Year: 1868

OF the President is almost absolutely
sure; that there is no danger Of the de-
fection Of Conservative Republican SEN
ators, and that the party will vote nearly
or quite solid throughout the essential
parts of the proceedings. The Demo
Gratis seem likely to vote solid against
impeachment at every stage Of the pro-
ceedings, with no hope of preventing the
inevitable result, but with the purpose 10
make what party capital they can out OF
every point that may arise.


The length Of the trial is much less
certain than its result. Thus far both
House and Senate, acting under the mo-
menlum Of the apparent emergency and
of the popular pressure, have driven
things along very rapidly. The theory
has been that nothing must stand in the
way of impeachment-neither ordinary
legislation nor technical delays, the con-
venience Of the Supreme Court, or even
differences Of opinion in the party, as TO
certain steps in the programme. But
this white heat cannot last; when things
cool down little, II remains to be seen
whether proceeding Of this gravity can
continue to rush on at a railroad speed.


The first delay has already occurred
in the organization of the Court The
next is in the time given the President
for making return TO the summons. The
next will be in his application for time
for his counsel to prepare their defense.


His friends say forty days would be
very reasonable limit for them to ask, in
view of the fact that in the most trhing
cases twenty days delay is allowed.
Senators, on the other hand, say they
will not give more than a week. Mr..
Sumner is reported as thinking three
days would be ample. And the pressure
from the country is undoubtedly for the
shortest possible time. But the lawyers
and judges in the Court will not permit
the President to be forced to trial with
out reasonable time for his counsel to
consult and prepare their defense; and
| the stronger their conviction Of his guilt
the stronger is likely to be their deter
mination that he shall have every oppor-
tunity to defend himself Twenty days
seems a not unreasonable allowance; (;
and il does not seem possible to limit it,
eventually, at least, to less than ten.


When once the trial is fairly begun,
there will be fewer opportunities for
delay under the stringent rules adopted
by the Court. Mr.. Johnson might insist
upon examining great number OF wit
nesses, and it is reported that he will; !;
but in that case the managers on the
part of the House are likely to obviate
delay by offering to grant, in great part,
what the President proposes to prove.
The articles relating to the effort to put
in Thomas as Secretary of War are be-
lieved to be sufficient for conviction, and
il ia in the power of the managers to


withdraw the rest if they choose.
Points of order cannot give much
occasion for delay, unless on an appeal
by the Democrats to the sense OF fairness
or the magnanimity of the Senate; since
the rules forbid any member to speak
more than once on one question, and not
for more than ten minutes on an inter.
loctory, or fifteen minutes on the final
question. The rules may be suspended
in this particular, at the discretion of the
Court but any symptom ofa disposition
to abuse such indulgence will, of course,
secure their stringent enforcement And
only three speeches of counsel for de-
fense or managers for prosecution are


permitted on the general merits of the
case. -,


The constant pressure, however, will
be for liberal construction ofthese rules,
or for their temporary suspension. There
is no probability that Senators will, In
the main, make very strenuous resistance
to this pressure; and it may be safe to
allow for the delay thus wrought, at least
as much time as has been calculated on
for the whole trial. II, in two months
from the organization of the Court of I'm
peachment, Mr.. Wade shall be installed
in the White House, it will be quite as
rapid an ending of the matter as now
seems probable.