Year: 1869

Congress and tho Telegraph Monopoly.


The House Committee on Post Oflces has


reported adversely to the several schemes be-


fore Congress for the establishment of postal


telegraph. The propositions under considera-
tion by the committee were three-first that


of Hon. E. B. Washburne for the appropria-


tion Of seventy-fve thousand dollars to build a


four wire experimental postal telegraph be-


tween New York and Washington, to be ope-


rated in connection with the post Offices by


persons wholly in the government employ, at a


tariff of one cent per word for telegraph toll


and FIVE cents additional to each message for


postage and delivery; second, proposition


Of Mr.. Hubbard. Of Boston, to grant him


charter to build postal telegraph throughout


the country, to be operated by the Post Office


Department at a similar low rate Of tolls;


third, Mr.. Halls proposal to construct line


between Boston and Washington, under direc-


tion Of the Post Office Department, for the


transmission of messages at the same rate of


one cent per word. 1t will be seen that all of


these schemes are based on the business pro-


posal to carry messages for the public at one


cent per word, and all of them emanate from


gentlemen long familiar with telegraphy and


who have made it study. But the last two


are schemes under which private parties look
! to obtain large contracts with the government


We shall, therefore, dismiss them from discus
| sion and proceed to examine the adverse re-
| port of the House committee in its relation to


Mr.. Washburne's simple, yet broad and COM
prehensive, proposition.


The scheme proposes that Congress shall


appropriate the Insignificant sum Of seventy
five thousand dollars for the experiment
of a postal telegraph at low rate Of


toll, and the opposition Of the Western Union
Telegraph Company to the trial Of the


experiment has, without doubt, been the


committee. There is no claim that the amount
to be expended is too large to bestow upon
pure experiment, that the object Of the great
public good to be achieved is not worthy of
| the expenditure of 80 small sum but the OBJ
| jections of the Western Union Telegraph Com


pany may be classed under two heads, which


do not seem logically to agree with each
other Their first point is that the thing can


not be done, and their second that in doing it
| the Western Union Telegraph Company will


receive great injury. 1t would seem to us


that if the telegraph company is right in its


assertion of the first class of reasons the best
course for it to have pursued would have been


to encourage the government to go on, make


the asked-for appropriation and demonstrate


the fallacy Of the scheme by its failure. Such


course on it's part would save the Union Tele-
| graph Company from it's present anxiety, much
!, writing Of pamphlets and newspaper articles ip


its defence and the expenditure Of large


amounts Of money in getting up testimony and


argument to save the country from trying what
the company insists is futile and foolish ex-


pertinent. If they are right in the position
they assume, that the thing cannot be done,
| they need be under no fear of injury to their
interests by its doing.
We claim that the opposition to Mr.. Wash


burne's proposition comes wholly from the
Western Union Telegraph Company, because


the question Of postal telegraph has been
only recently mooted in this country and has
not been fully discussed before the people.
and, further, because no other great interest
has as yet moved in the matter. Whenever
the question shall have been fairly examined
by our merchants and the people at large we
are convinced that they win demand postal


telegraph, and 1t is this result which is the
true cause of fear to the Western Union Tele-
graph Company. The fair trial Of Mr.. Wash
burnes proposed experiment would convince
the whole country without need Of discussion.
But let us look at the real points of the House
committees adverse report.


The first point advanced is that the refusal of
Congress to accept the proposition of Professor
Morse twenty five years ago to make his inven-
tion of the telegraph part Of the postal
service, and similar rejection by Postmaster
General Dennison in 1s45, have set at rest the
question of telegraph control. This is not only
an error, but is q proof that q few wise men,
with the inventor Of the telegraph at their
head, saw the question even then in its true
bearings, and the refusal Of government at that
time to take the new invention in hand was
simply an act of ignorance. The next point
made by the Western Union Telegraph Com
pany is that the past action of Congress in
legislation on the telegraph amounts to COM
pact with the existing monopoly that govern
ment shall do nothing to injure its interests.
This is not only fallacy, but most
impudent one. The past Legislation Of Congress
was taken in compliance with the demand Of
the public for some relief from telegraph
oppression, and so far from being compact
to save the monopoly 1t is a binding promise
that If the legislation failed in its hope, as il
has failed, that further action would be taken
TO relieve the people.


Every person at all acquainted with the con-
struction and cost Of telegraph lines must have
| been amused at the citation of the cost Of the