Year: 1868

sed the national intelligence TO see the
right, aud the national virtue 10 do the
right, whence could the war have origl'
nated2 Shall we say then that the
Fathers OF the Republic were correct
when they said that the safety Of the
Government depends upon the inielli-
gence and virtue Of the people2 To my
mind il is as clear as that daylight APP


pears when the sun rises. For as the
luminary OF heaven is the source Of ter.
restrial light, so is the intelligence and
virtue Of the citizens the source Of just
laws, and Just laws the source of per-
manence and glory to the State. Believ-
ing this, then, to be true, not merely
because Washington said so, Adams said
so, Jefferson said so, Franklin said so
not merely because all the trainers,
founders and architects Of the Govern


ment said SO, and all the patriotic SER
wants of that Government said so; not
merely because the history OF mankind
of every nation, cline aud kindred, OF
every period and era, said so; but also
because il is tbs eternal nature of things
that like produces like, and that you can
not pluck figs from thorns. And since
lust laws are but the expression Of the
collective intelligence of the nation, and
the guidance of individual action and
public virtue is but the cheerful obe-
dience rendered and regard given to
these laws, how can the one be obtained
and the other expected from ignorant
and disfranchised citizensp Believing
then, | say, that il is true that the safety,
success and permanence OF the Govern
ment depend upon the intelligence and
virtue of the citizens, how are we to re


gard these measures which have for their
| object the establishment of negro suf.
frape? These laws add four millions OF
slaves to the active political citizenship
of the country, from whom the wisdom is
| to be selected which shall make justice
supreme and the Government permanent
in the future. Are we to say that the
nation was too intelligent and too vir'
tuous. and that because of this excess
the late calamity befel the country, and
that as a guarantee for the future we
ought to get rid of this excess of intelli-
gence and virtue by disfranchsing the
intelligent and virtuous and enfranchis.
| ing the ignaront and disfranchised ? Can
| the patriot, the well-wisher of his coun-
try, find guarantees in this for the
4 future2


But perhaps we are hasty in our con-
clusions. Perhaps these four millions OF
slaves are not Ignorant, not debauched.
Perhaps they are capable of self.govern-
ment, requiring nothing but to be left
alone to devove into q free, prosperous
and happy people. We might believe
this, my friends, but alas, the very best
authority says otherwise. The very au-
thors of these measures to secure negro
suffrage and supremacy proclaim the re-
verse. They will not permit US to believe
this. For but yesterday, as it were, they
breathed new life into the expiring car
cass of an institution formed and main
tanned for no other purpose than that the
negroes are not able to govern them
selves. Why did they create the Freed
mems Bureau? What was the declared
purpose of this institution ? Was it not
because the nation had made freedmen
bv law of bondmen by nature? Was it
not because these men with the rights of
freemen we're found destitute of the ca
pacity to fulfill the duties of freemen, ,and
the nation, perceiving its mistake, sup
plied the masters whom it had abolished Z
Who makes the contracts for these
people The Freedmen's Bureau. Who
cares for the destitute, the aged, the in
firm The Freedmen's Bureau. Who
educates their children2 The Freed
mems Bureau. Who casts their vote
The Freedmen's Bureau. Who did all
this before the war? The masters.


Do you say that these people are able
to make their own contracts; that they
know the value of their own labor for o
day. a week, month, a year2 Then
YOU differ with the Congress of the
United States. For that body has SOL
emnly declared, by two-thirds majority,
that these people are not able to do these
things, and for this very reason created
the Freedmen's Bureau to do 1t for them.
Do you say that these men are able and
willing to take care of the dependent, the
aged, the infrm then you differ with the
Congress of the United States; for that
body has created public charities with
out law or authority, and the Freedmen
Bureau to do it for them. Do you say
that these people are able and willing to
attend to their own educational interest;
then you differ with the Congress Of the
United States for that body has created
public schools without law or authority,
and the Freedmen's Bureau to do it for
them. Finally, you say that these peo-
pie are capable to make their own
contracts, that they do not know, and II
they know, are not able to secure, the
value of their labor for one day, for one
week, for one month, for one year that
they are not able, and if able unwilling,
to take care of the dependent, the aged
and inirm; that they are not able, and
if able unwilling, to take charge OF their
own educational interests, aud that, there
fore, and for these special reasons, they
require the guardianship OF the Freed
mems Bureau; but that, notwithstand-
ing all this, they are perfectly able TO
cast an intelligent vote; that, although
they do not know how to make their own
contracts, they are perfectly able to
Judge Of the contrast between the bond
holder and the nation; that, although
they do, not know the value OF their own
labor for one day, week, month or year,
they are perfectly able to cast an intelli-
gent vote upon the question of national
finances which determines the value OF
any days work done by the free white
sons Of toll through the length and
breadth of the land; that, although they
are not able TO attend to their own chari-
ties, they are perfectly able to mete out
hy their votes the pittance Of national
bounty vouchsafed to the widows and or
phans Of the white man that fell. that an
inferior race might dominate their pos
,erity. Finally, that, although they are
too ignorant to take charge of their own
educational interests, they are perfectly
able TO cast intelligent votes. Ifyou say