional one. Is the Democratic Party less sec
tional? Is it easier for us to bear your sectional
sway than for you to bear ours? Is it unrcason-
able that for once we should alternate? But is
the Republican Party sectional? Not unless
the Democratic Party is. The Republican Party
prevails in the House of Representatives some
times the Democratic Party in the Senate al
ways. Which of the two is tie most proscrip-
tive? Come, if you will, into the Free States,
into the state of NY, anywhere from Lake Erie
to Sag Harbor, among my neighbors in the Owas-
co Valley, hold your Conventions, nominate your
candidates, address the people, submit to them
fully, earnestly eloquently all your complaints
and grievances of Northern disloyalty, oppres-
sion, pertidy; keep nothing back, speak Just as
freely and as loudly there as you do here; you
will have hospitable welcomes and apprecating
audiences, with ballot-boxes open for all the
votes you can win. Are you less sectional than
this? Extend to us the same privileges, and
will engage that you will very soon have in the
South as many Republicans as we have Demo-
Gratis in the North. There is, however, better
test Of nationality than the accidental location
of parties. Our policy of labor in the Terrific
ries was not sectional in The first forty years of
the Republic Its nature inheres. 1t will be
national again. during the third forty years. and
forever afterwards. 1t is not wise and bench
cent for us alone, or injurious to you alone. Its
effects are equal, and the same for us all.


You accuse the Republican Party of ulterior
and secret designs. How can a party that
counts its votes in this land of free speech and
free press BY the hundreds of thousands have
any secret designs9 Who is the conjurer, and
where are the hidden springs by which he can
control its uucongrega;ed and widely dispersed
masses and direct them to objects unseen and
purposes unavowed? But what are these hid
den purposes? You name only one. That one
is to introduce negro equality among you.
Suppose we had the power to change your social
system, what warrant have you for supposing
: that we should carry negro equality among you ?
We know, and we will show you, if you will
only give heed that what our system of labor
works out, wherever it works out anything, is
the equality of White men. The laborer in the
Free States, no matter how humble his occupa-
ton, is n white man, and he is politically the
equal of his employer. Eighteen of our thirty
three States are Free labor States. There they
are: Maine New Hampshire, Massachusetts,,
Vermont. Rhode Island, Connecticut, New
York, Ncw-Jersey, Pennsylvania Ohio, Michi-
gan, Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin, Minnesota,
Iowa, California and Oregon. l do not array
+ them in contrast with the capital States. am
no assailant of States. All Of the States are
{ parcels of my own country-the best of them
not so wise and great as | am sure it will here
after be; the State least developed and perfect
ed among them all is wiser and better than any


Foreign State know. Is it then in any, and
t in which, of the States | have named that negro
equality oflends the white mans pride
Throughout the wide world where is the Stat,
wh4re class and caste are so utterly extinguish-
ed as they are in each and every one of them
Let the European immigrant, who avoids the
African as if his skin exhaled contagion, answer


You find him always in the State where labor is
> ever free. Did WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON ant
, HENRY, when they implored you to relinquisf
your system aud accept the one we have adop
ted, propose to sink you down to the level o
t the African, or was it their desire to exalt al
white men to a common political elevation?
Y But we do not seek to force, or even to in
trude, our system on you. We are excluded
Justly, wisely and contentedly from all politica
| power and responsibility in your capital States
= You are sovereigns on the subject of Slavery


within your own borders, as we are on the samt
G subject within our borders. 1t is well and wise
ly so arranged. Use your authority to maintain
Z what system you please. We are not distrust
! full of the result We have wisely, as we think
exercised ours to protect and perfect the man
G hood of the members of the State. The whole
sovereignty upon domestic concerns within the
Union is divided between US by unmistakablt
= boundaries. You have your fifteen distinc
l. 1 a.