Sanctions have been a significant component of U.S. Iran policy since Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution that toppled the Shah of Iran, a U.S. ally. In the 1980s and 1990s, U.S. sanctions were intended to try to compel Iran to cease supporting acts of terrorism and to limit Iran's strategic power in the Middle East more generally. After the mid-2000s, U.S. and international sanctions focused largely on ensuring that Iran's nuclear program is for purely civilian uses. During 2010-2015, the international community cooperated closely with a U.S.-led and U.N.-authorized sanctions regime in pursuit of the goal of persuading Iran to agree to limits to its nuclear program. Still, sanctions against Iran have multiple objectives and address multiple perceived threats from Iran simultaneously. This report analyzes U.S. and international sanctions against Iran. CRS has no way to independently corroborate whether any individual or other entity might be in violation of U.S. or international sanctions against Iran. The report tracks "implementation" of the various U.S. laws and executive orders as designations and imposition of sanctions. Some sanctions require the blocking of U.S.-based property of sanctioned entities. CRS has not obtained information from the executive branch indicating that such property has been blocked, and it is possible that sanctioned entities do not have any U.S. assets that could be blocked. The sections below are grouped by function, in the chronological order in which these themes have emerged. U.S. sanctions on Iran were first imposed during the U.S.-Iran hostage crisis of 1979-1981, in the form of executive orders issued by President Jimmy Carter blocking nearly all Iranian assets held in the United States. These included E.O. 12170 of November 14, 1979, blocking all Iranian government property in the United States, and E.O 12205 (April 7, 1980) and E.O. 12211 (April 17, 1980) banning virtually all U.S. trade with Iran. The latter two Orders were issued just prior to the failed April 24-25, 1980, U.S. effort to rescue the U.S. Embassy hostages held by Iran. President Jimmy Carter also broke diplomatic relations with Iran on April 7, 1980. The trade-related Orders (12205 and 12211) were revoked by Executive Order 12282 of January 19, 1981, following the "Algiers Accords" that resolved the U.S.-Iran hostage crisis. Iranian assets still frozen are analyzed below. The Accords established a "U.S.-Iran Claims Tribunal" at the Hague that continues to arbitrate cases resulting from the 1980 break in relations and freezing of some of Iran's assets. All of the 4,700 private U.S. claims against Iran were resolved in the first 20 years of the Tribunal, resulting in $2.5 billion in awards to U.S. nationals and firms. The major government-to-government cases involved Iranian claims for compensation for hundreds of foreign military sales (FMS) cases that were halted in concert with the rift in U.S.-Iran relations when the Shah's government fell in 1979. In 1991, the George H. W. Bush Administration paid $278 million from the Treasury Department Judgment Fund to settle FMS cases involving weapons Iran had received but which were in the United States undergoing repair and impounded when the Shah fell. On January 17, 2016, (the day after the JCPOA took effect), the United States announced it had settled with Iran for FMS cases involving weaponry the Shah was paying for but that was not completed and delivered to Iran when the Shah fell. The Shah's government had deposited its payments into a DOD-managed "Iran FMS Trust Fund," and, after 1990, the Fund had a balance of about $400 million. In 1990, $200 million was paid from the Fund to Iran to settle some FMS cases. Under the 2016 settlement, the United States sent Iran the $400 million balance in the Fund, plus $1.3 billion in accrued interest, paid from the Department of the Treasury's "Judgment Fund." In order not to violate U.S. regulations barring direct U.S. dollar transfers to Iranian banks, the funds were remitted to Iran in late January and early February 2016 in foreign hard currency from the central banks of the Netherlands and of Switzerland. Some remaining claims involving the FMS program with Iran remain under arbitration at the Tribunal. Iranian assets in the United States are blocked under several provisions, including Executive Order 13599 of February 2010. The United States did not unblock any of these assets as a consequence of the JCPOA. About $1.9 billion in blocked Iranian assets are bonds belonging to Iran's Central Bank, frozen in a Citibank account in New York belonging to Clearstream, a Luxembourg-based securities firm, in 2008. The funds were blocked on the grounds that Clearstream had improperly allowed those funds to access the U.S. financial system. Another $1.67 billion in principal and interest payments on that account were moved to Luxembourg and are not blocked. About $50 million of Iran's assets frozen in the United States consists of Iranian diplomatic property and accounts, including the former Iranian embassy in Washington, DC, and 10 other properties in several states, and related accounts. Among other frozen Iranian assets are real estate holdings of the Assa Company, a UK-chartered entity, which allegedly was maintaining the interests of Iran's Bank Melli in a 36-story office building in New York City and several other properties around the United States (in