Year: 1863

/. Hon. james COnEhH:


Il My DEAR SIR;-Your letter inviting IN


to attend a mass meeting of uncondition


al Union men, to be held at the Capito


of Illinois, on the Sd of September, ha


been received. 1t would be very agreea


bic to me to thus meet my old friends Il
my own home, but cannot just now b,


absent from this city so long as a visi


there would require.


The meeting is to be of all those whC
maintain unconditional devotion to the


Union; and am sure that my old politi
cal friends will thank me for rendering
as do. the nations gratitude to those
other noble men whom no partisan mai
ice or partisan hope can make false to the
nation S life.


There are those who are dissatisfied
with me. To such | would say, you de-
sire peace, and you blame me that we do
not have it. But how can we attain it?-
There are but three conceivable WAYS
First, 10 suppress the rebellion by force
of arms. This l am trying to do. Are
you for it! If you are, so We are agreed.
If you are not for it, a second way is TO
give up the Union. | ap against this
| If you are, you should say so plainly. Ii
you are not for force, nor yet for dissolu-
ton, there only remains some imaginary
compromise.


do not believe that any compromise
embracing the maintenance of the I'm
ion is now possible. All that learn leads
to directly opposite belief The strength
of the rebellion is its military, its army.
That army dominates all the country and
h. ,,o0v,lo


Any offer of terms by any man or men
within that range in opposition to that
army, is simply nothing for the present
because such man or men have no power
whatever to enforce their side of a COM
promise, if one were made with them.


Toillustrate: Suppose refugees from the
South and peace men of the North get
together in convention and frame and
proclaim compromise embracing a res
toration of the Union. In what way can
that compromise be used TO keep Lees
army out of Pennsylvania


General Meade's army can keep Lees
army out of Pennsylvania and l think
can ultimately drive it out of existence
But no paper compromise to which the
controllers of General Lees army are not
agreed, can at all affect that army. In an
effort at such compromise we would waste
time, which the enemy would improve TO
our disadvantage; and that would be all


A compromise, TO be effective, must be
made either with those who control the
rebel army, or with the people first liber-
ated from the domination of that army
by the success of our army. Now, allow
me to assure that no intimation from
the rebel army, or from any of the men
controlling that army, in relation TO any
peace compromise, has ever come to my
knowledge or belief. All charges and in
timation TO the contrary are deceptive
and groundless. And promise you that
if any such proposition shall hereafter
come, it shall not be rejected and kept
secret from you. | freely acknowledge
myself to be the servant of the people,
according to the bond of service, the Uni
ted States Constitution; and that as such
| am responsible to them.


But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied
with me about the negro. Quite likely
there is difference of opinion between
you and myself on this subject. GER
tainly wish that all men could be free,
while you, ] suppose, do not. Yet, |
have neither proposed nor adopted any
measure which is not consistent with ev-
en- your view, provided that you are for
the Union.


! suggested compensated emancipation,
to which you replied that you wished not
to be taxed to buy any negroes. But |
had not asked you to be taxed 10 buy ne
groes, except in such way as to save you
greater taxation to save the Union exclu
sively by other means.


You dislike the Emancipation Procla-
nation, and perhaps would have it re-
tracted You say it is unconstitutional.
| think differently. ! think that the
Constitution invests its Commander-in-
Chief with the law of war in time of war.
The most that can be said, if so much, is
that slaves are property. Is there, has
there ever been, any question that by the
law of war, property, both of enemies and
friends may be taken when needed.


And is it not needed whenever taking
it helps US or hurts the enemy +? Armies
the world over destroythe enemy's proper,
ty when they cannot use it, and even de-
stroy their own to keep it from the enc
my. Civilized belligerents do all in their
power to help themselves or hurt the en-
envy except a few things regarded as bar
barous or cruel. Among the exceptions
are the massacre of vanquished foes and
non-combatants, male or female.


But the Proclamation as law is valid or
is not valid. If it is not valid, it needs
no retraction. If it is valid, it cannot be
retracted, any more than the dead can be
brought to life. Some of you profess to
believe that its retraction would operate
faVorably for the Union. Why better af-
ter the retraction than before the issue


There was more than year and half
of trial to suppress the rebellion before
the Proclamation was Issued, the last one
h,,r droh dnrc nf which rnassad lnder an