Year: 1859

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posed to the administration democracy
yet. owing to the many half fled ged
theories which have been lately pro-
jected by political charlatans, respecting
the power of Congress over the Terrific
ries. it seems difficult TO find any common
basis upon which an united opposition
may be constructed and maintained


Those who oppose Buchanan's Kan
sas policy and the pro-slavery tenGen-
cies of the Democracy, do no. all agree
in their notions about the management
of the Territories and, in fact, it is
folly to expect that one-half of the peo-
pie will think exactly alike on questions
Of public interest. In order that so
| many persons may act together, there
must be a modification of individual
views-an expansion and contraction of
opinions 50 as to meet the acquisitions Of
a common standard. This can be done
without any dishonorable concession,
but simply in accordance with the well
known principles which govern all as
sociated action. 1t Is plain that there
must lie either partial yielding up of
favorite and peculiar theories, or another
triumph Of the party now in power over
its divided and discordant opponents


Is there, then, in addition to the COM
mon objection to the extravaganza and
general iretficieney of the present Ad-
miuStration, any principle in relation to
this question ofslavery in the Terrific.
ries which may consistently be adopted
by the opposition l think there is,
and that the principle is non interren-
tim. By that term | mean simply this :
ii at Congress shall not, or rather aoiH
not legisate on the subject of slavery
in the Territories. This, it will lie per
ceived, does not raise any constitutional
questions. and, unlike that other phase,
squattcr sovereignty, does not involve
unnecessary problems about the original
sources Of sovereign power.


Slavery is really the only matter that
offers any serious difficulty in the man
agement of the Territories and he who
believes that Congress have the legal
power to prohibit slavery there and
he who believes that Congress has OF
such power may, at least, agree that
Congress shall not prohibit it, without
either yielding up his constitutional
theory. Indeed, this principle of non
Intervention is far supeliorto that known
as squatter sovereignty, For many rea-
sons which cannot be detailed in a short
article. Non-interveniion, as l have
endeavored to define it, avoids all such
Inconsistencies as have been exhibited
in the conduct of Utah officers for If
Congress have DO legal power over the
Territories, then the marching of the
army to Salt Lake was sheer unauthor-
iscd aggression and usurpation. 1t does
not follow that Congress must and will
lcgislate on the subject of slavery. be-
cause they have the power so to do;
and by denying to Congress all power
over the Territories. we involve our
selves in inextricable difficulties. Let
us say, not that we have no power to
intervene, but that we ,riU not intervene
in this matter of slavery.


Now, why cannot all the opposition
unite on this principle : is composed
chiefly of three classes lst, Douglas
democrats I'd. Republicans; and Sd
Wings and Americans who are still
nothing else" How stands it with the
Douglas democrats These men claim
that Congress lave TO legal over 10
legislate for the Territories at all but
that the people who emigrate there have
isi"t p'"Oi' tHN oci'S an oiISlhdi lco-
pie, having sovereign powers of gov
ernment which are not conferred, but
which-like their. gizzards-are innate
parts of themselves. At least this is
what think they claim-after very
careful examination on the subject. ~
Now, therefore. if Congress do not in
tervene to establish or prohibit slavery
in the Territories, it seems to me that
this class of politicians should be salts
fed, without wishing to compel others to
believe that Congress have no constitu-
tional power so to do. They shouId be
content with the practical result.


The main idea of the Republicans is
opposition 10 the extension of slavery
They believe that Congress have the
legal power to prohibit slavery in the
TerritOres, in which I think thew are