Year: 1864

| rl1Hl 10 ueclue Is pIdceu WtFe.


Even the Presidents proclamation Of the
9Th of December, formally declares that
"Whether members sent to Congress from
any State shall be admitted to seats, consi
tutionaIly rests exclusively with the respect
i've Houses, and not to any extent with the
Executive"


And that is not the less true because
wholly inconsistent with the Presidents as
sumption in that proclamation of right to
institute and recognize States, nor because
the President is unable 10 perceive that his
recognition is nuIlty if it be not concIu
sive Congress.


Under the Constitution, the right to SEN
ators and Representatives is inseparable from
a State Government.


II there be a State Government, the RIGHT
is absolute


If there be no State Government, there
can be no Senators or Representatives
chosen.


The two Houses of Congress are express
y declared to be the sole Judges of their
own members.


When therefore, Senators aud Represen
tatives are admitted, the State Government,
under whose authority they were chosen, is |
concusively established; when they are re-
jected, its existence is as concusvely re
jeced and denied; and to this Judgment the
President is bound to submit.


The President proceeds to express his
unwiingness "to declare a constitutional
competency in Congress to abolish slavery
IN States" as another reason for not signing
the bill.


But the bill no where proposes to abolish
slavery in the States.


The bill provides that all slaUes in the
rebel States should be manumitted.


But as the President had already signed
three bills manumitting several classes of
slaves in States, it is not conceived possible
that he entertained any scrupes touching
that provision Of the bill respecting which
he is silent


lie had already assumed himself right
by proclamation to free much the larger
number of slaves in the States, under the |
authority given him by Congress to use
military power to suppress the rebeou
and it is quite uncomfortable that the Presi- !
dent should think Congress could vest in
him discretion it could not exercise itself.


1t is the more uninteIligbe from the fact |
that, except in respect to a small part Of
Virginia and Louisiana, the bill covered only
what the proclamation covered added a
Congressional title aud judicial remedies by
law to the disputed title under the l,roclana-
ton, and perfected the work the President
protessed to be so anxious to accomplish.


Slavery as an institution can he abolished |
only by a change Of the Constitution of the
United States or of the law of the State;
and this is the principle of the bill.


1t required the new Constitution of the
State to provide for that prohibition, and
the President, in the face OF his own procla'
nation, does not venture to oljec: to insist
ing on that condition-yet he defeated tho
only provision imposing it?


But when he describes himself in spite of
this great blow at emancipation, as "slncere-
ly hoping and expecting that a constitutional
amendment abolishng slavery throughout
the nation may be adopted we curiousIy in
quile on what his expectations rest, after
the vote Of the House of representatives at
the recent session, and in the face OF the
political complexion Of more than enough Of |
the States to prevent the possibility Of its
adoption within any reasonable time; and |
why he dill not indulge bis sincere hopes
with so large an instalInent Of the blessing
as his approval Of the bill would have |
| secured.


After this assignment of his reason for
preventing the bill from becoming law,
the President proceeds to declare his purpose
to execute IL as a law By his plenary dictator-
ial power. lie says:
"Neverthccss, | am fully satisfied with the
system for restoration contained in the bill as
one very proper plan for the loyal people Of any
State choosing to adopt it; and that am. and at
| all times shall be prepared to give the Executive
aid and assistance to any such people soon as
| the military resistance to the United States shall
have been suppressed in any such State. and the |
people thereof shall have sufficiently returned to |
their obedience to the Constitution and the laws |
of the United States; in which cases Military |
Governors will be appointed, with directions to
proceed according to the bill"


A more studied outrage on the Legislative
authority Of the people has never been per
petrated.


Congress passed bill; the President re-
fused to approve it, and then by proclama
ton puts as much of it in force as he sees
fit, and proposes to execute those parts by
officers unknown to the laws Of the United |
States and not subject to the confirmation
Of the Senate!


The bill directed the appointment of Pro-
visional Governments by and with the ad
vice and consent of the Senate


The President, after defeating the law,
proposes to appoint without law, and with
out the advice and consent of the Senate,
Military Governors for the rebel States!


He has already exercised this dictatorial
usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated the
bill to prevent its limitation.


Hencetorth we must regard the following
precedent as the Presidential law of the rebel
States:


EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, MARCH 18th, 1864.
To His ErceHency Michael Hahn, Governor OF
Louisiana. .4.
! furt tharo