Year: 1865

If our friends suppose they are going to walk
over the course in Connecticut and carry the
Amendment to the Constitution without any
trouble, they are mistaken. The practical i'm
portance of fair franchise in Connecticut, so
far as its effect Oh the suffrage is concerned, is
small. Not one man in fifty is colored man,
and the African, as class, can never exercise an
influence upon the dcstinies Of our sister State.
There are not three thousand cOlored men who
could vote, and therefore the whole poll thrown
one way or the other would be hardly worth the
politicians figuring. A principle, and that
only, is involved. Connecticut must put
herself right on the record. She is the only
New England State that refuses Labor and
Manhood the right to vote merely because
it is tinged a certain color. Now, es-
pecialy when Northern sentiment IS de-
demanding justice to Labor and Manhood IN
large part of the Union, when the American
feeling of the Republic is endeavoring to edu'
cate rulers and legislators up to the true idea OF
nationality, it does not become State OF New
England TO retard that work by hestating TO
do to its own people the justice that 1t demands
for the people of Tennessee and South Carolina.


Our enemies understand this perfectly. With
them il is also question Of principle. Practl-
cally they have nothing to gain OF lose by the
negro vote Yet they are fighting this amend
ment with secret but yindictye earnestneSs
In New-York the two leading newspapers take
decided ground One of them reminds us that
but very small portion OF the white race mas
as yet shown any capacity for seli-goyernment'
and that we should wait until that race has
been fully tcsted-antil England, France and
the South American Republics have established
universal suffrage, before jumping to the con-
cluson that men of color are qualified for Its
responsibilities. This argument, which as
sumes skin-color to be the only test OF
manhood, and lays aside every ques-
ton of climate, religion, society, civil
lization and political economy, which is not
an argument, but mere brutal, vulgar preju-
dice, is too absurd to be answered. We cannot
ask our friends over the border TO think OF IL Tor
a moment. They must see that the Democracy
oppose negro suffrage, because they hesitate to
do anything that might take from the white
Rebels in the Carolinas one tithe of the power
that they have abused for 30 years. 1t would
be an easy settlement of this great issue If
New-England State could be found willing to
deny Justice to the negro. Connecticut would
be the answer throughout the South. "Can
you" they might justly say, lean you force
upon US what you decline yourselves to do
Can you expect from the cotton and sugar
States what Connecticut refuses nyou have
arguments address them to your own Yankees
send your missionaries to Ncw-England."
The practical effect of defeat III Connecticut
would be to postpone this great victory; 1t Is
not in the power of any defeat to end the
struggle. At the same time we beseech our
friends not to make that struggle harder


Justice demands that Labor and Manhood
shall be the only tests required at the ballot
box. Upon that We join issue with the Democ-
racy everywhere-not only in Connecticut, but
in every State of the Union. We believe that
the time will come when this doctrine will be
an axiom in American policy; that it will be
recognized here and everywhere. For this rea-
son we want the prestige of victory iii Con-
necticut. Our friends have the day but they
must be yigant, active, resolute, or the enemy
will surprise them.