Year: 1860

nave no more righl 10 interfere, tnan Win
similar institutions in Russia or Brazil.-
Upon their good sense and patriotic for
bearance | confess l still greatly rely
Without their aid il is beyond the power of
any President, no matter what may be his
own political proclivities, TO restore peace
and harmony among the States. Wisely
limited and restrained as is his power un-
der our Constitution and laws, he alone can
accomplish but little for good or evil, on
such momentous question; and this brings
me TO observe that the election of any one
of our fellow citizens to the office Of Presi-
dent, does not of itself afford just cause for
dissolving the Union. This is more espec-
Iaily true if his election has been effected
by mere plurality, and not by majority
OF the people, and has resulted from tran
sient and temporary causes, which may
/ probably never again occur. In order TO
justify resor I torevolutionary resistance,
the Federal Government must be guilty Of
a deliberate. pal pable, and dangerous exer-
else Of powers not granted by the Consti-
! tntion.


| The late Presidential election, however,
has been held in strict conformity with its
express provisions. How then can the re.
suit justify a revolution TO destroy this very
Constitution? Reason, justice and regard
for the Constitution all require that we
shall wait for some overt and dangerous act
on the part Of The President elect before re-
sorting to such remedy. II is said, how
/ ever, that the antecedenls of the President
elec. have been sufficient 10 Justify the
fears Of the South that he will attempt to
invade their Constitutional rights: but are
such apprehensions Of contingent danger in
the future sufficient 10 justify the immedi-
ate destruction OF the noblest system of
Government ever devised by mortals. From
the very nature of his office and its high
responsibilities he must necessarily be con-
servative. The stern duty of administering
the vast and, complicated councils of this
Government affords in Itself a guarantee
that he will not attempt any violation of
clear Constitutional right. After all he is no
more than the Chief Executive officer of
the Government.


HIS province is not 10 make, but 10 exc
cute IFS laws, and its remarkable fact in
our history that, notwithstanding the re-
ported efforts of the anti-slavery party, no
single act has ever passed Congress. unless
we may possibly except the Missouri Com
promise, impairlng in the slightest degree
the rights OF the South 10 their property in
slaves. And it may also be observed,
judging from the present indications, tnat
no probability exists of the passage of
such an act by majority of both Houses
either in the present or the next Congress.
Surely, under these circumstances we
ought TO be re trained from present action
by the precept Of Him who spRke as never
man spoke, that sufficient unto the day is
the evil thereof. The day Of evil may
never come, unless we shall rashly bring it
upon ourselves. II is alleged as one cause
for immediate secession that the Southern
States are denied equal rights with the 9TH
er States in the common territories.


But by what authority are these denied?
Not by Congress, which has never passed
aid l believe never will pass, any act to
exclude slavery from these Territories; and
certainly not by the Supreme Court which
has solmenly decided that slaves are prop.
erty, and like all other property, their own
ers have right to take them into the ter
rilories and hold them there under the pro-
lection Of the Constitution. So far, then,
as Congress is concerned, the objection is
not to anything they have already done, bu,
to what they may do hereafter. 1t will
surely be admitted that this apprehension
of future danger is ne good reason for an
of,,t, - al,


II is true that the Territorial Legislature
Of Kansas on the 23d of February, 1860,
passed in great haste an act over the veto
of the Governor, declaring that slavery is,
and shall be forever prohibited in the ter
rtory. Such an act, however, plainly vio-
lating The rights of property secured by the
Constitution, will surely be declared void
by the Judiciary whenever it shall be pre-
sented in legal form. Only three days
after my Inauguration, the Supreme Court
of the United States solemnly adindged that
this power did not exist in Territorial
Legislature. Yet such has been the faclious
temper Of the times, that the correctness
of this decision has been extensively i'm
pugned before the people, and the question
has given rise TO angry political conflict
throughout the country. Those who have
appealed from this judgement of our high
est Constitutional tribunal 10 popular as
semblies, would, if they could, invest Ter,
ri,orial Legislatures with power 10 annu
the sacred rights Of property.


This power Congress Is expressly for
bidden by the Federal Constitution 10 exer-
else. Every State Legislature in the u
nion is obidden by IFS own Constitution to
exercise it. Ii cannot be exercised in any
State, except by the people in their highest
sovereign capacity, when framing or a.
msndlng their State Constitution. In like
manner it can only be exercised by the
people of the Territory represented in a
convention Of delegates for the purpose of
framing Constitution, predatory TO admis-
sion as State into the Union. Then, and
not until then, are they invested with pow
er to decide the question whether slavery
shall or shall not exist within their limits.
This is an act Of sovereign authority, and
not Of subordinate Territorial legislation.


Were it otherwise, then indeed would


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