Year: 1860

on the Bench of the Supreme Court, cannot
settle forever vital questions of freedom,
against $4,000, 900 of people in the Free
States. In the course OF lew years they
will have passed away 10 stand ~ the bar oi
another tribunal, whose decisions are final
and their places will be flIed BIZ new men,
who will have the sane right to review their
opinions. that they have had 10 trample on
the opinions of all who have gone before
them.


THE FuGITIvE SLAVE LAW
The Constitution Of the United States
guarantees TO the owner of the slaves, if a
slave escapes into another State, the right 10
reclaim him and carry him back TO servit ude
To make this constitutional provision efficient.
1t is necessary that a law be enacted proyi-
ding ways and means by which such recla-
nation can be effected. l therefore recog-
nize the right of the South to have Fugitive
Slave Law, the power to enact this law, be
believe, is vested in Congress, and not in the
several States, as is contended by some
This is certainly in accordance with the ear
by construction OF the Constitution.


The constitutionality OF the present Fugi-
tive Slave Law was legitimate subject of iu-
dicial decision and has received the sanction
OF the highest Court in the nation. While,
therefore. it remains upon the statute book. it
should be enforced, and have justifca-
ton to offer for those. whether individuals or
States, who may resist its operation or cast
obstacles in the way OF its enforcement. But
1t 1t be insisted that IN order to be national
and be a patriot, should entertain violent
admiration for this law, and take delight in its
provisions, then do not come up to the stan
6ard Several If ito I rar~rd a.
hard and unjust; because they place it in the
power of bad men to endanger the rights and
liberties of free men. The constitutional pro.
vision itself, was political necessity; and
while regard the law framed under it as
political necessity also. it should be humane
in its provisions and administered with eau
ton. Hence. l think the Fugitive Slave
Law a tit subject for revision, amendment
and improvement.


THE UNION PARTY.


1t is matter of proud congratul ,iion that
there is not one disunionist within the pale of
the Republican party. There is no part Of
the Republican platform upon which a dis
unionist can stand. While the disunion IA
natics of the North are the most bitter foes
and denouncers of the Republican party. the
disunion fanatics Of the South are members
of The Democratic party. and not only So.
but they are members in good standing, oc-
cupying its highest places of honor and prof
it. directing its councils, and manufacturing
lis platforms. Some of these declare that
the Union is already a forlorn hope; others
that it can only be preserved upon contin-
gencies which are not likely to happen; and
many that the election of Republican Pres
ident by majority of the people of the Uni
ted States. in the mode prescribed by the
Constitution would be just cause for dissolu-
ton. We do not say that the Union may be
preserved upon certain conditions; do not
measure our fidelity to it by our success; but
we say. at must and shall be greserced."
whatever party may be in the ascendant
We do not say the Republican party first and
the Union afterwards; but we say the Union
first. last and all the time, and that we will
wage uncompromising warfare upon all par
ties that contemplate its destruction as desi-
rable under the circumstances. The treason
able doctrine Of rule or ruin has been boldly
avowed by leading Democrats in the Senate
Of the United States; they have declared
without rebuke from their fellows that the
last hope of the Republic was bound up in
the success of the Democratic party, and
that the success Of the Republican party
would present a contingency not only author
izing, but demanding the secession Of the
Southern States from the confederacy. These
threats are intended to intimidate the weak,
and stimulate the lukewarm. and enable that
party to retain the power which it feels is
passing away from it, and which it has justly
forfeited by long course Of treachery and
transgression against the peace and best inter
ests of the nation.


REPUBLICAN PARTY.


beg that it may be understood that 1 do
not use the word Republican in any narrow.
sectarian or party sense. By Republican
doctrine, mean that sentiment which is op-
posed to the general diffusion of Slavery; de-
sires the preservation of the Territories to
freedom, and seeks the elevation and protec-
ton Of free labor. And by Republican par
by, mean all who entertain and cherish that
sentiment, whatever organization they may
belong to. or by whatever name they may
pass.


ABoLIrIoNIsM.


see that several Democratic newsp apsrs
have revived against me the cheap and worn
out allegation, that am an Abolitionist, 1t
is matter Of ONE Importance to man who's
is about to make charge against his neigh
Dor, that he have some satisfactory evidence
that the charge Is true, and Justice to himself
would seem to require tbatit be accompanied
by such a statement of the evidence as would
reasonably justify him in giving it ut,eranee.
But if it be naked and general allegation,
unsupported BY any evidence Whatever. an
intelligent public have right to presume that
il is calumny thrust before il for selfish or
malicious purposes. If the persons making
this charge know me to be an Abolitio,ist,
they can undoubtedly state some political act
or declaration Of opinion on my part. in proof
If they were asked what constitutes an Abo-
iitionist, they would answer, ii they have
any clear ideas on the subject, that he is one
who is in favor Of sbolishing slavery in pla-
ces where it now exists, and who claims that
it is the right and duty of the State in which
he lives, or Of the general government to
perform the act


am opposed to the diffusion of Slavery.
am in favor of preserving the Territories to
freedom. OF encouraging, eievaing and pro-
tecting free labor, at the same tImo consclen-
tsousfr horIayiny that With Slavery IN the sny-