smithclay/nortonstories huggingface dataset:
Year: 1868

fscverdy Johnson's Mission and Its Resalt.
Reverdy Johnson's visit to England as
United States Minister will prove valuable in
one sense. 1t has already drawn expression
lof opinion and sentiment from the whole coun-
try, and this expression can hardly fail to be
Instructive to the men at the head of the Bri-
nish government. This spontaneous expression
Indicates better than could all the dispatches
IN the world the attitude that the people wish
representative of American interests in
England to observe toward the government
that puts us off without reparation for injuries
done, and there could have been contrived no
more effective or satisfactory way of letting
England know the ultimate conviction Of the
whole American people in regard to the Ala
bama claims.


There has been notion in England-par-
ticularly in government circles-that outside
the victims to the depredations Of the Alabama
The people here were Indifferent to this
whole subject, and cared very little for any
principle involved in the career of the cele-
brated English pirate. II was to no purpose,
apparently, that the case was urged from the
State Department through Mr.. Adams for the
Idea we hint at had taken tolerably firm posses
sion of official minds, and her Majestys Minis
ters, in spirit of superiority peculiarly Eng
lish, chose to look over the heads of those who
spoke officially for us and to act on their own
conceptions Of the state of feeling here. It
was in vain, therefore, that our secretaries
spoke very firmly, and in vain that others in
formed Of American opinion declared that
both Mr.. Adams and Mr. Seward were rather
behind than before the public sentiment. The
prepossession that these gentlemen only pur-
sued the point for the sake Of political capital,
to be secured when they should announce q
triumph involving the withdrawal of the Bri-
tish Ministry from point definitely taken,
stood in the way Of adjustment, and none saw
how to remove it.


Finally, this is likely to be removed in a
most unforeseen way. Our Minister in Eng
land proves to be just such man as the Eng
lish officials are charmed to receive. He does
not bother them much with the Alabama
claims, and this at once justifes their notion
that the constant urging Of those claims was
only kink Of Mr.. Stewards, not an inspiration
from the people. Besides this the new Minis
ter makes himself agreeable and acts gene
rally In way likely to give the English people
the impression that between their government
and ours there is the best possible understand
ing. AS soon as all this becomes known in the
United States it IL denounced from one end Of
che country to che other, and the whole press,
without regard to party, repudiate the conduct
Of q representative who ignores the Alabama
question and hobnobs with men who deny our
tights. BY this time her Majesty's Ministers
probably know that the Alabama question is
one that is pressed by the people.
Year: 1868

Millions blindness was the result Oi
over-work and dyspepsia. One of the
most eminent American divines has
for some time been compelled to forego
the pleasure of reading; has spent
thousands of dollars in vain, and lost
years of time in consequence of get
ting up several hours before day and
studying by artificial light. Multi
tudes of men and women have made
their eyes weak for life by the too
free use of the eye-sight in reading
fine print and doing fine sewing.


In view of these things it is well to
observe the following rules in the use
of the eyes:


Avoid sudden changes between light
and darkness.


Never begin to read, or write, or
sew, for several minutes after coming
from darkness to a bright light.


Never read by twilight, or moon
light. or ofa cloudy day.


Never read or sew directly in front
of the light, or window, or door.


1t is better to have the light fall
from above, Obliquely over the left
shoulder.


Never sleep so that on first walIen-
ing the eyes shall open on the light Of
a window.


Do not use the eye-sight so scant
that it requires an effort to diserimi-
nate.


Too much light creates a glare, and
pains and confuses the sight. The mo-
ment you are sensible of an effort to
distinguish, that moment cease, and
take walk OF ride.


As the sky is blue and the earth
green, it would seem that the ceiling
should be of a blush tinge, and the
walls of some mellow tint.


The moment you are instinctively
prompted to rub the eyes, that mo-
ment stop using them.


