Year: 1861

political rights ere equal, however different
they may be in their religious. opinions or
in any conscientious scruples, however non
orable. We have no right to apply such
NAV 6e very good governor for ourselves;
i,s teachings we may follow but you have
no right to insist. nor have any right to
insist, that shall substitute my conscience
for yours or that you shall condemn my
conscience, and put theo penalty upon
it of forfeiture of my political rights,
if continue to act upon it, You have no
right to do that. What is it now, my friends,
that is insisted upon? Here is vast com
munity sufficient in extent ofterritOry, sufh'
cient in the number of its people, to make
a respectable nation. They have one opln-
ion on this subject. They have long prac-
ticed upon it. Society, education, every
thing among them is nodded upon that in
stitution. Now, of sudden, it is demand
ed of them, not directly as to the States;
but the principle upon which the policy is
founded however limited it may be in the
point of space, is the same in effect. You
demand that, notwithstanding my lawful
practice, my lawfully acquired habits, my
lawfully acquired property, and all the no,
tions connected with it, and accommodated
to it, I shall lay them all aside, give them
all up, and substitute an idea in place OF
them an idea of anti-slavery.


HISTORY OF PAST TERRIT0RIAL ACQUISITIONS.


Allow me to recount here for a moment
what has been our history in relation to ter
ritorial acquisitions from the peace of 1888
down to this time. As I read from the book
the other day, you had at that time one
hundred and sixty.six thousand square miles
and in the South six hundred and fifty thous-
and square miles, How is it now? The
first change in these proportions was pro
duced by the cession made by Virginia OF all
the territory northwest of the Ohio, with
provision excluding slavery. That changed
the proportion, and made the North over
four hundred thousand square miles, and
the South over three hundred thousand
square miles The North, at this early period
and by means of this voluntary cession, be-
come the greater in point of territory. We
went on to acquire Florida, Louisiana, and
what we conquered and purchased from
Mexico. All these various acquisitions have
been so divided out, that at this day, the
North has two million two hundred thous-
and square miles, and the South less than
one million square miles, even when you
have given her this Territory of New Mexi
co. Given her, did l say? You only agree
that the present state of law there, in re-
spect to persons held to servitude, shall con-
tinue until it becomes a State-that is all.
The condition it is now in was not produced
by force, or by any fraud. 1t has obtained
its present condition by law, passed with
the consent of the Senate of the United
States. The act of September 18, 1850. gave
authority to the Legislature to authorize
and sanction slavery


A QUESTION AND AN ANSWER.


MR.. TRUMBULL. Will the Senator al
low me to ask him, if he has any assurance
that civil war is not to be averted by his
resolution; if he does not know that State
has already undertaken to secede, and says
she wants no compromise, and will have
none?


Mr.. CRITTENDEN. 1t is proper should
answer the question of the Senator from
Illinoi = beHJ7e it will. Of course can
not say .or certain I may be mistaken. I
believe it firmly, and believe it without a


doubt. 1t may not satisfy all. ] never eA-
pected it would. That it will satisfy sufi-
cient portion of the country to preserve the
peace and to preserve the Union everywhere,
is my belief. think, if the gentleman is


disposed to grant it, he will find in the ex-
pertinent that all this commotion will be put
an end to, not instantly. 1t may have com


commenced already, for all 1 know, in
Charleston. 1t may not satisfy South Car
olina. Hers is peculiar case but be-
lieve it will satisfy almost all the southern
States at any rate, to such an extent that
there will be no further proceeding in this
revolution. That is my belief; and hope,
and trust, sir, that we shall make the ex-
pertinent. 1 feel confident of the result,
and that it will be the restoration of peace
among US, and then these gentlemen may
60 on honorably in this new Administration
to serve the country. Let them commence
now by this first glorious act of pacifcation.
1t will be noble starting point. But let
them go on without it, let them think the
best way is to take the sword in hand, and
wo be to them; wo be to those who are, un-
der that policy, to administer this Govern
ment If the sword is to be the only
weapon relied upon, then wo to your Ad.
ministration Your victory will be turned
to blood and ashes. Grant these measures,
and you will bring happy and glorious days
to our whole country.


l. SPEECH OF SENATOR TOoMBs.
la On the same day, that Senator Crittenden
made the above address, Senator TooMBs
delivered one Of the most violent and in
aammatory speeches of the session. We
make the following extracts -


THE FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION.


The government had no means OF getting
at the pockets of the people and but for
that one difficulty, this present government
would never have been made. The country
is deluded with the nonsense that this bond
of union was cemented by the blood of brave
men in the revolution. Sir, it is false. 1t
never cost a drop of blood. A large por-
tion of the best men of the revolution voted
against it. 1t was carried in the convention
OF ofVirginia by but ten majority, and among
its opponents were Monroe and Henry, and
other men who had fought the war, who
recorded their judgment that it was not
good bond and l am satisfied to-day that
they were the wiser men. This talk about
the blood of the patriots is intended to
humbug the country, to scare the old women.
Why, Sir it never cost drop of blood. 1t
was carried in some of the states by treach.
cry, by men betraying their constituents.
That is the history of the times. Five
votes would have tied it in Virginia. 1t
passed New York by but three majority.
Out of nearly four hundred in the conven-
tion of Massachusetts, it passed by nineteen.
That is the history of the action of the three
greatest States OF the Union at that time.
Some of the bravest and the boldest and
the best men Of the revolution, who fought
from its beginning to its end, were opposed
to the plan of union, and among them was
the illustrious author of the Declaration of
Independence himself. Are we to be de-
TERED by the cry that we are laying our
unhall0wed hands on this holy altar? Sir,
| have no hesitation in saying that very