Year: 1862

ofhcer rom lndlana, ana as all lHuial't'n' thank him that his official conduct allows me this pleasure.

 said the history of the republican party Is being written in public ruin; and does any man hesitate to believe 1t? If so let me refer him to broken institutions-to disturbed com merce and interrupted trade-to deranged currency, and the low prices of all our valu- able productions-and let me ask, is pubic rum not marked upon all? In what single thmg that we value, are we now as secure, as we were before the republican party came into power? Is 1t individual wealth, or publlc credit? Your Appreciated estates, and the bonds of h. diana refused in the market, at eighty cents on the dollar, furnish the answer Is It individual security and liberty? Hear the response, Tn the groans of men confined without a charge, and denied the privilege of a trial

 Is it the honor of the nation? The surren- der of Mason and Sidell tells us, that we have, for the first time n our history, bent the knee to our ancient foe.

 The times never so demandeded thorough and efficient organization of the democratic party as at the present. Throw out the ban ner, and upon its ample folds let the people see inscribed their time henored principles, and they will gladly rally around 1t, as ot yore.

 civil war is upon us. For its existence the democratic party is not responsible. For many years we have admonished those who favored sectional party of it's danger-in the senti- merts of Washington's farewell address, that the greatest danger to be apprehended to our country, was the formation of geographical par ties-we have advocated those doctrines which we believed fair and equal to all sections and which couli have been adopted without wound. ing the pride, or stimulating the arrogance of either" Our appeals were disregarded. Sec tional pride, preiudice, and hatred in one sec ton produced the same sentiments in the other; and of this sectional strife was begotten our present troubles. The war is upon ns-" wick edly provoked on the one side, and in folly and without sufficient cause, commented on the other" With secession upon the one hand, and sectional interference with southern rights upon the other, we hold no sympathy. Our most earnest desire is for the restoration of the union, upon the basis of the constitution, and for myself, l will give an honest support to all constitutional and proper measures, adopted by the administration to that end; and l will as earnestly oppose all acts in violation of the con stitu;ion, and in suppression ot liberty, because of my veneration tor that solemn compact of our fathers, and because such policy renders the union impossible by obliterating the union sentiment of the South, aud giving aid and comfort to its enemies.

 What are we to do with the negroes of the South, in connection with the war, is asked upon every hand. Before answering that, let me ask, for what purpose IS the war waged? If, as the President does profess, aud the soldiers in the field believe, it is to suppress rebellion, to restore the union, and establish the coustitu> ton and the supremacy of the laws, then l answer with the negro slave and his condition. we have nothing to do; nothing whatever, either as purpose, incident or consequence of the war; If the constitution be restored, in its aus thority over all the States then the constitution itself refers the condition of the colored race to the authority of the States, and by its own pro- visions excludes federal jurisdiction. But beyond that, how is the negro to be made an element ot strength for the suppression of the rebellion? Cameron and his supporters of the republican party say put arms in their hands For what purpose? Are there not as many men in the North ready to fight as we can arm and feed and clothe and pay? Or is it true, that outuumberng the South, nearly as three to one, the North falters and fails and must call the ne gro to the rescue? 1 would call upon my cOun- trymen to visit with universal indignation and scorn the miscreant who eDtertains so base an opinion of northern strength, and northern courage. Ignorant of the use of arms, and lacking those high intellectual and moral quail ties, that make the efficient ssldier, the negro can win no battles where the men of the North are driven back What general would go into battle trusting to black regiments for his strength? and what regiment, made up of the proud men of Indiana, would stand in battle, where they must lean for support upon armed negroes?

 Another class, too cowardly to fight, and too maevolent to be gratifed by the results of civ lized warfare, demand a carnival of blood, and feast of horrors, amid scenes of servile insurrec- tion Our fathers detested the foe that would incite the forest savage to scenes of midnight massacre, and the judgment of enlightened and civilized humanity condemns an appeal to the cupidity of the soldiery. Shall we then, whs have in keeping the honorable memories of our fathers who are amenable to the judgment of the civilized nations shall we invoke to our aid the negroes of the South, calling up the foul spirit of insurection, aud making indiscriminate and uncontrolled war upon men, women, and children amid scenes too horrible to be de, scribed, and too wicked to bring blessing. As 1 believe our, soldiers are strong and brave, 1 denounce 1t as an insult to them; and as l am jealous of our good name and fair fame, l would make proclamation oft as thing so atrocious as to consign us to iniamy, in the eyes of the civilized world.

 There is yet another class who demand, some as purpose, other IS a consequence of the war; the emancipation of the slaves.

 In a military point of view, there is weak ness, embarrassment and burthen. n the propo siton, and no strength. Without emancipation and its evils the slaves, found in the neighbor> hood of the camps, may be used to relieve the soldiers of exhausting labor. Owing servcs to their masters, they may be required to render that service to the government, but if made free, it will be at their discretion and pleasure whether they relieve the soldiers in the trenches and upon the breastworks at least such is the view of the administration, as expounded by the sec retary Of war, who says, "The government has no DO wer to hold slaves, none to restrain slave of his liberty, or to exact his service. It has the right, however, to use the voluntary services of slaves, liberated by war from their rebel masters"

 If the slaves be freed by the act of the govern u.ent. and the masters thereby discharged from the care and responsibility of their maintenance that burthen at once falls upon the government. That is the doctrine of the administration. In his last message, President Lincoln says ''U nder and by virtue of the act of the Congress entitl> ed all act to confscate property used for lnsur- rectionary pupposss, approved August 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persona to the labor and service Of certain other persons have become {orfeited; and numbers of the latter, thus liberated, arc already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for In some way" The argument ot the secretary oi war