If your eye-lids are glued together
on waking up, do not forcibly open
them, but apply the saliva with the
finger; it is the speediest dilutent in
the world. Then wash the eyes and
face in warm water.-[Hall's Journal.
Of Health.
Year: 1868

Many of the colds which people are
said to catch, commence at the feet.
To keep these extremities warm,
therefore, is to effect an insurance
against the almost interminable list of
disorders which spring from a " slight
cold" First, never be tightly shod.
Boots or shoes, when they fit closely,
press against the foot, and prevent the
free circulation of the blood. When,
on the contrary, they do not embrace
the foot too tightly, the blood gets fair
play, and the spaces left between the
leather and the stocking are filled
with a comfortable supply of fresh
air. The second rule is, never sit in
damp shoes. 1t is often imagined
that, unless they are positively wet,
it is not necessary to change them
while the feet are at rest. This is a
fallacy; for, when the least dampness
is absorbed into the sole, it is attracted
further to the foot itself by its own
heat, and thus perspiration is danger
ously checked. Any person may
prove this by trying the experiment
of neglecting the rule; and his feet
will become cold and damp after a
few moments, although, on taking off
the shoe and examining it, it will ap-
pear quite dry.
Year: 1868




We find in one of our exchanges
the following remarks relative to the
uses of castor oil in the trades, more
particularly its application to leather
It is much better to soften and redeem
old leather than any other oil known.


When boots and shoes are creased
with it, the oil will not at all interfere
with the polishing afterwards. as Is
the case with lard, olive or any other
oil. Leather belts for transmitting
motion in machinery, will usually hst
three to five years, according to the


wear and tear they are exposed to;
when creased with castor oil, they
will last ten years or more, as they al


ways remain flexible, and do not
crack. Besides this advantage, castor
oil viii prevent slipping, so that a belt
three inches wide, impregnated with
it, will be equal to a belt four and a
half inches without castor oil. Il is
necessary, however, to wait twenty
four hours, until the oil has disappear
ed from the surface and penetrated the
leather, otherwise the fresh creased
surface will cause slipping. The rats
and other vermin detest anything i'm.
with castor oil, and will
not touch it-anOther advantage.
Year: 1868

Why OuEht carpenter never to allow bimseIf to bt
ehisslled cut Of his diuusri Because be eau Away
chop stake (GedD out Of piece Of wood, lay his
hand a saws edge (sdH5dgs) at 8 moments notice.


Why is love like canal boat Because it is an in
tsTnal transport


What class Of women ought to give tone to society
The bellies.


why is John MOrrissy like the Red Seal Because b,
is death on Faro.


How long did Cain hate his brOthsri As long as hi
was Able.


What is the difference between . spendthrift and
feather bed One is hard up, and the other is soft
down.
Year: 1868

DEMOCRATIC ECONOMY g'-If tax
paying people want to learn the econ
omy and integrity of the Democratic
party, let them look at New York city.
That party has had control Of the city
government for a dozen years, and
has swollen the taxes ftom three to
eighteen millions 1t is the most
corrupt municipal government on the
earth.-[Marietta Register.
Year: 1868

Immigration Of the Year 1867,


The immigration from Europe last
year was just about as great as in 1860.


1t was about a quarter of a Million
I There was neither war nor famine
in Europe last year to impel any un-


usual number Of emigrants to this
country. And in America, the un-


usual attractions offered in the open
| ing up of the Southern States to set
tiers have not been taken advantage
of. It could hardly be expected that
they would be. The political and So
cial condition of the South is too uu-
settled to make it appear a very de-
sirable region for immigrants. Still
there was a load Of Germans landed at
Charleston, and we observe that the
white population of Louisiana has
been increased several thousand by
immigration from Europe. There is
no doubt that in the next few years
the rich fields Of the South will be-
come very attractive to industrious
immigrants. Millions and tens of
millions of them might grow fat on
its exuberant soil.
Year: 1868

THE nomination of General Grant nobly
opens the campaign. Let them that can,
pronounce name more dear or more re-
nowned. The loyalty, the courage, the
suffering and the triumph of the nation
are in that one word. AS Washington is
inseparably associated with the Revolu-
tionary struggle, so, to all coming time,
will the name of Grant be first in the heart
| and first upon the tongue, wherever the
war for the Union is spoken of. 1t is
vain for his opponents to deny the strength
there is in this nomination, or to disparage
the accession it will bring to the Republi-
can cause. The memories of those five
years are still more vivid and more sacred
than all Others and the name which re-
calls the sorrows, the agony and the
glories Of that immortal conflict, cannot
fail of its power over the heart and the
brain of the Northern people.


