Year: 1861

I OF the executive TO precIpItate revolution
South Carolina has taken the leap. The move
ment would be utterly insignificant if confined
to that State. She is still in the Union, and
neither the President nor Congress has tie
power to consent to her withdrawal This can
only be done by change of the Constitution or
the acquiescence of the people of other States.
/ The defence of the property of the United
States and the collection of the revenues need
not cause the shedding of blood, unless she
commences a contest of physical force The
Increase IN one year OF our population is great
er than her entire population, white and black
+ Either one of several Congressional districts in
/ the west has more white inhabitants than she
! has. Her military power is crippled by the
/ prcponderanee of her slaves. However brave,
/ and gallant. and spirited her people may be
and no one disputes these traits-it is mani
| fest she is weak in physical force. This great
government might we'll treat with indulgence
paper secassiun, or the resolves of her conven-
tion and legislature, without invoking physical
| force, to enforce the laws among her citizens
Without disrespect to South Carolina, it
would be easy to show that Shay's rebellion
and the whisky insurreetion involved the GOV





secession of South Carolina But the move
ment becomes imposing. when we are assured
that several powerful States will very soon fol-
low in the lead of South Carolina and when
we know that other States still more powerful
sympathiza with the seeding States, to the
extent of opposing, and perhaps resisting the
execution Of the laws in the seeding States


In this view of the present condition of
public affairs, it becomes the people Of the
United States seriously to consider whether the
government shall be arrested in the execution
of IFS undisputed powers by the citizens of one
or more States, Or whether we shall test the
power of the government to defend itself u
gainst dissolution. Can separation take place
without war? If so, where will be the line?-


Who shall possess this magnificent capital,
with all its evidences of progress and civilian
ton? Shall the mouth of the Mississippi be
separated from its sources? Who shall pos
sess the territories? Suppose these difficulties
to be overcome, suppose that in peace we
should huckster and divide up our nationali-
ty, our flag, our history, all the recollections
of the past; suppose all these difficulties over
come, how can two rival republics of the same
race OF men, divided only by line or a river
fOr thousands of miles, with all the present
d ficalties aggravated by separation, AVOID To-
rays, disputes, and war? How can we travel
our future line of progress in Mexico, or on
the high seas or on the Pacific slope, without
collision? 1t is impossible To peacably ac-
cOmpi5h such results we must change the na-
tHrc of man. D.sln;on is war. God knows l
do not threaten it, for l will seek to prevent
it in every way possible. speak but the logic
of fLcts, which we should not conceal from
each other. 1t is either hostility between the
government and the seeding States, or, if sep
aration is yielded peaceaby, it is u war of fac
tinn1-a rivalry of insignificant communities,
hating each o he, and condemned by the civil
lizcd world. II war results, what u war it viii
be. Contemplate the North and South in hos
tile array against each other. If these sec
tions do not know each other now, they will
then.


We are nation OF military men naturally
turbulent because we are fee-accustoned to
arms Ingenious. energetic, brave and strong.
The same q" alitieS that have enabled single
generation Of men TO develop the resources of
a continent, would enable us to destroy more
rapidly than we have constructed. 1t is idle
for in liv 'tlIals of either section to suppose
themse' YES superior in military power. The
French and English trie I that question for
thousand years. We ought to know it now.
The result of the contest would NOT depend up
OF the first blow or tn. first year, but blood
shed in civil war would yield its baneful fruit
for generations.


How can we avert a calamity at which human





ity and civilization shudlcr? | know 10 way
but to stick to the government framed by our
fathers, to administer it in a spirit of kindness,
but in all cases, without partiaIity, to enforce
the laws. No State can release MS from the
duty of obeying the laws. The ordinance or
act of State is no defence for treason, nor
docs it lessen the moral guilt of that crime
Let us cling to each other in the hope that oar
d fferences will pass away, as they often have
in times past. For the sake of peace, for the
love of civil liberty, for the honor of our name
our race, our religion, let US preserve the I'm
ion, loving it better as the clouds grow dark
er am willing to unite with any man, what
ever may have been his party relatiOns-what-
ever may be his viows of the existing differ
ences-who is willing to rely on the Constitu-
tion as it is for his rights; and who is willing
to maintain and defend the Union under all
circumstances against all enemies, at home or
abroad.


Pardon me- gentlemen, for writing You so
fully. feel restrained, by the custom Of the
House of Representatives, from engaging
there in political debate, and yet feel it is the
duty of every citizen to prepare his country
men for grave events, that will test the strength
and integrity of the government.


Believing that our only safety is in firm
enforcement of the laws, and that Mr.. Lincoln
will execute that duty without partiality, I join
my hearty congratulations with yours that he
is so soon to be the President of the Q nitcd
| States.


! With great respect,


l remain very truly,


| Your obedient servent,
! JOHN SHERMAN.