Texas, California, Virginia, Maryland, and other parts of New York City). An Iranian foundation, the Alavi Foundation, allegedly is an investor in the properties. The U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York blocked these properties in 2009. The Department of the Treasury report avoids valuing real estate holdings, but public sources assess these blocked real estate assets at nearly $1 billion. In June 2017, litigation won the U.S. government control over the New York City office building. There are a total of about $46 billion in court awards that have been made to victims of Iranian terrorism. These include the families of the 241 U.S. soldiers killed in the October 23, 1983, bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut. U.S. funds equivalent to the $400 million balance in the DOD account (see above) have been used to pay a small portion of these judgments. The Algiers Accords apparently precluded compensation for the 52 U.S. diplomats held hostage by Iran from November 1979 until January 1981. The FY2016 Consolidated Appropriation (Section 404 of P.L. 114-113 ) set up a mechanism for paying damages to the U.S. embassy hostages and other victims of state-sponsored terrorism using settlement payments paid by various banks for concealing Iran-related transactions, and proceeds from other Iranian frozen assets. In April 2016, the U.S. Supreme Court determined the Central Bank assets, discussed above, could be used to pay the terrorism judgments, and the proceeds from the sale of the frozen real estate assets mentioned above will likely be distributed to victims of Iranian terrorism as well. On the other hand, in March 2018, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that U.S. victims of an Iran-sponsored terrorist attack could not seize a collection of Persian antiquities on loan to a University of Chicago museum to satisfy a court judgment against Iran. Other past financial disputes include the mistaken U.S. shoot-down on July 3, 1988, of an Iranian Airbus passenger jet (Iran Air flight 655), for which the United States paid Iran $61.8 million in compensation ($300,000 per wage-earning victim, $150,000 per non-wage earner) for the 248 Iranians killed. The United States did not compensate Iran for the airplane itself, although officials involved in the negotiations told CRS in November 2012 that the United States later arranged to provide a substitute used aircraft to Iran. For more detail on how Iranian and other assets are used to compensate victims of Iranian terrorism, see CRS Report RL31258, Suits Against Terrorist States by Victims of Terrorism , by Jennifer K. Elsea and CRS Legal Sidebar LSB10104, It Belongs in a Museum: Sovereign Immunity Shields Iranian Antiquities Even When It Does Not Protect Iran , by Stephen P. Mulligan. Executive Order 13599, issued February 5, 2012, directs the blocking of U.S.-based assets of entities determined to be "owned or controlled by the Iranian government." The order was issued to implement Section 1245 of the FY2012 National Defense Authorization Act ( P.L. 112-81 ) that imposed secondary U.S. sanctions on Iran's Central Bank. The Order requires that any U.S.-based assets of the Central Bank of Iran, or of any Iranian government-controlled entity, be blocked by U.S. banks. The order goes beyond the regulations issued pursuant to the 1995 imposition of the U.S. trade ban with Iran, in which U.S. banks are required to refuse such transactions but to return funds to Iran. Even before the issuance of the Order, and in order to implement the ban on U.S. trade with Iran (see below) successive Administrations had designated many entities as "owned or controlled by the Government of Iran." Numerous designations have been made under Executive Order 13599, including the June 4, 2013, naming of 38 entities (mostly oil, petrochemical, and investment companies) that are components of an Iranian entity called the "Execution of Imam Khomeini's Order" (EIKO). EIKO was characterized by the Department of the Treasury as an Iranian leadership entity that controls "massive off-the-books investments." Implementation of the U.S. JCPOA Withdrawa l. To implement the JCPOA, many 13599-designated entities specified in the JCPOA (Attachment 3) were "delisted" from U.S. secondary sanctions (no longer considered "Specially Designated Nationals," SDNs), and referred to as "designees blocked solely pursuant to E.O 13599." That characterization permitted foreign entities to conduct transactions with the listed entities without U.S. sanctions penalty but continued to bar U.S. persons (or foreign entities owned or controlled by a U.S. person) from conducting transactions with these entities. Treasury Department announced on May 8, 2018, in concert with the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA, that almost all of the 13599-designated entities that were delisted as SDNs will be relisted as SDNs on November 5, 2018. That day, the Treasury Department updated the list of SDNs to reflect the redesignations. Civilian Nuclear Entity Exception . One notable exception to the relisting policy implemented in 2018 is the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI). The entity, along with 23 of its subsidiaries, were redesignated under E.O. 13599 but not as entities subject to secondary sanctions under E.O. 13382. This U.S. listing decision was made in order to facilitate continued IAEA and EU and other country engagement with Iran's civilian nuclear