Year: 1861

THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. The war continues. In considering the poli- cy to be adopted for suppressing the insurrec- tion, have been anxious and careful that the inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not de- generate into violent and remorseless revolu- tionary struggle. I have, therefore, in every case, thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent, as the primary object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the Legislature. In the exercise of my best discretion 1 have ad- hered to the blockade of the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force, by pro- clamation, the law of Congress, enacted at the late session, for closing those ports, and also obeying the dictates of prudence as well as the obligations of law. Instead of transcending I have adhered to tho act of Congress to confscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. fa new law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its proprety will be duly considered. 7he Un- ion must De rreserved, and hence all dispensa- ble means must be employed. We should not be in haste to determine that radical and ex- treme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the dsloyal are indispensable The in- augural address at the beginning of the admin istration, and the message to Congress at the late special session, were both mainly devoted to the domestic controversy out of which the in surrection and consequent war have s rung. Noth- ing now occurs to add or substract to or from the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those documents. The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at the assault upon Fort Sumter, and general review of what has occurred since may not be unproftable What was painfully uncertain then is much better defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events is plainly in the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed strong support from north of Mason and DXon's line, and the friends of the Union were not free from apprehension , 1n uBe tRs 4nf 4nfe ms AaEfReNdfo Efed o1t Tight from the first Maryland was made to seem against the Union. Our sol diers were assulted, bridges were burned and railroads torn up within her limits, we were ma ny days at one time without the ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital Now her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the government She already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union and none to the enemy, and her people, at a regular election, have sustained the Union by large majority and larger aggregate vote than they e:er before gave to any candidate or any ques- ton.

 Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now decidedly, and think unchangeably, ranged on the side of the Union.

 Missouri is comparatively quiet, and, believe cannot be Overiun by the insurrectionists These three states of Maryland, Kentucky and Mis- souri, neither of which would promise single soldier at first, have now an aggregate of 10000 in the field for the Union while of their citi- zens certainly not more than third number, ahd they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence are in arms against it. After some- what bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the Union people of Western Virginia, loey- ing them masters of their own country.

 An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months denominating the narrow peninsula region constituting the counties of Accomae and N Northampton, and known as the Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with some contigu- ous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and tho people there have renewed their allegiance to, and accepted the protection of the old flag This leaves no armed nsurrection north of the Potomac or east of the Chesapeake.

 Also we have obtained footing at each of the isolated points on the southern coast of fiatteras, Port Royal, 1ybee Island, near Savan- nah, and Ship Island, and we likewise have some general accounts of popular movements in be- half of the Union in North Carolina and Ten nessee. These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing steadily south ward.

 THE RETIREMENT OF GENIAL SCOTT

 Since your last adjournment Lieutenant Gen l my. During his long life the nation has not been unmndfu of his merit, yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably and brilliantly he has served the country, from time far back in our history, when few of the now living had been 1 born, and thenceforward continually, 1 cannot but think that we are still his debtor. submit, therefore, for your consideration, what further mark of recognition is due to him and ourselves as grateful people.

 With the retirement of General Scott came the executive duty of appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected.

 The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his l judgment in favor of Gen. Mcclellan for the po- sition, and in this the nation seemed to give unanimous concurrence The designation of Gen. Mcclellan is, therefore, in considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given to him the coni- dence and cordial support thus by fair impliea- ton promised, and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country.

 THE PROJECTS OF THE REBELS.

 It has been said that one bad general is bet ter than two good ones, and the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is bet ter directed by single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at variance and cross purposes. And the same is true in all joint op- erations wherein those engaged can have none but a common end in view, and can differ only as to the choice of means. In a storm at sea no one on board can wish the ship to sink, and yet not unfrequently all go down together be- cause too many will direct and no single mind will be allowed to control.

 1t continues to develop that the instruction is largely, if not exclusively, war upon the first principles of popular government-the. rights of the people. Conclusive evidence Of thls IS found in the most grave and maturely consider, ed public documents, as we'll as in the general tone of the insurgents. In these documents we find the abridgement of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, except the legislative body, advocated with la. bored arguments to prove that large control of the government in the people is the source of all political evil.

 Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. In my present position I could scarcely be ius. tfed were to omit raising warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. } It is not needed or fitting here that general argument should be made in favor of popular in- stitutons, but there is one point with it's connec- 7 tlons not so backneyed as most others to which ask brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above labor Tn the constructure of government. It IS assumed that labor is available only in connec- tiOn with conital tbot nobndv labOrS unless