Year: 1862

1850 23,l91,S76 1851


1860 81 ,443,790 1858


This shows an average decennial increase of
34.60 per cent. in population through the 70
years from our first to our last census taken.


1t is seen that the ratio of increase, at no
one OF these seven periods, is either two per
cent. below or two per cent above the aver
age, thus showing how infexible, and conse-
quently how reliable, the law OF increase in our
case is. Assuming thus it will continue, it
gives the following results: 1870, AZ ,323, ,34l !;
1890, $685. 2l6; 1890, 1861 ,S72 1900,
103,20S, AS; 1910, 137,9lS,526; 1920, 1885,
9S4335; 1880, 25l,6S0,9l4. These figures
show that our country may be as populous as
Europe now is, at some point between 1920
and 1880, say about 1929; our terrtitory,s ,sat
73 l-3 persons to the square mile, being of the
capacity to contain PIT, 600; and we will
reach this, too, il we do not ourselves reiin-
quish the chances, by the folly and evils of dis
union or by long and exhausting wars spring
ing from the only great element OF national
discord among US. While it cannot be fore
seen exactly how much one huge example of
secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely,
would retard the population, civilization and
prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent
of il would be very great and injurious. The
proposed emancipation would shorten the war,
perpetuate peace, insure this increase of popu-
lation, and, proportionately, the wealth OF the
country. With this we we should pay all the
emancipation cost, together with our other
debts easier than we should pay our other
debts without it.


If we had allowed our old national debt to
run at six per cent. per annum, simple interest,
frin the revolutionary struggle till at-day, with
out paying anything on either principle or in
terest, each man would owe less upon that
debt now, than. each man owed upon it then;
and this is because our increase of men,
through the whole psriod has been, greater
than six per cent, and has run faster than the
interest upon the debt. Thus time alone re
lieves debtor nation, so long as itstits popu-
lation increases faster than unpaid interest ac
cumulation on its debt. This fact would be
no excuse for delaying the payment for what
is justly due, but il shows the great importance
of tine in this connection,-the great advan-
tage of policy by which we shall not have to
pay until we number a hundred millions,
what, by a different policy, we should have to
pay now when the number is but ttffty-one
millions.


In a word, it shows that a dollar will be
much harder to pay for the war, than will be
a dollar for emancipation on the proposed
plan and then the latter will cost no blood, no
precious lives; it will be a saving OF both.


As to the second article, l think 1t would be
impracticable to return to bondage the class of
persons therein contemplated. Some OF them
doubtless In the property sense, belongs to 10y
al owners, and hence provision is made in
this article for compensating such.


The third article relates to the future of the
freed people. 1t does not oblige but merely
authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such
as may consent. This ought not to be regarded
AS Objectionable on the one hand or the other,
inasmuch as il comes to nothing unless by
mutual consent of the people TO be deported,
and the American voters through their Repre-
sentatives in Congress. l cannot make it bet
ter known than it already is, that strongly
favor colonization, and yet wish TO say there
is AN objection urged against the colored per-
sons remaining in the country which is insisted
that their presence would injure and displace
white labor aud white laborers. Ii there ever
could be proper time for mere argument
that time surely is not now. In times like the
present men should utter nothing for which
they would not willingly be responsible through
time and eternity. sit true then that colored
people can dispace any more white labor by
being free than remaining slaves? il they stay
in their old places they jostle no white labor
ers; if the yleave their old places they leave
them open to white laborers. Logically there
is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation
even without deportation would probably ad-
vance the wages Of white labor, and very sure
ly would not rednce them. Thus the custom
AIRY amount OF labor would still have to be per-
formed; the freed people would surely not do
more their old proportion of it and very prob
ably for a time would do less, leaving an in
creased part to white laborers, bringing their
labor into greater demand, and consequently
enhancing the wages OF it.


With deportation. even to a limited extent,
enhancing wages to white labor is mathemati-
'cally certain. Labor, like any other commod-
ity, Is in the market. Increase the demand
for it, and you increase the price OF it. Re
duce the supply of black labor, by colonizing
the black laborer out of the country, and by
precisely so much, you increase the demand
for the wages OF white labor.


But il is decided that the free people will
swarm forth aud cover the whole land. Are
they not already in the land? viii liberation
make them more numerous, equally distrlbu-
ted among the whites of the whole country?
There would be one colored to seven whites
could the one in any way greatly disturb the
seven? There are many communities now
having more than one free colored person to
seven whites, and this without any apparent
consciousness of evil from it. The District OF
Columbia and the States of Maryland and Del
aware are all in this condition. The District
has more than one free colored to six whites,
and yet in its frequent petitions to Congress
believe it has never presented the presence OF
free cOlored persons AS one of its grievances.
But why should emancipation South send the
freed people North. People of any color sell
dom run unless there be something to run
from. Heretofore colored people to some ex-
tent have fled North from bondage. and now
perhaps from both bondage and destitution;
but if gradual emancipation and deportation
be adopted, they will have neither TO flee from;
their old masters will give them wages, at
least until new laborers can be procured, and
the freedmen in turn will gladly give their Ia
Dor for the wages, till new homes can be found
for them in congenial climes, and with people
of their own blood and race.


This proposition can be trusted on the ma
tionai interest involved, And. in any event,
cannot the North decide for itself whether to
receive them Again as practice proves more
than theory-in any case has there been any
irruption of colored people northward be
cause of the adjustment of slavery in this
District last spring? What have said of the
proportion of the free colored persons TO the
whites in the District is from the census of
1850, having no reference to persons called