General Grant was not, indeed, indispens-
| able to the party, as has been said, inyidi-
ously by some and by others in what was
intended for compliment. Neither the
( faith nor the fate of that party hangs on
any single man. 1t has its own mission
and, if it be true to its principles, cham
pions will never be wanting to it. But
though the leader is not all, much depends
upon his fitness for his place; and no
other man in the nation could command
the energies and the enthusiasm of the
people. The only class which will be in
| different to his nomination are the con-
frmed and embittered Copperheads of the
| North. There is no man who supported
the war, and rejoiced at the victories of
our arms, who can help feeling the infu-
ence of Gen. Grants candidature. tbs an
influence which he may resist, but to
which he cannot be insensible. No War
Democrat will be quite as strong in his
faith and on his legs in this struggle, as if
some other name than Grant was at the
head of the Republican ticket And it
is name which, by its union of solid
merit and splendid achievements, wins
equally upon the thinking and the un-
thinking, upon statesmen and upon
the crowd. No one else could so call out
the hurrahs of the mob, or better COM
mand the confidence of the educated and re-
fined. Nor will it be found any mean
element inthe contest that nearly million
of returned soldiers, almost without dis
tinction of party, will render an enthusi-
astic support to their illustrious chieftain.
Their votes, their voices, and their solid
work will freely be given to secure his
elevation to the Presidency.


Ii is True JnaI Jnere is not qulte lne
same reason for the nomination of General
Grant as appeared possible six months
ago. At that time, it seemed not unlikely
that his great name might yet act as the
solvent for political distinctions, and
that all unfortunate differences of opinion
might be mediated by him as an impartial
and dispassionate Judge. But the mutual
exasperations of the past season have
made this wholly imnracticahlp and Cen
eral Grant is now fairly and squarely the
candidate of the Republicans He will
carry with him q large body Of support
Year: 1868

IT cannot be said Of the Chicago plat
form of 1868, that it contains anything
new. Fortunately there was no necessity
OF introducing startling novelties to dazzle
and amaze mankind. What the Republi-
can doctrines are, in relation to the oues-
tions which are agitating the country, are
well known. The only duty of the Con-
vention was, to express them clearly and
unequivocally, so that there could be no
mistake upon the subject hereafter This
has been well done by the Convention, in
succinct and able manner. A platform
is, after all, but device of to-day. 1t
may express opinion and indicate wants
existing when it is adopted, but it will be
likely to become obsolete by the irresisti-
BILE march of events. This may be proved
very strikingly by a comparison of the
Republican platforms of 1860, 1864, and
1863 In the year 1860, that party had no
idea of the abolition of slavery. 1t only
sought to prevent its introduction into new
States and Territories In 1854 it resolved
that slavery must be utterly extirpated
from the soil of the Republic; while in
1868 nothing whatever is said in relation
to the subject, because slavery is dead.
In 1864 an especial plank in the Republi-
can platform was intended to denounce the
usurpation of Macmillan in Mexico. In
1868 nothing was said on that subject for
good and sufficient reason. Even plat
form may cease to be binding upon the
officers elected under its pledges, as was
the case when Mr. Lincoln was obliged to
declare emancipation, an alternative that
could not have been anticipated when the
platform of 1860 was constructed If,
however, we look at the platform of 1868,
in comparison with that of 1864, there is
little perceptible, except the cutting out of
the dead wood. 1t is not necessary now
to pledge the Republican party to sus-
tain the war against the rebellion, which
four years ago was in full vigor, nor to
declare that unconditional surrender of
the rebels is the only terms of peace, nor,
Abraham Lincoln on the strength and
ability of his administration.


