Year: 1862




by the people, to be used in diligent and faith
fui legislation. Their time, therefore, during
the session is public property, and they have
no right 10 waste 1t. That they not only squan'
der their time in the halls of legislation, but
employ it mischievously against the interests
and dignity of the nation, is too evident TO all
who read tho morning papers. The debates OF
both houses on Thursday. which we published
yesterday, are examples of this pernioious
abuse Of public trust Mr. Benjamin Wade,
Senator from Ohio, In speech outside OF the
Senate Chamber, had described Mr.. vallandig-
ham as man who never had any sympathy
with this republic. but whose every breath is
devoted to its destruction, just asfar bis heart
dare permit him to Co." Mr.. vallandigham
rose In his place In the House Of Representa-
tives and said g. I dsnounoe, and speak It ad-
visedly, the author of that speech a. Liar, a
| scoundrel and Q coward" Mr.. Blake then
charged the gentleman with false pretence." /"
Mr.. vallandigham said he was ready to meet
his colleague outside. Such is the unseemly
personality of men who profess to represent
the people in Congress.


Then Mr.. Lovejoy makes an exhibition of
himself by indulging in tho most absurd rant,
and using language Of q reasonable nature
in moral if not y legal sense. He
| ridiculed the idea Of any oReedApealing
to tho constitution for the protection of
slavery; for slavery was "the progeny and
1t was 80 monster" can internal assassin"
and, said he, sit shall be slain in the name Of
my country and my God:' "either slavery or
the republic must perish" How the members
of the House could have patience to sit listen
ing to such a farrago Of fanaticism and treason
Is beyond comprehension. 1t is almost folly to
waste serisus argument upon what is 50 ridi-
culous. But we would simply quote the words
Of Mrs. Glass in her receipt for cooking a
sayory dish of game:-"First catch your hare;
then" &c. Let Mr.. Lovejoy first catch the
slaves, and then the question of setting them
free will be in order. Neither silly talk about
emancipation nor even resolutions or acts Of
Congress can do it. The country where the
slaves dwell must first be in our possession,
and the slaves must be ready and willing to
abandon their masters, before their freedom
could be forced. As far as our troops have
yet penetrated there is no evidence of any such
disposition. The inhuman proposition, there
fore, introduced into Congress, to arm the
slaves against the whites Of the South for
another st. Domingo massacre, would utterly
fail But if forced emancipation through
blood and slaughter were. practicable, the
question would then arise, Is that the best way
of restoring harmony between the North and
the South? and every sane man must answer in
the negative. The only effect of such speeches
as that Of Lovejoy is their tendency to give aid
to the rebels, by driving to their side the loyal
lation against tho federal government thus
rendering the restoration of the Union
impossible. But Mr.. Lovejoy says he
takes the position that "either slavery
or the Union must perish" The meaning
of this is, that if slavery is not abolished the
aboitionists will render the Union impossible
Are they not, therefore, a. much traitors to the
Union and the constitution as the secessionistss
The protection Of the institution Of negro
slavery is one Of the conditions in the bond
it Is part Of the solemn league and covenant
By violating the condition and breaking the
covenant We would justify the rebellion at the
South; for, In the language of Daniel Webster
on this very subject, "a bargain broken on
one side is broken on all sides" 1t is crafty
ing to find that the sentiments Of Lovejoy
have very little weight in the House of Repre-
sentatives. For instance, Mr.. Rollins (repub-
lican), of Maine, who followed him, repudiated
his perfdious doctrines. Let US, he said, stand
by the resolution adopted at tho extra session,
''that the war is not waged in any spirit of
oppression, or for any purpose Of conquest
or subjugation, or for the overthrow of the
institutions of the Southern States, but to
defend and maintain the supremacy of the
constitution and the laws in all their dignity,
and that az soon as these purposes are
accomplished the war shall cease" He COM
plimented President Lincoln for his patriotic
efforts TO preserve the Union. He was for
Furnishing all the guilty leaders and holding
out inducements to the deluded to return to
their allegiance. He was opposed to ukra
measures Save the Union at any cost; and
to this end he believed the constitution was
amply sufficient.


This is the language Of common sense, COM
mon honesty and common decency, which the
Loveioys are continually outraging. To the
same effect on the same evening, in the other
branch of Congress, was the excellent speech
Of Mr. ColIamer (republican), Of Vermont
These gentlemen redeem New England from
the disgrace OF the Summers and Garrisons,
and Phillipses, and prove that, after all, some-
thing good can come on. Of Nazareth. Mr..
Collamer contends that this is an experiment
of free government before the wort whe-
ther It can be successful In hours Of ttyal, and
whether it can succeed according to ~ con
stitution and the laws. If ii is Obliged to
depart therefrom, and resort to the e. yrdients
of despotisms, it is confession the