Year: 1865

the exercise OF all their powers, it will never be
made, in all human pobability by peaceful means


MAY REQUIRE.


The question now occurs. how arc these results
to be secured before those States gre permitted 10
resume their functionsl We agree that these re-
suits ought to be secured in conformity with what
may be called the American system-that upon
which and for which our Constitution was made.
This is system of separate States, each with sep
arate functions, constituted by the people of each,
and self governing within its sphere, with a cen
trail State constituted by the people of ALL supreme
within its sphere. and the final judge of its sphere
and functions. The President recognizes the i'm
porance of proceeding in accordance with this sys-
TEN. He aims at a restoration of the States, by
the people of the States, without resort to the ex-
ercise of sovereign legislative jurisdiction over
them by the general Government. In this we Of
fer 10 him our sympathy. We ask for him an in.
tellgent support. Bu, inasmuch as once restor-
ed, the State will be beyond reach, the utmos.
care must be taken to avoid hasty and unsatis-
factory restoration. Ne acknowledge that there
may be dangers in protracted and extensive mill
.ary occupation. But We believe the people are
willing to incur their share of those perils We
believe that tie people feel that the greatest haz-
ard is in premature restoration, fraught with fi-
ture danger. Any restoration would be danger
Gus which did not secure, beyond all reasonable
peril, the abolition OF slavery, actual freedom, ust





publican form of government"


The President and his cabinet. We have every
reason to believe, have the results in view. We
cannot doubt that Congress will refuse to receive
any State upon any other terms. Ifthere any
members of Congress whose fidelity on these points
is doubtful we implore you to exercise over them
all the just authority and influence of constitu-
ens.


We advance no extreme or refined theory as to
what may be incluej within the term ga republi-
can form OF government" In the exercise o! the
extraordinary prcrogative of the General Govern
merit to determine whether State Constitution
is republican, there must be practical wisdom
and refined theories. 1t the constitutions with
which the rebel States now come not '.Iepub-
lican,'' in such reasonable and practical sense as
natiors work upon-if they are so far unrepubli.
can as to endanger public peace and the stability
OF our institutions, then we may treat them not
republican" in the American sense OF the term.
THE SOUTHERN FORM OF GOVERNMENT REPuB-


LIcAN.


What, then, is the character OF their present
constitutions, assuming that slavery Is prohibited?
Here presents itself no question mere principe
or theory, but facts of an overruing nd decisive
character. For third to one-half of their pop
uiation absolutely and forever not only diSlran
chsel bu, deprived Of all the usual rights of c.ti
zens in republic. Not only 50 but this ds.ran-
chi>ement is perpetual, hereditary insurmount
abe Il is more deeply seated than oriental caste.
1t clings to each man and his posterty iorever, if
there be ira cable thread of African descent
No achicv ements in war or peace, no acquisitions
of property, no education, mental power
culture. merits, can overcome it. To
make the worse, these people not
only DISTINGUISHED, but the temper, spirit and
habits of the ruling class partakns of civil
authority, will keep them not ONLY disiran-
chised, but uneducated, without the right to tes,
fv. and without the means OF protecting their for
NAL fl IecJom. The result has been and must
be, that the system is essentially and practically
oligarchal in such a sense as actually and seri
ously to endanger the pub ic peace and the
OF republican institutions.


THE NORTHERN NOT LIABLE TO LIKE OBJECTION


Attempts are made to enbarrass the subject by
referring to several OF the free States whose con-
sttutions restrain free black in the exercise of
some of the usual rights of citizens. But these are
not practical questions before the country. The
Gener raj Government has present cognizince
of those questions in those States. Besides, we
have said, the exercise Of this extraordinary au-
thority must be upon practical and reasonable
grounds, and not on mere theory. The partial
disfranchisemcnt Of the people of color in those
States We regard rs one of the subtle effects of the
slIvc power in politics, which we hope to see
pass away with its cause. The number of persons
whom il bears upon is so small, the eff.ct upon
them SO slight. and such the state of society.
aud the habits and feelings of the people. that
the substantial character of those State as 'repub
lican'' is not seriously affected.


Departures from principle, however small, must
always he regretted; but in the vast and critical
afiirs of nations, slight alterations from exact
principles are constantly occurring. and are con
stanty submitted to and allowed for, in Iundamen-
tai Institutions as well as in occasional practice
The case OF the rebel States is vastly and absolute
n a. fliS
principle organized and brought into action, with
vast dimensions. having arcAAy created one war,
and all but destroyed the Kepuhc, and even
threatening danger hereafter. We can hardly
think il in good faith that the effort is made de-
ter the nation from confronting this vast peril over
which it has present and necessary Jurisdiction, by
invoking these slight cases found remaining in 10y
al States, which the nation has no present cog
nizance. and from which it has nothing to fear.
INSIST UPON WHAT IS NECESSARY FOR SAFE


TY AND PEACE.


We do not ask that the nation shall insist on an
uncondtioual universal suffrage. We admit that
States determine Tor themselves the principles up
on which they will act. in the restrictions and CON
dltions they place upon suffrage. All the States
make restrictions of age, and often annex 9th
or conditions operating in substance equally upon
all, and reasonably attainable by all. Those mat
tiers lie within the region of advice from neetbors
and not OF national authority. Wespeak only to
the point where the national authority comes in.
We cannot require the rebel States, if we treat
them as States to adopt system. for the sole reas
on that think it right. OF that, each State, act
ing State. must be the judge But in the sit
uation in which the rebel States now are, the ma
ton can insist upon what is necessary to public
safety and peace. And We declare it to be our be-
lief that if the nation admits a rebel State to its
full functions with constitution which does not
secure to the freedmen the right of suffrage in
such manner as to be impartial and not based in
principle upon color, and to be reasonably ut
tainabe bv intelligence and character, and which
docs not place in their hands substantial power to
defend their rights as citizens at the ballot box,
with the rights to be educated, to acquire home
steads and to testify in courts. the nation will be
recreant to its Duty to itselfand to them, and will
incur and deserve TO incur danger and reproach
proportioned to the magnitude of its response
bility.


Ii should not to be forgotten that, slavery being
abolished. and Herewith the three -ffths rule of the
Constitution. nearly two millions win be de d to
the representative population of the slave States
in the apportionment for members of Congress and
OF votes in Presidential elections. and that this in
Presidential elections, and that this increase of po
ltcal power to the rebel States must be at the ex
pense of the free States. II the freedmen remain,
as they are, dsfranchised, this increased pow
er will be welded by class of voters smaller in
tonal temptation to that class to retain it in their