Year: 1868

thirds majority of the Congress of thu
United States of America. For tina
Congress taxes you and me, millions
upon millions of dollars per year, Il
support the Freedmen's Bureau, anC
justifes this tax by assuring US that th'
negroes are not able to take care o.
themselves, but turns round and at the
same time declares that, although they
are not able to take care of their owl
petty interests they are perfectly ablt
to take care Of the great national inter
ests of the Government of the United
States Of America, to guide its destiny
in peace and war, to determine its rela.
tions, foreign and domestic, and to stand
before the American people as the great
est guarantee for the futHre pre-emi'
nence, glory and prosperity of the Re-
public.


And which, my friends, which OF
these two assertions shall we believe
If We believe that the negroes are not
able to make their own contracts, we
have the two-thirds vote of the Con-
gress of the United States as authority
for our belief. If we believe that the
negroes do not know the valne of their
own labor, we have the same authority
for our belief. If we believe that the
negroes are not able to take care of
the dependent, the aged, the intirm, we
have the same authority for our belief.
If we believe that the negroes are not
able to take care of their own educa-
ton, we have the same authority for
our belief. And If, relying upon
this authority, we do believe these
things to be true, and then believe that q
people that is not able to make its own
con tracts, that does not know the value
of its own labor, that does not take
care of the dependent, the aged, the in
firm, that does not attend to its own
educational interests; if we believe, l
say, that such O people, so degraded, il
not able to govern itself, We have the
common sense of all mankind the world
over as the authority for our belief.
Now then, in the name of this belief,
and the common sense upon which it is
based, can we regard negro suffrage and
supremacy in one-third of the Repub-
lie as guarantees of safety and perma-
nence to our Government How can
we increase our strength by increasing
the clements of weaknessi


But perhaps it may be partisan preju-
dice that blinds my understanding and
leads me to these conclusions. And yet,
| did not create the Freedmen's Bureau.
/ did not issue the orders fixing the
price of labor for free American negroes
In the years lS65-GG-G7 and '6S. did
not raise steam from the sweat of free
American white men in the boilers of
any Southern railroad, to carry free
American negroes as public paupers,
free of charge to any point of the
compass in the length and breadth
of the land I did not erect hospi-
tails and boats out of public moneys,
withsnt law and without au-
thority, for tho maintenance of idle
and starving free American negroes. ]
did not rob New England Of its old
maids to instruct free and independent
American negroes in their A B Cs, at
public charge. l did not do these
things. And how can shut my eyes
Ia these facts when am called upon to
make up my judgment with reference
TO the individual, social and political
capacity of these free and Independent
American negroes, and thence estimate
the effect Of their political action upon
the peace, permanence and glory Of
my country! No, my friends, my
prejudice did not create these
facts. Black as the objects to which
they refer, and blacker than these in
the eyes of the outraged law, the viola
ted Constitution of our country, in def
ance of which they exist, they are, new
ertheless, facts. Silently they gnaw
the vitals of the republic. Lawlossness
in Congress, idlcness, thriftlessness and
prostitution of every virtue among the
degraded objects of the national boun-
ty, these are but few OF the gigantic
evils that cast their shadows deep over
the horizon of the future. | cannot see
permanence. | cannot see glory and
prosperity for the future of my country
in these laws.


I ToDplu1e1 nOudUU |