Year: 1864

1887. Itis upon the same principle that
the present coeQual and co-sovereign
States of our Oonfederscy formed their new
compact of union. -.l -,t..rr,. ..s


The idea that the old Union or any Union
between sovereign States, consistently with
this fundamental truth, can be maintained
by force is preposterous. This war springs
from an attempt to do this preposterous
thing. Superior power may compel q
Union of some sort, but it would not be
the Union of the old Constitution or Of our
new. It would be that sort of Union that
results from despotism.


The subjugation of the people of the
| South by the people of the North would
necessarily involve the destruction of the
/ Constitution, and the overthrow of their
liberties as we'll as yours. The men or
party at the North, to whom you refer, who
favor peace, must be brought to full re-
aliBation Of this truth in all its bearings
before their efforts will result in much
practical good. Any peace growing out
of union Of States established by force
will be as ruinous to them as to US.


The action of the Chicago Convention,
SO far as it's platform of principles goes,
presents, as have said on another Occa-
sion, ray of light, which, under Provi-
dence, may prove the dawn of the day to
this long and cheerless night, the first rays
of light have seen from the North since
the war began. This cheers the heart, and
toward 1t 1 could almost exclaim, "Hail,
holy light, offspring OF Heaven, first born
| of the eternal CO. eternal beam. May ex-
press the unblamed, since God is light"


Indeed, could have quite so exclaimed,
but for the sad reflection that whether it
shall bring healing in its beams or be lost
in the dark and ominous eclipse ere its
good work be done, depends so much upon
the action of others who may not regard it
as 1 do. So at best it is but a ray, small
and tremulous ray, enough only to gladden.
the heart and quicken the hope.


The prominent and leading idea of that
Convention seems to have been desire to
reach peaceful adjustment of our present
difficulties and strife through the medium
of a convention of the States. They pro-
pose to suspend hostilities, to see what
can be done, it anything, by negotiation Of
some sort. To such a convention of the
States should have no objection, as Q
peaceful conference and Interchange of
views between equal and sovereign powers,
just as the convention of 1887 was called
and assembled.


The properly constituted authorities at
Washington and Richmond, the duly Ru-
thorized representatives Of the two Con-
federacIes of States now at war with each
other, might give their assent to such q
proposition. Good might result from it.
1t would be an appeal on both sides from
the sword to reason and justice. All wars
which do not result in the extinction or
determination of one side or the other,
must be ended sooner or later by some sort
of negotiation.


From the discussion or interchange of
views in such Convention, the history as
we'll as the true nature of our institutions
and the relation Of the States toward each
other and toward the Federal head, would
doubtless be much better understood gen.
orally than they now are; but should fa-
yor such proposition only as a peaceful
conference, as the Convention of 1877 was.
should be opposed to leaving the ques-
tious at issue to the absolute decision of
such body.


Delegates might be clothed with powers
to consult and agree, if they could, upon
some plan of adjustment, to be submitted
for subsequent ratification by the sever-
eign States whom 1t affected, before It
should be obligatory or binding, and then
binding only on such as should so ratify il.
1t becomes the people of the South, as we'll
as the people of the North, to be quite as
watchful aud jealous of their rights as their
common ancestors were.


The maintenance of liberty in all ages,
times and countries, when and where it has
existed, has required not only constant
vigilance and jealousy, but it has often
required the greatest privations and suffer
ings and sacrifices that people or States
are ever subjected to. Through such an
ordeal We are now passing. Through a
like and even severer ordeal our ancestors
passed in their struggle for the principles
which it has devolved upon US thus to de-
fend and maintain. .a-r sa-sr


But great as our sufferings and sacrifices
have been and are, to which you allude,
they are as yet far short of the like suffer-
| ings and sacrifices which our fathers bore
with patience, courage and tortitude in the
crisis that tried mems souls, in their day.
These are the virtues that sustained them
| in their hour of need Their illustrious
and glorious example bids us not to under
estimate the priceless Inheritance they
achieved for us at such cost OF treasure
and blood.


Great as. are the odds We are struggling
against, they are not greater than those
against which they successfully struggled.
In point of reVerses our condition is not to
be compared with theirs. Should Mobile,
Savannah, Charleston Augusta, Macon,
Montgomery, and even Petersburg and
Richmond fall, our condition would not
then be worse or less hopeful than theirs
was in the darkest hour that rested on their
fortunes. ;E a,-


With wisdom on the part of those who
control our destiny in the Cabinet and the
field, in outstanding and properly welding
our resources at their command, and in
securing the hearts and affections of the
people in the great cause of right and lih-
erty for which we are struggling, we could
suffer all these losses aud calamities, and
greater even, and tihltriumph in the end.
At present, however, do not see, as
stated In the outset, that you or l, or any
number of persons in our position, can do
auythipg toward inauguFetiug any new