Year: 1867

vatiye.)


1t matters nothing whether this or tina
man, or this or that body Of men, are ol
not enemies to the President They ma,
or not be enemies without much harm K
the country, or much dsnger to ANYBODY
We care little what may be the antecedent:
of the President sbout the powers of ths
government or of any of It's great depart.
ments. We have said nothing on this
point, and, SO long as higher and more
vital issues press upon the country, we
shall say nothing. II is enough for us that
We regard The constitution of the United
States as being habitnally violated and
trodden under foot, net by mere casual
oversight OF its solemn covenants and obli-
cations, bat by widespread combination,
to which has been impaired by Congress ali
the forms Of public administration of the
Law. We make this declaration in the
very spirit Of truth. We feel all its force
and all the responsibility which high con-
yictions Of its justice and necessity are able
10 impart 10 us. We utter it as a warning
and complaint We charge the five mill
tary despotisms TO Congress. We read the
constitution in vain for word Of authori-
ty for any snch scheme of tyranny and Cd p
preston. We pronounce it the work of
usurpation-the work of lawlessness-the
work Of revolution. 1t is a high crime TO
do these things in the spirit Of revolution /;
and we still hope and trust that cool re-
Election and wise after-thoaght will come
in to correct them.


We deny the just right of the people to
create governing power Of the nature of
that which Congress has put upon the
South, Liberty is no creation of political
bodies. 1t is as much an attribute ofman-
hood az the power of utteranee. Ii is the
gift Of bene6cent God-original, inalien-
able, and indestructible, except by violence.
Despotisms are applicable solely to out
laws. Prisons are the seats Of their power.
crime and its just forfeitures the source of
their authority. There is no lust power in
the people, even in framing government
TO do more than is absolutely necessary 10
put into operation perfect system OF laws.
In this they are limited to certain great
ends. All of good must accord with the
public good and advantage. Trial bv iury.
free speech, and free press are inherent
elements IN free system of laws. They
should not be abridged by any local an-
thority on earth. Where they have been
stricked down, there we have incontestable
evidence of despotism. Free speech and
a great free press gave us the government
OF the constitution. Every line of that
compact, every act Of the precedent resoIu-
ton which separated us from England
every great event of our ancestral career.
from The Charter to "The Act of Settle.
ment, attest the truth of this fact. Has
Congress not stricken down freedom of
speech and the press in ten States of the
American Union Has Congress not set
aside trial by jury? Has it not crushed
ont the entire civil power of those States.
and raised over the people naked mill.
tary despotism? Is not this usurpation
Is 1t not revolution? Is it not despotism ?
Is 1t mere political ofense against the
constitution Did the constitution give
IA our liberties impart to us our rights,
and constitute our manhood? 1t is more
than political ofiense il is a grave crime,
involving the direct sacrifice of the inalien-
able and sacred rights of man.


We think il proper TO say once for all.
that while we respect the representatives
of the legislative body, and will be careful
to yield obedience to their legal authority.
we shall never be able TO see how they can
set aside the constitution, or create and
operate military establishment anywhere
within the common jurisdiction over and
in defiance of the civil powers of the sew
eral States. We have carefully examined
the great act of Union, and we find it to
prescribe an oath TO the President, that he
will preserve, protect and defend" it.
This is high oath, and it involves high
obligation to preserve, protect and defend
the constitution from all manner Of menace,
danger and assault. 1t does not name the
sources of such menace, danger and as
saults; but leaves il to the President to
determine any such public exigency as
may demand his intervention, and the
shield and force Of the Executive power.


From the Chicago Tribune. 9th. (Radical)


Senator Taylor, Senator Howard, and
other persons Just from Maryland and
Washington, are convinced that the Presi-
dent and his followers intend an organized,
systematic and forcible resistance to the
authority of Congress. The organization
Of a State militia in Maryland, and its
thorough arming, is considered confrma-
tory ofthe Presidents wicked design. The
whole sentiment in Maryland and about
Washington City is more intensely rebel
lious than it was in 1851, or during the
war, and there is no event so heartily
wished for as a renewal of the rebellion,
particularly if Northern States will furnish
the rebels.


We believe in the existence of all this
evil design we believe that Andrew John
son has been prepared at any moment du-
ring the last two years TO proclaim himself
dictator, and to overturn all other branches
Of the government but we, at the same
time, credit him with intelligence enough
TO know that he is utterly impotent. and
that his revolution would be over before
the fact Of its commencement had been
made known to the country. The Mary
land militia are unqestionably n treason
able organization, but they are, in a mill
tary sense, of but triAing consequence.
They might suffice to destroy the railways
in Maryland reaching to Washington City,
and might destroy the telegraph; but all
that was done in 1861 They might flock
TO Washington, and by sudden foray seize
General Grant and the public forts and
arsenals. But this would not last long.
An army of vetrans would be on their way
10 w dclahsA sAOAit anu bSAOie tAciA CUHAALb
even, the loyal blacks Of Maryland, the
District Of Columbia and of Virginia,
would have disposed of the Maryland
militia"


A revolution by few thousand persons
in and around the national capital, is not
revolution by the American people. a rev.
olution il not to be- accomplished in this
country by the detection Of a President. 1t
requires al army, a navy, party, and
some portion Of the people. Which of these
would sustain Andrew johnson an hour
The army and navy are under his COM
mand, but under his command only as the
Executive of the laws. Outside of his con-
stitutional functions he has no more au-
thority which an officer or soldier could
obey than any other civilian in the land.
The President would find himself as pow
erless in leading any portion of the army
or navy into rebellion against the law, CT
Tor the overthrow of the government, as
would any corporal in the ranks.


Politically such revolution would be
even weaker The Democratic party have
no purpose Of becoming Johnsonized they
have DO purpose of making his ambition
their policy, and they have no intention Of
4 -. -, .ll1 ..,,,u fhar, ~