Year: 1861

convince me, that whatever Of high hope las !
think there ISL there may be in this, in the long
run, its sudden execution Is impossible. II
they were all landed there in day, they would
perish in the next ten days and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then2 Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlings2 Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition. /
think would not hold one in slavery at any
rate; yet the point is not clear enough to de.
nounce people upon. What next2 Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals? My own feelings will not admit of
this and il mine would, we well know that
those Of the great mass Of white people will not
Whether this feeling accords with justice ard
sound judgment, is not the sole question, II,
indeed it is any part Of it. A universal feel
ing, whether well or i'll founded, cannot be
safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. 1t does seem to me that sys.
tens Of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed but for that tardiness in this respect,
will not undertake to judge our brethren of the
South.


"M hen they remind us Of their constitutional
rights, acknowledge them, not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly and l would give them
any legislation for the recaiming of their fug
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one."-Speech at OttoTd,> Ill.,, Aug.
81, 1858.


Has anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this very institu-
ton of slavery2 What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us2 Our own liberty and pros
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
,r A., If thic ia bo,u do
to improve the condition of things by enlarging
slavsry-by spreading it out, and making it
bigger2


You may have a wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death but surely it is no way to cure
it to engrat it, and spread it over your. whole
body. That is no proper way Of treating what
you regard as a wrong."-Speech at alton, Oct.
Is, 1858.


al suppose most of us (I know it of myself
believe that the people Of the Southern States
are entitled to Congressional fugitive slave
law. As the right is constitutional, l agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the institution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes; at least, profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do yield sup
port to fugitive slave law2 Because do not
understand that the Constitution, which guar
antics that right, can be supported without
h."-Speech at Alton, Oct 10, 1853.


"The real issue in this controversy-the one
pressing upon every minds the sentiment on
the part Of one class that looks upon the insti.
tuition of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as a wrong.
'Ehe sentiment that contemplates the institution
Of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
| hn.. a,nl nj ,N.,l,t,
| wrong; and while they contemplate it as such,
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among us, and the difficulties of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Yet having due regard for these, they desire
policy in regard to it that looks to its not ere.
ating any more danger. They insist that it
should, as far as may be, be treated as wrong;
and one Of the methods of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. II there be man among us who
does not think that the institution Of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects Of which have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
| with us. And if there be man amongst us
who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis:
regard its actual presence among ms, and the
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in sat
isactory way, and to disregard the constitu.
tional obligations thrown about it, that man is
misplaced if he is on our platform. ."-Speech at
Alton, Oct. Is, 1858.


FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH.


ave the Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of the country, intend to stand
by our guns to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you. When we do beat you,
you perhaps want to know what we will do
with you. will tell you, so far as I am au.
thorized to speak for the opposition, what we
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you,
as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington,
jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean
to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution; to abide by every COM
promise of the Constitution ; and, in a word
coming back to the original proposition, to
treat you as far as degenerated men (ifwe have
degenerated) may, according to the examples
of those noble fathers-Wa Washington, Jefferson,
and Madison. We mean to remember that YOU
are as good as we are; that there is no diff.
ference between US, other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to recognise and
bear in mind, always, that you have as good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as
we claim to have, and to treat jou accord.
ingly.-Speech at Cincinnati, Sept II, 1859.
DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM.


Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the
Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de-.
clare our affirmance of the resolutions unani.
mously adopted and declared as a platform of
| principles by the Democratic Convention at
| Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that
Democratic principles are interchangeable in
their nature, when applied to the same subject
matter; and we recommend as the only further
resolutions the following


Resolved, That it is the duty of the United
States to afford ample and complete protection
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad,
and whether native or foreign.