Year: 1861




taken to mean no moro than that an ar
my is better directed by single mind,
though inferior, than by two superior ones
at variance and cross purposes, and the
same is true in all joint operations where
in those engaged can have none but ono
common end in view, and differ only MS 10
the choice of means. In storm at sea
no one on board can wish the ship TO sink,
yet not unfrequently all 90 down because
100 many will direct, and no single mind
can be allowed to control.


1t continues to dovelope that the insur-
rectlon IS largely if not exclusively war
upon the first principle of popular govern
ment, the rights of the people. Conclu
sive evidence of this is found in tho most
grave and maturely considered public doc
uments, as well as in the general tone of
the insurgents. In these documents we
find the abridgment of the existing right
Of suffrage and the denial TO the people
of all right to participate in the selection
of public officers except the legislative
body, advocated with iabored arguments
to prove that large control of the govern
ment in the people is the source of all po-
litical evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes
limited at as possible refuge from tho
power Of the people. In my present po.
sition | could scarcely be justified were l
to omit raising warning voice against
this approach of returning despotism. 1t
is not needed nor fitting here that gen.
eral argument should be made in favor of
popular institutions, but there is one point
with lis connections not so hackneyed rs
most others to which ask your attention.
1t is the effort to place capital on an equal
footing with, if not above, labor in the
structure of government. 1t is assumed
that labor is available only in connection
with capital, that nobody labors unless
somebody else owning capital some how
by the use of it induces him to labor
This assumed, it is next considered wheth-
or il is best that capital shall hire labor
ers, and thus induce them to work by
their own consent, or buy them and drive
them TO it without their consent. Hav-
ing proceeded so far, it is naturally con-
cluded that all laborers are either hired
laborers, or what we call slaves; and, fur
ther, it is assumed that whoever is once
hired laborer is fixed in that condition for
life. Now, there is no such relation be-
tween capital and labor rs assumed, nor
is there any such thing as a free man be-
ing fixed for life in the condition of bir-
cd laborer. Both of these assumptions
are false, and all inferenccs from them are
groundless. Labor is prior to, and indie
pendent of capital. Capital is only tho
fruit of labor, and could never have exist
cd if labor had not first existed. Labor
is the superior capital, and deserves much
the higher consideration. Capital has it's
rights which are as worthy of protection
as any other rights, nor is it deemed that
there is and probably always will be a re-
lation between labor and capital producing
mutual benefits. The error is in assum-
ing that the whole labor of community
exists within that relation.


A few men own capital, and that fow
avoid labor, and with their capital hire or
buy n few to labor for them. A large
majority belong to neither class, neither
work for others nor have others work for
them. In most of the Southern States
majority of the whole people of all col
ors are neither slaves nor masters, while
in the Northern large majority are nei-
ther hirers nor hired men with their fami-
lies, wives, SONS and daughters, work for
themselves on their farms, in their houses
and in their shops, taking the whole pro-
duct to themselves, and asking no favors
of capital on one hand, nor of hired Ia
borers or slaves on the other. 1t is not
forgotten that considerable number Of
persons mingle their own labor with capi-
tai, that is, they labor with their own
hands, aud also buy or hire others TO la
Dor for them, but this is only mixed and
not distinct class. No principle stated
is disturbed by the existence of this mix
cd class.


Again. as has already been said, there
is not of necessity any such thing rs the
free hired laborcr being fixed for that con.
dition of life. Many independent men,
everywhere in these States, few years
back in their lives were hired laborers.-
This is the just and generous system
which opens the way 10 all.


From the first taking of our national
census to the last are seventy years, and
we find our population at the end of the
period eight times rs great as it was at
the beginning. The increase of those
other things which men deem desirable,
has been even greater. We thus have at
one view what the popular principle APP
piled TO government through the machine
ry of the States and the Union has pro-
duced in given time, and also what, 1t
firmly maintained, it promises for the fu-
ture. There are already among us those
who, if the Union be preserved, will live
to SEQ il contain 50,OOo,000 The strug-
gle of to-day is not altogether for to-day.
Ii is for n vast future-also with firm
reliance on Providence-all the more firm
and earnest, let us proceed in the great