Year: 1865

the question of reconstruction for more than
an hour, and answered suggestive object
ions at times with an earnestneSs that de
mOnstrated how ardently he is working to
give success to his policy. | could not but
remind him that his theory stripped all
traitors Of the protection they might claim
as public enemies that it would stamp as
guilty of treason within the law, every man
who aided the rebellion, land of necessity
demand at his hands commensurate punish
mCnt for what he must hold as unmitigated
crime-as appalling murder and desolatiOn
for which there is eXtenuation to be plead


You have" | added, "given us on every
hand the Nations monuments Of Mercy
where will be its monuments of Justice
Davis is proclaimed assassin, as well as
traitor-his agents have died, another
" (Werz) will follow--how are the principal
q to atone to people doubly bereaved i'll


their homes and in their chief sanctuary
"of power ?" To this the President answer
ed with much animation that the measure
of, and the time for, ,atonement were yet for
the future to determine. shall not soon
forget the emphasis with which he declared
that the South must come back and be a
part of us, and d" it must come he added,
with all its manhood don't want it to
come eviscerated of its manhood - To this
proposition abstractly there could be no
objection made. We want the South with
all its manhood which | would conceive to
be the Southern people with their treason
abandoned and their crimes punished-not
punished revengeiully not in imitation Of
the. Guillotine OF France or the Inquisition
n Of Spain !; but by making the leaders who
consplred to overthrow the government,
strangers to its hOnorS and its citizenship
and thus through life the monuments of the
power, the Justice and the magnanimity of
the mighticst nation Of the earth. The


President said that such may be the meas
ure of punishment that he had pardoned


but few who would come under such rule;


that there are exceptions to all rules, and


there were both civil functionaries and
army officers who might be pardoned with


propriety. He said that he had not yet gone
as far in his amnesty, either general or
special, as Mr.. Lincoln proposed. He ex-
planned what is not generally known, that
his pardons are mainly Of business men,


many Of whom were Union men, who must
have pardons to enable them to sell OF
mortgage their lands, or to get credit in
their business operations and added that
he had not yet reached the consideration of
such cases as Lee, Stephens Longstreet,
Beauregard and others of that class


He spoke freely Of the proposed trial of
Davis, and said that as yet the government
had not taken any steps in the matter. If
he is to be tried in Richmond, the trial must
necessarily be postponed until the civil au-
thOrity is fully res tored, and then it will be
q question for consideration under the con-
ditIon OF affairs which may at that time ex-
or An IL.
martial law, certainly wholly under militia
ry rule, judge that many moons may wax
and wane before we can have great State
trial. ! DO not question the wisdom of This
delay, fox it is certainly better for the gov
eminent to avoid the danger of attempting
to convict ofconstructive treason in Wash |
ngton, than to force a trial which might at- |
ford technical escape for Davis and leave |
the great questions undetermined |: | |
/ were going to guess on the subject, would |
say that Davis is more likely To be paroed |
during the next year than TO be tried. and |
II he IS ever hanged, he must do it himself |


The President Is clearly adverse to CON
hScatlon and that question is practically |
settled. Whatever might be the views of |
Congress- contiScation is not possible with
an Executive deternincdy hostile to il and
with the pardoning power in his hands
infer however, that on this point Congress
Will haTmOniZe with the Executive, as
number Of even the radical leaders, such
as Greeley and Sumner, openly oppose it.
Ii our credit can be sustained otherwise |
am content. Five years hence we shall all
be wiser on that point than now


| / believe that the President will WELD all
his power to effect the admission of the
! representatives OF the rcbelliouS States into
/ Congress during the next session The
senate being organized the question cannot
come up there until it is brought up in or
! der but thefe will be a strong pressure to
! force the admission Of the Southern mem
, bcrs by placing their names on the roll
when the House meets This Mr.. McPher-
| son will not do, and Gp all votes of instruc-
| tlons he will call only those who are return
ed from the States clearly entitled to rep
resentation. The law lorbids him to do
otherwise, and he will be faithful TO it. The
question Of their admission will then agi-
tate the House, and | fear make = sad
breach between the President and Congress.
| The South is encouraged by the position Of
the administration to be importunate in its
! demand for admission, and it is not improb-
able that it will in the end be admitted |
have seldom seen Congress struggle against
power and hold out to the end. The history
Of such conflicts is always dotted with frail
ones who fall by the way. l have ever
felt that the revoltcd States should take no
part in the government they vainly sought
to destroy until all issues arising from the
war, and all its logical results, should be
settled by faithful men. To the victors, not
(, to the valquished--to the friends, not to
the foes Of the government does this duty
belong, and if it shall be otherwise, there
are many who will tremble for the safety of
the Republic.


On the future Of the freedmen the Presi-
dent talks we'll He displays more sense
than sentiment on the question, and means
to solve the problem fairly as demanded by
civilization and humanity. Of their ability
to win position that will enable them to
be incorporated into our system of govern
ment as citizens, he is not eminently hope
ful, but feels that it must be fairly tried
with an open field for the negro. That
failing, he looks upon colonization as the
| only alternative.