Year: 1867

feQe1al CONSTITUTION, WHICH nave nau u It,
ceive the sanction of other bodies to become
operative. and to enact general laws only,


which, though they may have especial refer
ence at this time to the condition of Southern
affairs, are yet such as should remain on the
statute book and remain operative for al
time. No direct legislation has been had up
on the question of the relations Of the rebel
lOus States to the General Government and
their status in the Union, and no means have
been provided in any Congressional plan for
the restoration of civil Government in the
South, and the reorganization there Of State
Governments established upon loyal basis.
Much has been proposed but nothing done in
the way of Congressional reconstruction.-
The subject mas been SO vast a one, that the
loyal Members of Congress have, perhaps
very properly, taken their time in considering
and determining the proper line of action to
be pursued to bring the Whole matter TO a
conclusion which will be satisfactory to the
loyal sentiment of the country, and secure
Jul tGoGC. 1sOiuS rs itt
built in a day, and no great internaI co:a.ao-
tons of State were ever settled in the turn
ing of hand. The Inconvenience Of delay
in reconstruction, however distressing, have
been slight compared with the evils which
might have grown out of too hasty settle
ment of the great questions which have been
Hrouubt to ba OF 80 b,., h.,
civil war. The inconveniences of nor action
are temporary, and can be removed when ac-
ton is taken; but the evils of hasty action
may be fatal for all time to ONE, or only
durable by another civil war. The Military
Bill of MIR. Thad. Stevens has most probably
received its quietus and will be no more
heard of in Congress. The measure now
most likely to become law and settle the
vexed question of reconstruction, is that
which has been introduced by the Special
Committee on the New Orleans massacre,
and which has already passed the lower House
of Congress by vote sufficient to carry it
over the Executive veto. The rejection of
Mr. Stevens proposition and the substitution
therefor of that of the Committee need not
surprise anybody. Mr.. Stevens Is noble
man, and his intense and fearless patriotism
and untirlng energy in the cause of the Un-
ion. in times which tried mems souls, have
deservedly won for him high place in the
councils of the Union party in Congress-
p,,t ho i oil l
whole strength orinot at all. and his judgment
on measures necessary for the public good,
is not infallible. His intentions are all good,
but his measures are not all perfect. His
proposition. made during the civil war, to
legislate greenbacks to the value of gold, by
fines and penalties proved him to be an un-
safe man to follow blindly, at all times, in
questions requiring practical solution. But
he is man of generous loyalty to his coun-
try and party, and has no sore head, and will
never do any dirt to his party because his
advice has not been followed in ali things.
The Military Bill could never have received
the sanction of the Union members of Con-
gress. except upon the understanding that it
was to be followed by further legislation pro-
viding for the establishment of civil govern
ment, based upon loyal suffrage. What
would have required series of laws. if at
tempted after the plan proposed by Mr.. Ste
vens will, under that of the New Orleans
Committee, be accomplished by one Act of
Congress. and the members of the Legislative
Department OF the Government, when they
vote upon it, will have the full measure of
relief for the disorders of the Southern COM
munitics before them, and will thus be en-
abled to act underStandingly. Should Con-
gress finally adopt this measure, the country
can reasonably hope that beginning 10 the
end of our troubles has been made. Congress
can only take complete control Of the ques-
ton of reconstruction by direct legislation on
the subject, and the time has fully arrived
when Congress should intervene in behalf of
the prosecuted loyalists of the South. and
save them and the future of the South from
the bitter rule OF rebel intolerance. The pas
sage of the Bill would present an issue to the
President which he could not evsde. He must
accept and carry out Congressional recon-
struction, if he should remain in office, or he
must flatly refuse 10 enforce the law. But
we do not believe that Congress has any faith
in the sincerity OF fair dealin. Of johnson, or
Intend ;hat ne shall have any opportunity TO
pervert or hand in carrying out Its final meas
ures Of reconstruction. While Congress re-
mains il doubt as to the means to be adopted
to secure loyal reconstruction. the removal
of Johnson may be doubtful matter too ; but
when Congress adopts definite plan for
securing and enforcing loyal rule in rebel
communities. and begins 20 move toward its
purpose. we may depend that all distinctions
in It's path will be swept away. even though
one OF them should be disloyal President.
We will regard the passage of this or any
other BIZ which secures loyal government TO
the rebel States. as the certain prelude to the
Impeachment and removal of Johnson.


YEs, Why Nor:-We alluded to the prob
ability of the reelection of Congressman


Highly short time since and advocated the
policy Of retaining those whom the people
had, by actual experience. found to b. hon
est and trustworthy. We notice that many
OF the Union journals in the State advocate
the same policy, with an unimportant excep-


ton here and there. and these probably with


hold Their consent on account of having been


bought to advocate somebody else. The re-


marks OF the Folsom Telegraph are pertinen,


to this matter, and says that there are ru-


mors Of ring being formed to ..Eix I'D DO


iucai matters IN this State. We have no


doubt this will be attempted, and that the


plans are being laid now for that purpose,


but the tools that are made use of arr 81 MT