Year: 1860




R. Mcconnell, Esq, was called to preside. fanked
by a half dozen Vice Presidents and Secretaries,
Mcconnell addressed the crowd at some length,
and quite ably too, considering the untenable-
ness of his position. We estimate the attsin-
ments of Mr.. Mcconnell very highly, bat mrst
beg to take a different view of the bred Scott
decision from that be expressed in the speech of
Saturday night. If we understood him correctly,
and we noted down the remark at the time, he
declared the Supreme Court in that remarkable
decision did not decide that Congress had the
right to interfere for the protection of property
in the Territories. Perhaps the Court did not
directly, They did, however, say tha: the Con-
stitution expressly recognized property in slaves
and that any Congressional interference against
slavery in the Territories would be unconstitu-
tional inasmuch as under the Constitution no
Ierson could be deprived of property without
due process of law. The highest, the supreme
law, is the Constitution itself How can any
Territorial other law abrogate it? And if
Congress cannot prohibit slavery in the Terri
tories, and no other power can according to this
same decision, it is Constitutional institution,
and every member of Congress is sworn to pro-
tect it in an emergency. Its existence is made
by the Supreme Court as much dependent upon
the Constitution as the reclamation of fugitive
slaves. Whey should not Congressional inter-
rention be obligatory to give force and effect to
the Constitution in one case as well as another?
Who can sanction the Fugitive Slave Law and
yet say property may be despoiled in the Terri
tories without remedy? Thus we are forced to
differ with Mr.. Mcconnell, and say that admit
ting the Supreme Court have not declared in ex-
press terms that Congress has the ri ght to in
terferc for the protection of property in the Ter
ritories, it is there by fair implication.


Mcconnell was followed by General McDou-
gail in speech of candor and ability, though
nothing new was elected. The principal object
Of the speakers appeared to be, to prove Doug
las the regular nominee of the Democratic party
and Breckinridge disorganizer and disunion-
ist; that non;ntervention is an old established
principle of the Democratic party that the
Union viii go to smash if Douglas is not elected
and that the Democracy must vote for him any
how, and save the country.


The meeting was not very large or very en-
thusiastic one. For the first gun in the cam
pagn its report was less loud than we expected
Less able orators in quite as bad cause have
frequently drawn aTgeg crowds and produced
more admiration and excitement.


THE ISsUE.-The whole issue in this political
canvass on sectional questions may be briefly sta
ted thus:


Lincoln-Congress to legislate against slavery
where the people may want it.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS to legislate for slavery
where the people don't want it.


Dou9las-'' Non-mterv entjonby Congress with
si2Tery III the States lind Territories"
We find the above M Jrceeu going the rounds
of the Douglas papers. 1t may have been put
forth in ignorance. Out of charity to the author
we viii suppose it was. 1t is, however, notori-
ously false in almost every particular. We pro-
ceed to show it.: First, Lincoln is not for legis-
lating against slavery where the people may
want ii. lie distinctly so announced in the can
vass in Illinois in reply to direct question put
by Douglas.
Second Mr. Brcckinridge declares in his let
Of acceptance that he does not nor never did
demand a congressional OF any other code for
the protection of slavery in the Territories.


Third; Mr.. Douglas has more than Civ
en- in his submission in certain contingencies to
the doctrine of Intervention. lie has said when
the Supreme Court shall decide that Terrific
rial Legislature cannot abrogate the right of
property in slaves, he will sustain the decision.
But suppose the decision is not respected in the
Territories-then what? Will not the reason
l. l.
to procure n law giving force and vitality to the
decision of the Court? 1t would be beauti-
fal state cf affairs if the Constitutional law of
the land is to become nugatory for want Of the
assistance of any arm of the government.


CHERoKEE.-Want of space did not allow us
TO speak in our last issue of this old mining
camp as we should. Cherokee looks on the rise
Il little, though it has not kept pace in aIp,ar-
ance with its sister towns aleng the ridge. A
few new buildings have made their entrance into
town since our last visit, and a slight variation
in favor Of white lead and linseed oil IS discern
able Gardens and orchards have sprung up as
if by magic in the outskirts. The dggngs still
pay to some extent, though Cherokee is not a
town of as much promise as regards mineral re-
sources as formerly.


Our old friends, DR.. Wyatt, Frank Wilder,
Martin, Frankenheimer and Turney, still remain
the landmarks Of the place. The DR.. runs
nice drug store and practices his profession as
of yore. Turney keeps hotel, Martin and
Frankenheimer feed the hungry and clothe the
naked, and Frank Wilder is sending acres of
mud down Shady Creek covering up ranches,
destroying the navigation of the Sacramento, bat
putting pounds of the filthy luere in his pocket
There was an unusual stir in Cherokee at the
time of our visit on account of game of two-bit
faro, which an enterprising dealer had opened.
Several embryo members of Congress were try
ing their laek with more apparent earnestness
than is wont to belong to politicians.


Frank Wilder has suburban residence in
pretty spot on Shady Greek. Col Collins is
waxing fat on the best ranch in the region, a
half mile out Of town, where all the ordinary
productions of farm are seen to full advantage
But, good bye to Cherokee, till we see it again.


AK Ev,NpJr ron DISTprcT JrDGFs-Those