Year: 1865




stood more in need Of the application of the
above maxim than the present ltime, in our
own country. After four years of terrible
war, we have succeeded in overthrowing the
armed power of tremendous rebellion, which
extended over one-half the territorial limits
of the United States and in the process we
have emancipated four millions OF bond
slaves of the rebel leaders. And now, with
the power of the rebellion crushed, there
rests upon us the duty of restoring the rebel
States to their position as loyal and working
members of the Union, and of securing to
the liberated slaves their freedom, and placing
them in a position where they can work out
their own destiny unrestrained by their late
rebel masters


Now, although the armed power of the re-
bellion is broken and scattered, the spirit OF
treason and opposition to the policy Of the
Government is still rampant in most of the
States lately in rebellion. And if they were
restored tomorrow to their old power and
influence in the Union, they would seek to
effect by policy what they have failed to &C
complish by force, for they are simply bafRed,
but unrepentant traitors. They rushed out
of the Union and into war against the
United States in hot haste without our con-
sent; but now, after four years of failure TO
accomplish their purpose by war, they ask
our consent to rush back into the Union to
| carry out their reasonable plots sby ex-
hausting the arts of craftsmanship We
need be in no hurry to give them this vantage
ground. If they have failed to dissolve the
Union by four years of bloody war, and their
defiant absence of their representatives from
the Halls OF our Congress in Congress of
their own, we don't think there will be any
danger Of dissolving it, by keeping them out
of Congress four years MORE, till we arrange
the proper measures for our Nsecurity in the
future" if not for an indemnify for the past.
There is not the slightest call f0v rushing the
representatives Of these rebel Staess still reek-
ing with the blood of loyal MEM and with
reasonable plots for future troubles, back to
the Halls of Congress.


Let us take our time that the measures of
restoration may be as eilectual for the future
security and peace of the country, rs the
measures of the war have been for the utter
overthrow of the rebel power in the field.
Let not the traitors, vanquished in war, gain
the advantage over us by policy in peace,
and thus cause the immense sacrifice of treas
ure and of life, and the crowning martyrdom
of LINCOLN to go for naught.


| The Government has the same rights and
powers over the subject of the pacifcation OF
the rebellion and the rehabilitation of the rebel
States, and to secure present loyalty and
future peace by its policy, as it had to carry
on the war for the overthrow of the rebellion
in the field. And the Copperhead objections
and objurgations on the subject spring from
the same motives, and are entitled to no more
respect than their objection to the power OF
9 coercion and all the measures of war,
And it is but another instance of shameless,
inconsistency that men, who professto sup,
port President JoHssos's policy 6f recon.
struction. should deny the Govern ment the
power of resorting to just such measures as
it sees proper. President JoHysoNs policy
covers the whole case. He appoints Pro,is
ional Governors and sustains them by mill
tary power: he orders conventions of the
people of the States to form Constitutions
and he fixes the qualifications of voters for
delegates to such Conventions. He ignores
the State Government utterly and constitutes
~, 4 4
and designates the qualifications necessary
for those who shall vote for delegates to form
a State Convention. under which only can an
elective State Government be organized.


Surely if President JoHNsoS may do al
that in the process of reconstruction, it il
very difficult to fix any limits to the Constitu
tional power of the Government in the matter
of reconstruction and admission to represen
tatien IN Congress. ~