Year: 1862




rights, and is making war on their domestic in
stItutions.


As long as these two classes act together they


will never assent to peace. The policy, then, e
| be pursued is obvious. The former class vii


never be rec0ncIed, but the latter may be. Re
mOvo their apprehensions, satisfy them that nc


harm IS intended to them and their institutions


that this government is not making war on then
Fights of property, but Is simply defending its
legitimate authority, and they viii gladly return
to their allegiance as soon as the pressure Of
military domination imposed by the Confederate
authorities is removed from them.


Twelve months ago both Houses of Congress,
adopting the spirit of your message, then but
recently sent in, declared with singular una
nimity the object Of the war; and the country
instantly bounded to your side to assist you in
carrying it on. If the spirit of that resolution
had been adhered to we are confident that we
should before now have seen the end Of this de-
plorable conflict. But what have we seen 2 In
both Houses Of Congress we have heard doc
tTines subyersive Of the principles of the Con-
sttUtiOn, and seen measure after measure found
ed in substance on those doctrines proposed and
carried through, which can have no ether effect
than to distract and divide loyal men, and exas-
peTate and drive still further from Us and their
duty, the people of the rebelious States Mill
tary officers, following these bad examples have
stepped beyond the lust limits of their authority
in the same direction, until in several instances
ycu have felt the necessity Of interfering to ar
rest them And even the passage of the resoIu-
ton to which you refer has been Ostentsiously
proclaimed as the triumph Of principle which
the people Of the Southern States regard as ru-
-inous to them. The effect of these measures was
toTatOld, and may now be seen in the indureted
state of Southern feeling.


To these causes, mir. President, and not to
our omission 30 vote for the resolution recon-
mended by you, we solemnly believe we are to
attribute the terrible earnestness of those in
arms against the government and the continu-
ance of the war. Nor do we (pernnit Us 20 say,
Dir President, with ell respect for you), agree
that the institution Of slavery is 8" the lever of
theiT power" but VIC ara Of opinion that the
lever Of their power" is the apprehension that
the powers of G common government, created
fer common and equal protection to the inter
ests Of all, will he welded against the institu-
ti0ns Of the Southern States.


There is one other idea IN your address we
feel called on to notice. After stating the fact
of your reputation Of Gen. Hunters proelaHla-
ton you add:


&c Yet, in repuiiating it, I gave dissatisfaction
if not Ohense, to many whose support the cOun-
try cannot afford to l0so. And this is rot the
Nll VI Ats tAllS ulItGL0n Is SUI
upon me and isincreasing. By cOnceding what
l low ask, you can relieve me, and, much more,
can relieve the country in this important point"


We have anxioUsly looked into this passage
to discover its true import, but we are yet in
painful uncertainty. How can we, by conced-
ing what you ask, relieve you and the country
from the increasing pressure to which you re-
fer We willnOt allow ourselves 70 think that
the proposition IS that we consent to give I'D
slavery, to the end that the Hunter proclamation
may be let loose on the Southern people, for it
is too well known that we would not be parties
to any such measure, and we have too much
respect for you to imagine you would propose it.


Can it mean that by sacrificing our interest in
slavery we appease the spirit that controls that
pressure, cause it to be Withdrawn, and rid the
country Of the pesdlent agitation Of the slavery
quesd n We are forbidden so to think for
that spirit would not be satisfied with the liberia.
tion Of seven hundred thousand slaves, and cease
its agitation, while three millions remain in bon
dGge. Can it mean that by abandoning slavery
in cur States we are removing the pressure from
ycu and the country, by preparing for a separa-
Il IL on the line Of the cotton States We are
forbidden so to think, because it is known that
we are, and We believe that you are, unaltergbly
opposed to any division at all. We would prefer
to think that you desire this concession as
pledge of cur support, and thus enable you to
Withstand q pressure which weighs heavily on
you and the country. Mr.. President no such
sacrifice is necessary to secure our support
Conhue yourself to vour constitutional authority;
confne your subordinates within the same
limits conduct this war solely for the purpose
ofTesoring the Constitution to its legitimate au-
thOuty cOncede to each State and its loyal cit
izsns thsir just rights, and we are welded to you
by indi7soluble ties Do this, Mr. President,
and you touch the American heart and invigo-
rate it with new hope. You viii as we sOlemnly
believe, in due time restore peace to your
country, lift it from despOndency to a future
glory and preserve to your coIut-ymsn, their
posterisy, and man, tue inestimable treasure of
constitutional government.


Mr.. President, we have stated with frankness
and candOr the reasons on which we forbore to
vote for the resolution you haYe mentioned but
you have again presented this proposition and
appealed to US, with an e9rnestDess and elo-
queucs which have not failed TO impress Us, to
consider it, and st the least to commend it to
the consideration Of our States and people"
Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of our
beloved country, in the hour Of its greatest peril
we cannot wholly decline. We ere willing to
trust every. question relating to their interest
and happiness to the consideration and ultimate
judgment of our own people While differing
from you as to the necessity Of emancipstng
the slaves of our States as a means of putting
down the rebellion, and while protesting against
the propriety Of any extra territorial interference
to induce the people of our States to adopt any
particular line Of policy on g subject which pc
culiagly aud exclusively belongs to them, yet
when you and our brethren Of the loyal States
sincerely believe that the retention OF slavery by
US is an obstacle to peace and national harmony,
and are willing 70 contribute pecuniary aid to
Compensate our States and people for the incon-
veniences produced by such change Of system,
we are not unwilling that our people shall con-
slider the propTiety Of putting it aside.


Bat we have rslreadY said that We regarded
this resolution as the utteTsnee Of q sentiment,
and we had no confidence that it would assume
the shape of tangible, practical proposition,
which would yield the fruits Of the sacrifice it
required. Our people are influenced by the
Same want Of confidence aud will not consider
the proposition in is present impalpable FORM
The interest they are asked to give up is 10
them of immense importance, and they ought
not to be expected even to entertain the propo-
sal until they are assured that when they aecep
it, their just expectations will not be frustrated
We regard your plan as a proposition from the
nation to the States to exercise an admitted con-
stitutional right, in particular manner, and
yield up veluable interest Before they ought
to consider the proposition, it should be present
ed in such tangible, practical, efficient shape
as 70 command their cOnf1once, that its fruits
are contingent only upon their acceptance. We
cannot trust anything to the contingencies of
future legislation. If Congress, by proper and
necessary legislation, shall provide sufficient
funds, and place them at your disposal to be ap-
piled by you to the payment of any of our
States or the citizens thereof, who shall adopt
the adjustment Of slavery, either gradual or
immediate, as they may determine, and the ex-
pense Of deportation and colORization of the lib
Grated slaves, then will our States and people
take this proposition into careful consideration,
for such decision as in their judgment is de-
mauded by their interests, thsir honor, and thair
duty to the whole country.


We have the honor 20 be with great respect,


q, a. WICKLIFFE Chairman.
GARRETT DAVIS. O. /. l. LEARY,
r. WILSON ED FIN II. WEBSTER,
J. J. CRIFTENDEN, r MALLORY.


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