Year: 1868

has been used without limit by radicals Of every


grade Of intelligence from Morton to Wilson,
in season and out. But in ell this time 1t has


never once occurred to them that the govern


ments they we're establishing on this authority


were not republican either in form or
in spirit, but were military despotisms, and


that even beyond these despotisms they did
not contemplate republican governments,
but the rule Of minority. Senator Morton
has large view Of what may be done under
this provision. Can he not see that 1t may
have been intended to guard against any State
ever being made into "military district :"
His parry answer, of course, would be that the
district is only means to the good end. But
when were tyranny and usurpation ever with
out an excuse like this for every evil project'


1t is we'll, perhaps, to show how easily the
radicals satisfy their consciences otherwise it
would be hardly worth while to examine their
argument; for the case is, in truth, beyond and
altogether outside OF that argument Taking
the broad popular view, it remains that Sena-
tor Morton, the chosen champion of his party's
cause, has failed to meet the real issue that is
before the country. The discussion with the
nation Is not on the power Of Congress to do
certain thing, but on the spirit in which it
now acts Congress has power enough over
the case. and the people would in any
event admit its authority but the trouble
is that Congress does not wisely use its
acknowledged power; does not contemplate
the real necessities Of the case; does not
aympathize with or endeavor to give effect to
the will of the people; but abuses its great
opportunity, betrays the trust the nation has
reposed in 1t and legislates ID mere party
interest and inspired by partisan purposes
only; legislates not to secure to the American
people the peace and freedom they fought for,
but to base the supremacy Of party thoughts
in the very statutes Of restoration. The charge
is higher and broader than the radical champion
deems. II is not merely that bill in Congress
transcends certain points In the constitu-
ton, but that the purpose aimed at in that bill
Is inconsistent with social existence, traHscends
the laws Of human life, strikes at the founda-
lions set by God Almighty. Mr.. Morton has,
some glimmering of this He admits that he
can see the danger and injustice Of setting the
negro in the South above the white man. He
even says that at first he opposed it as u
great evil, and tells us Of bis growth in the
radical doctrines Well, the country has not
seen yet those cogent reasons that have
changed the gentleman's opinions. The coun-
try stands just where Mr.. Morton did before he
threw himself into the radical whirlpool and
gave up his own judgment for the judgment of
Wendell Phillips. Mr.. Morton chooses the nigger
as the least Of two evils; and just here is the
whole radical case What is the other evil 7
The other evil has no existence 1t Is q Chi
mcra-a fgment Of the radical brain. 1t is the
notion that white reconstruction Is impossible.
There is a certain kind Of reconstruction that
is impossible II is the kind required by Wen
dell Phillips and Charles Sumner-reconstruc-
ton that would require the Southern people to
humble themselves in the dust, to make them
selves unfit for an honorable place in this
Union. And in default of that sort Of recon-
struction, which only the savage radicals
desire, it is argued that we must take the
ngger. Such is the radical case as even Mr..
Morton shows it-trnly poor enough case on
which to go before the American people.