Year: 1865

may be judiciay settled finally and forever, that
no State of its own will has the right TO renounce
its place in the Union.


The relations of the General Government to-
wards the four millions Of inhabitants whom the
war has called into freedom, has engaged my most
serious consideration On the proprety of attempt


ing to make the freedmen electors by the proclama-
ton of the Executive, | took for my counsel tie
Constitution ITSELF the interpretations Of that in
strument by its authors and their contemporaries
and recent legislation by Congress. When, at the
first movement towards Independence, the Congress
Of the United States instructed the several States
to institute governments of their own, they left
each State TO decide for itself the conditions for the
enjoyme1. IF the elective franchise. During the
period Of the Confedeacy, there continued to exist


very great diversity in the qualifications of cleo
tors in the several States and even within State
distinction of qualifications prevailed with regard
to the officers who were to be chosen. The Const-
tuition Of the United States recognizes these diver
stiles when it enjoins that the choice of members
Of the House of Representatives of the United
States "the electors in each shall have the quaf-
cations requisite for electors Of the most numerous
branch Of the State Legislature After the for
nation of the Constitution, II remained before,
the uniform usage for EACH State to enlarge the
body of its electors, according TO its own Judgment
and, under this system one State after another has
procee ded to increase the number Of its electors
until now oOmctuiAk Eef1 Hchu
IT, is the general rule. So 6xed was this reserIa-
ton of power in the habits of the people, aud so
unquestioued, has been the Interpretation of the
Constitution, that during the civil war the late
President never harbored the purpose--certainly
never avowed the purpose-of dsregarding it,
and in the acts Of Congress, during that period,
nothing can be found which, during the continuance
of hostilities much less their close, would have
sanctioned any departure by the Executive from q
policy which has so uniformly obtained. More
over a concession Of the elective franchise to the
freedmen, by act of the President of the United
States must have been extended to all coored me1,
wherever found and 60 must have established q
change Of suffrage in the Northern Middle, and
Western States, not less than in the Southern and
Southwestern. Such an act would have created q
new class Of voters, and would have been an as
sumption of power ny the President which nothing
in the Constitution or laws of the United States
would have warranted.


On the other hand, every danger Of conflict is
avoided when the settlement Of the question is
ferred TO the several States. They can, each for
ITSELF decide on the measure and whether it is to
be adopted at once, and absolutely, or introduced
gradually, and with conditions. In my Judgment
the freedmen, if they show patience and manly vir
tues, will sooner obtain participation in the cleo
tive franchise through the States than through the
General Government even if it had power to in
tervene. When the tumult Of emotions that have
been raised by the suddenness or the social change
shall have subsidized, it may prove that they will
receive the kindliest usage from some Of those on
whom they have heretofore most closely depended.
But while have no doubt that now, after the
close Of the war; it is not competent for the Gene
raj Government to extend the elective franchise in
the several States, it is equally clear that good
faith requires the security of the freedom in their


iberH and their property, their right 10 labor, and
their right 10 claim the just return Of their labor.


| cannot too strongly urge dispassionate treat
ment Of this subject, which should be carefully
kept Hloof from all party strife. We must equally
avoid hasy assumptions of any natural impossible
ity for the two to live side by side in state
of mutual benefit and good will. The experiment
involves in no inconsistency; let then, 60 on
and make that experiment in good faith, and NOT
be too easily disheartened The country is in need
of labor, and the freedmen in need of en-
ployment culture and protection. While


their right Of voluntary migration and expartra-
| ton fs not questioned, l would not advise theiI


forced removal and colonization. Let US r1.her
courage them to honorable and useful industry


where il may be beneficial TO themselves and to the
country and, instead Of hasty anticipatons of the
certainty of failure, let there be nothing wanting


to the fair trial Of the experiment. The change in


their condition is the substitution of labor by


tract for the status of slavery The freedmen can.


not fairly be accused of unwillingness to work, sc


long doubt remains about his freedom of choi"e


in his pursuits, and the certainty of his recovering


his stipulated wages. In this the interests o


the employer and the employed coincide


The employer desires in his workmen spirit


and aacrity, and these can be permanent
y secured in no other way. And if the


one ought to be able To enforce the contract SC


ought the other. The public interest will be bes


promoted, if the several States will provide ade


quate protection and remedies for the freedmen


Until this is in some way accomplished, there is nc
chance for the advantageous use of their labor


and the blame of ill-success will not rest on them
i know that sincere philanthropy is earnest fo


the immediate realization Of its remoteSt aims; bu


time is always an element in reform. II is one o
the greatest acts on record to have brought fou
millions of people into freedom. The career o.
free industry must be fairly opened to them anC
T then their future prosperity and condition must
+ after all, rest mainly with themselves. If they


fail, and perish away, let us be careful that thu
failure shall not be attributable to any denial o
Justice. In all that relates to the destiny Of thu
freedmen, we need not be too anxious to read tn
future; many incidents which, from a speculative
point of view, might raise alarm, will quietly sett
themselves.


l Now that slavery is at end or near its end tn


greatness of its evil in the point of view Of publi
Q economy, becomes more and more apparent
. Slavery was essentially a monopoly of labor, an
as such locked the States where it prevailed agains
the incoming Of free industry. Where labor wa
/, the property Of the capitalist the white man wa
excluded from employment or had but the secon
best chance Of finding il; and the foreign emgran
4 turned away. from the region where his conditio
would be so precarous With the destruction O
the monopoly, free labor will hasten from all part


of the civilized world to assist in developing var
] Gus and immeasurable resources which have hithet
i lain dormant The eight nine States nearest tn
: Gulf of Mexico have soil of eIuberant fertility,
: climate friendly to long life, and can sustain
denser population than is found as yet in any PAL


of our country. And the future influx of populs
= ton to them will be mainly from the North, {
8 the most cultivated nations in Europe. From tn
r suferngs that have attended them during our lat
\ struggle let us look away TO the future, which
a. sure to be laden for them with greater prosperit
than has ever before been known. The removal
D. the monopoly of slave labor is pledge that tho:
$, regions will be peopled b. a numerous and ente
IT prsing population, which will vie with any in Il


Union in compactness inventive genius, wealt
Al and industry.


r. Il