Year: 1860

man spoke, declaring for Lincoln and Ham


lin. We copy the speech as We find 1t re-


ported in the Press and the Enquirer.


After a few remarks by the President Of


the meeting Mr.. Hickman was introduced


amid deafening applause, and spoke as fol-


lows


Nr. Hickman said: My subject tonight


fellow-citizens, is political issues and Pres
idential candidates.


The intelligent voter will so shape his


action as to make it conduce to the success


of principle, rather than the elevation of 4


man. He will feel this to be more incum-


bent upon him at such time as the pres


ent, when the tendencies of parties are
more distinctly marked than in any previ-


Gus campaign 1t will be my object, this


evening. to endeavor to exhibit, in a dis


tinct light the dividing line between the


political parties of the day. and to ascer-


tain, if possible what, in all probability,


would be the effect upon the country of the


election of the respective candidates for the


Presidency.


If this were strife merely between in


dividual men. it would possess but trifing


importance, and should not trouble you


with either remark or suggestion. But as


l regard the contest, the determination will


soon be made not alone as to our value in


the Confederacy, but as to the destiny of


the nation itself


The policy of our Government is, in many
respects, underlined. The more serious
questions affecting us have but recently be-
come topics of careful consideration. Our


fathers were unable to foresee, during the
formation of the Constitution, the greater
embarrassments to which the future of the
country was to be subjected. and conse
quently no provision was made against
them Subjects which distracted and di- /
vided them. in their deliberations, have
lost much of their former consequences, and
We seem to be more anxious to ascertain /.
what they should have said further, than
what they actually did say Even the con- /
troyersies in which we ourselves have been
engaged within the last decade have been
settled or lost sight Of. and we are nov a.
bout to enter into that conflict which is to 4
define many Of the most important powers
of the Government. and to fix the charac-
ter of the dominant institutions of the coHn-
try. The propsicty of the rc, eligibility TO =
office, the exact relations between Federal
and local authority, the constitutionality
of banks and internal improvements. the
regulation of the currency. and the distri-
button of the proceeds of the public lands,
are no longer agitated; and discussions up
on them are only to be found in our past
history, and in the fossil remains of extinct
parties. 1t may in truth be said that old
things have passed away, and all things
have become new.


There was time, not very far back IN
the past, when slavery was universally ad-
mitted to be wrong IN Sc. unwise in prac-
tice, detrimental to both individuals ang
communities, and against the spirit and
genius of our free system. Now. however,
it is declared to be divine in its origin, the
highest type of human civilization, and in
dispensable to the maintenance Of q Dem
ocratic republic. Formerly it was regard
ed as a condition to be constantly reduced,
and finally to be extinguishcd. Now, on
the contrary. the demand is urged that it
shall be extended, and made controlling.-l
Here | find the cause or source of the great
political issue of the present. Shall slav-
cry become a national institution and a
governing power in the country, or shall it
remain as the Constitution left it? This is j
not an inquiry propOunded by us Of the ,
North, but forced upon US by our brethren
of the South. They require an answer at I
our hands, and We cannot avoid response
if we would. Silence upon our part, un- (;
der the circumstances, could not be con- {
strued otherwise than as affirmative of their {
claims l make the distinct avOWal that {
slaverysecks the acquisition of all our new ;
States; for two objects: first to secure the S
value Of slaves; and, second, to direct the l
powers of the Federal Government ;


1.-The irrcpressible conflict" so frequent i
" commented on and denounced by the i
South, is constantly admitted and acted on !
by them. They are too astute as observ- {
ers and sagacious as politicians not to know /
there is 4 necessary and unending antago-
nism between liberty and slavery. Ifthey t
thought differently there would be far more :
peace and harmony between the sections. I
1t is their full appreciation OF the struggle t
for the mastery which arms them for the q
conflict, and induces them to wrestle for !
the victory. There is no more evident i
fact than this. that the advocates of slavery
seek its extension so as to limit the infu- 1
ence of the sentiment of freedom Wehate i
tyranny and would prevent such a consul S
nation. They ask that all who toll shall
be held as property-be regarded, in the c
chaste language of an eloquent Senator, as o
. mud-sill." We believe that God created |
all men free, and imposed labor upon them L
for their advantage Which hypothesis '
shall be proven true? We Will see hereaf- 7
knowing that the principles of C
justice are uniform and eternal, | presume
to believe that those principles viii prevail, c
and human rights be maintained. l am
not ignorant of the fact that those who t
suppose they might rightfully make mer- /
chandise of mothers and their children seem L
to think they can shape the designs of S
Providence and rewrite the history of hu-
manity, rev rising everything our fathers t
thought and for the maintenance of which t
they perilel life and honor | must be |
pardOned for disagreeing with them, and c
protesting against such conclusions. '


The extension of negro slavery into the i
Territories of the United States has be- c
come settled policy of the Democratic !
party. This reality cannot be disguised. !
and ought not to be denied. 1t is easily /
accounted for. Unity Of interest and uni '
ty of desire will always produce a perfect @
of strength. The fortunes t
of the South have become completely idcn- L
titled with their peculiar domestic relations @