Year: 1863

O@-SO-oSOS
CLEARTIELD, Pc, Nov. ), 1889:


Ny DEAR SIR: In reply TO your favor
Of the Goth ultimo, | have to say that
you have been rightly Informed. do
not intend to be candidate for United
States Senator ct the coming election,
and have so expressed myself to friends
on all proper occasions. have . num-
Der of reasons, public and private, for
this course, one Of which is that the cas-
tern and northern sections Of the State
make special claim to the Senator, at this
time, on the ground that We have one in
the West recently elected, and cannot
reasonably claim both for so long . term.


The other question you ask, show to
save the country" is not so readily an
swered. The usual response is. God
knows. Few of our best thinkers seem
to have any clear views on the question !;
add It is not even certain that the admin
istratiOn at Washington has we'll de-
S1SA policy to that end. | have some
thoughts on the subject which do not
hesitate to give you. They may seem to
you crude, on some points even novel and
startling; but they are the result Of some
reflection.


The sword is the only agency at work.
But the sword cannot do all. 1t is an
agent Of destruction. 1t can tear down
but cannot build up. 1t may chastise
and silence the rebels in the field but it
cannot make union Of States it cannot
restore confidence aud fraternity amongst
q people eStranged and alienated FROM
each other. If the war WAS againEt the
leaders in the South only, as many at the
beginning supposed, then the sword
might put them down, and the masses
could return to their allegiance. But the
conflict turns out to be With the masses
Of the people within the revolted States,
old and young, male and female, number.
ing many millions. With such q power,
sooner or later, We shall have to treat and
negotiate. The sword alone will never
restore this people to the Union.


You well know that when the present
calamities menaced the nation, was for
peaceful means toNyert the blow. Then
Our present suffering and sacrifices could
have been avoided, and, as believe, the
unity Of the States preserved for genera
tions, without the sacrifice of principle or
honor, or conscience, on either side; pas
sion, prejudice and fanaticism only would
have been required to give way and |
still think, nay, am sure that other
means besides war are necessary to save
our cOuntry-our whole country--from
present Affections sndimpending ruin.


know how easy it is to talk about
rar and carnage; about stragetic posi-.
tons and brilliant victories about the
prompt subjugation Of the South by the
North; how pleasant it may be to some
to float in the common current Of excite,
mcnt and passion, and especially how
unpleasant if not unsafe it is to stem this
tide. But the time is couing, if it be not
now, when the man who would render
his country q substantial service must do
this. lie must look at the whole work
before us, and strike for the right regard
less Of clamor or consequences to himself
personally.


We have had a war for eighteen
months, the like Of which the world has
seldom witnessed before, to sustain which
q national debt of startling magnitude,
which must hang over posterity long into
the future, has already been created, and
more than quarter Of million of invsl-
liable lives sacrificed on the Union side
alone, in addition to the many thousands
that have been crippled or diseased for
life; and yet but little, if any, substan-
tiGl progress has been made in the good
work of re.cstabliShinE the Union, or
even Of mSintaing the Federal authority
within the rcvolted States. Has not,
then, the experiment Of war As Z means
of extricating the country from its pres
ent deplOrOble condition, been already
tested; tested at least to such on extent
as to prove its utter futility unaided by
other means.


1t was a happy thought of President
Lincoln expressed in his Inaugural, that
If we went to war We could not fight al
w.TS .:.'S, land when, after much loss on
both sides and no gain OH either, you
cease fighting, the identical old question
as to terms Of intercourse are again upon
you" This prophetic and highly Signifi-
cant sentiment shows that even Mr.. Lin
coin, before the war began, anticipated
the time, in case it did begin, when it
would be necessary to put the sword to
rest, at least for season, in order to re-
sumo the identical old questions about
intercourse and settlement. 1t does not
seem to have occurred to him that the
sword could do the whole work, but that
inevitably, We would have to come back
to the original point to compromise and
settle. If, then, We cannot fight always,
what amount Of fighting is necessary to
render 1t proper to prepare to cease or
suspend in order to consider terms Of re-
cOnciliatiOn. There has already "been
much loss on both sides and no gain on
either :" and whilst the time to cease
fighting may~not be yet, the period has
surely come when other means besides
the sword should be employed in the e!.
fort to save the government and country.
Certainly the object Of the war and the
extent to which it is to go, should be def
initely known to the country. lift be in
tended to su6jugAte the States in rebellion
and hold them, not Us States in the
Union, but as conquered provinces, then
the sword must be kept in constant mo.
ton and war and carnage be the order OF
the day. New levies and fresh supplies
may be properly raised, for it will require
formidable army in reach of the seeded
States to execute and maintain this
scheme. determination be the object,
then the sword should have unrestrained
licence to deal death and destruction
amongst the rebels in al parts of their
country, regardless of sex, or age, or con-
dition. But neither Of these purposes, il
practicable, would re-establish the Union,
composed Of certain States. But when
the Union is re.established the South as
well as the North must be in it; the fam
lily Of States must exist as heretofore, else