Year: 1862

ton OF II, and very probably for time
would do less, leaving an increased part
TO white !aborers, bringing their labor in.
TO greater demand and consequently en-
hancing the wages ii.


With deportation, even 10 a limited ex
tent, enhancing wages TO white labor is
mathematicaly certain. Labor is Ike
any other commodity in the market-in.
crease the demand Tor it, aud you increase
the price Of it. Reduce the supply Of
black labor by colonizing the black la
borer out Of the country, and by precisely
so much you will increase the demand
for, and wages for white labor. But it is
dreaded that the freed people will swarm
forth and cover the whole laad. Will
liberation make them any more numerous?
Equally distributed among the whites Of
the whole country. and there would be
but one colored 10 seven whites. Could
the one IN any way greatly disturb the
seven +? There are many communities
now, having more than one free colored
person TO seven whites. and this without
any apparent consciousness of evil from
it. The District of Columbia and the
States Of Maryland and Delaware are all
in this condition. The District has more
than one free colored to six whites, and
yet in its frequent petitions TO Congress,
l believe it has never presented the pres.
ence OF free colored persons as ono Of its
grievs noes.


But why should emancipation south
send free people north ? People of any
color seldom run unless there is something
to run from. Heretofore colored people
have fed north 10 some extent from bond
age, and now, perhaps from both bond
age and desttution, but il gradual eman.
cipalion and deportation be adopted they
will have neither to flee from. Thor own
masters will give them wages, at least till
new laborers can be procured aud the
freed men in turn will gladly give their
labor for wages ill! new homes can be
found for them in congenial climes, and
with people of their own blood and race.


This proposition can be trusted on the
mutual interests involved, and in any
event cannot the North decide for itself
whether to receive them I? Again, as
practice proves more than theory in any
case, has there been any irruption north
ward, because of the adjustment of sla.
very in District Of Columbia last spring?
What l have said of the proportion Of free
colored persons to the white in the Dis.
trict Of Columbia is from the census OF
1850, having no reference TO persons
called contrabsnds, NOV Of those made free
by The act Of Congress abolishing slavery
here.


The plan consisting OF these articles is
recommended. not but that a restoration
Of the national authority would be accepted
without its adoption, nor will the war or
proceedings under the proclamation Of
September 22d, 1862, be stayed because
Of the recommendation of this plan. Its
timely adoption doubt not would bring
restoration and thereby stay both. And
Notwithstanding this plan, the recommend
alton that Congress provide by law for
compeusatisg any State which may adopt
the emancipation before this plan shall
have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly
renewed. Such would only be an ad-
vance part Of the plan, and the same ar
gumenis apply to both. This plan is re-
commended as means not in conclusion
OF but additional to all other for restoring
and preserving the national authority
throughout the Union. The subject
is presented exclusively in its econom.
ical aspect. The plan would, I am con-
fdent, secure peace more speedily than
could be done by force alone, while it
would cost less, considering amounts and
manner OF payment and times of payment,
and The amounts would be easier paid than
will pc the additional cost Of the war if we
rely solely upon force. 1t is most likely
that il would cost no blood at all.


Tie plan is proposed as permanent
Constitutional law. 1t cannot become
such without the concurrence, first, oil
two-thirds Of Congress, and afterwards
three -fourths of the States. The requi-
site three quarters Of the States will nee.
essarily include seven Of the Slave States
II obtained, it will give assurances o.
their severally adopting emancipation al
no distant day, upon the new constitutions
terms. This assurance would end the
struggle now and save the Union forever


do not forget the gravity OF a paper
addressed 10 the Congress Of the Nation
by the Chief Magistrate Of the Nation :
nor do forget that some OF you are my
seniors, or that many Of you have moro
experience than l in the conduct OF public
affairs. Yet, / trus; that in view Of the
great responsibility resting upon me, you
will perceive no want Of respect for your
selves in any undue earnestness l may
seem to display. Is il doubted, then, that
the plan | propose, if adopted, would
shorten the war, and thus lessen the eI.
pendture OF money and blood Is it
doubted that it would restore the national
prosperity and perpetuate both indeh
nitely 2 Is it doubted that we here, Con-
gress and Executive, can secure its adop-
ton ? Will not the good people respond
10 united and earnest appeal from us
Can we-can they by any other means so
certainly or so speedily assure these vital
objects We can succeed only by con-
cer:. 1t is not-can any of us imagine
better but, can any Of us do better
The dogmas Of the quiet past are made
quate to the stormy present. The occa-
sion is piled high with difficulty, and we
must rise with the occasion. As our case
is new, SO we must think anew and acl
anew. We must disenthral ourselves, and