Year: 1864

the Loyal Nhtionai League OF we" fofN'


GENTLEMEN We would have thanked
YOU much sooner but for the prolonged alb
sence of one of our number 1t would
have been painful to us to have lost the
collective character Of this reply; for the
blending of our four names is a proof OF
that great unity of sentiment upon all that
concerns the cause of justice which by
Gods favor manifests itself here below,
in spite of political and religious differen-
ces.


Yet we are careful not to overrate our
personal importance. The League does
not address us as individuals; it speaks to
France. who cherishes as a national tradi
ton, the friendship of the United States.
1t speaks to European opinion, which will
rise up and declare itself more clearly as
it recognizes that the struggle is between
Slavery and Liberty.


You have mprehended, gentlemen,
that neither France nor Europe have been
free from misapprehensions. Light did
not at first dawn upon the nature of the
salutary but painful crisis through which
you are passing; it was not plain to all, at
the outset, that the work inaugurated by
the election of Mr.. LINCOLN yielded moth
ing in grandeur to that which your fathers
accomplished with the aid of LAFAYETTE
and under the guidance of WASHINGTON.


Europe has had her errors, her hesita-
tions, for which we are paying dearly to-
day on both shores of the Atlantic. What
blood would have been spared to you, what
industrial suffering avoided by us, had
European opinion declared itself with that
force which you had the right to hope for!
There is protest of the universal con-
science before which mankind necessarily
recoils moral forces are, after all, the great
forces.


Tie revolted South, which needed our
aid, which relied and perhaps still relies
upon Us, would not have dared long to af
Sort the indignation of the civilized
world.


|. Whyhas this indignation been with
held? Why has sort of favor been
granted to the only insuwection which has
had neither motive or pretext-to the on
ly one which has dared to unfurl the ban
ner of Slavery? What has been the mer
it of this insurrection? BY what charm
has it conciliated the sympathy of more
than one enlightened mind? This is a
question humiliating to put, but useful to
solve.


In the first place Europe doubted wheth-
er Slavery was the real cause of the con-
fict. Strange doubt, in truth For many
years Slavery had been the great, the only
subject of strife in the United States
At the time of the election of Mr.. Bu-
chanan the only issue was slavery. The
electoral platforms prove this fact; the
manifcstos of the South were unanimous
in this sense her party leaders, her Gov
crnors, her deliberative assemblies, her
press, spoke but of Slavery; the Vice
President of the insurgent Confederacy
had made haste to declare officially that
the mission of the new State was to pre-
sent to the admiration of mankind soci-
ETY. founded on the g cornerstone" of Sla-
very Lastly, it would seem to all reflect
ing minds the acts of Mr.. Buchanan and
others Presidents named by the South were
proof enough of this truth. The South
thinks only of Slavery In her eyes all
means are right to secure to Slavery its
triumphs and boundless conquests.


But, it is objected that Mr.. Lincoln and
his friends were not Abolitionists. That
is certain: their programme went no far
ther than to stop the extension of Slavery
and shut it out from the Territories
Was this nothing? Was it not in fact
everything? Who could have foreseen
that, on the appearance of such pro-
gramme, of progress so unexpected, of
an attack so bold upon the policy which
was lowering and running the United
States, the friends of liberty would not
have all hastened to applaud. Was not
this the time to cheer and strengthen those
who were thus entering on the good path
Was it not due to urge them on in their
liberal tendencies, so that, the first step
taken, they should take the second and SC
on to the end :? Ought not that which
terrified and dismayed the champions O
Slavery to rejoice the hearts of its adver
earies?