Year: 1863

Oar 1c,ssseas with France and Thor


Critical Nature.


In the United States Senate Of late pointed
alluson has been made TO the critical condition
Of our relations with France. But in ths debate
OF Tuesday last on the bill authorizing the Pre-
sident TO issue letters of marque and reprsal
we have fuller development of opinion, ac-
companied by practical act which gives 1t
vitality and force. France is not mentioned by
name in the debate; but there can be no doubt
that she is referred to by Mr.. McDougall when
he said "he believed that before Congress met
again We should be at war with . foreign
Power, and should need ell our force on sea and
land" On recent occasion that Senator drew
graphic picture of French aggression on this
continent, aud warned the country Of the ult-
mate designs Of Napoleon upon the United
States. That speech made q deep impression,
and it Il evident that the bill under debate was
introduced in anticipation of the contingency Of
an approaching war with Frances war which
would probably be hastened by the bold and
determined course which the President and the
Secretary Of State pursued in reply to the last
diplomatic proposition from the Emperor touch
ing our domestic strife The Conscription bill,
too il said to have reference to the contingency
Of foreign war, and aot To the rebellion. Cor
tain it is that the tone Of the debate on the pr-
Watering bill. and the passage Of the measure
after the rejection of all the cowardly amend
ments Of the whitelivered Senator Of Massachu-
sets. recognize cloud of war in the East,
and cannot fail to impress the Powers Of Eu-
rope with the determination which burns in
the hearts Of the American people to resent any
foreign attempt to meddle in our national affairs.


Mr. Sumner, who played the part Of toady
to France, deprecated the idea Of putting such
menace in q bill, and urged that its opera
ton should be confined to the suppression Of
the rebellion, though he had previously made
speech against the principle of privateering
in general, and against the expedency of it in
the case Of the rebels, who had no commerce to
prey upon; but when he was asked, as Chair
man Of the. Committee on Foreign Relations, if
We were not now threatened with foreign COM
plicatiOns. lie gave an syasive answer, which
showed that he was conscious Of the danger.
Yet he would leave the country unprcpared





it will be time enough to pass such bill. But
Congress adjourns on the 4th Of March, and
does not meet till December; and if foreign
war, arising ont Of our civil conflict, should
come i. will be upon us long before that time,
and the President would be without authority
to act Forewarned is forearmed; and we
cannot be prepared moment too soon. In
IL. o( Hr;,n in fo
Of comforting now upon the President "all the
Authority necessary to let slip the dogs OF war
in case Of complications with any foreign
Power and We hope the bill will be adopt
ed without debate by the House. European
nations will have no right to complain OF
our adoption Of this mode Of warfare At the
time of the Congress of Paris we offered to
agree to the abolition Of priyateering, If the
European Powers would at the same time agree
to abolish the capture OF all private property
at sea by ships-of-war, thus assmilating it to
the principle that prevails in modern times Of
eyempting the private property Of on enemy
from capture on the land But the Powers
which possessed great navies would not sur
render their advantage, and therefore declined.
We have now, therefore, perfect right to re-
sort to letters Of marque in the event Of a war
with any Of them. Their action at the Con-
gress Of Paris only binds themselves.


There is danger Of war with France only;
for England has every motive to keep out of
any complications with rs. and her earnest de-
sire is to see Napoleon embroicd with the
United States, so that an opportunity may be
afforded by his failures abroad for his over
throw by revolution at home. lie is regarded
by British statesmen as dangerous to their in
tercss, and they will therefore rejoice to see
him take any step that Is likely to lead to his
fall. If he attacks the American republic the
first gun fred will be the death knell of his en-
pire. He may, if he thinks proper recognize
the independence of the Southern confederacy,
as he has already recognized it as belligercnt.
That we will not deem a cdsas JeH;: for it
would be an empty expression Of opinion,
which would decide nothing, and be barren
OF advantage to the South. But if he should
follow mp the recognition by any active assist
ance 10 the contederacy, or by meddling with
the blockade, we may as well prepare at once
for war. In that event by our national ships
and prvatcers we would inHct more deadly
Dlow on French commerce than we dealt 10
England in the war of lsl2-li. During those
three years the government commissioned two
hundred aud fifty privateers and letters of
marque, hailing chiefly from Baltimore, New
York, Salem and Boston. The number Of cap
lures amounted to two thousand, while the
prizes made by the English navy did not amount
to over five hundred, aud those principally in
the first six months The amount of damage
inflicted on the enemy wa. immense. Inde-
pcndently Of the property captured aud de-
stroycd, the loss OF trade was terrible. The
insurance premium on English vessels and their
cargoes was as high rs thirty-three per cent.
and II was difficult TO get an insurance effected