Year: 1862

for the abolition Of slavery in the District O.
Columbia. 1t was bill Of gradual emanoipa-
ton, beginning with the children Of the slaves


born after q certain day; and these children
were to be apprentices until twenty-one years
of age, when they were to be entirely free.
The bill further provided for submission of
the act to the people of the District, and that
the act should not take effect until the Presi-
dent had issued his proclamation announcing
that majority Of the voters of the District had
approved it at the polls. Such were the wise.
humane and conservative views of Mr.. Lincoln
on this subject some sixteen years ago. Again,
In his remarkable Illinois electioneering cam
paign with Senator Douglas in 1858, these
views were substantially repeated, especially
this paramount idea that any bill passed for
the abolition Of slavery in said District ought
to be submitted to vote of its people.


And yet again, we find this ruling idea Of Mr..
Lincoln reproduced In his late message to Con-
gross in reference to the emancipation Of the
slaves in our border slave States. He consist
emily af6rms and advocates the right of the peo-
pie of each State concerned to a controlling
voice upon this question. Why not, then, give
the same privilege to the people of the District
of Columbia! All! replies Mr.. Senator Sum-
ner, you forget that Congress has the express
constitutional authority of exclusive legisla-
ton" for the District of Columbia, "in all cases
whatsoever" Granted; and yet it appears that
John Quincy Adams, to whom Mr.. Sumner re-
fers for the justification Of his own most violent
abolition notions, held the ground, on all oeca-
sions, that, whenever Congress should proceed
to the abolition Of slavery in said District, its
people should be allowed to determine, yea or
nay, the fate ofthe bill.


The we'll known public record of Mr.. Lincoln,
however, Of the last sixteen years, will answer
our purpose, including his late emancipation
message. 1t is clearly in favor Of submission
to the people in this case. Hence we have
great faith in our conclusion that this bill for
the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum-
bia will not secure his signature without this
feature of submission. Upon the broad ground
of expediency and the fitness of things he will
have every inducement to veto the peremI tory
bill of the Senate. Such veto would be
worth half dozen warlike victories for the
Union cause. II would satisfy the border slave
States of the inAexible good faith Of Mr.. Lin
coins administration; il would satisfy them
and the honest people of tho cotton States that
President Lincoln is faithfully prosecuting this
war for no other object than the ''integrity of
the Union" including the integrity of tho local
institutions of our rebelious States, slavery and
all. The great moral victory of such . veto
will be twofold. II will deprive the seces-
sion leaders and firebrands of the South of their
political stock in trade, and leave them to their
desperate fortunes, utterly defenceless be-
fore the Southern people; and 1t will disarm
our disorganizing revolutionary abolition fac
tion Of the North, and render them powerless
for further mischief in view of the cordial con-
centration of all the conservative elements of
the whole country around our steadfast and
patriotic President


Standing In the breach against all our dis
union cliquss and conspirators, North and
South, we confidently rely upon President Lin
colin to turn this arbitrary bill for the abolition
Of slavery in the District Of Columbia to good
account in behalf Of the Union. We rely upon
his adhesion to the doctrine Of submission to q
vote of the people. The country has seen
enough of him to feol assured that he is not to
be shaken from his honest convictions. In the
authoritative peace offerings to the people of
Tennessee, proclaimed by Governor johnson,
Mr.. Lincoln has shown that he Is disposed
to mako the most generous concessions
- tad Cfo<aa 20 kbar
back to the Union. We are sanguine,
therefore, of an instructive veto to this
abolition bill for the District Of Columbia,
should it come to him without the essential clause
providing for ratifying vote of the people di-
rectly concerned. Let our abolition schemers
try the experiment. We have indicated our
opinion and our reasons for it, and We await tho
final issue with perfect confidence.


While exercising in every possible way all
the means and instruments in his power to con-
cilate the suffering people of the South while
putting down the armed rebels of our revolted
States, we cannot for moment entertain the
thought that Mr. Lincoln will step aside from
this conciliatory policy to give vitality to bill
which every Southern State has over and over
again denounced as sufficient cause in itself
for dissolution Of the Union, to sign bill
which even John Quincy Adams repudisted as
unwise unsafe, incxpedient and unjust. We
rely upon the wisdom, sagacity and justice of
President Lincoln.


THE TAX UPON NEWSPAPER RApvERTIsEMESTs.--
The opposition offered by Mr.. Colfax TO the tax
upon advertisements will not, we trust, be taken