Year: 1860

aug law; has he committed any violation oI
duty? Why then are you suspicious tn al
he will? Now, then, I have shown that hav
ing the Government in your hands all the
time, you have brought it to the verge of de
Essruction; and the people. believing it was
time the scepter should depart from J our
hands, have placed it in more competent
hands. If this is so you have no constitution
al.right to complain, when We all disavow any
iffeeetion so to make use of that victory we
have won, as to injure you at ALL This
bssgs me here to the question of compromise
Tie first day Of this session Senator rises and
oE,rs a resolution to inquire into the evils be-
tween different sections, and to ascertain what
coild be done to settle the difficulty. AS to
Compromise, [ suppose we had agreed that
ths day of compromises was at an end. The
most solemn we have made have been violat-
ed, and where are they7 Since have had a
se=t in this Senate one of considerable antiqui-
ty was swept away from our statute book;
and when in the minority / stood up here and
asked you to withhold your hands-that il
was a sacred compact between sections what
was the cry? That it was nothing but an act
of Congress, and could be swept away by the
same majority that passed it. That was true
in fact, and true in law, and it showed the
weakness of crompromises. Now, l only
speak for myself, that in view of the manner
in which compromises have been treated, I
should think hardly any two members of the
Democratic party could looh each other iii the
face and say compromise" without smile
A compromise to be brought about after the





experience we have had, is absolutely riGicu-
loas. What are we to compromise? l am
one-of those who went with zeal to maintain
the principles of the Republican party. In a
constitutional way we met and nominated our
candidate You did the same. The issue
was made, and we went to the people with it,
and, although usually beatcn,the justice of our
principles and the bad administration Of the
Government convinced the people that
change ought to be brought about, and after
trying your utmost, and We our utmost, we
beat you.


We beat you on the plainest and most pal
pable issue ever presented to the American
people, and one they underst, oil the best-and
now, when we come to the capital, we tell you
that our candidates must be inaugurated and
administer the Government precisely as their
predecessors have done. 1t would be humilia-
ting and dishonorable to US if we listen to a
compromise by which we should lay aside the
verdict Of the people, When it comes to that
you have 30 Government, but anarchy inter
venes aud civil war may follow, and all the
evils that human imagination can raise may be
upon such q course as that. The
American people would lose the sheet anchor
of Liberty, whenever it is denied on this floor
thata majority fairly given shall rule. know
not-sAtl;ft' others may do, but [ tell you that
ssiF tiIzt verdict of the people in my pocket,
and standing on the platform which these
candidates were elected, / would SITTER anything
before | would compromise it away. [
deem it no case where we have a right to eX-
tend courtesy or generosity. The absolute
right. the most sacred that a free people can
bestow upon any man is their verdict that
gives him full title to the office he holds. If
we cannot stand there, cannot stand any
where; and, my friends, any other verdict
would be as fatal to you as to us. You say he
came from one section Of the country. What
of that Mr.. Wade appealed to gentlemen on
the other side to say if they believed if the re
suit of the contest had been the other way the
Republicans would have threatened disunion
He claimed that if Mr.. Lincoln was an honest
man, be would administer the Constitution
Therefore 1 say to you, as far as 1
am concerned, will yield to no compromise.
/ do not come here begging one. 1t would be
an indignity to the people I represent if 1 was
to stand here recreant to the rights of my par
ty We have won our right to the Chief
and if you were as willing to do
Justice to others as to exact it from them, you
would never rise to ask for compromise
Many of you stand in an attitude hostile to the
Government when you threaten that unless we
do so and so. you will go out of this Union ard
destroy the Government. l say in my private
capacity never yield to anything by way of
threats In my public capacity I have no
right to yield Therefore, | would not enter
tain proposition for compromise. This long
chronic controversy must be met upon the
principles of the Constitution. I hope it may
be adjusted, but know of no way except that
laid down by the Constitution of the United
States When we go astray from that, we
plunge. ourselves into difficulties. There are
different ways of constituting it, but in my
Judgment, it is the wisest Constitution ever
vet organized and am willing to stand by it.
/ ask for nothing more. There is another sub
iect about which [ ought to say something
1t is claimed that you have right to seeede
at your pleasure. l cannot find any warrant
for doctrine like that in the Constitution


In my Judgment. it would be subversive of
constitutional obligations. If that is soj we
have no Government. 1t would reduce this
Union to mere conglomeration of States, to be
held together at the will of any captious men,
Der of It. The State of South Caroline is a
small State; but, probably, if she was sunk
by an earthquake, we should hardly find it out,
except by the unwonted harmony that would
prevail in this Chamber. | say this from no
i'll will. | think she is unwise. | would be
willing to let her go out if we could do so
without an example fatal to all government; =
But, standing here, my wishes must be con-
troled by constitutional duty. l don't see
how any man can oohtend that State can go-
out of the Government at pleasure. The ques-
tion was reviewed thirty years ago, and recelv-
ed a verdict which it was supposed had set it
at rest forever By Gen. jackson, and the
men who surrounded him, it was pronounced
deiusion, and utterly dsruptive of all Gov
ernments. Yet, here it is to-day, blooming
and fresh. Mr.. Calhoun even, held to the doc
trine that we have power to make war on
State You will find this doctrine in his long
letter to Gov. Hamilton. acknowledge to
the fullest extent the right of revolution, you
so call it--a right to destroy the Gov ernment
and erect another on its rains more in accord
ance with your wishes. But when you under
take it it is with this provision Ifyou are sue
cessfr1, ell is right. You are heroes. But, if
you are defeated you are rebes:.


That is the character of revolutions ; if sue
cessful all W well, il unsuccessful the government
treats them as traitors. He did rot see n
cause to apprehend' that any party intended
TO make war on the seeding States he only
asserted the right to do so If they saw fit. He