Year: 1861

to the territories and be protected thert


with our territory. You say, we canno
decide the compact for ourselves. Well
can the Supreme Court decide for us. Mr.


Lincoln says he does not care what the Su


preme Court decides, be will turn us ou


anyhow. He says this in bis debate will


the honorable Senator from Illinois Mr.


Douglas l have it before me. He sale
he would vote against the decision OF tht
Supreme Court. Then you do not accep
that arbiter. You will not take my con
struction; you will not take the Supreme
Court as an arbiter; You will not take The
practice of the government; you will moi
take the treaties under Jefferson and Madi
son; you will not take the opinion of Madi'
son upon the very question of prohibition
in 1920. What, then, will you take? You
will take nothing but your own judgment
that is, you will not only judge for your.
selves. not only discard the court, discard
our construction, discard the practice OF the
government, but you will drive US out
Simply because you will it. Come and do
it! You have sapped the foundations Of
society; you have destroyed almost all hope
of peace. In compact where there is no
common arbiter-wbere the parties finally
decide for themselves-the sword alone at
last becomes the real, If not the constitu-
tional arbter. Your party says that you
will not take the decision OF the Supreme
Court. You said so at Chicago; you said
so in committee; every man of you in both
houses says so. What are you going to do!
You say ace shall submit 10 your construction.
We shall do it, if you can make US; but not
otherwise, or in any other manner. That is
settled. You may call it secession or you
NAV call it revolution; but there is bIg
fact standing before you, ready TO oppose
Won: that fact is, freemen with arms in their
hands. The cry of the Union will not dis
perse them; we have passed that point; they
demand equal rights; you had better heed
the demand.


wARLIKE CONCLU' ION.


You will not regard confederate obliga
tiops: YOU will not regard your oatbs
What. then, am | to do? Am q freeman?
Is my state, free state, to lie down and
submit because political fossils raise the
cry of the glorious Union? Too long, al
ready have we listened to this delusive song.
We are ireemen. w, have rights; have
stated them We have wrongs; l have re-
counted them. | have demonstrated that
the party now coming into power has de-
cared us outlaws, and is determined to
exclude four thousand million of our property
from the common territories; that it has
declared us under the ban OF the Empire,
and ont of the protection of the laws OF the
United States everywhere. They have re-
fused to protect us from invasion and insur.
rection by the Federal Power, and the
constitution denies to US in the Union the
right either to raise fleets or armies for our
own defence All these charges | have
proven by the record; and put them before
the civilized world, and demand the judg
ment of to-day, of to morrow, of distant
ages, and of Heaven itself, upon the justice
of these causes. am content, whatever it
be, to peril all in so noble, so holy cause.
We have appealed, time and again, for these
constitutional rights. You have refused
them. We appeal again. Restore us these
rights as we had them, as your court ad
judges them to be, just as all our people have
said they are; redress these fragrant wrongs,
seen of all men, and it will restore fraternity,
and peace, and unity, to all OF US. Refuse
them, and what then? We shall then ask
you, let us depart in peace" Refuse that,
and you present US war. We accept it
and inscribing upon our banners the glorious
words, "liberty and equality we trust to
the blood OF the brave and the God oi
battles for security and tranquil ty.


SENATOR HUNTER, OF VIRGINIA.


This Senator delivered speech on the
llth, the day preceding Senator Stewards.
10 commencing, be said it was now no more
o question OF preserving the old Union.
We cannot recall the past or preserve the
dead but, be added, the hope and trust of
all who desire Union is, that we may be
able to reconstruct a new government and
a new Union, which may, perhaps, be more
permanent than the old.


THE GRIEVANCES OF THE SOUTH.


To-day, we must deal wisely with the
mighty present, that we may be ready for
still more eventful future which may be
upon US tomorrow. New ideas, like
new forces, have entered into our system,
and all are demanding an enlargement OF
power, or are threatening to rend and
destroy the system. There are portions OF
this government now where the population
is beginning to press upon the means Of
subsistence. In all states there is desire,
and in some there is necessity for further
extension. L: is this which has led to the
warfare between two social systems which
have been brought together in our govern
ment, which has been waged with a
bitterness and asperity hitherto unknown.
This constitution was designed to unite two
social systems upon terms of equality and
and fairness, different in their character, but
not necessarily opposite. Indeed, the very
difference Of these systems ought to have
formed a mutual union attraction, instead
of giving rise to an irrepressble conflict.
What one wanted the other could supply,
and thus they would seem to have afforded
the material for perfect system of indus
try, which ought to have been stronger tor
mutual dependence and assistance. UnfOrtu-
nately, as those who represented the nOn-
slaveholding States increased in bumbers,
they commenced warfare upon the other
system, which had been introduced under
the constitution. 1t was commenced in 1920,
when it was said the social system of the
south was founded in sin. and ought to be
repressed and suppressed by the federal
government in all places where it has juris-
diction. The demand Was made that, 30
L Al L..
should be given for the exclusive expansion
OF one of these systems at the expense OF the
other. Unhappily, in that contest the weak
er system went to the wall, and law
was passed which did put under the ban OF