Year: 1868

then; 1t was the great measure of the age, and almost of modern times, and it was ,s finally passed; an amendment setting free y every human being within the limits of the United States. But, Sir, we were very lar then from where we are now. All pass T cd Tn June, 1864, which took the power of reconstruction out of the hands of the President, where it did not in fact belong \ refer to Mr. Lincoln; but if that bill had passed 1t would perhaps have resulted in the destructlon of this Government. We ! can a1 see 1t now, although it was then the times. What did it propose? It pro posed to prescribe plan, to take effect when the war should end by which these Rebel States should be restored. I refer 10 that simply to show how we had travel cd. 1t required but one condition or guar antee on the part of the South, and that was that they should put in their constitu- tons provision prohibiting Slavery. It required no other guarantee. It required no equalization of representation; no se- curity against Rebel debts, or against pay ment for emancipated slaves; and it confin- ed the right of suffrage to white men. But 1t was thought to be great step in ad- vance at the time; and so it was: but events were passing rapidly, and in 1865 the President came forward with his prop oslhon, and am stating what is true from an examination of the documents when say that but for the want of power with the President. his scheme in itself considered was far more Radical than that of the Winter Davis bill; but events were rapidly teaching the statesmen of the time that wc could not reconstruct upon that basis Still, Congress was not prepared to take a forward m fl,n >g the passage of the Constitutionai Amend ment which We now regard as 2 halfway measure, necessary and vital as far as t went, but not going far enough That WIS rejected, and We were then compelled to go further, and we have now fallen npon a plan ot reconstonstruction which ] have been reconsidering, It has been Iictatnl by the logic of events. IL oyer.ri.les al, arguments. over-rides all prejudices. oycr- rides all theory, in the presence or the ne- cesslty for preserving the life of this na hon; and If future events shall determine that We must go further I for one am pre- pared to say that I will go as far as shall be necessary to the execution of this guaran- tee, the reconstruction of this Republic up on right basis, and a successful restora- ton ot every part of this Union. Mir. President. the column of reconstruction. as before remarked, has risen slowly. It has not been hewn from a single stone. It IS composed of many blocks painfully laid up and put together, and cemented by the tears ana blood of the nation. Sir, we have done nothing arbitrarily. We have done nothing for punishment-ay, too little for punishment Justice has not had her de- mand. Not man has yet been executed Tor this great treason. The arch fiend him. self IS now at liberty upon ball. No man IS to be punished; and now while punish ment has gone by, as we all know, we are insisting upon security for the future. We are simply asking that the evil spirits who brought this war on us shall not again come into power during this generation, again to bring upon us rebellion and calamity. We are evidently asking for those securi ties that We deem necessary for our peace and the peace of our posterity. Sir, there IS one great difference between this Union party and tho so-called Democratic party Our principles are those of humanity; they are those of justice; they are those of equal rights; they are principles that appeal to the hearts and the consciences of men: while on the other side we hear appeals to the prejudice of race against race. The white man Is overwhelming in the majority Tn thls country, and that majority is yearly

 

 from abroad, and that majority gaining in proportion from year to year, until the col ored man will finally be but handful in this country; and yet we hear the preiudi ces of the white race appealed to to crush this other race, and to prevent it from ri sing to supremacy and power. Sir, there IS nothing noble. there is nothing gene rous, there is nothing lovely in that policy or that appeal. How does that principle compare with ours? We are standing up- on the broad platform of the Declaration of Independence, that "all men are crea ted equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights: that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" We say that these rights are not given by laws; are not given . by the Constitution; but they are the gift ot God to every man born into the world. Oh, Sir, how glorious is this great princi pie compared with the inhuman-I might say heathenish-appeal to .the prejudice of race against race; the endeavor further to excite the strong against the weak; the en- deavor further to deprive the weak of their rights of protection against the strong?

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