Year: 1862

!.
would it be If applied to people instead Of al
I ly Indifferent whether any of the rebels meets d
/ punishment adequate to his crime, provided the
great source Of disloyalty be punished in itself
] (Cheers.1 The best revenge for the past is that
which furnishes the best assurance for the fu.
ture. Applsuse.] And how can we loose this
| great opportunity, how can We throw away this
glorious privilege we enjoy, Of putting down q
rebellion by enlarging liberty, and of furnishing
treason by reforming society. TCheers.] What
| hinders your Il is not the Constitution! Its
voice is clear, unmstakable, and encouraging
This time the Constitution refuses to serve as q
mask to morbid timidity or secret tenderness for
Slavery. Or is their really anything frightfal
| to you in the idea, which we hear 30 frequently
expressed, that every measure touching Slavery
would irritate the rebels very much, and make
them very angry. Laughter and cheering. T.
tlritate them and make them angryl should
not wonder. Every cannon shot you FIRE at
them, every gunboat that shells their fortifica-
tions, every bayenet charge that breaks their
lines, makes them, have no doubt, quite angry.
lContinued laughter. 1t may be justly sup
posed that every forward movement Of our
troops has upon them quite an irritating effect
(Great laughter-"Fort Donelson."l IL you
want to see them smile, you must let them alone
entirely. But will you, therefore, load your
muskets with sawdust, stop the advance of your
bsttallions, and run your navy ashore? 1t must
be confessed, they have never shown such tend
er regards for our institutions. But why will this
measure make them so angry? Because il will,
in the end, make them powerless for mischief
And if we can obtain so desirable an end by do
ing this, will it not be best to support their an
ger with eqcanimity, and do ity lCheering.
l never heard of q man who, when assaulted by
robber, would refrain from disarmlng him be.
cause Il might create unpleasant feelings. APP
plause.] But, in fact, the irritation it will Gre
ate will be rather short-lived. 1t will die out
with Slavery. have endeavored to set forth
that the reformation of Southern society result
ing from these measures is the only thing that
will make the Southern people our sincere
friends Why not risk short irritation for a
lasting friendship? [Cheersl.


But while am little inclined to pay much re-
gard to the feelings of the Rebels, who would
delight in cutting our throats, deem it our duty
to treat with respect the opinions of the loyal
men Of the South, on whose fidelity the whirl of
Rebellion raging round them had no power. I
have heard it said that any measure touching





our common enemy. Is this possible? Is'their
loyalty of SO uncertain a complexion that they
will remain true to the Union only as long as
the Union does nothing which they do not fancy?
What, then, would distinguish them from the
traitors for the traitors too would have ad-
hered to the Union if they had been permitted
TO rule it. (Chee-s.] Its impossible! What
ever they might feel inclined to do if their rights
were attacked in an unconstitutional manner: to
constitutional measures, constitutiOnally enacted
and carried out, a true Union man will never
offer resistance. [Applause.J As We listen
with respect to their opinions, so they will listen
respectfully to our advice. If we speak to them
as friends, they will not turn away from US as
enemies. / would say to them: You, Union
men of the South, have faithfully clung to the
cause of our common country, although your
education, the circumstances in which you lived,
and the voice of your neighbors were well calcu-
lated to call you to the other side. You have
resisted a temptation which to many proved IA
tai. For this we honor you. We labor and
fight side by side to restore the Union to its an.
cient greatness, and to their purity the eternal
principles upon which it can safely and perma.
nently rest. What will you have-a Union con-
tinuaily tottering upon its foundation, or Union
oi truly United people, Union Of common
principles, common interests, a common honor,





ourselves alone, We are not responsible to our.
selves alone, but also to posterity. What legacy
will you leave to your children--new struggles,
new dangers, new revulsions, or future of
peaceful progress? An unfinished, trembling
edi6ce, that may some day tumble down over
their heads, because its foundations were not
firmly laid, or house resting upon the firm rock
of truly free Government, In which untold
millions may quietly and harmoniously dwell?


We do not mean to disregard the obligations
we owe you, neither constitutional obligations
nor those which spring from your claims to our
gratitude. We do not mean that yeu shall suf.
fer in rights or fortune nor to tear you forcibly
from your ways and habits of life But let us
reason together. Do you think that Slavery will
live always? Consider this question calmly, and
without prejudice or passion. Do you think it
will live always, in spite of the thousand agen-
cies which, in this Nineteenth Century of ours,
are busy working it's destruction? It cannot be.
Its end will come one day, and that day is bro't
nearer by the suicidal war which, in this Rebel.
ion, Slavery is waging against itself. And how
do you wish that this end should be? A violent
convulsion or the result of quiet and peaceful
reform. Will you leave it to chance.or would you
not rather keep this certain developement under
the moderatng control Of your voluntary actiong
There is but one way of avoiding new struggles
and final revulsion, and that is by commencing
a vigorous progressive reform in time In time,
I say-and when will the time have arrived -
Either you control this developement by wise
measures seasonably adopted-or it will control
you. How long will you waltz You speak of
difficulties; l see them-they are great, very
great. But will they not be twenty times greater
twenty years hence, unless you speedily COM
mence to remove them? You ask me, what
shall we do with our negroes, who are now four
millions? And ask you, what will you do with
them when they will be eight millions-or ra-
ther, what will they do with you? Cheering
Is it wise to quail before difficulties to-day, when
it is sure that they will be twice as great to.mor.
row, and equally sure that some day they mast
absolutely nast-be solved! You speak of
your material interests. To-day, am convinced
there is hardly man in the Free States of this
Republic who would not cheerfully consent to
compensate you amply for the sacrifices you
might voluntarily bring tApplause.) Do you
think that after the fierce struggles which inevi.
tably will come if Slavery remains a power in
the land after this war, and which, with the GER
tainty of fate, will bring on its destruction, an
eqna)ly liberal spirit will prevail? Look at this
fairly and without prejudice. Does not every
consideration of safety and material interest
command you to commence this reform without
delays Must it not be clear to the dullest mind
that this task which imperiously imposes itself
upon you will be the easier the sooner it is tax
en- in hand. and the more difficult and fearful
the longer it is put OFF, But, pardon me, Union
men of the South, if in speaking to you of q
thing of such tremendous moment, have ap.
pealed only to the meaner instincts Of human ma
ture.


How great, how sublime a part might you
play in this crisis, if you appreciated the impor-
tance Of your position--if you would cast off
the small ambition which governs so many Of
you! To maintain point in controversy just
because you have asserted it, to say we can do
this if we please, and nobody shall hinder US,
and therefore we will do it; or, we have slavery
and nobody has right to interfere with it. and
therefore we will maintain it. How small an
ambition is this! How much greater, how in.
fuitely nobler would it be, if you would boldly
place yourself at the head Of the movement and
| say to US, We grew ny in the habits Of slave.
holding society, and our interests were long
| identified with the institution, and we think al.