Year: 1862

ous heresies of the secessioaists, we be-
lieved, with you, that the war on their
part is aggressive ard wicked, aud the
objects for which il was to be prosecuted
on ours, defined by your message at the
opening of the present Congress, TO be
such as all good men should approve, we
have not hesitated to vote all supplies
necessary to carry it on vigorously. We
have voted all the men aud money you
have asked for, and even inore; we have
imposed onerous taxes on our people, aud
they are paying them with cheerfulnsss
aud alacrity; we have encouraged enlist
ments and sent to the field mcny of our
best men; and some Of our number have
offered their persons to the enemy, as
pledges of their sincerity and devotion
to the country We have done all this
under the most discouraging circumstsn-
ccs and in the face of measures most dis
tasteful to us and injurious to the inter
ests we represent, aud in the hearing Of
doctrines avowed by those who claim to
be your friends most abhorrent to ms and
our constituents. But, for all this, We
have never faltered nor shall we as long.
as we have constitution to defend and
a government which protects u.s. Aud
we are ready for renewed efforts, and
even greater sacrifices, yea, any sacrifice,
when we are satisfied it is required to
preserve our admirable form Of govern
ment aud the priceless blessings of con-
stitutional liberty.


A few of our number voted for the
resolution recommended by your mess.
age of the 9th of March last, the greater
portion of us did net, and we will brief.
ly state the prominent reasons which IN
fluenced our action.


In the first place, it proposed radical
change of our social system, and Was
hurried through both houses with undue
haste, without reasonable time for con-
sideration and debate, and with no time
at all for consultation with our constit-
uents, whose interests it deeply inv olyed.
1t seemed like an interference by this
government with question which pecu-
liarly and exclusively belonged to our
respective States, on which they had
not sought advice or solicited aid. Many
of us doubted the constitutional power
OF this government to make sppropria-
tions of money for the object designated,
and all of us thought our finances were
in no condition to bear the immense ont
lay which its adoption and faithful exc
cution would impose upon the national
treasury. If we pause but moment TO
think OF the debt its acceptance would
have entailed, we are appalled, by its
magnitude. The proposition was ad-
dressed to all the States, and embraced
the whole number of slaves. According
to the census of 1860 there were then
very nearly four million slaves in the
country; from natural increase they ex-
ceed that number now. At even the low
average of three hundred dollars the
price fixed by the emancipation act for
the slaves Of the District, aud greatly
below their real worth, their value runs
up to the enormous sum Of twelve hun
dred millions of dollars; and ifto thstwe
add the cost Of deportation and colonial
ton, at one hundred dollars each, which
is but fraction more than is actually
PAID by the Maryland Colonization So
ciety, we have four hundred millions
more We were not willing to impose
a tax on our people sufficient TO pay the
interest on that sum, in addition 20 the
vast and daily increasing debt already
fixed upon them by the exigencies Of
the war; and, if we had been willing, the
country could not bear it. Stated ia
this form the proposition is nothing less
than the deportation from the country
of sixteen hundred million dollars worth
Of producing labor, and the substitution
in its place of an interest bearing debt Of
the same amount. PES ts@e2


But, il we are told that il was expect.
ed that only the States we represent
would accept the proposition, we respect
fully submit that even then it involves
sum too great for the financial ability OF
this government at this time, Acoor-
ding to the census of 1860: s.;i,.-