Much that was in the last Republican
platform is now unavailing, and was i'll a
very few months after the Convention had
met in Baltimore. In the same manner,
it is possible that some Of the principles
inculcated in the Chicago platform of
1868 will become like a twice-told-tale be-
fore 1872 In country of progress it
cannot be otherwise All that we have to
look to, therefore, is that the platform is a
proper construction n0ao. And such it may
be pronounced, without hesitation. it has
been framed with tact and discretion. 1t
does not express too much nor too little.
It reaches the matters most vital at this
time with clear expression, and while
avoiding the strong declarations incident
to excitement, is forcible, judicious and
vigorous. 1t does not pledge the Republi-
can party to anything which its members
do not fully believe. 1t is staunch and
firm, and upon it Grant and Colfax may
stand and view the gallant efforts of the
people to confer upon them the highest
honors within their gift.-PhStddelphSG
T10u5Ter
Year: 1868

GRANT and Colfax make ticket hard
to beat. The wonderful military success
of the one, and the great political ability
of the other, cannot be written down or
belittled by newspaper editors; and the
attempt to do so is folly only worthy of
the late management of the Democratic
party. The hero of Donelson, Corinth
most wonderful to all, of Vicksburg, and


finally of Richmond, is not third-rate
General, and no literary scribe can make
him one. The gentleman who has worked
his way up to the Speakership of the
House of Representatives is not bad
politician, and those who buy him for one
will not make profitable bargain. Prob
ably there are no two leading names
stronger, Individually or collectively, than
the two which have been put forward
And if they do not receive the support of
the people, it will be for other than per-
sonal reasons.


Il u X
Do the Democrats imagine that they can
defeat such candidates with any men who
only represent section, and q pitiful sec
ton, too, of their party? Has copper
headism ever yet defeated loyalty? Can
Pendleton overcome Grant? 1t has been
our boast that there were more Democratic
than Republican soldiers in the ranks of
the loyal armies viii these men fight one
way and vote another? Having whipped
the enemy in the field will they vote him
the victory in the council? The leaders
who think so must be cold line Whigs'-
those most hopeless of political drivelers.
Can we go into this fight against the glories
of Vicksburg, Donelson, Appomattox
Court House, and thousand other famous
fields, with "peace at any price" and i" the
war failure" inscribed on our banners
To win at all, we will want all our strength
and all our ability. We must have the
Conservative vote we must win the sol
diers, the million Of bayonets which have
not yet stopped thinking. g.-Neao York CSti-
Ken, Man 90.
Year: 1868

WE can go before the country with our
declaration of principles, with the pride of
men who feel that they stand in the front
rank Of progress. In an age of progress,
it is the party of progress which will tri-
umph. The dead past is called on to bury
its dead. To the present belong living
issues. These we have presented in our
platform. Every plank in it will meet
with the earnest appreciation of every
true Republican. 1t is not sectional in
any sense-was not dictated by any Sec
tion-appeals to the passions and preju-
dices of no section-like the Constitution,
speaks no sectional language-but is full
of the sentiments which give vital strength
to national unity. The resolutions express
the verdict of the battlefield The ques-
ton now submitted to the people is, shall
this verdict, rendered amid the groans of
the dying, the thunder of cannon, therattle
of musketry, the rout of armies, and the
shouts of the victors, be re-affirmed and
cemented at the ballot-boX.


We appeal to the patriotic masses Of the
country to make permanent the success of
the reconstruction policy of Congress to
maintain the doctrine Of equal suffrage
which has been made living reality in the
South; to make odious and impossible all
plans, however indirect or plausible, to re-
pudiate the national debt; to indorse the


policy of equalizing and reducing taxation
as rapidly as the public burdens will per-
nit; to lay upon the shoulders of posterity
fair share of the great Indebtedness which


was created for the benefit of the whole
future, and to reduce the weight of its
prodigious interest at the earliest practi-
cable moment; to recuperate public conf
dence by gradually reducing the principal
of the debit to bring the expenses of the
Government to the lowest point ofretrench-


ment, by roofing up the shameful abuses
in our fiscal affairs, which have character
lied the administration of Andrew John
son. to uphold the votes of thirty-fiye


Senators who declared the President guilty.
of high crimes and misdemeanors, and to


set the seal of infamy upon the character


of our Iscariot Executive; to declare that


the nation is solemnly convinced that the


strong arm of the national power must be


extended in its might to protect our natur-


allied citizens as fully as if they had been
born on American soil; to reaffirm the obi


cations of honor and gratitude due to the
brave defenders of the Union on sea and
on land, as well as the equity and binding
force of the bounties and pensions awarded
W III Sllldu Ol bOGlI


patriotic services to foster immigration by


a liberal and wise policy of legislation ;


to give formal expression of our sym


pathy as Republic with all people who
are struggling for their rights; to make
additional recognition of the sublime
truths set forth in The Declaration of In
dependence, as the only just foundation OF
all Democratic government: and to assure
the erring men of the South that, in re-
turning honestly and faithfully to the fold
Year: 1868

of the Union, they shall have the right
hand of fellowship. and complete forgive
ness for all past offenses.


