Year: 1861

When We consider the man, the place
and he doctrines, the following speech of
Wendell Phillips will be pronounced by all
the most remarkable and noteworthy. 1t
was delivered on the 9th instant, at New
Bedford, Massachusetts,, and is thus report
ed by correspondent of the Boston 7ron-
script:


New BEDFORD, MASS, April 10, 1861.


Mr.. Editor Wendell Phillips delivered
lecture before our Lyceum last evening,
intensely political in its character, in the
course of which he took occasion to CON-
ment on the news just received from Charles
ton. l send you specimen of bis brilliant
and erratic ideas, in his own language. The
lecture was interrupted by frequent Kisses ::


"Ihe telegraph is said to report tonight
that the guns are firing either out of Fort
Sumter or into it-that to morrow's breeze
when it sweeps from the North will bring
to us the echo of the first Lexington battle
of the new revolution. Well, what shall
we say of such an hour? My own feeling
is double one. 1t is like the triumph of
sadness-rejoicing and sorrow. | cannot,
indeed, congratulate you enough Oh the SUBJ
lime spectacle of twenty millions of people
educated in twelvemouth up to being will
ling that their idolized Union should risk
battle, should risk dissolution, in order, at
any risk, to put down this rebellion of slave
States.


"But I am sorry that gun should be
fred at Fort Sumter, or that gun should
be fred from it, for this reason. The Ad
ministration at Washington does not know
its time. Here are series of States grid
ling the gulf, who think that their peculiar
institutions require that they should have
separate government. They have right to
decide that question without appealing to
you or me. A large body of people, sufi
cient to make nation, have come to the
conclusion that they will havea government
of certain form Who denies them the
right? Standing with the principles offs
behind US, who can deny them the right?
What is matter of few millions of dol
lars, or few forts? It is a mere drop ln
the bucket of the great national question.
1t is theirs just as much as ours. main
tain, on the principles of rs, that Abra
ham Lincoln has no right to soldier in
Fort Sumter.


But the question comes secondly, "Sup.
pose we had a right to interfere, what is the
good of it?' You may punish South Car
olina for going out of the Union. That
does not bring her in. You may subdue
her by hundreds of thousands of armies,
but that does not make her State. There
is 10 longer Union. 1t is nothing but
boys play. Mr.. Jefferson Davis is angry,
and Mr.. Abraham Lincoln is mad, and they
agree to fight. One, two or three years
hence, if the news of the afternoon is cor
rect, we shall have gone through a war,
spent millions, required the death of a hun
dred thousand men, and be exactly then
where we are now-two nations; a little
more angry, little poorer, and great deal
wiser; and that will be the only difference.
We may just as well settle it now as then.


You cannot 60 through Massachusetts, and
recruit men to lombard Charleston or New
Orleans. The Northern mind will not bear
it. You never can make such var popu-
lar. The first onset may be borne. The
telegraph may bring news that Anderson
has bombarded Charleston, and you may re.
joice. But the sober second thought Of
Massachusetts, will be, s'Wasteful, unchris
tian, guilty" The North never will en-
dorse such war. Instead Of conquerine
Charleston, you create Charleston in New
England. You stir up sympathy for the
South.


Therefore, it seems to me that the inau
guration of war is not onl y a violation Of
principle, butt is violation of expediency


To be for disunion in Boston is to be an
Abolitionist To be against disuuiou is tc
be an Abolitionist to-day in the streets Of
Charleston. Now, that very state of things
shows that the civilization of the two cities
is utterly antagonistic. What is the use Of
trying to join them? Is Abraham Lincoln
capable of making fire and powder lie down
together in peace? If be can, let him send
his army to Fort Sumter and occupy it.


But understand NC. I believe in the
Union exactly as you do, in the future
This is my proposition: "Go out, gentlemen;
you are welcome to your empire-take it"
Let them try the experiment Of cheating
with one hand and idleness with the other
know that God has written "Bankruptcy"
over such an experiment. If you cannon
ade South Carolina, you cannonade her into
the sympathy of the world. do not know
now but what majority there is on my
side; but I know this, that if the telegraph
speaks true tonight, that the guns are ech,
DING around Fort Sumter, thena majority is
against US, for it will convert every man into
a secessionist. Besides, there is another
fearful element in the problem. There is
another terrible consideration. We car
then no longer extend to the black race al
South our best sympathy and our best aid


We stand tonight at the beginning o.
ap epoch which may have the peace or the
ruin of generation in its bosom. Inau'
gurate war, we know not where it will end
We are in nc condition to fight. The South
is poor, and we are rich. The poor mar
can do twice the injury to the rich mar
that the rich can do to the poor. You
wealth rides safely on the bosom of th'
ocean. All New England has its millions
ahoat The North whitens every sea witt
it's wealth. The South has no commerce
but she can buy the privateers of ever.
race to prey on yours. 1t is dangerou