Year: 1863

Exceptions to the Governors Message.


Afew days since the Advertiser, whose editor
is member of the Legislature, took occasion to
criticise the message of Gov. Coburn, particu-
larly that portion which relates TO national al
fairs. We give few samples:


To be more specific we cannot assent to
either the morality, or legality of this one OF
the Governors conclusions, viz:


ANY policy which can detach the slaves from the
rebels. and make them source of weakness rather
than of strength viii prove vital and decisive gain
TO the loyal side


From this it would seem the Governor has
no idea of any Constitutional limits to the
power of the Federal Government for the sup
preston of rebellion, or in conducting war
upon insurgents.


The Advertiser would exalt the means above
the end, making those more sacred than this.
The end of the Government is not the preser-
walton of the Constitution which is simply
paper compact or bond of Union,-but the Sc
curity of civil liberty. To establish this the
Revolution OF '76 was inaugurated, the Declar-
alton of Independence was promulgated, and
the blood of the fathers was freely she'd The
Constitution was an after thought. At first



be sufficient for the purpose of maintaining
united government, and protecting that free
dom and independence the acknowledgment
of which had been wrung from the British
crown. But those Articles were found made
quate to this purpose, and the federal Consti-
tuition was substituted for them, as the means
by which TO preserve securely what had been
previously achieved. The idea that the Con-
stitution imposes restraints and limitations up
on the Government in the suppression of a re-
bellion against its authority, is perfectly pre-
posterous. Humanity and the laws OF God
may restrain all barbarous means-everything
savoring of needless cruelty, or that is essen
italy vindctive, but the Constitution, being
in only a means by which TO foster liber-
ty, subserve the cause Of independence and
bind the Union together as one perfect whole,
cannot, in the nature of things, be pleaded in
bar of any policy which will give strength to
the loyal side in its dealing with rebellion.
This is the doctrine Of Jefferson, of Jackson,
and of all the great lights of the past. The
principle enuncated by Gov. Coburn is in har-
mony with the best authorities, as it is in har-
mony with good sense, and with the most prac-
tical thought of the present generation.


The Governor well says:


"The object of the war ever has been, and
still is, and of right ought to be, as the Presi-
dent has well declared, the ''restordtion of the
constitutional relations bettceen the United
States and each of the States" 1t is for this
that the loyal States contend, and with moth
ing else will they ever be satisfied. The ma
fur af flan
complish this end must of course be deter
mined by the extent and the charcter of the
resistance offered by the rebels"


With this the Advertiser is not satisfied
aud upon it comments as follows


Here, again, we have the wild doctrine of
abolitionism, that we have no Limits outside of
the discretion of the President, to the power
of government in conducting the war. 1t is
not the Constitution that is the test, but the
decision of the Executive, that there is a ne
cessity of doing this or that to crush the re-
bellion. And yet, in the same breath, the
same advocates of this despotic power pro-
claim that the sole admissible ''object of the
war" is restoration of the constitutional re-
lations between the United States and each
otheri'


The spirit Of hostility to the administration
in which the above criticism was penned, is





sttution that is the test'-of the power of the
government in conducting the war-"but the
decision of the Erecntire." Here the fact that
the President is the executor of the Constitu-
ton and in all his acts is presumed to make
that his chart and guide, is entirely ignored.
The Executive knows his duty as WELL proba-
bly,, as the Advertiser can explain it, and tho
his decision indicates the power of the gov
ernment in conducting the war, that decision
itself is based upon his idea of what the Con-
sttution sanctions. Mr.. Lincolns views of
constitutional power in this regard are happi-
ly borne out by the express declarations of no
less constitutional lawyer than John Quincy
Adams.


1t is not denied that in dealing with this un-
natural rebellion rebellion SO damning in
its infamy that the trainers of the constitution
seem never to have comprehended its possibil-
ity, and therefore made no special provisions
for meeting tit may become necessary for
the President to assume powers uot specifcal-
ly mentioned in the constitution itself, but so
long as he does SO only to uphold and defend
the government of which the constitution is
the fundamental law, and not to subvert it or
ssubvert any principle Of the constitution, so
will the people have occasion to confide in his
wisdom and to approve the boldness which
dares take the responsibility of doing whatev.
er may be done to save the ark of their poiti-
cal covenant faom the assaults OF vandals.
Should be, through weakness OF fear, hesitate
to use any means in his power to save the
government, he would be unworthy the trust
reposed in him, and would deserve executions
at the hands OF a betrayed people.


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