Year: 1862

Mr. LtnCOlNs hettcr.
81 would save the Union. would save
II the shortest way under the Constitution.
The sooner the national authority can be
restored, the nearer the Union will be '.the
Union as it was" If there be those who
would not save the Union unless they could
at the same time sape Slavery, ] do not agree
with them. If there be those who would
not save the Union unless they could at the
same time DESTROY Slavery, do not agree
with them. My paramount object in this
struggle 1 to save the Union, and is not ell
,her to save or destroy Slavery. If Icould
save the Union without freeing any slave,
] would do 1t, and if I could save it by
freeing some and leaving others alone, !
would also do that.-What l do about
Slavery and the colored race, do because
! believe it helps to save the Union. and
what forbear, forbear because l do not
believe il would save the Union. shall
do less whenever shall believe that what |
am doing hurts the cause, and shall do
more whenever l shall believe doing more
will help the cause. ] shall try to correct
errors when shown to be errors; and shall
adopt new views SO fast as they shall ap-
pcar to be true views. have here stated
my purpose according to my view OF off,
Cial duty, and intend no modification Of
my oit-cxpressed personal wish that all men,
everywhere, could be free.


A. LINCOLN"
These words, from the Presidents
letter to Mr.. Greely, deserve to be
printed in letters OF gold. Although
we did not think it quite consistent
with the dignity of the President of
the United States to reply to the at
tack of the editor of the New York
Tribune, yet Mr.. Greedy has unwit-
tingly been the cause of the tersest
and clearest declaration Of the policy
Of the Administration, that has ever,
appeared, and, like the cock who
scratched up the jewel on the dung
hill, is certainly deserving of some
credit. We believe that the words of
the President will find an echo in the
breast Of every soldier in this Depart
nent. We are fighting for the Union,
and neither to destroy nor preserve
slavery. We will not take any mans
slave from him, nor will we restore
one to him. Whatever may be our
own individual feelings, whether on
the one side, or the other, as servants
of the government, our duty is plain
in this case. If, through the presence
of a Northern army, through the fight
Of the masters, and the suspension of
the local courts competent to restore
the slave, property in slaves has be-
come insecure, let those who have
brought these evils on their heads bear
tile consequences. The Union is the
great end for which we fight. Slavery
is but an incident to it,-a circum
stance in therebellious States, of which
we shall take advantage. or not, as o1
any other circumstance, as we wish
II, in what Mr.. Lincoln happily calls
the "ab, aston" of slavery, its constant
wearing away under the influences O
the war, the Shareholders suffer, lei
them thank themselves for it. The
masses Of the people have been taugh
by their unpril cipled leaders that thi
local institution was assailed by tae
whole North. This has been declared
tal.e by Mr.. Lincoln so often, tina
the men of the North, who have
known its falsity from the beginning
are wearied with its repetition. Blu
this therebels must recollect, that Will
We fight for the Union, we shall us
every means to preserve it. If, in til
opinion Of the administration, the Uni
on can be preserved by freeing an
slave, he will be freed. If it can b
saved by freeing all slaves, they vii
be freed. Every government has til
right to use every measure to preserv
itself, and if mild one does not sue
ceed, o severe one must be tried. A
all hazards, whether slavery is saved Q
destroyed, the Union mist be pr'