Year: 1865

the TeUSliiou SuOuiu nave uO pUllilCd


rights in the State, bat should be ant


remain ALIEN here,nto .toreUer.


One more condition we would have


added in explicit terms-That the righ
of suffrage should be free to all male per


sons of undoubted loyalty with the re
Estriction alone, that every voter should
Fshow Ills ability to read and write, How
ever, the idea of the General is excellent
and goes to the root of the matter-be


ginning exactly where we should if we
wish to avoid interminable difficulty.
The summary and concluding part of the
speech we print in full, as follows:


5, 81 would first present the principles;
these being determined, then the ques-
ticns of men could be discussed. Upon
the first proposition that I would require
to be submitted to the people Of each re-
bellious State, before it can ask to come
back into relations with the loyal States,
to wit: the Abolition Of &arery there cer-
tainly can be but one mind at the North.
The>second that there can be no right OF
secession is necessary to be declared as
part of the fundamental law, because
for more than thirty years the people of
the South have been taught by their lead
ers that such right does exist, SO that
mar y good and true men have been led
away by this heresy into rebellion from
which they would otherwise have shrunk.
Let the maxim, then, "no right of seces-
sion," hereafter stand as the corner stone
of the frame of Government of each re-
VOTED State. They owe so much to the
sacrifices of the loyal States for the
Union, The third nrpnasitianr thatthA
Confederate debt shall never be recog-
nized, is necessary as a preventive of
grie1 o1s wrorg. The loyal States of the
North, New York for example, in addi-
ton to its share of the National debt is
burdened with many millions of State
debt, all contracted in defense of the
country and in subduing the rebellion.
The Southern States, when they return
to tLcir "practical relations with the
Government, will come back wholly free
from this class Of debt with which New
York is burdened. Their debt, if any,
will have been contracted in fighting
against the Union and not in restoring it,
and, of course, will be first repudiated.
But, in time, when, rs is just, New York
and the other loyal States call upon the
General Government to assume this debt
contracted in its own defense, such de-
mand will be opposed by the Southern
States, which have no such debt, or will
be incumbcred with the proposition to
assume for the South some part of the
Confederate debt; and such will be the
power Of the pressure upon Congress Of
the immense amount of the consolidated
debt, unjust, and iniquitious rs it would
be for the nation 10 assume it, should
fear for the result Therefore I would
have it as part Of the fundamental law
of each State that no part of such debt
should ever be assumed or paid by the
State or any, portion thereof. The as
sumption OF such debt by the General
Government is subject so fraught with
danger, so aided By the influence of
money, that I would employ every means
to keep it from the national councils.
The necessity of the fourth proposed
amendment to the Constitution Of the
several States, that no rebel officers
should vote CT hold Office, is obvious
from these considerations. This Rebel
lion was largely set on foot because poll
tical power was departing from the South
and travelling northward to regain that
power which their enterprise, wealth,
and nnnsannent incraaca of iaon11 La ton