Year: 1860

throughout the year since our last meeting,
the country has been eminenty prosperous in all
its material interests. The general health has
been excellent, our harvests have been abundant,
and plenty smiles throughout the land Our
commerce and manufactures have been prosecuted
with energy and industry, and have yielded fair
and ample returns. In short no nation in the tide
OF time has ever presented spectacle of greater
material prosperity than we have done until
within a very recent period.


Why is it, then, that discomfort now so
extensively prevails, and the union of the States,
which is the source of all these blessings is
threatened with destruction? The long-contin-
ued and Incorporate interference of the North
ern people with the question of slavery in the
Southern States has at length produced its nat
ural effects. The different sections of the Union
are now arrayed against each other, and the time
has arrived, so much dreaded by the "Father of
his Country" when hostile geographical parties
have been formed. have long foreseen and
often forewarned my countrymen of the now
impending danger. This does not proceed solely
from the claim on the part of Congress or the
territorial legislatures to exclude slavery from
the territories, nor from the efforts of different
States to defeat the execution of the fugitive
slave law.


All or any of these evils might have been en-
dured by the South without danger to the Union,





reflection might apply the remedy. The imme-
diate peril arises not so much from these causes
as from the fact that the incessant and violent
agitation of the slavery question throughout the
North for the last quarter of century, has at
length produced its malign influence on the
slaves, and inspired them with vague notions of
freedom. Hence sense of security no longer
exists around the family altar. This feeling of
peace at home has given place to apprehensions
ofservile insurrection. Many matron through
out the South retires at night in dread of what
may befall herself and her. children before morn
ing. Should this apprehension of domestic dam
ger, whether real or imaginary, extend and in
tensify itself until it shall pervade the masses OF
the Southern people, then dsunion will become
inevitable.


Self-preservation is the first law of nature, and
has been implanted in the heart of man by his
Creator for the wisest purpose; and no political
union, however fraught with blessings and
benefits in all other respects, can long continue
if the necessary consequence be to render the
homes and the fresides of nearly half the par
ties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure
Sooner or later the bonds of such union mus
be severed. It is my conviction that this fata
period has not yet arrived; and my prayer Il
God is that He would preserve the Constitution
and the Union throughout all generations.


But let us take warning in time, and remov,
the cause of danger. 1t cannot be denied that
for five and twenty years, the agitation of tht
North against slavery in the Sonth has been in
cessant. In 1885 pictorial handbills and infam
matory appeals, were circulated extensively
throughout the South, of character to excite
the passions of the slaves and, in the Language
of Gen. jackson, sto stimulate them to insur rec
ton, and produce all the horrors of a servile
war" This agitation has ever since been con
tinued by the public press, by the proceeding
of State and county conventions and by aboli
tion sermons and lectures. The time of Congress
has been occupied in violent speeches on this
never ending subject; and appeals in pamphlet
and other forms, endorsed by distinguished
names, have been sent forth from this centra
point, and spread broadcast over the Union.


How easy would it be for the American peo-
pie to settle the slavery question forever and tl
restore peace and harmony to this distracted
country.


They, and they alone, can do it. All that il
necessary to accomplish the object, and all fo
which the slave States have ever contended il
to be let alone and permitted to manage the
domestic institutions in their own way. As SOW
ereign States, they, and they alone, are respon
sible before God and the world for the slavery
existing among them. For this the people o
the North are not more responsible and have nt
more right to interfere, than with similar insti-
tutions in Russia or in Brazil. Upon their goot
sense and patriotic forbearance | confess / still
greatly rely. Without their aid it is beyond th,
power of the President, no matter what may b,
his own political proclivities, to restore peac.
and harmony among the States. Wisely limited
aud restrained as is his power, under our con
stituton and laws, he alone can accomplish bu
little, for good Or for evil, on such momentous
question.


And this brings me to observe that the cleo
ton of any one of our tellow-citizens to the of
flee of President does not of itself afford just
cause for dissolving the Union. This is more
especially true if his election has been effected
by mere plurality, and not majority, of the
people, and has resulted from transient and tenn
porary causes, which may probably never again
occur. In order to justify resort to revo.
lutionary resistance, the federal government
must be guilty of "a deliberate, palpable and
dangerous exercise" of powers not granted by
the constitution. The late presidential election,
however, has been held in strict conformity
with its express provisions. How, then, can
the result justify revolution to destroy this
very constituton2 Reason, justice, a regard
for the constitution, all require that we shall
wait for some overt and dangerous act on the
part OF the President elect before resorting to
such a remedy.


1t is said, however, that the antecedents of the
President elect have been sufficient to justify the
fears OF the South that he will attempt to invade
their constitutional rights. But are such appre-
tensions of contingent danger in the future suf-
fcient to justify the Immediate destructionof the
noblest system of Government ever devised by
mortas2 From the very nature OF his office,
aud its high responsibilities, he must necessarily
be conservative. The stern duty of administer
ing the vast and complicated concerns of this gov
ernment affords in itself a guarantee that he
will not attempt any violation of clear const-
tutional right. After all, he is no more than the
chief executive officer of the government.


His province is not to make, but to execute
the laws; and it is remarkable fact in our his
tory, notwithstanding the repeated efforts of the
anti-slavery party, no single act has ever passed
Congress, unless we may possibly except the
Missouri Compromise, impairing in the slightest
degree, the rights of the South to their property
in slaves. And it may also be observed, Judging
from present Indications that no probability ex-
lists of the passage of such an act by a majority
of both Houses, either in the present or the next
Congress. Surely under these circumstances,
we ought to be restrained from present action by
the preceptof Him who spake as never man spoke,
that sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof
The day of evil may never come, unless we shall
rasbly bring it upon ourselves.


1t Is alleged as cause for immediate seces-
sion. that the Southern States are denied equal
rights with the other States in tie common ter
rtorles. But by what authority are these de-
- h<1%h hrvfN i