Year: 1865

-sw-uwy---~r--<---~
will probably decide this matter against the
black race and involve It's destruction, while
by leaving the labor Of the South in the
hands Of degraded caste, it entails upon
the country the worst material effects of
slavery, and prevents that homogcncity Of
ln.titutlon and manners, North and South,
which have said believe 10 be the only
sure foundation Of permanent peace.


The ADplo-Amcrican and Africo Ameri.
can raccs now stand face TO face upon South.
ern soil in Irrcconcablc hostility. The few
cOlored men whom we have amongst us.
may be regarded as the waifs and strays of
the great body which is nation in numbers.
and in its isolation by mental and physical
charactcristics. 1t is as unit that we must
deal with them, and no paltcring with the
edges Of the difficulty will avert the doom
which all history teaches will follow wrong
solution


The magnitude Of the problem is i'm
mcnse, but the principles which must de
eide it one way or the other are simple
When we deal with whole community
however closely related to ourselves, it is
not by the application Of the maxims of
municipal law as applied to individuals
that we must decide the case, but by a
modified form Of international law, which
50 far from ignoring our responsible
ty 10 God our common ruler or the obliga-
ton to recognize the fundamental rights Of
man, necessarily implies them all. Religion.
honor, humanity, republcansm, all call up
on US to see well to it that We do not allow
the seething and molten elements to crys-
tallze into new form of oppression, and


recognize as fully as you possibly can the


burden Of responsibility which this great
epoch in the world history rolls upon all


who have even the humblcst part in deter


mining the shape Of public policy.


have approached the subject a. an anti


slavery man. have thought as deeply as


] was capable Of, and have carefully revised


my opinions and tested them by all the


fundamental principles of right and justice.


If others do not agree with me, and it part


me from any whose principles and motives


are the same as my own, my deep regret


that it should be SO connot change my con


vctions.


1t has seemed to me that the solution


have offered rids Us Of most Of the Difficult
cultie5 in our way 1t gives the black mal
political rights and franchises without Oner
Gus terms; it reduces the representation o.
E the Southern whites in Congress to proper


basis, their own numbers; it secures the


permanent peace of the Government and


the allegiance of the people by the only


sure guaranty, viz: that of common inter


est and identity Of institutions What


more would you have?


1t is worth while to consider that in such


a plan as | have suggested there is that
: which is likely to attract cooperation on


the part of rejecting men in Southern


States. There can be no question that some
portion Of the sectional bitterness which fl


naly led them to secession and war, wa


caused by more or less distinct perception
of difficulties like these We are considering
, from which they saw no reasonable outlet
, and that any plan whichrecognizes the fact
' | have stated and endeavored to provide 70
E them so as to secure harmony and prosper
r ty in the South. do not mention this a
e an important argument, because | fully az
| cept the responsibility which the militar
/ slibiugation of the rebel territory has i'm
posed upon us to determine the matter b
f the counsels and the action of those VIII
have been truly loyal, and not those of tn
disloyal Of either section. We must, how


ever, remember that the ultimate object W
aim at must be to return the people of tn
, south to their relations TO the Federal Gov
ernment as equal and full participators i
its rights and blessings Through what de
: lays or intermediate steps their own actio
, under the experimental organization grant


ed by the President must determine. Blu


in the end, the genious of our institution
will tolerate no unequal or sectional laws


The homogeneity must be made perfect an
, complete, for neither subject provinces no
military pro -consulships can long co-exis
with Republican Government.


Such are my personal opinions upon tn
: subjects you have called to my attention
For them, | alone am responsible. The sui
: .iects themselves can in no sense be matte
. for executive action in this State, an


whether | am elected or defeated, my opin
, ions will have only such weight or infuenc
! as their own value will cntitle them to. \


they will not hinder me from giving cordia
e support to the action of loyal Federal Gov
n ernment, if other views shall finally prevail
e | have thought they ought not to be mad
/ a ground of opposition in the State canvas:
f but such as they are, they are the produC
: of my honest thinking, and in view of tn
= real importance of the subject, | would nc
Y conceal them to receive an election as unar
r imous as the nomination with which ii
n Convention honored me.


!. Very respectfully,


: Your obedient servant,
;, J. D. Cox.
20 Messrs F.. II. Fairchild. Srmuel Plum