Such are the principles of our platform.
1t is panoplied in justice 1t is borne aloft
upon the tidal wave of progress, which is
sweeping away with remorseless power
the effete issues and reactionary impedi-
ments that stand in its way Failure can
come only from the failure to perform
duty Let every Republican arouse him
self to full comprehension Of the crisis
The coming struggle is the last attempt of
treason to retrieve its losses on the ensan-
guined field. From the arbitrament of
war it appeals to that of the ballot-box
Let the defeat there be as crushing and
complete as amid the shock of armies, and
the spirit of peace will once more take
possession of our distracted land, and be-
gin a reign more fruitful than ever of
grand and noble achievements Such is
the significance of an emphatic endorse
ment of our platform = Chicago Repubzi-
can.
Year: 1868

workers, by the sureness with which he
directs his indomitable energy to the vital
point which is the key of vast field of
operations, or by that supreme test of con-
summate ability, the absolute complete
ness of his results, and he vindicated his
claim to stand next after Napoleon and
Wellington, among the great soldiers of
this century, if not on level with the
latter.-Neao York World, Apr1 II, 1866.
Year: 1868

We hoist the names of SEYMOUR and BLAIR at
the head of our columns, and from now until the
November election will contribute all in our
power toward moulding pablc sentiment in
their favor. Unfortunately the Territory has no
voice in the choice of President, but the States
man circulates largely in the adjoining State, and
in that way can and will exercise no inconsder-
able influence in favor of the right. 1t is true
Seymour was not our first choice, but the as
sembled wisdom of the nation decided that he
was the man for the emergency, and in that
decision we, in common with all the friends of
the great Ohio statesman, cordially acquiesce.
The platform on which the candidates stand,
embraces all the great principles for which we
have contended and with the success of these
principles and the Inauguration of HoRATIo
SEYMOUR, we feel that the Union will be safe.
The battle which is now to be waged is a strug.
gle for constitutional liberty, and in a warfare
OF this kind there IS no place for laggards or
lukewarm patriots. Every man who has faith
in republican government, and believes iu the
right of the people to mould their own institu,
tions, free from radical dictation, should come
up to the work aud from now to the closing of
the polls on the first Monday in November, labor
for the election of SEYMOUR and BLAIR. Let US
labor to free the country from the rule of the
spokesman, and install honest men in the place of
the knaves that now fatteu upon the life blood
of the nation. Having>achieved this crowning
glory, we shall have assured liberty, not only
for ourselves but for the generations that come
after us. Push along the column
Year: 1868

IDAHO MAILs.-The attention of Postal
Agent Brooks is directed to the lack of
mail facilities in Northern Idaho A mail is
carried as far as Florence, and there dumped
down" where there is no people, whilst
Warrens, some forty miles beyond, with a
population of over one thousand, is left
without any mail accommodation whatever
We believe that Mr.. Brooks can remedy this
condition of affairs, and if so we ask that
he have the mail service extended to War
ren's DiggiDgs.
Year: 1868

WHISKY can be bought in New York for
81 % a gallon, and the dealer will produce
the Government certificate that the 50 tax
has been paid on each gallon, From the
above it would appear that selling whisky at
that figure was losing business, yet men
make fortunes at it,
Year: 1868

How RECONSTRUCTION WoRKs-At a
dinner in North Carolina, there sat down to
a table, three ex-Govornors, an ex-Justice of
the Supreme Court, two exMembers of
Congress, and others of like distinction, and
the only person in the room who could vote
was the negro who waited on the table.
Year: 1868

GRsAr UNASIMrY.-As far as learned from,
the Democratic papers throughout the United
States warmly endorse the nomination of Sey>
mour and Blair, and declare that the ticket is a
strong one. 1t is now thought that Vermont is
the only State that is sure for Grant, and the
more sanguine democrats think that even that
State is doubtful: