Year: 1865

The N. Y. Times has letter OF the 3Oth
ult. from its regular Paris correspondent. IN
which ho says


THE unanmity which prevails in the Liberal party
in France In cOndomnng the measures OF rigo adopted
by our nment anst the leaders OF the Rebellion
ia due In part the fact that they do not wish to see
precedent established which one day may be brought 10
bear on them. In OF unsuccessful robeiion Al
Paris the Emperor might. with show OF fairness
point TO the execution Of Davis and the fourteen cate
gorics Of tho Amnesty Proclamation as the rule ana
guide Of his action and as bis precedcnts would oe
drawn from the great model republic the Republicans
Of France could not complain


The fact that the Liberal, Progressive
party of France-and not of France only. but
of all Europe-are most anxious that our Gov
ernment should eyince conspicuous magnanlm-
ity and lenity in its whole treatment OF our de-
feated Rebels, is nowhere disputed. 1t seems
to US of the grayest significance. The Euro
pcan Democrats, but especially those OF France,
have had large experience OF Rebellions and
Revolutions, and that experience has taught
them that clemency to the vanqushed is not less
wise than humane. They are our friends: they
speak to Us under the impulse of common
sympathy in great cause-that of Universal
Freedom. Shall they not be kindly, thought.
fully heededi They knOD that severity here
would be held q precedent and justification for
severity in dealing with the vanquished insur'
gents in any Liberal revolt in Europe, and that
they could urge nothing efiectual against this.
Can you suppose that "Order," and "Religion,
and "Society," do not afford as plausible excuses
for severity as Liberty" and " Union"


But we beg our European friends to judge
us By our acts, not by our words. We are O
people given to oratory, and our bark is apt to
be good deal worse than our bite. President
Johnsons fourteen grounds Of exception from
his general amnesty look formidable on paper;
but very few of those who evince spirit Of
hearty acquiescenco in the National triumph.
of submission to the National authority, have
anything to fear.


The real difficulty OF our position is one
which our European friends can hardly appre-
hend, because it is entirely outside of their ex-
periencc The foe which 80 venomously sprung
at the throat of the Republic was Slavery.
That foe we must throttle in turn-there is
neither peace nor security for us otherwise.
And it is not enough to expel it from our laws,
as we already so nearly have dOne-we have
also to eliminate its virus from the lifeblood
of half our people. Tens of thousands of these
part with their lifelong mastery over their
slaves more reluctantly, haltingly, regretfully,
than they would part with their teeth-than
the drunkard bids final adieu to his bottle.
Life without slaves seems to them divested of
all its poetry, its comfort, its consequence, its
hopes. A laborer or servant (or as French
democrat would say, an "auYiliary") whom
they may not fog, but must pay for his work,
they regard very much as Montmorency or
Condo would hail the advent of universal, in
exorable Communism after the Icarian pat
tern. We must have patience with these, and
yet we must cure them Of their invcterate self.
deluson-their temporarily invincible longing
to return to q social order which has passed
away forever. Our situation is one of great
difficulty, yet hopeful and improving. So,
friends abroad, continue TO favor us with your
counsel, your sympathy. but withhold your
Judgment till you see how we get on.