Year: 1869

= ii AM A COl X | ER.


EFFECT OF THE AMEMDMENF.


The readiness with which the Fifteenth
Amendment is accepted by the Democrats
in the Southern States shows that they
have read it know what it is. he oppo-
sition toOin California comes chiefly from
those who have not or can OF read 1t, and
are gaining their conceptions Of it I ON the
Misrepresentation of demagogues Some
have u vague idea that it entorces universal


suffrage. Nothing Of the kiud. SO fal
from It, that CORE spondeut In Virginia
declares that the rebel democracy OF that
State intend, after the ratification Of the
Amendment, to pass laws DISTINGUISHING
those Who canuot read aud write, and then


by preventing free schools, they expect t.
shut out the mass of the freedmen. I'm
doubtedly all this can be done under the
Amendment 1t leaves the coutroi OF the
suffrage to the States, as before, except
only that it prevents discrimination on ac-
count Of race or color. Its language is that
- the right ot citizens OF the United States
to vote shall not be denied or abridged on
account OF lace, color OF previous condition
of servitude." Ihls does not enforce uni
versaI suffrage anywhere. Uuder the
Amendment the proper qualifications may
still be applied III Rhode Island, and the
intelligence qualification i'll Massachusetts.
Such qualifications may be even required
only OF citizens of foreign birth; Tor the
Amendment permits Discrimination on ac-
count of nativity. We may exclude any
one tor ignorance Of our language, or may
require longer residence 1or voting than
Ior citizenship. Every reasonable OF log
zeal test that can be su gested can be ap-
piled under the Fifteenth Amendment
IT torbles only the irrational doctrine that
color cr race OF self units man tor self
government. 1t prevents only severance
Ut our population into castles or clas es, one
ruling by claim OF divine right, the other
consigned to perpetual degradation. 1t
thus turblds slavery aud serfdom and Is
nothing more than Legitimate outgruwth
OF the policy Of emancipation. Slavery
sustained itself on the ground OF distinction
OF race; remove that distinction and the
tap-root Of slavery is drawn. Open to every
race and color the freest competition III
intelligence, industry and virtue, and each
race aud eacA maE OF ii will find Its or his
place and level, while the principle Of hu-
man brotherhood is not violated


1t Is obvious, therefore, that the Amend
ment, by this very veto of distinction merely
on account of race or color, tends 10 BRING
Us to debate the true basis of the suffrage.
1t oblIges US to inquire what are the quail
hcations every voter ought to possess. 1t
We object to ignorance and vice at the
polls, let us exclude them as such. Ii we
fear for our institutions in the hands of
men unaccustomed to them, the Amend
ment does not prevent our guarding the
ballot-box from such. The fullness OF the
liberty it allows in restricting the suffrage
to those who are fit for it is confessed by
these schemes of Southern Democrats to
which we have referred. 1t tends, IN fact,
to bring US back to the original practice OF
the Country in this respect, from which we
have not entirely departed, for IN many
St tes there are required qualifications Of
property or intelligence, and scarcely any
where have we yet committed ourselves to
the doctrine of simple " manhood suffrage" )"
Perhaps it is fortunate we have not, and
fortunate that the Fifteenth Amendment
does not lay down any such basis. Certain
ly those who oppose it on account of its
alleged introduc ion of unfit voters, should
show some sign that they are really opposed
to unfit voters-for it is very certain that
those who favor it are not it favor Of de-
grading the sulfrage-and it is equally
palpable that the Amendment Itself permits
the application of every popular test, and
the exclusion Of every citizen who is not
possessed of the intelligence or virtue to
vote rghtly.-Sac. Union.