Year: 1860

say in your legislative assemblies and ma
tional conventions, that it is no law. As
live, it is not the law
CoNsEQUENcEs OF THE DEMOCRATIC CLAIM.


See where it leads. Suppose they have,
under the Constitution, the right to carry
slavery into the Territories, have you not
right to carry those same slaves into Ohio
You have the right to carry COW or
horse, coat or q watch into Ohio, and il
under the Constitution slavery is just as sa-
cred and invioate as this species of proper
ty how dare Gov. Chase say you shall not
bring your slaves and take possession of
the hotels at Columbus and the farms now
occupied by honest freemen9 l tell you
why you cannot; it is because the right you
assume does not exist. The Constitution
says:


"This Constitution, and the laws of the
United States which shall be made in pur-
suance thereof, and all treaties made, or
which shall be made, under the authority
of the United States, shall be the supreme
law of the laRd,' &c.


There is the whole substance of the mat
ter. If the Dred Scott decision is right
then there is not one single foot of any but
slave territory from the Gulf of Mexico to
the hills of Maine. If that be true, then
indeed there is no conflict going on, in the
language of Seward and the Democratic
party, between freedom and despotism, but
the conflict is ended, and you and l, and
all of us, are subject to despotic power,
which is higher than the great dicta of all
the learned jurists that have preceded us
higher than the Constitutions of the States
and the sovereignty of conventions; and
last, if not least, higher than the Constitu-
ton of the United States; the palladium of
liberty to us. If it be so, the conflict is
ended and we are all slaves; We are
subject to a despotie power over which we
have no control-none on Gods earth.-
There is no appeal TO popular sovereignty
or States rights; there is but one appeal,
and that is to revolution; an appeal to arms
and the God of Hosts-which God forbid
Therefore l deny that we are factiously
purposng to prevent the admission of any
more slaveholding States.


The fourth charge is that we propose to
"repeal the Fugitive Slave law, and practi-
cally refuse to obey the Constitution on
that subject" do not deny that in some
of the States there has been an effort made
of that kind, but do utterly deny that
there is any such clause in the platform of
1856 or the call of 1850. Without dwell
ing further upon that, pass it by, saying
that do not care TO avow that | stand on
that subject with Daniel Webster, the man
whom of all others in this country, we
have styled the expounder of the Constitu-
tion--certainly upon constitutional law the
highest authority this country or any other
has ever seen. Mr.. Webster although he
was overpersuaded fattered with the idea
that he would get Southern support by
yielding his true born opinion, said what.
in his speech of 7th March? He said "that
this was power that belonged not to Con-
gress, but to the several States" That is
my belief, but the Republican party, desi-
rous of harmony, yielded it, and struck it
out of our platform in 1856, and do not
propose to incorporate it into the platform
of 1860.


OTHER CHARGES REFERRED TO.


Fifth, to refuse to prevent or punish by
State action, the spolation of slave proper
ty, but on the contrary to make it a crimi
nal offense in their citizens to obey the laws
of the Union, in so far as they protect prop
erty in African slaves" Gentlemen, dom
We tell you in our call that we go for pro
tecting the rights of all the States and SC
far from hindering you in the return o
your property, that we pledge ourselves a
party to defend you against your State ol


my State, and every State, or against for


eign invasion in the Territories. Of course


if we are honest in one purpose, we arr


honest in the other, and we cannot be hon


est in that avowal If we are dishonest ii
the first imputation.


Sixth. 'To abolish Slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia" need not read ou


platform again, but 1 defy any man to fine
any such clause in it.


Seventh. ITO abolish it in tho forts


arsenals, dock yards and other places in tn
South where Congress has exclusive iurs
diction." There is no such clause as tha
in the platform of 1856, or the call of 1850


Eighth. "To abolish the internal an,


coastwise trade" There is no such claus
, as that in either.


, Ninth. "To limit, harass, aud frown up
on the institution in every mode of politi
cal action, and by every form of publ
opinion" We make directly opposit
! avowal. So far from that, we. not only ar
compelled by the necessity of the case, bu
) we propose in carrying out in good fait
this. associated brotherhood of confederate
7 States, not to take Emancipationists alon
, upon our platform, not simply to appoiU
! them to Offices, but we propose and invit
: shareholders to act in conjunction with u
( and to assist US iu carrying out the Govern
7 ment, which we shall in all probability S
soon control. How can this be truel Ho
= can we then intend to harass the institutio
: by every mode of political actionl VIII,
9 gentlemen, the thing is impossible in th
e nature of things, and unless you have proc
t that we are dishonest, there is no believiu
Q that we can or desire to monopolize all tb
o Offices in the country. This allegatio


cannot lie against us, therefore it falls still
n born at our feet


! While l have been projecting these note
0 to-day, l received a copy of the Cincinna
/ Gazette, one Of the leading Republican pa