Year: 1861

degree the selection Of the country as well
ms the Executive, and hence, there is bet.
ter reason TO hope there will be given him
the confidence and cordial support thus
/ by fair implication promised, and with


ont which he cannot with 50 full efficiency
serve the country. 1t has been said that


one lad General is better than two good


ones, and the saying is true, il taken to
mean no more than that an army is better
directed by single mind, though inferior.
/ than by two Superior ones at variance
| and cross purposes, and the same is true
, IN all joiHt operations wherein those en-
gagel can have none but common end
I in view, and can differ only as TO the
choice Of means. In a storm at sea no
one on board can wish the ship to sink.
and yet not unfrequcntly all go down to-
| gether, because too many will direct, and
no single mind can be allowed to control.
1t continues to develope that the insur-
rection is largely if not exclusively a
war upon the first principles of Pop
uar Government and the rights Of the
| people. Conclusive evidence Of this is
/ found in the most grave aud maturely
considered public documents as well as
in the general tones Of the insurgcnts.--


In these documents We find the abfidg-


ment Of the existing right Of su.Ierage


and the denial to the people Of all right


to participate in the select Of public


officers, except the legislative body, ad-


yocated with lab ored argument to prove
that large control Of the Government in
the people is the source of oil political
evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes him
ted at as a possible refuge from til error
Of the people. In my present position
could scarcely be justified, were to omit
raising a warning voice against this ap-
proach Of returning despoti,m.


CAPITAL AND LABOR.


1t is not needed, nor fitting here, that
a general argument should be made in
favor Of popular institutions. but there is
one point, with its connections, not so
/ hackneyed as most others, to which / ask
a bre attention. 1t is the effort to place
capital on an equal footing with labor, in
the structure of Government 1t is as
sumed that labor is available only in con-
nection with capital; that nobody labors
unlese somebody else, owning capital,
somehow by the use Of it, induce them to
labor. This assumed it is next cansider-
ell whether it is best that capital shall
hire laborers and thus induce them to work
by their own con,ent or levy them and
| drive them to it without their consent.
Having proceede so far it IS naturally
con cluded that all laborers are either hired
| laborers or what we call slaves, and fur
! ther, it is assumed that whoever is once
hired laborer is fixed in that condition
for life.


Now there is no such relation between
capital and labor as assumed, nor is there
anv such thing as a freeman being fixed


for life in the condition OF hired laborer.
I Both of these assumptions are false, and


all inferences from them are groundless.


Labor is prior to and independent of cap


tai, and deserves much the higher con-
sideration. Capital has its rights which
are as worthy OF protection as any other
rights. Nor is it denied that tAele is,
and probably always will be relation


between labor and capital producing mu-
tual benefits. The error Is in assuming
| that the whole labor of community exists
within the relation. y few men own
capital, and that few avoid labor, and
with their capital hire or buy a few to
labor for them. \ large majority be-
/ longing to neither class, neither work
for others nor have others working for
them. In mos. OF the Southern States
majority of the whole people of all colors
are neither slaves nor masters, while in
the Northern a large majority are neither
hirers nor hired men Men with their
/ fanatics, wives, sons and daughters, work
for themselves on their farms, in their


houses, and in their shops, taking the
Nhole product to themselves, and asking
no lavors of capital on the one hand, nor


of hired labolers or slaves on the other.
1t is not forgotten that considerable


number Of persons mingle their own la
Dor with capital; that Is, they labor with
: their own hands and also buy or hire
others to labor for them; but this is only
a mixed and not a distinct class. No


principle stated is disturbed by the ex-
istence of this mixed class. Again, as


has already been said, there is not Of
necessity any such thing as the free hired
laborer Icing fixed for that condition for
life. Many independent men everywhere
in these States few years back in their


lives were hired laborers. The prudent,


penniless besgar in the world labors for


wages awhile and saves surplus with


which to buy tools or land for him self.


then labors on his own account and ct
length hires another new beginner to help
him. This is the just, and generous and
prosperous system which open the way to
all, gives hope to all and consequently
energy, progress and Improvement OF the
condition Of all. No men living are more
) worthy to be trusted than those who toll
, up or on from poverty, none less inclined


to take or touch aught which they have not


honorably earned. Let them beware of


surrendering political power which they
3 already possess, and which if surrendered


will surely be used to close the door of
advancement against such as they, and to
, hix new disabilities and burdens upon
', them till all OF liberty shall be lost.


From the FIST taking Of our national
>, cen>u, to the last, are 20 years, and we
:, find our population at the end OF the Pc
= riol eish; time, as great as at tie begin
= uipr. The increase of those other things
It which men deem desirable, has heen even
. greater Wethus have at one view what
" the popular principle applied to the Gov
eminent through the machinery of the


I ,al in n