Year: 1861




HOTEL WESTMINSTER, PARIS, Deg 2
1S6l-.ly Dear Sir: You were right N doubt
ing the declaration imputed to me,pto Hit, that
the cabinet at Washington lAaH given orders to
seize Messrs Mason anGSlidep, even under a
neutral flag, for | WIS NOT even aware thai the
government had had t4at point under consId'
Grafton. AT the time oil my leaving New York
it was not known that the San Jaclnto had re-
turned 10 the American seas and it was gen
eraily supposed those persons had escaped to
Cuba, for the purpose of re'embarklng IN the
Nashville, in pursuit OF which vessel the James
Adger aud other cruisers had been dispatched.
think can satisfy GU IN few words that
you have no serious occasion to feel concerns
about our relations with England, if, as her
rulers profess, she has no disposition to en-
courage the dssensions in America.


In the first place, it is almost superuons to
say to you, that every instinct OF prudence, as
well as Of good neighborhood, prompts our
government to regard no honorable sacrifice
tho great for the preservation OF the friendship
of Great Britain. This must be obvious to all
the world. AT no period OF cur history has
her friendship been OF more importance to our
people, at no period has our government been
in condition to make greater concessions to
preserve It, The two nations are united by
interests and mpathies-commerclai social,
political, and religious, almost as the Two
arms to one body, and no one is so ignorant as
not to know that what harms one must harm
the other in corresponding degree.


| am persuaded that the British government
can entertain no doubt upon this point, but if
ii does l feel that | may take it upon myself TO
say that the president OF the United States,
when made aware OF its existence, Will lose
no opportunity OF dispelling it.


Nor is there anything, | venture to affirm,
in the seizure Of these rebel einissares which
ought to receive an untriendly construction
from England. Her statesmen will not ques-
ton the legal right of an American vessel of
war to search any commercial vessel justly
suspected OF transporting contraband OF war /;
that right has never been surrendered by
England; 1t was even guaranteed to her by
the treaty OF Paris, and British guns trowning
down upon nearly every strait and inland sea
upon the globe are conclusive evidence that
she regards this right as one the efficacy of
which may be not yet entirely exhausted,
Ut course there is much that is irritating and
veXatlous III the exercise of this right under
the most favorable circumstances, and ii is 10
be hoped the dag is not tar distant when the
maritime states of the world will agree in
placing neutral commerce beyond the reach
OF such veXaiions.


The United States government has been
striving to this end for more Ilan fifty years
TO this end early in the preseN century and
IN Its infancy as Il nation it embarked i'll
war with the greatest naval power i'll the
world, and it is even now persistent suitor
al every maritime court in Europe for a more
liberal recognition OF the rights of neutrals
than any OF the other great maritime nations
have yet been disposed to make. But till
those rights are secured by proper international
guarantees upon Il comprehensive and endur-
ing basis, OF course England cannot complain
OF an act Tor which i'll all its material bearings
her own naval history affords such numerous
precedenls. Whether the captives from the
Trent were contraband of war or not is a
question which the two governments can have
no serious difficulty in agreeing upon Ii MIR.
Seward cannot satisfy Earl Russell thai they
were, have no doubt Earl Russell will be
able to satisfy Mr.. Seward that they were not
Ii they We're, as all authorities concur in ad-
mitting, agents of the rebellion, it will be
difficult to satisfy impaIia minds that they
were any less conraband than file of rebel
soldiers or battery OF hostile cannon. But
even should there be difference of opinion
upon this point, it is very clear that our gov.
ernment had sufficient grounds for presuming
itself in the right to escape the suspicion Of
having wantonly violated the relations of ami
ty which the two countries profess desiIe to
preserve and cultivate.


The pretense that we ought to have taken
the Trent into port, and had her condemned
by prize court, in order to justify our seizure
Of four Of her passengers, furnishes a very
narrow basis on which to fix serious contro-
versy between two great nations. Stated in
other words, an offence would have been less
if it had been greater. The wrong done to
tIa Rritis f1nt lav hoo !
instead Of seizing the four rebels, we had seiz-
ed the ship, detained all her passengers for
weeks, and confscated her cargo. / am not
surprised that Capt. Wilkes took a different
view OF his duty, and OF what was due to the
friendly relations which Subsisted between the
two governments. The renowned common
sense of the English people, | believe, will APP
prove of his effort to make the discharge OF a
very unpleasant duty as little vexatious as
possible to all innocent parties. Ii under
these circumstances England should deem it
her duty, in the interest of civilization, to in
Sist upon the restoration of the men taken from
under the protection of her flag, it will be from
a conviction, without doubt, that the law of
nations in regard to the rights OF neutrals
which she has taken the leading part in estab
fishing, requires revision, and with suitable
disposition on her part to establish those
rights upon a just hGmane, and philosophic
basis. Indeed, am happy TO see an intma-
tion in one Of the leading metropolitan jour
mails which goes far to. justify tins inference
Referring TO the decisions of the English ad.
miralty courts now quoted in defense OF the
seizure of the American rebels ON board the
Trent, the London Times of November 29lh
says -


So far as the authorities 60, the testimony
of international law-wrters is all one way, that
a belilgerent war cruiser has the right to stop,
and visit, and search any merchant ship upon
the high seas. x But it must be re.
membered that these decisions were given un.
der circumstances very different from those
which now occur. Steamers in those days
did not exist, and mail vessels, carrying letters
wherein all the nations of the world have i'm
mediate interest, were unknown. We were
fighting for existence, and we did in those days
what we should neither do nor allow Others to
do, nor expect ourselves TO be allow ed TO do,
in these days.


II England, as we are here encouraged to
hope, is disposed TO do her part in stripping
war OF halt its horrors, by accepting the poll
cy long and persistenty urged upon her by
our government, and commended by every
principle OF justice and Humanity she will find
no ground, in the visit OF the Trent, for con.
troversy with our government | am sure the
president and people OF the United States
would be but too happy to let these men 60
free, unnatural and objectionable as their
offenses have been, if by it they could eman-
cipate the commerce OF the world. Greatly
as itwould be to our disadvantage at this pres
ent crisis TO surrender any OF those maritime
privileges Of belligerents which are sanctioned
by the laws of nations, | feel that | take no
responsibility in saying that the United States
will be faithful to lier traditional policy upon