Year: 1860

Message.


Opening with a congratulation upon
the National prosperity of the Country,
the President next proceeds to inquire
into tie cause Of the discomfort end
threats of Disunion.


He says the trouble is not caused by
the endcavor to exclude Slavery from the
Territories, nor by the efforts to defeat
the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law,
bat ly the fact that the agitation Of the
Slavery question has produced a malign
influence on the Slaves, inspiring them
with vague notions of Freedom.


He thinks that it the agitation is con-
tlnued the Slaveholding States must re-
sort to Disunion for sch-preseryatlon--
But it is his conviction that the fatal pc
riod has not yet arrived and he urges the
American people to settle the Slavery
question forever and thus restore rcace
and harmony.


All that is necessary to accomplish
this object, and all for which the Slave
States have contended, is to be let alone
and permitted to manage their domestic
institutions in their own way.
/ The Election of President in accord
ance with the Constitution, he argues,
does not afford just cause for dissolving
tho Union Iu order to Justify resort
10 revolutionary resistance, the Federal
Government must be guilty of a deliber,
ate, palpable and dangerous exercise of
unconstitutional powers. Reason and
justice require that some overt act should
be waited for.


Whatever the political gntecedents of
the President Elect, he must, from the
nature Of his Office and its responsibilities,
be Conservative. lie cap only execute,
not make laws.


An alleged cause for Secession is that
the Southern States are denied equal
rights with the other States in the Terri
tories. But by what authority have these
been denied? Congress has never passed
any such act. There is no probability
of the passage of any such act by either
the present or the next Congress. And
the Supreme Court has decided that Ter
ritorial Legislatures have no power to DO
it. The next palpable violations of the
Constitution yet committed are the acts
of State Legislatures to defeat the excu-
ton of the Fugitive Slave law. But for
these acts the Federal Government is not
responsible Moreover, being unconstl-
tutional, they are null and void.


After urging that the Fugitive Slave
Slave law is unconstitutional, the Prcsi-
dent urges the repeal of the Personal
Liberty Bills, and says that unless this
is done without unnecessary delay, it will
be impossible for any human power to
save the Union. If their repeal is refus-
ed, the Southern States would be justii-
ed in revolutionary resistance to the Gov
ernment Of the Union.


The President then proceeds to eabc-
rately combat the doctrine Of the right
of Secession, as set up by South Carolina.
He denies that such a right exists, or
was intended by the trainers of the Con
stitution, to exist. lie quotes from Mad
ison, from Jackson's Proclamation, and
from the Constitution itself, to prove that
this is a Government intended to be per
petual, and not a mere voluntary associ-
alton, from which members may with
draw at pleasure. Secession is neither
more nor less than revolution. 1t may
or may not be a justifable revolution but
still it is a revolution.


The Executive is bound by his oath
to take care that the laws are faithfully
executed In the case of South Carolina
however, it is impracticable to do this, SC
far as the [. S. Courts are concerned, all
the Judicial Officers having resigned
But the Collection of the Revenue in not
obstructcd. It is not believed that any
attempt will be made to seize the Forts
Or Arsenals, and if any is, the officer in
command has orders to act on the de-
fcnsive.


The President then considers the right
and feasibility of resorting to force IL
compel State to remain in the Union
against the will Of its Inhabitants, and
arrives at the conclusion that no such
power has been granted to Congress.


In order to maintain the Union, he
I recommends an Amendment of the Con.
sutution, 70 be made as Amendments
have twice been made before. He re,
commendS that the Amendment should
contain -


1st. An express recognition of the

right of property in slaves, in the States
where it now exists or may hereafter ex-
list.


I'd The duty of protecting this right
in all the common Territories throughout
their territorial existence and until they
shall be admitted as States into the I'm
ion, with or without Slavery.


36 4 like rncoCpition of the rirbt of