Year: 1862

any where Wltllln the territorial limits
OF the Union, is the great cardinal and
necessary principle now being vindi.
Gated by this war for the Republic
All contrary traditions belong to the
colonial epoch Of our history, and
were deliberately set aside upon
the organization of the American pco-
pie into one nation through the ratifi-
cation OF the Federal compact by the
several States.


AS this doctrine of single and
common sovereignty is the fundamel,-
tai postulate Of our national unity,
and as its practical observance tended
to make that unity more solid and en-
during, SO, OH the other hand, did the
theoretical rejection of the doctrine
tend to anarchy and actual disintegra-
ton. The opposing heresy Of original
sovereignty in the States per sc has at
length developed itself into the maiig--
nant result Of an armed effort to de-
stroy the government.


The argument has thus passed from
the forum to the camp, and it is to be
decided, finally and forever let us
hope, by the logic Of artillery and
bayonets. 1t is well, however, to i'm
prove the great lesson of the war thus
forcibly impressed upon us, and to
realize the fact as now revealed, that
the greatest dangers to the safety ofthe
commonwealth may lurk under politi-
cal fallacies, apparently the most harm
less, but liable to become militant and
aggressive no man can tell how soon.


1t is difficult for people who have
been accustomed to the largest liberty
OF discussion, and who have made
boast of the singular liberation Of pnb-
lie expression which exists in this
country, to accept the conviction that
we must hereatter to some extent,
conform to the practice Of other gov
ernments, and repress the utterance OF
seditious opinions. To recommend
the adoption Of such policy would
hardly advance the popularity of
public man, and party platform
would win more votes without this
plank than with it. Ungracious as is
tire duty, however, it must be done
for the future peace and stability of
the Republic, already distracted and
imperilled by loose political latitudina-
rianism, imperatively demands it.


Before the outbreak Of this rebellion,
any man, anywhere in America, might
advocate secession, monarchy, aboli-
ton, or any dogma of which he might
be moved to become a Champion
Such discussions were generally con
sidered harmless, and to object to the
permission Of them would have been
stigmatized as exceedingly intolerant
and uncharitable. Bat the Govern
ment has found itself compelled, ou'
of a necessity which no patriotic man
can dispute, torestrict this loose liber-
ty of expression. 1t has been obliged
to exclude newspapers from the mail,
thus substantially suppressing them.
and to arrest and imprison individuals,
for the ut,erance of reasonable senti-
ments. All good and loyal men con-
fess that this was right and proper.


The necessity Of a limitation of the
license of debate will continue after
the war is over. We are now learn
ing, what the majority of us did not
know two years ago-the difference
between loyalty and treason. We
have already learned that eoords are
things. To talk disloyalty, is now no
more allowed than to act disloyalty.


Hereafter no man must be permit
ted to blaspheme the nation. That is
a mistaken magnaRimity which would
run even the smallest risk of detrimenl
to the Republic, rather than restrain
the liberty Of the private citizen. The
safety and welfare of a whole people
is of more consequence than that a
man should be suffered to spout and
babble in the streets at will.


Even were not the national sover
eighty legally complete and perfect
under the Constitution, as we u'-
doubtingly believe it to be, the neces-
sity is manifest, in the very difficulties
that now disturb us, that it should be so
practically henceforward. A divided
sovereignty is a political solecism.-
Il "a.