Year: 1860

of the virulence with which he upheld
the border ruffian code of laws; of the
promptness with which he puts his foot
upon the law of the people expressed
in the free state constitution of his
! brutal, cynic sneers at the agonies of a
people in distress Was the election
of the border rufian legislature, the en-
actment of the border ruffian code of
laws, less fragrant violation of popu-
lar rights than the Lecompton Consti-
tuition? Just so long as Slavery had a
chance IN Kansas Douglas stood apo,s
the side of slavery. But no sooner
was the victory of freedom sure than
Douglas was sure to stand upon the
strongest side.


And now he is held up to our admi-
ration as the "true champion of free
DOM" After having done more than
any other man in perpetrating the out
rage, what merit is there in helping to
prevent the final consummation, when
it has become manifest that in spite of
him, that consummation has become
impossible? Look at it. The Ne
braska bill, as l heard my friend Grim
shaw, in Illinois, illustrate it, had set
fire to the edifice of Territorial liberty.
The Republican fire companies are vig-
orously at work: the Republican en-
gines are playing with full force, and
then comes the very incendiary, Doug
las, with little tea-spoonful of anti
Lecompton water, throws it into the
flames, and then swells himself up and
claims to have extinguished the confla-
gration-and SO he goes before the peo-
pie of Illinois, as the "true champion
of freedom %


And this he would hardly have had
the courage to do, had not, as is now
known to all of us, the indignant
threats of the gallant Broderick over
whelmed him when he was about to
compromise with Buchanan.


On the strength of this exploit he
succeeded in carrying his point in Hi
nois; not, indeed, by popular MAORI
ty, for that was against him, but by an
old Gerrymandering apportionment.
1t was one of those lugubrious victo-
ries, which consist in a narrow escape
from total humiliation. But his seat
is regained, and now he throws a wist-
full eye upon a higher seat; and re-
members at once that the Democratic
road to the White House leads through
the slave-holding States. So he turns
his face Southwark without delay, and
sets out on trip down the Mississippi.
He is at once betrayed into making a
few remarks, here and there, to spon-
taneous gathering. Suddenly we find
the man who had tried to delude the
people of Illinois into the belief that
under the Kansas and Nebraska bill,
the people had right to exclude slave
ry, in the South busily apologising for
it; and now behold the old Douglas
again welding the weapon of sophistry
with unblushing boldness, and endeav-
oring to make his doctrine of Popular
Sovereignty palatable to the Southern
stomach.


DOUGLAS AS "THE CHAMPION OF PoPU-
LAR SOVEREIGNTY"


We hear no longer of the "rights of
the people of the Territories to form
and regulate their domestic institutions
in their own way" and now, "of the
measure of restrictions imposed upon
the Territorial Legislature over the
subject of domestic relations" The
change is very significant whenever
these restrictions, they are, or may
hereafter be, finally determined by the
Supreme Court Of the United States.
Let me remind you, that previous to
the election of Mr.. Buchanan, when
ever the question was put as to the right
of property in slaves under the new
Territorial Government, Judge Doug
lass regular reply was that is ques-
! ton for Congress to decide That
answer was the foreunner of the Dred
Scott decision. We are now told, as
shall hereafter be finally determined,
by the Supreme Court of the United
States" What will follow? The re-
striction, already finally determined,
we know it is, that Government can
not impair the right of property in
slaves but has the power, coupled with
the duty, to protect and guard the
owner in his rights. Restrictions
which may hereafter be finally deter
mined." Heaven knows what they will
be. But "whatever they may be"
Douglas is pledged to enforce them
with promptness and fidelity"


So it turns out that his Popular Sow
ereignty fastens slavery more irremov-
able upon Territory, as such, than it
is fastened upon South Carolina her.
SELF The people of South Carolina,
in their sovereign capacity, may abol-
ish slavery whenever they see fit. The
people of Kansas, in their Territorial
condition, cannot. The people of
South Carolina have the right to dis
courage slavery by unfriendly ligisla-
ton ; the people of Kansas are bound
to guard and protect the slave-owner
in his rights and are restricted from
passing laws violating that obligation.
The Federal Government has no pow
err to interfere in South Carolina, but
as soon as Kansas dares to disregard
the restriction" Judge Douglas, if he
should become President of the United
States, would stand pledged to enforce
the restriction "with promptness and
fidelity" And after having struck
down the freedom of the Territories,
this g champion of freedom will sneak