Year: 1867

~
virtue below par and crime at pre-
MUM. No longer insisting upon con-
fiscation, banishment, or halters, the
demands of justice are narrowed
down to the proposition contained in
the third amendment, that perjured
traitors shall not hold office. All
this tremendous system of blood and
war and desolation is opposed by the
single requirement that it's instiga,
tors shall not mount the high civil
positions of the land. And my friend
from Fayette Mr.. SEAR1GHT demurs
from that because, as he says, it
would exclude from the halls of Con,
gress the best men of the South. The
most arrant rebel would say the same
thing, and object to the amendment
upon that very ground.


Mr.. Speaker, my idea is that those
leading men deserve pre-eminently to
be hung they should not be law
makers of this land. Shall they
come into the halls of Legislation to
make laws for the government of you
and me and our children Shall they
make laws for the government of the
boys in blue that met them at Get
tysburg, and rolled them back as the
wave rolls from the mountains base!
No, sir ! No No They never
shall, by my vote and with my con-
sent, SO help me God This exclu.
sion from Office is hardly worthy the
name of punishment. You well re.
member when John Brown, with fif
ty.two followers, invaded Virginia,
throwing the whole Commonwealth
into hysteric convulsions. Henry A
Wise WIS Governor. He staggered
and swore Brown was a traitor, and
should be hung. He was executed
This same man subsequently waged
war upon the government, defies its
authority to-day, and AYERS that il
successful, he would have stripped
the North as naked as when born.
Who is the most guilty, Brown or
Wise ? Why, sir, l was about to
say Wise should hang from the same
tree with Brown, but l would not thus
dishonor the old heroic martyr. Hung
or unhung, let neither him, nor any
of his ilk, ever wear the badge of Of
flee on American soil.


The Government should vindicate
its assailed majesty. It's dignity
should not be flung to the dogs
Sworn foes should be taught to rev,
erence its authority, and firm friends
encouraged to trust it's protection.
The fourth section of the amend


ment forbids the assumption of the
confederate debt. The necessity o.


its adoption will be seen by brie


analysis of the subject. Financia


interests are always sensitive to dis
turbing influences, and necessarily
connected intimately with public
peace and prosperity. The North
has contracted debt of three thou
sand millions of dollars-a sum be-
yond the grasp of the human mind
This debt is represented by bonds OF
various denominations, and is held by
every class, from the millionaire down
to the washer woman and the wood
sawyer. Our whole banking system
is based upon them. Prick those
bonds and you thrill every financial
fibre in the land. On the other hand,
the South has contracted a debt
equally expensive. Her bonds are
held by all classes, and large amounts
are in the vaults of European capi.
talists, all of whom are anxious and
will watch for final payment. The
assumption of the confederate bonds
would double both our debts and
taxes. With these doubled the bonds
we now hold would depreciate GER
tainly one-half, and might become
worthless through general collapse
and bankruptcy. Six thousand mil.
lions of debt would crush the pillars
of the country, strong as they are
Without this constitutional prohi.
bition, how would the business of as
sumption naturally work. The many
Congressman elected from the South
have large investments in confederate
bonds. Their constituents are equal
ly interested. All these would vote
to assume every time. Their North
ern sympathizers, who now insist up
on rebel representation, will be quite
likely, five years hence, to vote for
rebel payment. Sift it still more
closely. Suppose English capitalists
come to Washington with hundred
millions of confederate bonds. Unas-
sumed they are worth nothing when
indorsed by the Government they are
worth dollar for dollar, for that
amount would not stagger our credit.
The holders of these bonds could pri.
vately distribute fifty millions to
members of Congress for voting to
assume, and both parties make hand
somely by the speculation.


If the Southern States, in their
State Conventions, repudiate their
own debt, it is of no account, for
when once fully in the Union they
can change their constitutions, ex-
punging the repudiating section, and
no power can forbid them. If Con-
gress pass an act of reputation it is
equally unreliable, for a succeeding
Congress could repeal the act of its
predecessor. There is but one path
of safety in this matter, and that is
to write it as with a pen of iron in
the organic law of the land-engrave
it upon the very pillars of our civil
fabric-that this traitor debt, con,
tracted in the attempt to subvert the
government, shall never be paid
With this clause in the Constitution
the whole question is settled:


1t would be pity if our struggle
with treason should result in the in
oraooa of tho pouar nf tho Traitors