Year: 1868

from the London Times, August 81


1t s impossible not to perceive that the imperial
government Of France looks forward tcih as much
UnsasiueSs as on 0tcn to the forthcoming Pariia
mentary elections, though happily for very different
reasons. There Is, as we believe much ground for
regret that the Emperor Napoleon should be so
anxious to identity his policy with his dynasty-that
lie should obstnately insist on confounding what by
the nature OF things must needs be perpetually
changeable with that which he naturally wishes to
be and which ought NJ In reality TO be M ab,
votes OF 1S43 and 1851 may have been owing they
ought to be looked upon as irrevocahle
The imperial government derogates from its dig
nifty when It allows itself any alluson to
what are called the "old parties" Republi-
canism, Bourbonism and 0rleanism cannot be
directly or indirectly recognzed; they cannot be
looked upon as lawful oppositiOn they should never
be addressed or mentioned as such. The Orifamme
or the Red Flag could only be brought back into
France by violent revolution and reyolutonis
till he is successful must always be dealt with as
public enemy. The Emperor Napoleon, however,
cannot overlook the fact that not only do ant-im-
periast parties actually exist, but that long as
they keep within the law they have right to exist;
that, so long as they accept the empire as an ac-
complished fact, they entitled to oppose impe-
rialism by all the means which tS own institutions
place at their disposal-that opposition to the i'm
peral government may not only be perfectly con-
sistent with allegiance to the empire, but may also
be the best and only means providing for the en-
pires safety


Were there possibility, however remote, Of a
general election resulting In large majority OF
against the dynasty they could lind in the powers
with which they are invested; for in sefdefence
even power originally grounded on force is by the
right of possession authorized to repel force by
force; and no respect need be shown to lawgivers
who place themselves above the law. But 1t ought
to be far otherwise II the result of the popular vote
were only q majority against the government-if the
Deputies returned were merely to declare their hos
tility TO some OF the government measures-say for
instance, to the perpetual occupation OF Rome or to
the annual levy Of one hundred thousand cOnscripts
In times Of peace. Any attempt to screen
imperial dynasty would incur che unnecessary
risk Of involving the dynasty In the ruin Of the
policy. Unfortunately the Emperor Napoleon has
claimed infallibilty well as invi0abllity. He u.
dertOok to rule France that not only violent fac
tlOn, but oven legal and peaceful opposition, should
never find vulnerable side in the Imperial govern
ment Free opposition he sanctioned and even organ.
iZed, open criticism he cOuntenanced and even cha
lenged; but 1t was upon the implied condition that
he should eventually always be In the right. Any
chance of either the country or its representatives
passing vote OF want Of confidence in him was
contemplated. Nothing IN the least degree ap-
proaching similar vote has been passed at any time
during the score OF years that have now nearly
time, at FIRST before tho French could be reassured
to their beng allowed to have any real
opinion on public matters 1t took still longer
before the asceRdancy OF the Napoleon name and Of
the Napoleon star allowed any other opinion than
the rulers to spread widely among the multitude
But when the time came in which the Emperor him.
self avowed the power OF 'irresistible circum
stances" and acknowledged the presence OF ''dark
spots on the horizon" or, in other words, threw
Omniscience and omnp0tence, 1t became natural for
people to inquire whether II would not be desirable





assistance or, In other words, whether 1t was not
necessary that the nation should take its share In
the government and make the constitution reality:
On the 10th OF January, 1887, the Emperor himself
prepared the world for some substantial change Of
that nature.


But the question still remains-if the result of
fair appeal to the popular suffrage and OF free DIS
cussion In legislative body were To be that the
Emperors government has been in the wrong-that,
for instance, the prolonged occupation OF Rome and
the psrpetuatiOn OF an armed peace must be ranked
among those plumbers which prove more fatal than
crimes-to what should we have to look forwardS
would the irresponsible and nviolabc, though no
longer infable, sovereign leave the blame to his
ministers and reappear before the representatives Of
the people at the head Of new Cabinet and an
nounclng new pOcyf The dnS,cer Is, IN the fy'st
place, that such a contingency can neper arise;
In the second place, that u must nere-
arise And there precisely lies the main point
at issue. Tho government maintains that
the opposition can never have a majority;
that no change, either IN men or measures, can ever
be needed 0i which the Emperor himself has not be-
fore all men seen the opportunity, and which he Is
Emperor need never yield to a vote, because he can.
all events, always foresta vote the opposition,
ernmcnt never need be swayed by vote simply be-
cause IL can, under all circumstances, command
vote; because for such men or measures as 1t may
feel disinclined TO dlsavow or abandon 10 has II
always In its power TO obtain the support and sane
ton OF packed majority. The government goes TO
the poll with real affected consciousness that
deserves the public suffrage. The opposition votes
with sincere or pretended misgiving that It's vote
can be Of no avail against the administration: %
government the Emperor himself takes good care to
place himself above. all parties. SO long as bis
presence at the head OF ailars answers any OF the
designs OF Providence, his life, he says, is sure
to be spared; and were he even to fall, the
French people would not fail, In the interest Of
public order, to perpetuate the sovereign power
In his family. The imperial dynasty Is, there
fore, placed above discussion and the only
question whether not popular elections or
Parliamentary discussions are to De allowed to in.
fiu nee fairly the imperial policy. There would be
little objection 10 letting the administration canvass
for the imperial government II they did not too
pointedy affect To canvass for the Emperor. The
Emperor cannot keep Cabinet aud be his own min
lister without declaring the constitution pretence
and giving his government that personal character
which deprives the opposition or all legal utterance,
leaves IL no room for discrimination between the
sovereign and his rule and justles It la any length
OF violent hostility against both.


FOREIGN MISCELLANEOUS ITEMS.


Az the recent execution OF the murderers OF Prince