Year: 1862

much uncertainty, IN pointing out Others
far more probable and potent in their agen
, cies to that end.


The rebellion derives its strength from
the union Of all classes in the insureent
States, and while that union lasts the war
will never end until they are utterly ex.
hausted We know that at the inception
Of these troubles Southern society was
divided, and that large portion, perhaps
a majority, were opposed to Secession.
Now the great mass Of Southern people
nre united. To discover why they are so
we must glance at Southern society, and
notice the classes into which it has been
divided, and which still distinguish it..
They are in arms, but not for the same
objects; they are moved to common end,
by different and even inconsistent reasons.
The leaders. who comprehend what was
previously known as the State Rights
party. and is much the lesser class, seek
to break down national Independence
and set up State domination. With them
it is war against nationality. The other
class is fighting, as it supposcs, to main
tain and preserve its rights OF property
and domestic safety, which it has been
made to believe are assailed by this Gov
ernment. The latter class are not dis.
unionists per Sc, they are SO only because
they have been made to believe that this
Administration is inimical to their rights,
and is making war on their domestic insti-
tutions. AS long as these two classes act
together they will never assent to peace.
The policy then to be pursued is obvious.
The former class will never be ~econcied.
but the latter may be. Remove their ap-
prehensions; satisfy them that no harm is
intended to them aud their institutions;
that this Government is not making war
on their rights of property, but is simply
defending its legitimate authority, and
they will gladly return to their allegiance
as soon as the pressure Of military denim
ion imposed by the Confederate authority
is removed from them.


Twelve months ago both Houses Of
Congress, adopting the spirit of your mes
sage, then but recently sent in, declared,
with singular unanimity, the objects of the
war, and the country instantly bounded to
your side to assist you in carrying il on.
If the spirit of that resolution had been
adhered tow are confident that we should
before now have seen the end Of this de-
plorable conflict. But what have we seen?
In both Houses of Congress we heard doc.
trinos subversive Of the principles of the
Constitution, and seen measure after meas
ure, founded in substance upon those doc
trincs, proposed and carried through,
which can have no other effect than to
distract and divide loyal men, and exas-
perate and drive still further from us and
their duty the people of the rebeIious
States. Military officers following these
bad examples, have stepped beyond the
just limits Of their authority in the same
direction, until in several instances you
have felt the necessity of interfering to
arrest them. And even .be passage of
the resolution to which you refer has been
ostentatiously proclaimed as the triumph
of principle which the people Of the
Southern States regard as ruinous to
them. The effect of these measures was
foretold, and may now be seen in the in
duratc state of Southern feeling.


To these causes, Mr. President, and
not to our omission to vote for the res
olution recommended by you, we SOL
EMMY believe we are to attribute the ter
rible earnestness of those in arms against
the Government, and the continuance of
the war. Nor do We permit US to say,
MIR President, with all respect 10 you, J
agree that the institution Of slavery is
"the lever of their power" but we are of
the opinion that "the lever of their pow
er" is the apprehension that the powers
of common Govern ment, created for
common and equal protection to the in.
tcrests of all, will be welded against the
institutions of the Southern State.


There is one other idea in your address
we feel called on to notice. After stat
ing the fact of your reputation of Gen.
Hunters proclamation, you add:


"Iet in repudiating it, l gave dissat.
isfaction, if not ofiense, to many whose
support the country cannot afford to lose.
And this is not the end of it. The pres
sure in this direction is still upon me and
increasing. By conceding what I now
ask you can relieve me, and, much more,
can relieve the country in this important
point"


We have anxiously looked into this
passage to discover its true import, but
we are yet in painful uncertainty. How
can we, by conceding what you now ask,
relieve you and the country from the in
creasing pressure to which you refer?
We will not allow ourselves to think
that the proposition is, that we consent
to give up slavery, to the end that the
Hunter proclamation may be let loose on
the Southern people, for it is too well
known that we would not be parties to
any such measure, and we have too much
respect for you TO imagine you would
propose it. Can it mean that by sacri-
tcing our interest in slavery we appease
the spirit that controls that pressure,
cause it to be withdrawn, and rid the
country of the pestilent agitati, of the
slavery question? We are forbidden so
to believe, for that spirit would not be
satisfied with the liberation of seven hun
dred thousand slaves and cease its agita-
tion, while three millions remain in bon
dage. Can it mean that by abandoning
it in our States we are removing the pres
sure from you and the country, by pre-
pairing for separation on the line of the
cotton States? We are forbidden so to
think, because it is known that we are,
and we believe that You are unalterably