program under the JCPOA. The May 2019 ending of some waivers for nuclear technical assistance to Iran modifies this stance somewhat (see subhead on waivers and exceptions under the JCPOA, below). Most of the hostage crisis-related sanctions were lifted upon resolution of the crisis in 1981. The United States began imposing sanctions against Iran again in the mid-1980s for its support for regional groups committing acts of terrorism. The Secretary of State designated Iran a "state sponsor of terrorism" on January 23, 1984, following the October 23, 1983, bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks in Lebanon by elements that established Lebanese Hezbollah. This designation triggers substantial sanctions on any nation so designated. None of the laws or Executive Orders in this section were waived or revoked to implement the JCPOA. No entities discussed in this section were "delisted" from sanctions under t he JCPOA. The U.S. naming of Iran as a "state sponsor of terrorism"—commonly referred to as Iran's inclusion on the U.S. "terrorism list"—triggers several sanctions. The designation is made under the authority of Section 6(j) of the Export Administration Act of 1979 ( P.L. 96-72 , as amended), sanctioning countries determined to have provided repeated support for acts of international terrorism. The sanctions triggered by Iran's state sponsor of terrorism designation are as follows: Restrictions on sales of U.S. dual use items . The restriction—a presumption of denial of any license applications to sell dual use items to Iran—is required by the Export Administration Act, as continued by executive orders under the authority of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, IEEPA. The restrictions are enforced through Export Administration Regulations (EARs) administered by the Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) of the Commerce Department. Ban on direct U.S. financial assistance and arms sales to Iran . Section 620A of the Foreign Assistance Act, FAA (P.L. 87-95) and Section 40 of the Arms Export Control Act ( P.L. 95-92 , as amended), respectively, bar any U.S. foreign assistance to terrorism list countries. Included in the definition of foreign assistance are U.S. government loans, credits, credit insurance, and Ex-Im Bank loan guarantees. Successive foreign aid appropriations laws since the late 1980s have banned direct assistance to Iran, and with no waiver provisions. The FY2012 foreign operations appropriation (Section 7041(c)(2) of P.L. 112-74) banned the Ex-Im Bank from using funds appropriated in that Act to finance any entity sanctioned under the Iran Sanctions Act. The foreign aid provisions of the FY2019 Consolidated Appropriation (Section 7041) made that provision effective for FY2019. Requirement to oppose multilateral lending . U.S. officials are required to vote against multilateral lending to any terrorism list country by Section 1621 of the International Financial Institutions Act ( P.L. 95-118 , as amended [added by Section 327 of the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 ( P.L. 104-132 )]). Waiver authority is provided. Withholding of U.S. foreign assistance to countries that assist or sell arms to t errorism l ist c ountries . Under Sections 620G and 620H of the Foreign Assistance Act, as added by the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (Sections 325 and 326 of P.L. 104-132 ), the President is required to withhold foreign aid from any country that aids or sells arms to a terrorism list country. Waiver authority is provided. Section 321 of that act makes it a crime for a U.S. person to conduct financial transactions with terrorism list governments. Withholding of U.S. Aid to Organizations T hat Assist Iran . Section 307 of the FAA (added in 1985) names Iran as unable to benefit from U.S. contributions to international organizations, and require proportionate cuts if these institutions work in Iran. For example, if an international organization spends 3% of its budget for programs in Iran, then the United States is required to withhold 3% of its contribution to that international organization. No waiver is provided for. The terrorism list designation, and other U.S. sanctions laws barring assistance to Iran, do not bar U.S. disaster aid. The United States donated $125,000, through relief agencies, to help victims of two earthquakes in Iran (February and May 1997); $350,000 worth of aid to the victims of a June 22, 2002, earthquake; and $5.7 million in assistance for victims of the December 2003 earthquake in Bam, Iran, which killed 40,000. The U.S. military flew 68,000 kilograms of supplies to Bam. Section 330 of the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act ( P.L. 104-132 ) added a Section 40A to the Arms Export Control Act that prohibits the sale or licensing of U.S. defense articles and services to any country designated (by each May 15) as "not cooperating fully with U.S. anti-terrorism efforts." The President can waive the provision upon determination that a defense sale to a designated country is "important to the national interests" of the United States. Every May since the enactment of this law, Iran has been designated as a country that is "not fully cooperating" with U.S. antiterrorism efforts. However, the effect of the designation is largely mooted by the many other authorities that prohibit U.S. defense sales to Iran. Executive Order 13324 (September 23, 2001) mandates the freezing of the U.S.