Year: 1860

Cincinnati platform. 4 wise precaution in-


deed But whatever construction might


be given to the Cincinnati platform, what


will that gentleman do with the double
faced platform, which Mr.. Douglas has


laid down for himself? What will the alb


stract pledge of convention be worth to


him, if Mr.. Douglas own pledges are worth


nothing? What viii he de with man,


who when pressed to take an unequivocal


position, is always ready to sneak behind a


superior authority, declaring that these


are questions to be settled by the courts 2


Laughter and applause,l


Mr.. Douglass situation is certainly very


perplexing one. On one side he Is ostraeised


by the administration democracy for his IL


logical a3d unconstitutional doctrine, that the


legislature of a territory has control over sla-


very and on the other hand one of his near


est friends, Mr.. Morris of Illinois, in his re-


cent speech on the Presidents Message, de-


nouaccs the doctrine that slaFe property may


be carried into the territories. just hike other


property, as an atrocious 'abomination' Was


Mr.. Morris not aware that this 'apomination'


Is the Identical doctrine advocated by Mr..


Douglas in his New Orleans speech? Let


Mr. Morris examine the record Of Judge


Douglas, and he will find out, that whatever


abominations Mr.. Buchanan brings forward
in his message. he advocates none that is net


direct logical consequence Of Mr.. Douglas


own admissions.


| see the time coming. when those who raj


lied around Douglas coloTs because they be.
llevcd in his principles, viii, from his most
devoted friends, become his most indignant
accusers. They are unwittingly denouncing
his doctrines when they intend to defend him;
they will not be sparing in direct denuncia-
uons as soon as they discover how badly they
have been deceived and how ignonniniously
they were to be sold. We might indeed feel
tempted to pity him, If we had not to reserve
that generous emotion Of our hearts for those
who are wrong hy mistake and unfortunate
without guilt. Applause. Mr.. Douglas
ambiguous position, which makes it possible
for him to cheat either the north or the south,
without adding new inconsistency to those
already committed, makes it at the same time
necessary for hin to put his double faced the
ories upon an historical basis, which relieves
him of the necessity Of expressing moral
conviction on the matter Of slavery either
way To say that slavery is right, would GER
talAjr dispiease the north; to say that slavery
IS wrong, would inevitably destroy him at
the south In order to dodge this dangerous
dilemma, he finds it expedient to construe tho
history of this country so as to show, that
this question Of right or wrong in regard to
slavery had nothing whatever TO do with the
fundamental principles upon which the Amer
lean Republic was founded Dealing with
slavery only as matter Of fact, and treating
the natural rights of man and the relation
between slavery and republican institutions
as matter of complete indifference, he is
bound to demonstrate that slavery never was
seriously inconsistent with liberty, and thatthe
black never was seriously supposed 10 possess
any rights, which the white man was bound
to respect.


But here he encounters the declaration Of
laying down the fundamental
principles upon which the republic was to de-
yelop itself; he encounters the ordinance of
1877, the practical application of those prin-
ciples; both historical facts, as stern and stub
born as they are sublime. But as Mr. Doug
las had no logic to guide him in his theories
so he had no conscience to restrain him in
his historical constructions. To interpret the
declaration of independence according to the
evident meaning Of its words, would certain
ly displease the south; to call it a self evident
lie would certainly shock the moral sensibili.
ties of the north. So he recognizes it ae ven
cradle document, but makes the language,
which was SO dear to the hearts of the north
express a meaning which comedies with the
ideas Of the South.


We have appreciated his exploits as To-
giciani let us follow him in his historical dis
eoveries.


Let your Imagination carry you back to the
year l776. You stand in the hall of the old
colonial court house of Philadelphia. Through
the open door you see the continental con-
gress assembled the moment of great de-
cision is drawing near. Look at the earnest
faces of the men assembled there, and con-
slider what you may expect of them. The phi
losophy of the 18th century counts many of
them among the truest adopts. They well
coined heartily IN their scattered towns and
plantations the new ideas brought forth by
thai sudden progress of humanity, and, med
itating them in the dreamy solicitude of yir
gin nature, they had enlarged the compass of
their thoughts and peopled their imaginations
with lofty ideals. A classical education (for
most of them are by no means illiterate men)
has put all the treasures of historical knowl
edge at their disposal, and enabled them to
apply the experience of past centuries to the
new problem they attempt to solve. See 9th
ers there of a simple but strong cast of mind,
whom common sense would call its truest
representatives. Wont to grapple with the
dangers and difficulties of an early settlers
life, or, if inhabitants of young uprising cit
les, wont to carry quick projects into speedy
execution, they have become regardless Of OBJ
stacles and used to strenuous activity. The
constant necessity to help themselves, has de-
yeloped their mental independence, and in
ured to political strife by the continual de-
fense of their colonial self government, they
have at last become familiar with the idea, to
introduce into practical existence the princi-
Piles which their vigorous minds have quietly
built up into theory.


The first little impulses to the general up
leaving of the popular spirit, the tea tax.
Ind stamp act drop into insignifcance; they
are almost forgotten /; the revolutionary spirit
has risen far ahoye them. 1t disdains TO JUS