Year: 1869

Up to the time that he became member
of Mr. Lincoln's cabinet, he was demo-
crat, and an ardent partisan. Before the
breaking out of the rebellion, h. warmly
sympathzed with the men who were lead
ers in the secession movement, and greatly
admired Jefferson Davis 1t has been
charged, became Of these facts, that his
alliance with the republican parry was
prompted by selfish and ambitious rather
than patriotic motives, but in such days of
convuslion and strife as those through
which the country was passing when he
became secretary of war, changes of polit
ical opinions were SO frequent that 1t may
be supposed Mr. Stanton conversion was
genuine one.


Ia the war Office he was absolute On
one occasion President Lincoln said he had
no infence in the war office, and Mr.. Stan
ton s whole course as secretary proved that
the president told the truth 1t needed at
that time man in the war department who
could think clearly and rapidly, act inde-
pcndently, aud with peculiar faculties for
organization. The secretary was that man,
and, had he employed all his energies and
capacity for the single purpose of crushing
the rebellion, his memory would now be
clear from ugly spots which must ever
remain upon it.


As secretary of war he had friends to
Ia
not always true to the former, and was
yindictive and insolent when in pursuit of
the latter. He was chiefly responsible for
the system Of arbitrary arrests and imprls-
onment which placed the liberty of every
citizen at the disposal of some half dozen
persons in Washington, and denied all
lawful means of redress. When this sys-
TEN was entered upon, the people Of the
northern states were as obedient TO law as
they had ever been, and our courts were
as able and willing TO punish officers OF all
kinds as at any time in our history. Under
such circumstances, simple justice demands
that the pr Icy which substituted despo>
tism for I. ;edom, and force for lay, be
denounced as a crime, and he who was
mainly responsible for it be visited with the
censure demanded by the magnitude Of the
offence.


OF his double dealing with President
johnson, and his persistency in remaining
IN the cabinet when the president requests
ed him to resign, and his defiance of the
appointing Power,as constructed by himself
only few weeks before the attempt to
remove him from the war department,
much might be said Of q severely coudem-
Datory character which would be entirely
just. His refusal to exchange prisoners
caused many of our poor soldiers to lingcr
in suffering for months, and find death
among the scenes Of misery at Anderson
Vile.


In according him ability as lawyer
eqnal to that Of the majority of the justices
OF our supscme court, it was not intorded
to assert that he had any other qualifca-
tons as judge. He who had used his
authority to trample upon, and defy law
that he might press and punish his oppo-
neuts, ought never to have been made
Judge in the highest court of the nation
1t was not creditable to the president and
congress that he was justice Of the gu
preme court when he died, and there are
good men who will see in his death Prov
idence guarding that court, as there were
good men whoE thought they recognized
the hand of Providence in the murder of
President Lincoln. Chicago Times