Year: 1867

The dissenting opinions of many Union repre-


sentatives in the National Legislature augurs i'll


for the proposition to impeach Andrew johnson.


1t was believed, after the unequivocal expression


of the people in the Fall elections, that the great


obstacle to be surmounted-the consent of the


Union msjorty-had been removed and that the


first business before Congress would be the un-
seating of the Executive for many misdemeanors


during his term of administration, and that the


spirits to lead in such an enterprise were not


wanting. To Shellaberger, Conkling, Boutwell,
and Stevens, the case was entrusted, and it was


not presumed that material opposition would be
encountered if there existed any virtue in the


numerous charges on which he was to be tried


Yet with the first mention of the subject GER
true meaning Of which was not to be mistaken.
If there was good cause for impeachment,-
of this there seems to be no denial-we cannot
comprehend the cause for any postponement of
proceedings. Certainly the minds of the people
were prepared for such an emergency, and vest
ed with their representatives the responsibility
of its execution. Whether the delay is the re-
suit of division on the ground of policy, in
the hope of securing further proof of Johnsons
recreancy to duty, lack of courage on the
part of members, does not appear but that the
abandonment of the project is contemplated we
think probable. The question should have been
smothered in privy councils unless it was the in
tention and determination of majority to put
him upon his trial then the backbone of Union
members would never have been questioned
But we have too many sentimental theorists in
that body,-men who are ready to concede the
necessity of prompt measures, but who shrink
from their performance.


1t is hnmiliating to our national pride to be
compelled to interpose summary measures to Sc
cure the fruits Of dearly-earned victories, but
there is no consistency in prating of Andrew
Johnson's treason and unlawful assumption of
power, if we must admit that we are afraid to
apply the remedy. To do 80 betokens mistrust,
if not grave doubts of our sincerity in sustain
ing principles universally conceded to be found
ed in justice and according to the letter and in
tent of the constitution. When South Carolina
commenced her treason by firing into an unarm-
ed vessel loaded with stores for our starving
troops, many pretended adhercnts of the Gov
ernment protested its right of self-defense, and
acknowledging the wrong denied the right of
coercion hut we were not long troubled with
their dsloyal counsels. We cannot affirm that
the dssenters to impeachmentare unreliable sup
porters of true Union principles, but such equiv
ocation at time when more than ever, perhaps,
their patriotic services needed looks bad, to
say the least. Self-protection dictates that
prompt action should now be taken, and the 10y
al masses look to Congress for the enforcement
of such measures as will ensure the results for
which our Government contended during four
years of war, and against the very elements now
linked with the President in his efforts to place
the control of rebel territory in their own hands
We unhesitatingy indorse the sentiments of the
Right Way, an ardent supporter of the Radical
majority in Congress, when it says:


If he Johnson] is tolerated two years longer destruc-
tion awaits to be avered only through
blood See how calmly inpulent he isl The elections
have taught him nothing, if they have he falls back
the Supreme Court because he knows the maori-
ty Of its Judges will sustain him in pushing forward his
policy If the Lord-and it reyerently-
called Mr. Lincoln home shall not profit by the exam
pie from high, and send Mr.. johnson his home-n
Tennessecf The people especially of the West ripe
for impeachment. They that other remedy will
avail What the Territorial plan WORTH with johnson
for President to appoint Governors other officers of
the various Territories from among his butter
satraps;"