Year: 1859

ticians in this State to turn the whole current
of popular opinion on political questions into
one or the other Of the narrow channels of
mere personal prediction. They seem to
have no idea that the people can or
ought to have any notions respecting princi.
pie, but that everybody must inevitably be
somebody's man They give no person credit
for an honest conviction in favor of what
he conceives to be great political truth but
put him down at once as belonging to this or
that prominent State politician. Every in
dividoal, of whatsoever calibre, who declares
himself in favor Of the doctrine Of popular
sovereignty, as construed by the Douglas
side of the house, is snpjently denominated
a Broderick man, and everybody who says
he thinks that the Lecompton policy of Pres
ident Buchanan was right is G win man, or
a Washington man. The cry that every
Anti Lecompton Democrat is q Broderick
man is much more general, because, we are
bound conseientiously to say. that Anti-Le-
compton speakers and writers are much more
in the habit of meeting the Lecompton side
with argument and history than of attacking
them on mere personal grounds, as being
Gwin men or some other mems men, When
it is done, it is done more in retaliation for
similar course of assault from the other side
than for any other reason.


These false, unreal personal issues have
done more to mislead the people Of this State
than any other cause that ever affected the
current of events Instead of looking the
political questions of the day fairly in the
face, and deciding them at the ballot-box
upon their merits, the masses have been too
frequently blinded to the truth by mere per-
sonal bias. "Why, you cant be in favor of
Popular Sovereignty, or Mud-Sillism," was
the cry in the last campaign. without be-
ing Broderick man, and you wouldn't be
for Broderick, would you ?" mo sir" would
reply some shallow head, "I wouldn't 90 for
him, in any event. and so he would change
his political belief and turn himself wrong
side out, in order to be sure and certain that
he was not Brodericl1 man AS though he
and Mr.. Broderick might not agree upon
single great political issue without his losing
his indentity and being swallowed up into
that awful vortex which is so horribly dread
ed by certain class of nervous, timid shiv-
ering individuals who think that, because
they were born south of certain line, they
/ - x.rt4h ri a
entertained north of that line, on pain Of
eternal political damnation. We should
think that where such men as Henry A. WISE
Of Virginia, and Robert J. Walker. of Mis-
sissippi, with all their great reputation and
splendid achievements and everything to
lose and nothing to gain, could afford to stand,
the small fry, who happened to hail from the
same quarter, might have the manhood to
hold up their heads and say what they hon
estly believed


1t is only narrow or corrupt minds that
would metamorphose every political question
into mere sectional issue A truly noble
and courageous mind will not ask of great
principle, whence come you? how will
you affect my section of the country" but,
if it bear truth upon its front, will embrace
and receive it.


But. to return more directly to our theme.
It makes no earthly difference with the truth
Of the doctrine of popular sovereignty,
whether Mr.. Gwin be the noblest or the
neanest of mankind or whether Mr.. Bode-
rick be this thing or the other; and it is but
a poor compliment to the intelligence of an
American citizen to say to him that he must
not believe in the great doctrine, which is
the bulwark of his liberties, because Mr..
Broderick believes in it, The fallacy of such
argument is so monstrous that it really seems
strange that it could prevail with any living
being who has sense enough to know how to
take shelter when it rains. And yet this is
the precise style Of argument all over the
State, from the advocacy of Lecompton reso-
lutions in the Legislative Halls ard TRADES
from the editorial tripod down to the inter
mitteut guzzling augmentation of drink
ing saloon. We have confidence enough in
the Intelligence of the people of California
to believe that this State can never he car
ried in another election by any such stale
and fimsy reasoning. The time has arrived,
when American freemen are to say what
sort of popular sovereignty they like-their
own sovereignty at the ballot-box. or Federal
sovereignty arroganty and dictatorially ex.
ercised over them, to the destruction Of their
| liberties.