Year: 1861

WIN q DIItISu uUUIeLldu VI Vic l1uuSe VI
Lords, on the subject of the American war
and the responsibilities of the British Gov
ernment and people in regard to it. There
are mistakes on both sides of the water
but the public press of the North is in
error In supposing the attitude of this Gov
erament to be in any way friendly to the
Southern Confederacy. The following
paragraph, which | cut from an American
paper, is the true Interpretation Of the ao-
tion of the Government in one important
particular the British Government are
more determined in this matter than the
French:


g The New York Erening Post under
stands that, although the British Govern
inent will not itself treat the Confederate
privateers as pirates, it will forbid lis sub
jects to join with o. assist them, and will
not allow their prizes to be carried into
British ports all Of which, says the Post,
is strictly IN accordance with the rights of
neutrals by the laws Of nations


In the conversation above alluded to,
Lord expressed his conviction that the
British Government would never enter into
any treaty Of recognition with the slave
trading confederacy under their present
Constitution. He had an interview re-
Gently with the Prime Minister, and felt as
sured that such was the present opinion
and determination of tie leading members
of Her Majesty's Government. But at
present, no action whatever could be ta-
ken, and they were determined to preserve
the strictest neutrality while the conflict
was going on between the North and the
South


This position Of neutrality he was sorry
to see mislnterpreted by portion of the
press of the North, as if it were an indica-
tion Of favor towards the South, which it
was not. There would be no such favor.
Although there could not be, as yet, in
the present stage Of the conflict, any de-
termination whatever Of the demand. no re-
ception could be given to it, nor any ad-
mission Of it, nor any notice oft at all
The Confederacy was not a nation de fdcto
NOT power to be recognized OF treated
with, no matter what were it's claims. 1t
remained to be seen whether it became a
power; and if it did, what were its claims
to be recognized as such.


When the present war was ended and
the terms settled of any agreement between
North and South, if the Confederacy still
remained and was recognized by the North,
then would come the question before the
British Government whether themselves
should recognise that Cenfederacy or not.
Whenever that question came up, the Gov
ernment OF this country would not recog-
nize by treaty nation whose whole object
was the perpetuity of human slavery.
There need be no fear of that.


THE QUESTION OF SLAVERY.


Yet. if the United States should racog-
nize such e nation, and enter into a treaty
of peace and amity with it, recognizing its
right to slavery as vested right in hu-
man beings as property, what could be ex-
pected Of other powers? Meantime the
sympathy of Great Britain with the North
was greatly checked and prevented. and
rendered almost impossible, in consequence
Of the support Of slavery and the treat
ment Of the slaves and Of the colored race
of the North. Great Britain could see no
principle of freedom in the war, as regarded
the enslaved, no intention Of justice or Of
mercy towards them, no defence of their
rights, no determination to abolish this
great wickedness of slavery on the part Of
the North On the contrary, 1t looked as
if the North would guaranty to the South
the right Of this crime, the assurance of
not interfering against it; nay, on the 9th
er hand a promise of maintaining it. The
rejection Of colered men and negroes from
service in the army was referred to. to-
gether with other significant facts The
Fugitive Slave law was still executed, and
the poor victims Of slavery were flung back
into this hell, even by the Northern armies
Great Britain had no attribute of sympathy
with a people that, even in fighting against
the South, would still hold the slavery of
the poor African race as sacred night to
be respected, and would help hold the
slaves in this dreadful bondage, even at
the point of Northern bayonets There
could be no sympathy with the North in
such war If it came to be purpose of
this dreadful struggle to release and pro-
tect the slaves, and to give to them their
rights, then the moment the British Gov
ernment and people saw and could feel
that the North hated slavery for the s7ares,
and not for themselves merely, and were
resolved to Put away this wickedness, that
moment the sympathy of this country
would be deep, strong and universal in be-
half of the North. But they had seen the
North, people and government, In soma
respect the guiltiest Of the parties support
ing this crime; tribunals Of justice and re-
llgon, churches and ministers, united in
the sanction and support of slavery, and
even in the war now raging denying that
they Lad any intention Of abolishing slave
ry, and even denouncing that intention as
if it were crime. If the North would
have the sympathy of Great Britain, they
must themselves renounce this crime, and,
now that God had given them such an op-
portunity, apply themselves to the abo-
lition of it. The moment Great Britain
could sec abolition looming up as the de-
termination of tue North in this struggle
that moment all the sympathies of the peo-
pie would be fervently and firmly with the
North AMI if the United States desired
to prevent the recognition of the slave
trading Contederacy by this country. lei
them show that the cause of that desire il
their own adherence Of slavery, and de
termination to abolish it, and not the nero
desire of conquest, or Of preserving tht
Union unbroken, or Of compelling the sep