Year: 1869

the BLOCKADE. We assert. therefore, ana We must
resolutey MAINTAIN. that the claims resulting from
the Alabama depredatlons are Identical, In aIl but
degree with those originating In any otner possibly
taken out OF the category OF such demands on the
ground that an "unfriendy spirit" preceded the
escape Of the depredator and that such spirit must
he atOned for. That demand Is OF another character
altogether We resist 1t, and on this plain ground,
that Whatever direction our sympathies may have
taken, we owe no account on such point 10 any


Let u.s. by way OF putting the case In the light least
favorable to ourselves, assume that the Americans
might have expected better things OF u.s. and are
now expressing natural soreness at the treatment
they received Let US suppose that either forgetting
their own demeanor IN such cases or with con.
Of substantial innocence they looked for
our active sympathies in struggle Tor territorial


integrity, q free soil and grand destiny Well.
they now resent the disappointment a. wrong. We
sometimes told and not quite un,ruy, that this
is the great fact OF the whole dispute Be IL so; We
only reply tnat never before In the history OF the
world was such matter made the subject OF
an international Claim or international


menace. What would the Americans have said.
or what would the world have thought OF us, II,


alter the Crimean war; we had presented to the gov
ernment OF Washington demand for reparatiOn or
acknowledgment In consequence Of the misdirected
sympathies OF the American people, And yet the
Americans did sympathtze with our enemies at least
reoly tnst their Sympashes were not followed Sy
any overt injuries, we answer-Separate one thing
from the other. Lei the misdirection Of sympathy
be settled by quiet reflection and cool cOmmunings
with conscience on both sides; let the alleged in
juries be measured ana appraised before the proper
tribunals That course would open way out OF the
Americans VINO have discovered IL.


The London Standard thus debates the Alabama
claims:-


1t Is preposterous to expect that England. in any
ruture dealings with the United States Is to forget
that such speech as Mr. Summers has been deiv-
ered-tO continue TO act and to speak rs though
she believed the friendly In ,entions of her neghbor
as sincere as she knows her own to be. IL certainly
cannot be conceded to the United States that they
are at liberty TO "hang up any claim against US for
any unlimited period. or course they may elect to
stand alOOI from US altogether, and, without absO-
lutey Quarrelling decline to hold any friendly rea-
tions with US. We do not say that such
with the view Which tney entertain OF their
own case. Indeed, II the American people
really IN earnest In thinking that Mr. Summers
speech an honest statement OF the question as be-
tween England ana America we can hardly under
stand their caring to MAINTAIN even tho semblance
Of friendship with US. Ii MIR. Summers position
sound one then fault Is great that 1t cannot
be possibly repaired without either war or an abject
apology and full compensation. We are either
cent. We are liable for the 81 200 000 900
liable for nothing To keep up even the appearance
OF friendly relations with under the circumstances
Is something beyond c0urtesyit Is hypocrisy. 1t Is
q policy which cannot benefit either nation and
which offers the possible assurance OF peace.


To suppose that England Will consent 10 postpone
the matter until 1t Is convenient for the Americans
to press 1t ls an insult to the national intelligence
which Is in itself very bad preparative to friend





ternatlOna law, even by that indefinite and some
what vague rule OF conduct called the comlty OF ma
tiOns," II Is good now as 1t will be twenty years
hence. Ii 1t is seriously made we cannot permit 1t
TO remain In suspense, at the pleasure Of the
nation which assumes 10 be our creditor:
are taken LII the renewal Of friendly relations
between the two countries, that we should be In
formed precisely whether this Is a claim which the
Americans intend to press or not; and it Is prema-
ture to talk or peace before we have come to clear
understanding on TINS point.


The London star takes the occasion Of the publlca-
ton Of Mr.. Forsters speech to open again on the
subect:-


The Americans might learn lesson Of modesty
and moderation II they were TO reflect that even
those who were unfriendly to the North mitigated
their hostility as soon as the North showed BY
risen to the height of the great occasion
that was upon them. Mr.. Summers sec
nd ond m thoughts @ ought to be especially e.. critical
rlals for the scrutiny to which he is bound. as
sponsible statesman, to subject the Incorporate and
iargued speech which he lately made. He has
never concealed his knowledge that American inter-
ests were ably advocated this country during the
war by several OF our liberal statesmen; but he Is
bound to admit besides, what is exceedingly ma
tera In the question OF damages that these defend
ers of American interests succeeded IL Is q curl
opposed to the North and though 's the feeling Sf
Parliament was supposed TO be the same as that
in England for-t6e South, even though the Emperor
OF the French-who Is strangely shielded from Mr..
Summers wrath-threw his influence into the ad-
verse scale. The House cheered Mr.. Laird, but dare
not support the cause he favored by O vote. 1t
was LETT TO such stranded eccentrics Mr. Peacock
and Mr.. Roebuck to propose the recognition OF the
Southern Confederacy; and as to the recognition OF
belgerency, not only It, Mr. Forster says. the
recognition Of fact, which the recognition OF the
Southern COnfederacy could never have been but 1t
is most earnestly declared to have been sought
in the interest OF the North by Mr.. Forster HIM
SELF who on questions Of international law always
spoke throughout the war in the interest," Of the
North. Undoubtedly this argument ought not to be
pressed too far Mr.. Forster himself admits that 1t
would have been better had the proclamation not
been issued till Mr.. Adams arrived and 1t must be
remembered that II was an act that might easily be
interpreted In two ways. Practical friends OF the
North such Mr.. Forster no doubt desired that II
should be issued because the South had sent letters
OF marsue into this country, and without proclama
tlon OF neutrality as between bellIgerents British
subjects could not have been prevented from
engaging In the service OF the seeded States.
But there were other friends OF the North less
practical, perhaps, but, as the result has shown,
hardly less wise who believed that so early recog
milton OF belligerency would encourage the South
and offend the Washington government. IL Is
enough for the present discussion that the case OF
Mr. Forster is most plausible and complete and that,
from his point OF view, the issuing OF the procama-
tion which Is now so bitterly complained Of was In
effect act Of friendship and protection to the gov
ernment assaed. The neutrality established by the
proclamation was not broken by anything that could
be construed into national act except the escape OF
Its consequences, we nave right TO contend was
the result OF misadventure or at worst OF local In
trigue in no way countenanced by the government.