Year: 1869

The returns of the elections III France are
still meager, but they indicate verdict. Paris
and Lyons, the two chief cities of the empire,
have recorded their protest against dynasty.
AS these cities signify the best part of the
public and popular spirit of France, we may
assume that the verdict just given is in Oppo-
sition to the regime of Napoleon. We are safe
to say that the elections have brought France
so far forward as to have secured at least the
principle of ministerial responsibility. French
government is no longer a dumb machine,
working mysterously, and crushing those who
oppose it. 1t must now give evidence OF
sentient and liberal being. or cease to be.
France, which has taken forced and un-
natural, but somewhat necessary repOse, under
the rough blanket Of the empire, shows
signs of reawakening and restlessness. The
cOnvalescent will need better nursing than can be
given it with a crowned head and bayOnet,
and better doctors than those who speak from
ministerial benches with a certainty that their
patient will have to swallow their dose.


In nine out of ten circumscriptiOns of which
we have votes, or indications of votes, radical
candidates have been elected. Paris, with un-
mistakable candor has gone entirely the way
of the future republic. 1t is remarkable that
ont of the whole number of candidates one
hundred had been members of the old repub-
lican constituent assemblies. We infer, there
fore, that do as he will, the materials which
Napoleon has at hand to reconstruct the State
are necessarily old and that his people are better
disposed to seek in their near past a reflection
of their future than trust to an eyer-present
Empire. This the Emperor, who is one of the
most intellectual players of the game OF mon
archy, understands as much as the nature OF
his devotion to that principle will allow him.
lie may never be able TO exactly foresee or
prevent the collapse which will hurry him
from his throne nor does he prove that his
pulse keeps time temperately with the grow
ing and rciuvenatng sentiment OF France.
But he is far too shTewd not to perceive that
the Empire must change with the people, and,
not to be overwhelmed with the tide, must go
with it. The people of France having taken
n step against their Emperor, he goes forward
to meet them. So far there are no decided
hostities. France is evolving her rights, not
revolving her wrongs. The Empire desires to
be considered liberal. France wishes to be
understood rs radical. The proportions of
the contest are almost the same, but the bat
tie is not likely to be fearful.


The defeat of the empire is best represented
in the failure of one of its most plausible
candidates. W. Ernest Olivier was n Liberal
who found himself on the side of Napoleon
ISM not because he had gone over to the side
of the monarchy, but because the monarchy
had come to him. Representing the bour-
geoisic, who prefer a steady mule-pace of
progress under a liberal empire to anything
more hazardous and experimental, he went
before the electors of Paris and elaborated his
defeat in a spirited canvass, with the Govern
ment at his back. In like manner have the
other candidates OF the Government been
oyerthrown. VI. Banccl, one of the most
radical of his list, has been chosen over the
Governments most plausible champion. NJ
Rochcfort, an cxilcd republican, is probably re-
stored to his seat. Fayre, Picard, and Others
less known 10 fame, are returned TO their good
work in the Legislative body. Those who pre-
ferred free institutions by uniting with an en-
pire to risks outside of this junction, are il
reality overcome by the admirers of liberty
pure and simple. The men who have achieved
victory over the Emperor have no fear Of de-
claring their preference of a republic, and theil
triumph is in the fact, that what would have
been treason a year ago is reason now.