Year: 1864

From recent indications it is easy to perceive
that the drift of public opinion in the South is "a
pidy settling in a direction which points to the
ultimate employment of negroes as means OF re-
cruitiDg the strength of the insurgent armies
Much hesitation has preceded and still attends the
discussion Of the topic, but when, as We are in,
formed, the highest military authorityin the South
has given in his adhesion to the proposition, we
may be sure that the popular judgment will readily
Weld its assent to his recommendation.


At the North speculation is'rife with regard to
the probable results of such determination the
part of the Southern leaders, should they carry il
into effect, and actually recruit the insurgent ar
mics from the negro population. viii it prove .
source Of strength or Of weakness to the Southern
cause2 On this subject opinions are divided,
though the preponderant sentiment seems to be in
favor of the latter view, especially among those
who support the policy of the Administration As
the destruction of slavery is held to be the para
mount means for the suppression of the rebellion,
if not the paramount end Of tho war, they reason
that so far as regards the benefcent result it can
be Of little conscquer ce whether the system Of sa-
very is overthrown by the military force Of the
United States or undermined by the policy of the
Insurgents In either event the slaves will be
emsncipatcd, and after that the Union will take
care Of itself.


There is one clags of citizens in the Loyal States
who must necessarily look with apprehension upon
"a new policy contemplated by the Southern au-
1rJa 70 ubo ba1i hat
Cover ment has mainly assured its immunity from
Q foreign Intervention in our civil war by the
steps which it has taken on the subject Of slavery
70 identify itself with the cause of emancipation.
When the Southern States, under the pressure Of
military necessity, shall have "laid strong hand
90 the colored element" there will be no difference
il ths policy Of the two parties on this subject,
ana there will be as little difference in the
motives which have led to its adoption as in
tie results of the policy respectively adopted
by each. For Mr.. LINCOLN has avowed that he
abstained from military emancipation until an
"indi.pensable military necessity seemed to con-
strain this step; and the employment Of slaves in
the Southern armies is b'sed on precisely the same
ground. To this effect Mr.. Lincoln wrote in his
letter to COL Hodges, Of Kentucky, under date Of
last April 4th, as follows:


When early 10 the war Gen. Fremont attempted mill
tary emancipation forbade it. because did not then
think it an indispensable necessity When, little later
Gep Cameron then Secretary Of War, suggested the
armnQ Of the blacks objected, because did not yet
think il an indispensable necessity When, stl later
Gen Hunter attempted military patton again for
bade it, because did not yet think the indispensable ne
ce,,ity had come. When In March and May, and July,
se2 made earnest and successive appeals TO the Border
States TO favor compensated emancp patton believed the
indispensable necessity for military emancipation and
np the blacks would come uuless averted by that
sure They declined the proposition and was in my
best Judgment driven to the alternative OF either
derng the Union, and with it the Constitution, OF lay
inq strong hand upoa the co0red element chose the
latter In choosing il hoped for greater gain than loss
but Of this not entirely confident More than year
Of trial shows no loss by it 10 our foreign relations
none IN home popular seutlment; in white
military forceno loss by 1t any how any where. On
the contrary it shows gain OF quite hundred aud thirty
thousand soldiers seamtn, and laborers These pal
psble facts about which acs there be no cayng
We have the mep, and we could not have bad them with.
out the measure.


And now LET any Union man who complains Of the
measure test himsef by writing down in line that be
u for subdunI the rebellion by force Of and the
next that he for taking these hundred and thirty thou
sand men from the Union side ard placing them where
they would be but for the he condemns lf he
cannot face his stated it only because he
not face the truth


Among thoso who believe that our Government
is largely indebted to its policy Of military eman.
cipation for its exemption from European inter.
vention, We may cite the authority Of Mr.. Everett
who, at tho meeting Of the Massachusetts, Electora
College, took occasion to endorse the view Of Mr.
Stephens, the insurgent Vice President, on this
subject Mr.. Everett said:


"There is now really but one question which divide,
those who hold in good ath that the military power
the rebeon must be subdued and the Union preserved
at all hazards alude, Of courue, TO the policy of eman
cpaton And will not opposing friends who so wsrnl,
peabe obstce the restoration Of the Union reconsider
that OPINION peruss of the remarkable letter of III,
second officer OF the Copederacy written on the 9Th
November three days before the elections private let
ter but published by himseli-by far the most import
ant uterauce this subject which has reached rou
the South.


In this letter Mr. Stephens (tbe ablest civilian in th.
Conedrscy the why he desired the election
of Gen Mcclellan ID event he assumed that arms
tce would take place and Convention of the States be held
If that body failed TO to an amicable agreement
to acknowledge the Independence OF the South and Gen
Mcclellan should the war, with the avowed objec
of restoring the Union with the old Constitution and ell t
puarsntees (Which by his letter Of acceptance he
pledged to do) at that moment says Mr.. Stephens oI
az soon as possible, our recognition abroad would come
The silent sympathy of England, France and other Euro
mean Powers at present with Lincoln arises entirely from
their pania on the subject Of slavery Here follows
omission in Mr. Stephens letter, made as he himself init
mates from public considerations The passage omitted
no doubt enforced the idea that If the North continued the