Year: 1864

and imposed on reluctant people-nolhilS
else can accomplish the death of slavery.


Supposing that to be done Mr.. Speak
er, what then? This bill relates to the
other grave social problem of the destiny
of the negro race when their bond is bro
ken. Now many of them are thrown
on our hands We have to take care of
them. To that extent the bill is right,
and shall vote for it for that purpose =
How well it will it answer, how far it
mtist be modified after the national cause
shall triumph, remains to be seen. Let
the things of the future be cared for
by the future. But it is necessary
now to determine our policy respecting
the negroes when freed to form some de-
finite ideas as to what shall be the fu-
turc of the negro race; in other words,
what dispositions we will make of them
when we have broken the masters yoke,
when Maryland shall have broken it here
after, when Missouri shall have finally
broken it, when West Virginia shall have
finally have broken it, and when slavery
in all the rebel States shall have been de-
stroyed and broken up in fact.


There are on that subject two, and on
ly two, theories. The President says,
"Colonize and pay for them" The people
say "Leave them where they are" In
favor of colonization and compensation to
all loyal persons in the rebel States, we
have the declaration of the President of
the United States, which naturally car
rics with it great weight. lie has form
ally proposed it for the consideration of
tho people as his preferred policy. 1t is
for that reason that it is the more impcr-
tant to look at it directly in the face, and
to deal with it, subject to the conditions
which it involves, if it be adopted as the
policy of the nation. 1t has been dis
cussed and commented on by n distin
guished gentleman, member of his Cat-
met supposed, on that and other objects
more accurately to represent his opinion
than any other person. (The p. NJ. g.
These comments throw flood of light on
the views which prevail in high quarters
on the practical execution of the scheme
of colonization and the industrial and So
cial reasons which prompt Or justify it
These comments have been published
broadcast over the country as comments
upon the emancipation policy Of the Pres
idcnt of the United States. These com
monts have never been disavowed They
are entitled to our grave and respectful
consideration, both from high position
and character of the gentleman from whom
they emanate, and his peculiar relat ions
to the President, and the concurrence Of
view between him and the President as
serted and not disayowed. Those COM
mcnts are in the form of an attack on the
"radcal abolitionists; but, while that is
form, the substance is yindication of the
colonization policy of the President, a
demonstration of its necessity to the sue
cess of the emancipation policy proclaimed
by the President, and the radical aboli-
! tionists' are all who differ from the Pres
dcnt and his commander. | am one of
! them.


What are the grounds? First of all
it is said that the radical abolitionists"
wish to change the Constitution of the
United States and all our laws. to elevate
to an equality this race, which is wholly.
untrue; and in the next place that un-
equal races cannot live together on terms
of equality and peace, and, therefore
| that it is necessary to prevent the massa-
ere of the negro that he should be expa-
tratcd. Mr.. Speaker, what is the foun-
dation of this view? The negro must be
colonizcd if he be free, or war Of races
will cxterminate him! What justifes
this alternative? Will gentlemen tell me
where in the history OF the world they
find the fact upon which they base that
astounding generalization ! Civilized
people have oyerborne savages, men Of
one religion have borne down men of II
different religion, ambition has overturned
one nation by another but where in the
history of the world is there any case Of
nation going to work to extcrminate
large portion of its people Of an
other race living in the midst of it, of
the same religion, civilized in the same
manncr. conforming to its laws, subject
to its will, willing to work for its wages,
not ambitious, and not disturbing the
public peace, because they are of diff
crcnt race? Where is the instance in the
history of the world Of the subjugation
and massacre Of different race under
| these circumstances In earlier times
great masses of people poured from Cen
tral Asia over Europe. They were Of a
different race from the inhabitants of the
Roman empire. My impression is that
the conquered civilized the conqueror,
and that it did not end in the social war
such as is contemplated here but the dc
sccndents of both form now the people OF
Europe.


The distinguished commentator on the
colonization views of the President refers
to the Moors Of Spain In an ethnolog-
ical sense they were far from kin in point
of race to the Spaniards But race was
not the ground of war; it was religion ;
and every decree which undertook to cx-
pei them gave them the alternative Of
baptism or exile. The Spaniards wanted
them to stay, and Ferdinand and Isabel
Ia would have been glad if they had re-
NAMED to decorate the southern portion
of their empire, the perpetual glory Of
their missionary zeal.


Then we are referred to San Domingo.
That is exactly what gentlemen on the
other side of the House are preparing for
us in the future. There was no revolt
of slaves against their masters, there was
no war of one race against another, un-
willing to live in peace and industry but
the French Assembly, having freed the
slaves of San Domingo, undertook to re-
duce them to slavery again. They re-
volted against the authority which at,
tempted to reduce them to slavery, and
under Touissant L'Ouvcrture, whose mil
itary genius Theirs thinks it worth while
to commend. defeated both France anc
England in their attempt to reduce ant
hold the island.


These are the examples Of wars ofrace
But why do they pass over the peaceful