Year: 1864

to Annapolis; because, though elected by
emancipation constituencies they were
nominated before their constituents had
developed their views upon the subject.
But this election which the gentleman
from New York wishes to impeach car
ricd with it such moral power that its
enemies in the Senate and its lukcwarm
and doubtful friends in the House of
Delegates are dragged backward over
their prejudices and compelled to pass
just such bill as we dictated to them
and it stands now the law of the State of
Mar! land by the votes of majority of
both Houses of the Legislature They
confessed that moral power which the
honorable gentleman ignorantly denies.


slavery is dead, says the honorable
gentleman. Slavery is dead )" is
echoed by some on this side of the
House. Slavery is dead" is echoed
from the too sanguinc people of the coun-
try. He may be very sick man, Mr..
Speaker, but | assure you gentlemen of
this House and the country that he is
not dead; and if he is not done to death
he will be your master again. That is
my opinion, and l think my friend from
Kentucky in my eye Mr. Mallory agrees
with me.


Slavery is not dead in Maryland. We
have to carry majority of Convention on
the old slavery opportionment, where one
fourth of the population ties the body;
and whether the hostile influence that
prcsides near the Presidents ear will al
low Maryland to become a free State, Or
fail her i'll her nour of need, remains yet
to be seen. Up to this day Maryland is
under no obligations to the President of
of the United States for the great strides
that the cause Of emancipationists has
mace there. A convention of the
loyal men, the emancipationists of Ma
iyand, on th2 22nd of this month, while
declaring themselves in favor of immedi-
ate Unconditional Emancipation, and
while expressing their confidence in the
President and their appreciation of his
services added this significant admonition
worthy of the State and of the people
that uttered it:


"Resl,cd, That this convention is in
favor of the entire and Immediate aboli-
tion of slavery in Il is State and in the
States in rebellion, and is opposed to any
reorganization of State Governments in
those States which do not recognize the
immediate and final adjustment If sla
very as a condftio precedent. That this
convention express their sympathy with
the radical emancipationists in Missouri,
and in Arkansas, Tennessee and Louisi-
ana and regret that influences in the
Cabinet have, in Maryland and those
States, depressed the efforts of the radical
friends of the Administration and oI
emancipation, and given prominence tc
those who are unwilling advocates OF
emancipation" :"


| trust that that admonition will have
its weight and that these sinister inhu-
encos will cease to be the controlling el-
emcnt near the presidential car in this
grave crisis of emancipation in Maryland ;
and | desire that the country shall under
stand that, being under small obligations
to the President for what has been done
in Maryland mp to this imc, the people
of Maryland thought it wise while express
sing their confidence in the President to
put that significant resolution before him
for his serious consideration, so as to show
that their devotion is not personal, but to
principle; that their interest is in the
cause and not in man, and that while
they will support the man as long as the
man supports the cause, if the cause fail
by any failure elsewhere, there may be Il
revision Of their judgment respecting the
person.


But slavery is dead in the reJcl States. y
No, sir No, sir. Far from it. Ii our
honorable friends on the other side elect
their President i'll the coming fall, slavery
is as alive as it was the day that the first
gun blazcd against Sumter. If we lose
the majority in the next Congress, slave
ry is as powerful as it ever was We are
it is true, in the condition in which we
cannot stand still We must 90 backward
or we must 60 forward. My face, sir, is
to the future. ] wish so to look at it,
and so to say, to the men of my day and
generation, what | think about the great
measures which now touch the salvation
of the country, that, whether be on the
winning or on the losing side, whether
the nation triumph or fail, whenever any
body shall by accident hereafter rake
about among the ashes of the past and
find my name, he will find at least that |
did not fear to say to tficad and foe what
the times demand; and it may be that ii
will be well if it were needed.


Slavery is not dead by the proclamation.
What lawyer attributes to it the least lc-
gal effect in breaking the bonds of the
slave? Executed by the bayonets, legal.
" valid to the extent of the duration Of
the war, under the law of 1862, which
authorizes the President to use the people
of African descent as he may see fit fol
the suppression of the rebellion, it is un-
doubtedly valid to the extent of turning
them loose from their masters during the
rebellion. So long as the military power
is engaged in suppressing resistance, they
are free from their masters. Re-establisll
the old governments, allow the dominant
aristocracy to repossess the State power
in its original plenitude, how long will
they be free? What courts will give them
their rights What provision is there tc
protect them? Where is the writ of ha-
bcas co,pus' How are the courts of the
United States to be open to them? Who
shall close the courts of the States agains,
the master? Docs the master resort tc
the court against the slave? No; he
seizes him by the neck. The law of Con.
gress freeing few slaves provides that
that act may be pleaded in defense. But
when is the slave sued by the master ?
When is the time to plead in any such
process? Gentlemen legislate without q
knowledge of the country or Of the pco.
pie they are legislating for. Their law,
are on the statue book, and the opinion.
of the dominant faction conspire to per-
petuate the masters rights and the slaves
wrongs. Nothing but the resolutc dec.