Year: 1862

Merits OF the Whole Question.


- From the NY, lyorld.I


While we have no sympathy with the
ultraists who would take advantage of
the times to smite slavery at a blow from
the face of the country, we have as little
sympathy with the men at the other ex-
treme who would not touch it at all. If
| the consequence in the one case would


be n disastrous shock to, our whole civil
and social system, the consequence in
1.-THE other would be an ever.Increasing in.


cubus equally fatal in the end The only


real difference would be that In the one
case the present generation, in the other
the next, or the one after, would be tue
lone to suffer
Experience proves that our slave pop
ulatioR doubles once in thirty years
1 TherefOre, il the old order Of things were
] to continue, there are those now. living
| who would see not less than thirty mill
lions of slaves within this na,ion-;l num-
Der equal to its entire white and black
/ population at the present time. No r;l-
( tiOnal being can believe that our free in
| stitutions could carry such weight
I \ c0nvulSion of some sort would iHevi-
ltably ensue. 1t is folly TO shut our eyes
/ and fold our arms before their ever-lp-
| preaching catastrophe Little as those
I who follow this policy think of it, it is
| absolute treason to the republic. What


matters it whether policy is slow or


rapid, whether it does its work now or
| fifty or hundred years hence, if ruin is
to come from it. This Republic was


made for centuries; we hope for ages.
To purchase its ease for a generation or
| two ut the cost of its life afterwards is the
height Of meapness. To style such do
nothing policy, Conservatism, as the fash


ion is in some quarters, is n IhOckery. 1t
has no more right to the word than the


most destructive radicalism of the day
The difference between the two is only in


methods; the result in both cases would
be the same 30


If our republic is to be perpetuated,
this negro question has got to be met;


and every true patriot will give it his
most serious attention We hare reached


the critical period when the peple must
begin to settle upon some definite pur-


pose. Military events speed on, and will
soon bring the rebellion to its end


Pacifcation in some shape will be a ne
cessity; but. manage it as We may, the
shape that is given tOit must establish
some specific policy. 1t must be either


the restoration of the condition before the


war, and the letting of slavery run on IFS
selfish course, without concern for the
ultimate consequences; or the inaugura-
! ton of a new IreatmUut Ofthe Institution
calculated to put an end to it. 1t is with
10y that We see the Indications that Pres
| ident Lincoln recognizes the necessity of
/ the OCCASION, and that he is initiating a


well-deined policy -on the subject; one
/ eminently- wise, foO, and effectunE 1t is


the policy of emancipation and eoIonisa-


tion.


I. The two are inseparable If there is
one thing more certain than another2it


is that the heavy slave states will never


consent to emancipation with the pros
| pect (hat the liberated blacks shall remain


permanent part Of their. population
They are us set in that purpose as New
York would be against any measure


which should. have the effect of adding
! fEo or three millions of negroes to its
I ueople. Rather than take them, it is
likely we should submit to slavery for


evers and SO will each slave state, sooner
than keep within its borders similar


proportion Of free negroes. In several
of the slave states, rs South Carolina,


Alabama, and Missippi,, the proportion
would he much larger-answering to
what FIVE or six millions of blacks would


be in this state The American disposi-
i ton in this respect. Is the same all over
! the land. 1t unalterably fixes the fact
that the two races cannot live together in


large masses, unless one Is subject to
the other Whether this state OF, mind


comes from natural instinct OF hereditary


habit, matters little. 1t is enough that


it exists, and is unalterable You canno;


have emancipation, on any large scale,


unless you have deportation. The soon
er our statesmen, and We viii say our
philanthropists too, recognize that fact


and conform their action to its requir
lments, theGs0Oner will the terrible diff
culties that have surroundedn snbject


begin to disappear Colonization is a1
indispensable condition for deliyeranct


from American slavery


i Bnt there is the stereotype objection e
lcolonization, that il is impraciicable. -
Even iatelligept men use,it-, Senator Hale
the OtEer day; declared from his seat tha


the thought of getting clear Of tie black
lin that way was one Of ''the most abSnFt
ideas that ever entered into the head o
man or WOMAN He assumed the eaphysi


cal impOssibility OF transporting the mum


ber necessary for the purpose but, like al


others who talk ON that side of the ques
ton, he confined himself to vague declanS
u ton, and kept entirely clear of figuress-
Now how stands the actual fact? -
4 Supposing . systemsVeF instituted M
der which every slave boy on arriving a


the age of tWenty-oue, aud every slave gtr
J Oh arriving at the age Of eighteen, shoult


be colonized abroad. Both sexes, at thos