Year: 1865

during the funeral ODSequleS at New


York, Hon GEO BANCROFT delivered an


oration. in the course Of which he argues


the legal right of the Government to


abolish slavery in war, and to maintain


its abolition when peace succeeded. 1t


is appropriate to the idea 50 mischiev-


ously held up by the Democratic jour


nails all through the war, that the Gov


ernment is not now prosecuting the war


to restore peace on the former condi-


tions, but in the course Of the war it has


become revolutionary, and is now con


tinuing the war to abolish slavery. We


extract from it


Mr.. Lincoln's proclamation did but
take notice Of the already existing right
of the bondmen to freedom. The trea


son of the master made it public crime
for the slave to continue his obedience
the treason Of State set free the col


lective bondmen of that State. This


doctrine is supported by the analogy of


precedents In the times of feudalism,


the treason of the lord of the manor de


prived him of his serfs; the spurious


feudalism that existed among MS differs


in many respects from the feudalism of
the middle ages, but SO far the prece-
dent runs parallel with the present case:
for treason the master then, for treason
the master now, loses his slaves.


In the middle ages the sovereign ap
pointed another lord over the serfs and
the land which they cultivated; in our
day, the sovereign makes them masters
Of their own persons, lords over them
selves. 1t has been said that we are at
war, and that emancipation is not bel
ligerent right. The objection disappears
before analysis. In a war between indie
pendent powers the invading foreigner
invites to his standard all who will
give him aid, whether bond or free, and
he awards them according to his ability
and his pleasure with gifts or freedom
but when at peace he withdraws from
the invaded country, he must take his
aiders and comforters with him or if he
leaves them behind, where he has no
court to enforce his DEGREES, he can give
them no security, unless it be by the stip-
llations Of a treaty.


In civil war it is altogether different.
There, when rebellion is crushed, the old
is restored, and its courts
resume their jurisdiction. So it is with
us the United States have courts Of
their own, that must punish the guilt of
treason and vindicate the freedom of
persons whom the fact of rebellion has
set free.


And let no lover Of his country say
that this warning is uncalled for. The
cry is delusive that slavery is dead.
Even now it is nerving itself for a fresh
for continuance. The last
winds from the South watt to us the sad
that man, who had sur
himself with the glory of the
most brilliant and most varied achieve
ments, who, but week ago, was named
with affectionate pride among the great
est benefactors of his country and the
ablest generals of all time, has usurped
more than the whole power of the Ex-
ecutive, and under the name of peace
has revived slavery and given security
and political power to traitors from the
to the Rio Grande. Why
could lie not remember the diving advice
Of Washington, never to draw the sword
but for self-defense or the rights of his
and when drawn, never to
sheathe it till its work should be accom-
plshed


And vet from this bad act, which the
people with one united voice condemn,
no great evil will follow save the shad
ow of his own fame. The individual,
even in the greatness of military glory.
sinks into insigniticance before the resist
less movements of the history of man.
No one can turn back or stay the march
of Providence No sentiment OF des-
pair may mix with our sorrow. We
owe it to the memory of the dead, we
owe it to the cause of popular liberty
the world. that the sudden
crime which has taken the life of the
President of the United States shall not
produce the least impediment in the
smooth course of public affairs