Year: 1869




The summary OF Mr. Motley's instructions, which
has been published with the sanction OF the
american Though contains
factory. IL would perhaps have been useless
to resume negotiation at present. but the
professed hope that the English government Will
after time take the initiative might almost be
construed INTO a covert demand OF voluntary humi-
hation The passage In the summary which relates
TO the Proclamation Of Neutrality is scarcely in
telligiDle, except on the assumption that 1t is
Intentionally inconsistent; but it would seem
that Mr.. Motley Is at the same time to
admit that the declaration OF neutrality affords no
substantial ground of complaint and TO urge that
nevertheless 1t resulted In losses whic require
reparation. AS England has already accepted the
only form OF convention which has been proposed
by the American government it evidently
rests with the Power which has contemptu.
propose some alternative form OF settlement. The
President and his secretary of State are fully aware
that claims OF redress founded on the declaration OF
neutrality Will never be admitted as proper subjects
for compensation or for re erence, and 1t can
scarcely be doubted that reasonable Americans have
been satisfied by the recent discussion that the de-
mand Is wholly untenable in law and justice.


1t ls perhaps not seriously intended that Mr.. Mot
ley should do more than keep the question open
until popular opinion in America has decided in IA
vor of peace OF war. There is nothing TO prevent
a just and equitable arrangement but the almost
universal hostility TO England which, alternately
ebbing and flowing but never permanently subsld-
ing IS habitually watched and utilized by the man.
ayers OF political parties III at any future time the
majority OF the people should wish to terminate the
quarrel which has been fastened on England
the government OF the day ana the Senate
can easily give effect to the general WISH.
The overbearing tone OF the instructions to Mr..
Motley probably necessary to suit the national
taste ana they indicate no desire Of an immediate
rupture His own cold and measured replies TO the Ill
timed addresses OF the Liverpool Chambers OF Com
merce have been sharply criticised In America on the
erroneous assumption that they exceeded the narrow
est limits OF courtesy On one point at least English
men may heartily agree with Americans though
from opposite point Of vew W9aa % 9e gross
Minister who could not reciprocate the simplest
cvliues without exposing himself TO reproof and
disavowa. Expressions OF friendship to the United
States are invariably received with insult as proofs
OF timidtv or Of weakness and 1t Is not fair to ex
pose a dpomatlst to the alternative OF being either
rude or unfalthful to his trGst The duty OF the
English government. II not agreeable, is fortunately
simple.


policy of Lord Stanley and Lord Clarendon III their
conduct or the negotiations have lost all practical
Importance. A plability which might have been
deemed both excessive in Itself and nexpedIent for
its immediate object, has proved the incidental ad-
vantage OF proving TO the world that the ultimate
failure was not the fault OF England. Concession
produced constantly increasing demands and q con-
tumeous rebuff. There is no danger that the only
remaining course OF patient hrmness VIII give any
lust ground for offence. Even American suscepti-
bility can scarcely have found any pretext for
sentiment in Lord Carendon's cautious answer to
Lord Stratfords prudent remarks; yet Mr.. Sumner
and Mr.. Reverdy Johnson would perhaps
have been surprised to find that they were
cassed together as the two eminent persons who
had done most to remove erroneous impressions. 1t
is perfectly true that Mr.. Reverdy Johnson elected
the friendly feelings Of Englishmen to America and
that Mr.. Sumner gave them an opportunity OF show
ing that If they were willing to concilate, they
were determined not to yield to insult or to menace.
No similar triumph, voluntary or Involuntary awaits
the present American Minister. Even If he shared
the desire OF his predecessor to renew friendly rela-
tons with England, recent circumstances have
shown how limited is the effect OF his mission. AL
though no envoy from the United States would COM
mand more personal respect or esteem than Mr..
Motley. there Is no dsrespect in saying that
in political position ne Is not yet the equal Of
Mr.. Reverdy Johnson. The late leader OF
the minority In the Senate was unlver-
sally respected by his colleagues, that they
publicly resented Insult which MT. Butler, in the
conduct of the impeachment had offered with his
usual coarseness TO the democratic Senator from
Maryland. The confirmation Of Mr.. Reverdy John
sons appointment as Minister to England, at time
when the Presidents other appointments were al
most uniformly rejected, was proof OF personal
confidence as well as preliminary approval OF the
settlement which, as the Senate well knew, he
would be instructed to negotiate 1t is impossible
that Mr. Motley can receive from his own party so
peculiar and excepuonabe a compliment; but, as 1t
that for the present he Will have nothing to
do, his virtual want OF full powers is a cause for
regret II the convention had been ratified the
probable rejection or the Alabama claims by an
btrator. VINO was guided by the rules and prece-
dents OF International law, would perhaps have
bitered the dispute even more efiectually than Mr.
Summers speech.