Year: 1860

able length. In our issue of tie 1st instan

 we quoted, with words of commendation, I paragraph from his speech in which he coun

 seled resistance in the event of the election

 of Black Republican President. Lest thi

 commendation may be construed into an in

 dorsement of the general tone of Col. Rust

 speech, we desire to subject it to a word o

 friendly criticism.

 1 Before, however, endeavoring to point ou

 what we conceive to be the objectionable fea 1 lures of his speech we desire to disavow any want of confidence in his purity of character

 and loyalty to the South. He is a gentleman of commanding abilities-of warm and chiv. alrous impulses, whose general bearing VI sincerely admire and however much we may differ from him on any of the questions of tht day, it will result in no diminution of our con- fidence in his integrity as a man or purity as public servant. There is much in his speech that comments itself to our approbation. Il | is handsomely conceived and has about 1t an air of independence and manlness that is re- freshing in these degenerate days. His re- lview of the record of Mir. Sherman is scath- Ming in the extreme, and his denunciation of the general purposes of the Black Republican lparty is splendid piece of invective He is pequalIy happy and successful in his vindica- ton of the non-slaveholders of the South from the charge of entertaining sentiments unfriendly to the institutions of the South.

 Further than this, however, we cannot agree with our distinguished Representative. His position on the territorial and kindred subjects certainly meets with the disapprobation of the great mass of his constituents. He une- guivocally assumes that the nationality of the Democratic party can never be maintained un- less Southern Democrats completely back down from their present position and "unite with those gentlemen from the free States who advocate the doctrine of popular sovereignty" Unless we have most strangely misapprehended the general drift and ANIMUs of his remarks, he not only denies the right of the South to Con- gressional protection in the Territories, but avows that the people of a Territory while yet in achrysalis and inchoate form ss through their representatives in the Legislature as- sembled, may determine the political STATUS of future State. At least he avows that it is matter of small ss moment " whether "the people of Territory through their represen- tatives in Legislature assembled shall deter mine that slavery is not adapted to their wants, not conducive to their welfare, not congenial to their tastes their feelings and prejudices, or whether the same people through their Repre- sentatives assembled at the same time, in an other capacity shall determine the same ques- tions.'' In word it is fair to conclude from Col. Rust's language that it is matter of in difference to him as to whether or not squat ter sovereignty shall be the policy of the government-that in order to maintain the nationality of the Democratic party he i: willing to depart from the traditional policy of the South and to {. affiliate with gentlemen from the free States " upon the basis o "proper Cor squatter) sovereignty" If W, have correctly apprehended Col. Rust's posi- tion, it is needless to say that he has not only made radical departure from the traditona policy of the South, but has become the ad vocate of doctrine directly subversive of tn, Constitution and fatal to the expansion ol slavery into new territories We have no dis position to elaborate either of these points Suffice it to say that since the days of Mir Calhoun-since this territorial question hal been permanent element in the politics ol the day-Sonthern. men of all parties have held to theory directly the reverse of tha which MT. Rust now advocates. Southeri men have always held that the Territoria Legislature was the creature of Congress-de

 irving all of it's powers from that tribunal - and that if Congress cannot abolish slavery il the Territories, it cannot delegate that powe Ito the Territorial Legislature. We are not lstickler for Congressional protection to slave " in the Territories, although we believe i involves the true theory of the relation of th' Federal Government to the Territories. Blu we do insist that the permanent STATUS of Territory shall not be determined until Con gress shall have withdrawn its rightful sov ereignty and the people of the Territory shal meet in convention to frame state constitu tion Col Rust's theory-or rather theor. which he does not conceive to be incorrect and which he would be willing to see applied to the Territories--would leave the fate O slavery in every new Territory to the whin of the few hundred squatters that might b

 settled upon the public lands at the time tn

 Territorial Government is established and tn first Legislature organized.aa oh l ays.sti \ Itis needless for Col. Rust to endeayor t, escape the force of this conclusion by assum ing, as he does in his speech, that < all nigh agree that this right should be held in obey

 ance until the population of the Territor, should be sufficient to entitle it, under tn

 then existing ratio of representation, to on Representative" in Congress. His theory i radically defective. in that it ascribes an. power to the territorial Legislature to legis late upon the subject at all. If the powe exists and inheres in that body it has tn

 right to abolish slavery at all times; and n

 authorization can show why it could not a legally legislate upon the subject when i | represented ten thousand inhabitants as whe | it represented hundred thousand. It is

 simple question of power in no wise depend

 ant upon numbers, and we repeat that if has the power to legislate upon the subject a

 one time it has it all times, as well the da

 after it is organized as twenty years there | hoo ;, in,