Year: 1869

ed by few fanatical Republicans, to set up
the proposed Fifteenth Amendment to the
Constitution as party test, or as dividing
line between parties, is about as absurd and
ridiculous as anything we can we'll imagine
Congress ordered the Amendment to be sub
mitted to the States for ratification or reec
ton, leaving them perfectly free to decide the
question in accordance with the judgment or
desire of their citizens or their immediate
representatives. There is nothing illegal or
tyranlcal about this, as, in conformity with
the Constitution, the matter is left entirely
to the States. The measure simply stands
on its.own merits, and will not become part
of the Constitution unless three fourths of
the States voluntarily ratify it.


The fact that Republican Congress or
dered the Amendment to be submitted to the
States, and that it is favored by many leading
members of the Republican party, does not
prove that it is party measure, or is to be
by any means set up as party test. Re-
publlcans differ widely on the subject-some
favoring the Amendment and others opposing
It. In the Georgia Legislature the Demo-
cratic members voted in favor of its ratifca-
ton, and in the Nevada Legislature thirteen
Republican members voted against its adop-
ton. Some Democrats favor the measure
while others oppose it, and the same condi-
ton Of affairs exists among Republicans
hence we are at loss to see where or how
party test can be brought in. The idea is
simply foolish, and is only INDUCED in by
fools and demagogues. So far as the Repub'
lican party, as an organization, is concerned,
it stands upon the National platform adopted
at Chicago in May last Its position upon
the suffrage question is shown in the follow
ing plank of that platform, laid down as the
true exposition of its principles:


Resolved. That the guarantee by Congress
of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the South
is demanded by every consideration of public
safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and must
be maintained while the question of suf.'
frage in all the loyal States properly belongs
ttthe people of those States.





NAV determine the question of suffrage for
them selves without the intervention of Con.
gress, and the submission of the Fifteenth
for ratification does not conflict
with this declaration of right. If the loyal
States of the North don't want negroes to
vote within their borders. all they have to do
is to vote the Amendment down in their Leg
islatures. They are not compelled to ratify
it if they don't like it. They have the power
to defeat it if they see proper to do so.-
Whether they will retain the right to deter
mine the question of suffrage for themselves,
or will voluntarily yield that right, and con-
sent to submit to the regulation Of the
Amendment, is a matter upon which they
have the full power to decide. IF these
States conclude to adopt the Amendment,
and thereby show that they do not desire to
avail themselves of the guarantees of the
Chicago platform in relation to allowing them
exclusive control of the question of suffrage
within their borders, certainly no one can
truthfully accuse the Republican party of
disregarding it. pledges to those States. or of
forcing an obnoxious measure upon them.


In the foregoing remarks we baye endeav-
ored to establish two propositions. First:
that no party test can be made to apply to
individual endorsement or rejection of the
Amendment; second that neither the sub
mission of the measure or its voluntary rati-
fication rightfully subjects the Republican
party to the charge of violating the guaran-
tees of the Chicago platform. Although we
desire the rejection Of the Amendment, for
reasons heretofore expressed, yet we are free
to say that most of the objections urged
against it by the Democratic demagogues of
this State are without foundation and utterly
contemplate.