Year: 1860

ants, ask you how northern men are likely TO


sustain Us IN II At present We have no south


efn men for It that | know of except one


lnere may be others; but they have not thought
proper after debate of three months, TO state


the fact. But suppose they come up and do It


now many men will you get from the North


mold that 1t is political impossbiity that we


should pass such measure and, as shall pre-
| Sentiy endeaVor TO show, nothing but mischief
/ Will result from the attempt


But suppose there were nothing IN :his fourth
objection OF mine, and that Congress should ac-


tuaiiy pass law OF that sort, how much would


be worth 10 Territory where the people are


thoroughly adverse to it and unwilling that the


institution should exist or be protected II YOU


are going to enforce the law, you must send Ell


ther an army, or an Immense number of officials


and scatter them all over the Territory. GEN
tlemen know how diGcut it is to recover a
runaway negro from the free States. From


some OF these States you can only get him by


the help OF an army. It was stated the other


day, IN speech by member of the Republican


party, who, L suppose, knowS-F mean Mr..


RAYMOND, who was once Lieutenant Governor
OF New YoGk-that of the runaways who went


to The North, not one in five hundred ever was


recovered and yet it is much easier 10 send


posse or body OF troops there TO get single


negro at one point and return him, than it would


be to support an army and protect it over a


whole Territory. But, nevertheless, suppose
you could maintain it there, what then Ev-
erybody on our side of the House admits that


when such people made State constitution
they would make it anti-slavery Any COM
munity on earth who had forced upon them a.
system to which they were adverse would in
evltably throw it off when they could. Wha,
would be the result !? Every State brought in
to the Union under these circumstances would
not only be free State, but would probably be
aboiItIonlzed probably strong antt-slavery fea-
tures would be thrown into its constitution
What advantage is that to US OF the South, +
ask gentlemen? We would like to have slave
States ; they would give us additional strength
IN the two houses of Congress but slave Terri
tories are worth nothing TO us-they give us no
strength. We should IKE to have slave Terri
tories that might be formed Into slave States
but If We can only give them under system
which is almost sure 10 make them germinate
INTO free and hostile States, they are OF no ad-
vantage to US.


have now, Mr.. President, gwen some FIVE
reasons why, IN my Judgment, even if non-in-
irrVenitoa mad not been right originally, il
would be the true policy now; but gentlemen
say, II 1t ia our right to have protection, let US
insist upon it. | take it for granted that every
nan believes he has rights which he cannot in
'ist on at all times. No man will insist on an
distract, remote sort of right which he can turn
o no practical advantage, and thereby merely
ncur very great losses. If man believed that
he had certain valuable property in the moon
lobody would expect him TO attempt to get at.
there, either by balloons or otherwise. Ev-
rybody would regard it as impossibility, and
my expenditure of time and money that he
made to effect it would be regarded as thrown
way. | am free to say that, in my idgment.
here is about as much probability Of effecting


thing OF that sort as there is of getting
Trough Congress and maintaining system of
eglslation to protect slavery in Territories that
re so utterly hostile to It that they make their
legislature act against it, and then to bring
hem IN as slaveholdiag States. One is politi-
al, the other pyslcal impossibIlity. think
re shall lose by the operation and this brings
lie to another class of objections.


II we take this system of congressional ill.,
entlon for the protection of slavery, we must
It in opposition TO the settled policy of the
party for the last ten years. Then
ou necessarily divide the party. The move
lent will not divide our opponents they will
Il stand as they now do, firmly united
yalnst Us; but we shall divide our own party in
two sections, and | beg leave to call the atten-
on of Senators to the fact that, on looking over
le resolutions adopted in the Democratic con-
entions of the free States-and have examln-
all OF them but ons-every single one of
lem, as far as | know or believe, has declared
| favor OF the Cincinnati platform, and non-in-
rvention. So have many of the southern
tates likewise. live adopt different policy
! these gentlemen must change their ground


once, OF be driven out of the party. ask
ou, Mr.. President, can they maintain them
Ives before their opponents under this dis
ivantage Suppose, for example, the delega-
on from Pennsylvania go home from con-
ention where the policy of Intervention has
zen adopted how will their opponents meet
lem Their Republican opponents will say


them you have all been fighting for ten
pars upon the principle OF non-intervention
Id at your State Convention last March, you
assed resolutions, without division, unanimous
declaring that Congress had no power to le-
slate on the subject of slavery in the Terrlto-
es ; and that it would not be expeden: for
em to exercise it, fthey Tad it yon went to
lie national convention, aud the slave power
ave imposed on yon an Intervention plank-a
ank by which you will have to legislate sla-
cry into and maintain il in the Territories"
hey will call 1t, of course, a slave code. Will
lr friends be able to malntain themselves
ivantageously under these circumstance
ut it to the common sense of everybody if that
an be expected. will not say, as southern
entleman said to me the other day, who was
favor of southern candidate at Charleston.
lat if the angel Gabriel was put upon slave