Year: 1863

it without disturbing the institution Of
Slavery. l have often spoken to you in
Cincinnati, and you all know what my
feelings are, for am Just the aame now
was when spoke to you ten years ago.
1t was very simple md very plain, thai
Slavery depended for its existence outside
OF those States upon the national will
which is simply saying your; will and my
will, that Slavery outside of those States
| should not exist antagonistic to free labor
But with Slavery in South Carolina, we in
Ohio had nothing to do; and II was just as
much averse to any interference with any
thing within the limits of other States.-
Although dislike the institution and con-
denim it, yet I was just as much averse to
any interference with it as l should be with
their interference with our institutions
here in Ohio. That was my doctrine; and
SO when this rebellion commenced it would
have been extremely agreeable to me if we
could have put our foot upon the snake-I
mean the rebellion-and crushed it without
any further trouble. But while greatly
desired that, and had / been general-in-
chief should have attempted, in an awk-
ward way, to accomplish it. Still we all
know the rebellion went on, and assumed
greater and greater proportions. We put
greater and greater armies into the field,
but the slave population of the South was
the real prop of the rebellion-raising pro-
visions for the army while it was fighting
in the field, so that they could have pretty
much all their laboring population in the
battle field; and they had another labor
ing population behind them to feed and
support them; and therefore it appeared
evident, especially as we had to depend
upon the blacks in the South for informa-
ton for our armies, and the whole army
was so demoralized that they were the only
friends our armies could find when they
passed through. 1t seemed, say, perfect
II clear that he had to strike at this under
prop of the rebellion; and so, when Presi-
dent Lincoln thought fit to issue his proc
lanation, said amen, with all my heart.
Tremendous applause.]


1t was never intended to interfere with
the States that were loyal. This proclama
ton comes up as a great feature in this
war. In my judgment, the PROCLAMATION
was the right thing in the right place, and
without it, am just as sure as am OF my
own existence, that we could not have
made the progress we have made, and /
hold the man who denOunces the procla-
nation, either speaks ignorantly OF which
he knows but little or nothing, or else he
really desires that the rebellion should sue
ceed. Loud applause.] There is 10 al
tentative. The rebellion would: have sue
ceeded but for the proclamation; if then,





poses it because he does not understand
it, or because he wishes the rebellion to
succeed. But then, say some, you are ma
king war upon this people of the South,
and you will not let them come back into
the Union with their slaves. Well, now,
gentlemen, there are two classes of States
in the South; there is the class of States
simply nothing to do except to bid God
speed to the unconditional Union men of
those States. They will do their own work
in their own way, and in their own time
[applause] and all we have have to dc, is
to stand by them. But in the States which
are affected by the proclamation, the case
is different. Either the proclamation was
in the face of the whole world, or else that
proclamation was an etfectual thing, and
there are no slaves to-day in the rebel
States. Loud cheers.] They are all en-
franchised by the proclamation, for what
says it? all the slaves are declared now and
forever free, and the executive power is
pledged to the maintenance of this free
dom. If it were not so, it would be a ma
tional imposture, and I would no more be
guilty Of that piece Of infamy than would
steal into your house at night and rob your
pantry. Laughter and cheers. But what
have we TO do with this proclamation in
the rebellious slave States? It is a very
simple thing. Just simply recognize the
Union men who remain in those States.-
Such men as Durard, Mr.. Flanders, and Mr..
May, and whole host of others who were
known as shareholders, are now satisfied
that the Union men Of the South must see
TO it that Slavery must never be permitted
to be re-established in those States. Take
such man as the Hen, Mr.. Anderson -
When he went home and stood up tor the
Union, what did the slave aristocracy do
f.Nr hirpoc t1,nS fotn
and his wife and his little ones were oblig-
ed to take shelter in the bushes, and so
with multitudes of Union men in Texas at
the present day, but all of them wish to
get back and establish free State ia Tex
as, because they say no other than a free
State can ever protect them from the enc
mics Of freedom, and, I was going to say,
of human nature. ICheers.] Again, in
Florida, there were many who were driven
away who are now anxious to return. Is
there a man here who wants these noble,
generous Union men Of the South to go
back to be trampled under foot by restored
rebels? Cries of No, No. Let them go
back, but let them go back under the egis
of the American Union, with the protec-
(cheersl and then they will take care to
settle this question of Slavery. They will
amend the Constitution so as to put the
Slavery question where it ought to be-
When that is done, who is going to talk
about the proclamation? You have here,
my fellow citizens, an intelligent state
ment, as it seems to me, of the manner in
which this thing can be settled, simply by
standing by the unconditional Union men,
who almost all of them have embraced the
doctrine of emancipation in the Border
States, and standing by the Union men in
the pro-Slavery States, and letting them
protect themselves against the institution
of Slavery. We have heard good deal
about popular sovereignty. Is that not the
best popular sovereignty to let the people
protect themselves against what they con-
ceive to be evil? How simple all things
are when we come to test them by the plain
light of reason?


AS might have been expected, this war
has attracted the attention of the whole
world. Everywhere throughout the world
despotism and aristocracy are in sympa-
thy with the rebellion. Despotism and ar
istocracy do not like great and flourish
ing republic. The English aristocracy
and the French despotism would naturally
like to see the country broken up. Then
there is another ground for sympathy
Despotism naturally sympathizes with