Year: 1868




shall Eiave his day in court, and be
brought for his own good and that o.
his SUCCESSORS in office, and that of the
United States Clothed with all the
high powers Of his official station, he
is as completely a subordinate to the
laws Of the Republic as the humbIest
of its citizens. The public welfare,
the repOse Of tie nation, the interests
of our institutions, the safety of the
Republic itself, require that all per-
sons, official or otherwise. shall be sol
emnly taught that the law of this
land Is no TesPector Of persons; that
the high and low, Tfofl and poor, the
public officer and the private citizen,
are each and all alike amenable to
its imperative dsmandss subject TO its
high command, subordinate to itss1-
preme authority. The majesty Of the
law must be asserted, though it strike
from his exalted position the Chiel
Magistrate of the nation. We deplOrG
the necessity, but we must obey the
voice Of the law.


/ speak not as a partisan, but as a
custodian of a trust whose sacred
character urges me to a strict Observ-
ance Of my duty. I will vote for
the pending resolution, to the end
that the law may be Vindicated by
the removal of an unworthy public
servant from an official position
which he has dishOnOred by his per
verse disregard Of duty and his unjust
Of the supremacy ofthe law.


Mr.. Woodbridge sustained the
impeachment resolution. He declar-
ed his belief that in no other way
than by impeachment could the mai
esty Of the law and the future safety
Of the Republic be maintained. Ii
tumult, riot and bloOdshed would fol-
low, they would not be caused by the
execution Of the laws. He would as
sure the gentleman from New York
{ Mr.. BrOOks) that if such would be
the result, ten thousand swords would
leap from their scabbards, a million
glisten in thesunshine; brave
heroes fill up the ranks; the honor OF
the old flag would be maintained;
peace and quiet would be restored,
and the nations of the earth would
again learn that the Government OF
the United States was a government
of law.


Mr.. Wood addressed the House
against the Impeachment resolution.
He said the proceeding II as unwar-
ranted as it is unprecedented. The
President has, been guilty of no legal
or moral offence under the COnstitu-
ton and laws. The ground on which
the resolution of impeachment is
sought to be maintained Is frivolous,
technical, and unworthy Of any at
tempt at refutatiOn. If any branch
Of the Government has been guilty OF
high crimes and misdemeaBors, it is
that which would usurp all power
and make the coordinate branches
to its will and its selfish
partisan desires. The President has
been careful to maintain his oath of
office, which requires him to preserve,
protect and defend the Constitution
to the best of his ability, and this is
the extent of his offending and no
more. If the Senate shall cOnsum-
mate this proceeding and displace the
Chief Magistrate of the nation under
50 slight a pretext, it will commit an
greater in effect than that at
tempted by the leaders of secession in
1861. Their effort was to accomplish
territorial disintegratiOn. This effort
IS to disOrganize the Government it
self. If carried through, the public
credit receives a fatal blow, because
the instability Of our political institu-
tiOns becomes manifest, and this basis
upon which now rests all monetary
and proprietary interest, will be shak-
an. AS a consequence, the great in
dustrial interests will become paralyz-
ed, taxation will become materially
the currency further depre-
,iated, tradeand commerce destroyed,
and the people, taught by the exam
pie of Congress, will learn to disre-
5pect and disregard the authority of
the official powers so necC Cssary for the
protection of life, liberty and proper
". Thus would social and political
evils follow, alike subversive of pri-
yate and public good. Will the ne
,essity for removal justify the prob
ability Of such experiments at tn s
time? Is our national condition in
that secure position 10 warrant an ex-
pertinent so fraughI with possible dam
ger? Ifsuch considerations have no
weight with the majority of the
House, can that party bear the re-
,pOnsibility it will thus incur? Can it
lake upon itself the odium Of all ex-
5raordinary and revolutionary pro-
Can it escape from the
consequences incident to so violent a
for imaginary wrongs, when
no motives of public good will sustain
it? I implore the gentlemen of the
House, before these impending calam-
tiles, let them reflect upon the cOnse-
1uences of the step they are about to
take. If the danger to the country
and the c0untry's existence can excite
no alarm, let them remember their
oath of Office, the constituency to
whom each must render his account,
and the individual liability thus in
CURED. In our position as members
of the House, we are not our own
agents. We are here in a representa-
tive capacity. Nor do we reflect
alone the voices and wishes of pOliti-
clans at home. Under the theory and
laws of our country, we are all the
of the whole people, whose
wants and wishes we inpeIsOnate on
this floor. TO their happiness and
prosperity let US devote ourselves ; to
their best interests let us be faithful
and to their bidding let US bow, so
that we may hereafter meet them
without fear and without reprOach.-
The day will speedily come when all
of US must render an account of our
not only to our friends
and our neighbors, but to God and
our country. Let US try so to dis
charge this duty that, whether liv-
ing or dying, in public or private life,
In the presence of our families or of
our Maker, we can justify and main