Year: 1861




surgent force of 1900, for months domin>
atiDg the narrow peninsular region. cons
s;ituting the counties of Accomac and
Northampton. and known as the + ,stern
shore Of Virginia. together with some
citizens from parts Of Maryland, have
laid down their arms. and the people
there have renewed their allegiance and
accepted the protection of the flag. This
leaves no armed insurrection north of
the Potomac or east of the CheSapeak.


Also, we have obtained footing at
each of the isolated points on the south
ern coast. HatteraS, Port ROYAL, Tybee
Island near Savannah, and Ship Island
and We likewise have some general ac-
counts Of the popular movements IN he
half Of the Union in North Carolina ana
Tennessee. These things demonstrate
that the cause Of the Union Is advancing
steqdiIy southwark.


Since YOUR last adjournment, Lieut..
General Scott has retired from the heads
quarters of the army. During his long
life the nation has not been unmlndfui
of his merit. yet on calling to mind how
faithfully, ably and brilliantly he has
served the country from time far back
in our history. when few Of the men now
living had been born. and thence forward
continually. | cannot but think that we are
still his debtors | submit therefore Tor
your consideration what further mark of
recognition is due to him and ourselves
as grateful people.


With the retirement Of Gen. Scott
came the executive duty Of appointing
in his stead, a General mischief OF the
army. 1t Is a fortunate circums tance
that neither in council nor country was
there, so far as know, any difference of
opinion "a to the proper person 70 be se-
leetei. The retiring chief repeatedly
expressed his judgment in favor of Gen.
Mcclellan for the position and in this
the Union seemed 10 give a unanimous
concurrence. The designation of Nc
Clellan is therefore in considerable de-
gree the selection of the country as wei
rs of the executive, and hence there is
reason TO hore there will be given him
the confidence and cordial support that
by fair implication is promised and with>
out which he cannot, with so full effioien-
cv serve the country.


1t has been said that one bad gen neral
is better than two good ones, and the
saving is true if taken to mean no more
than that one army Is better directed by
a single mind, though inferior, than by
two superior ones at variance and cross
purposes, and the same Is true in all
joint operations whenever those engaged
can have one but a common end in view,
and can differ only as to the choice Of
means. In a storm on sea no one can
wish the ship to sink, and yet. not unfre-
quentlv, all 20 down together because roo
many viii direct, and no single mind
can be allowed to direct


Il continues to develope that the ineur.
rection Is largely, if not exclusively.
war upon the first principles Of popular
governWcnt-the right Of the people
Conclusive evidence of this is found in
the most grave and maturely considered
public documents as well as in tho gems
eral tone of the insurgents In their
documents we find the abridgement of
the existing right of suffrage, and the
denial to the people Of all right to par
ticipaee in the selection of public officers.
except the legislative, boldly advocated
with labored arguments to prove that
large control of the government in the
people, is the source Of all political evil.
Monarchy itself IS sometimes limited at
as q possible refuge from the pover OF
the people. In my present position, |
could scarcely be justified were to omit





proach Of returning despotism.


Ii is not needed nor fitting here that n
general argument should be maie in
favor Of popular institutions, but there Is
one point. with its connections not So
hackneyei rs most Others, to which |
ask a brief attention 1t is the effort to
place capital on an equal footing with, if
n It above labor in the structure Of gov
or - Oh Ii
available only in connection with capital;
that nobody iabors unless somebody else
owning capital, somehow by the use Of
it, induces him TO labor. This assumed,
II IS next considered whether il is b.st
that capital shall hire laborers and thus
induce them to work by their own con-
sent; or owning them and drive them to
1t without their own consent. Having
proceeded 81 far, it is na ura.ly couc,ud- F
ed that all labcrers are either Eired la 7
borers or what we cali slaves, and fur
ther it Is assumed that whoever is a hired
labprer Is fixed in that condition for life
Now there il n such relation between
capital and labor as assumed, nor is there
any such thing as a free man being
L0und for life in the condition Of n hired
laborer.


Both Of these 9ssump ptions are false, and
all differences from them are groundless.
Labor Is prior to and independent of
capital. Capital is only the fruit Of la
bOr, and never could have exis ed Il Ia
bor had not Erst existed. Labor Is the .
superior of capt al and deserves much .
the higher consideration. Capital has
its tights, which are as worthy of pro-
teclon as any other right. Nor is II de
MED that there Is and probably always
will be a relation between labor and cap
ital producing mutual benefit. The err
r0r is in assuming thar the whole labor of
community exists within that relation. T.
\ fe. men have capital; ard that few
avoid labor, and with their capital hire
OF buy a few to labor for them \ large
majority belong TO neither class neither
work for others, or have others working
for them. In most of the Southern
States, majority of the people of all
colors are neither slaves nor masters
wnile IN the North large majority neita-
er are hlrers nor hired men. With
their families wives, SOUS and lighters,
they work for themselves on their farms,


q their houses, a1d in their shops, tax
lng the whole product to themselves and
asking no fayors of capital, on the one
hand, nor OF hired laborers or slaves, on
the other.


1t is not forgotten that considerable
number of persons mingle their own "a