Year: 1864

novelty, and the people amused themselves


with apocryphal tales of their ferociOus
vAlor in Africa, about to be newly illus
traIed on the AustriRns. But in none of
the Italian battles which followed were
the negroes prominent; and they were on.


~ heard of occasionally as the guards Of
Lombard regiments, who had thrown down
their arms and surrendered as soon as
they got an opportunity. These negro le-
giOns were of course commanded by white
officers, and kept under severe discipline.
The writer of this made inquiries Of many
among said officers as to their military


worth. When any of them would give
definite reply it was always to this effect
that they were good sometimes for rush,
but they could not be made to stand grape.
It's vent 6ieB a u 60yOnstte-HdS 1t ne ViIef
| men pour Ia HIetTOilLe.


This answer is the truth, and the whole
truth, on the subject. The Yankees have
taken great pains, and persevered in the
effort, to make soldiers ont of negroes.
They have given them the best of every
thing. Nothing has been left undOne to
create a martial spirit. Their courage
has been carefully nursed. They have
been kept near to many battles WiihOut
being exposed to the fire, so that they
might become accustomed to the sights
and sounds Of Wsr without being UnnerVed
by their own slaughter. But what has the
enemy gained by them after two years
trial 7 They got them to make "a rush"
at Port Hudson aud Battery Gilbert; but
they took neither. Those who know the
negro never expected less, and will never
look for more. That race is capable Of
blind, brute, contagious excitement, and
while in that state it can make, not q
charge, but a rush on points where the
intelligence of trained white soldier
would show to him only death without the
possibility of success. By such wild and
senseless onslAughts batteries are not taken
nor victories Won; for their mob like rush
is not fighting, nor is the eXcitatiOn which
destroys the sense of danger by 3 frensied
bewilderment the courage which directs
the aim of the rife and the point of the
sword.


1t is sometimes said that negroes would
make better soldiers for us than for the
Yankees, because they would fight uhder
the eyes Of their masters and friends. Such
sent mental suppositlons show q great ig-
norance of the negro's character, and even
if they were founded on some truth at
tacpment to his master would be no bal
ance to hiS native fckleness and the strong
incentives to deserIiou which the enemy
would hold out to him. The fact is, the
negro soldier costs far more than be 10
worth to Frenchman and Yankee, aud 70
US he would be more troublesome than to
either of the others.


Our enemy has raised its negro army,
not as a political messure-tO have the
cent of the world ON it's side-to procure
he full and consistent support of the abo-
litionist party With his views and pur.
poses, the creation of the negro soldier is
consistent and natural.


But the existence of negro soldier 10
totally inconsistent with our political aim
and with our social ss well as political
system. We surrender our position when
ever we introduce the negro to arms. II
negro is fit to be soldier he is not at to
be slave, and If any large portion Of the
race is fit for free labor-fit 70 live and to
be useful under the competitive system OF
lAbor-then the whole race is fit for it,
The employment of negroes as soldiers in
our armies, either with or without pros
pectiVe emancipation, would be the first
step, but 9 step which would involve all
the rest, to universal abolition, 1t would
be so understood and regarded by all the
world. Our enemy would perceive that be
had succeeeed in his design to the point
of moral subiugatiOn, and would not doubt
that our absolute submission was far re-
moved. 70 our own hearts it would be q
confession, not only OF weakness, but of
absolute inability to secure the object for
which we undertook the war. II would
be felt by ell as = compromise to the abos
litiouism Of the world, incompatible With
that independence Of action for which the
South strives.


But the objections to this project are
so manifest that il is unnecessary at Pres'
ent even to suggest them. The President
opposes the introduction OF negroes into
the army as soldiers, but desires corps
/ . ~ ~ Ioka
Notifications, as engineers, as teamsters,
and 90 sappers and miners. To PROPOSE
tion of that sort no one could have the
least objection, il he had not concluded
with an obscure passage, which, II it means
anything, means that the forty thousand
slaves so employed shall be set free at the
end of the war as a reward for their SER
vice. Here, while refusing to employ the
slaves under arms, he adopts the fatal
principle OF the original proposition to its
| fullest extent, and puts forth an idea,
which, if admitted by the Southern people
/ as g truth, renders their position on the
matter of slavery utterly untenable. We
hold that the negro is in his proper situa-
tion-that is to say, In the condition which
| is the best for him, where he reaches his
highest moral, intellectual and physical
development, and can enjoy the foil sum
Of his natural hRppiness; in a word, that


while living with the white man in the
relation of slave he is in a state superior
and better for him than that OF freedom
But the negro's freedom is to be given him


as q reward for his service to the country
his freedom, therefore, is a boon-it is a
better state-a natural good Of which our
laws deprive him and keep him from
Now that is the whole theory Of the aboli-


ZIONIST, and we have the sorrow 70 think


that If one portion Of this Presidential


message means anything it means that.


But while the treatment of this topic


over the signature of Mr.. Davis will attract


most attention, there is much else in the


paper equally deserving of attention here,
did the space admit Of further remark. Il


is indeed full Of similar wisdom. Weean-