-based assets of and a ban on U.S. transactions with entities determined by the Administration to be supporting international terrorism. This order was issued two weeks after the September 11, 2001, attacks on the United States, under the authority of the IEEPA, the National Emergencies Act, the U.N. Participation Act of 1945, and Section 301 of the U.S. Code, initially targeting Al Qaeda. E.O. 13224 is not specific to Iran and does not explicitly target Iranian arms exports to movements, governments, or groups in the Middle East region. However, successive Administrations have used the Order—and the orders discussed immediately below—to sanction such Iranian activity by designating persons or entities that are involved in the delivery or receipt of such weapons shipments. Some persons and entities that have been sanctioned for such activity have been cited for supporting groups such as the Afghan Taliban organization and the Houthi rebels in Yemen, which are not named as terrorist groups by the United States. Section 105 of the Countering America's Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA, P.L. 115-44 , signed on August 2, 2017), mandates the imposition of E.O. 13324 penalties on the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its officials, agents, and affiliates by October 30, 2017 (90 days after enactment). The IRGC was named as a terrorism-supporting entity under E.O 13224 within that deadline. The Treasury Department made the designation of the IRGC as a terrorism-supporting entity under that E.O. on October 13, 2017. No entities designated under E.O. 13224 were delisted to implement the JCPOA. Additional Iran-related entities have been designated under the Order since JCPOA implementation, as shown in the tables at the end of this report. Sanctions similar to those of E.O. 13224 are imposed on Iranian and Iran-linked entities through the State Department authority under Section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8.U.S.C. 1189) to designate an entity as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). In addition to the sanctions of E.O. 13224, any U.S. person (or person under U.S. jurisdiction) who "knowingly provides material support or resources to an FTO, or attempts or conspires to do so" is subject to fine or up to 20 years in prison. A bank that commits such a violation is subject to fines. Implementation: The following organizations have been designated as FTOs for acts of terrorism on behalf of Iran or are organizations assessed as funded and supported by Iran: Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Designated April 8, 2019. See CRS Insight IN11093, Iran's Revolutionary Guard Named a Terrorist Organization , by Kenneth Katzman. On April 22, 2019, the State Department issued guidelines for implementing the IRGC FTO designation, indicating that it would not penalize routine diplomatic or humanitarian-related dealings with the IRGC by U.S. partner countries or nongovernmental entities. Lebanese HezbollahKata'ib Hezbollah . Iran-backed Iraqi Shi'a militia. Hamas . Sunni, Islamist Palestinian organization that essentially controls the Gaza Strip. Palestine Islamic Jihad . Small Sunni Islamist Palestinian militant group Al Aqsa Martyr's Brigade . Secular Palestinian militant group. Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC). Leftwing secular Palestinian group based mainly in Syria. Al Ashtar Brigades . Bahrain militant opposition group Some sanctions have been imposed to try to curtail Iran's destabilizing influence in the region. Issued on July 7, 2007, the order blocks U.S.-based property of persons who are determined by the Administration to "have committed, or pose a significant risk of committing" acts of violence that threaten the peace and stability of Iraq, or undermine efforts to promote economic reconstruction or political reform in Iraq. The Order extends to persons designated as materially assisting such designees. The Order was clearly directed at Iran for its provision of arms or funds to Shiite militias there. Persons sanctioned under the Order include IRGC-Qods Force officers, Iraqi Shiite militia-linked figures, and other entities. Some of these sanctioned entities worked to defeat the Islamic State in Iraq and are in prominent roles in Iraq's parliament and political structure. Issued on April 29, 2011, the order blocks the U.S.-based property of persons determined to be responsible for human rights abuses and repression of the Syrian people. The IRGC-Qods Force (IRGC-QF), IRGC-QF commanders, and others are sanctioned under this order. The latter Act was signed by President Trump on October 23, 2018the 25 th anniversary of the Marine barracks bombing in Beirut. The original law, modeled on the 2010 Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act ("CISADA," see below), excludes from the U.S. financial system any bank that conducts transactions with Hezbollah or its affiliates or partners. The more recent law expands the authority of the original law by authorizing the blocking of U.S.-based property of and U.S. transactions with any "agency or instrumentality of a foreign state" that conducts joint operations with or provides financing or arms to Lebanese Hezbollah. These latter provisions clearly refer to Iran, but are largely redundant with other sanctions on Iran. In 1995, the Clinton Administration expanded U.S. sanctions against Iran by issuing Executive Order 12959 (May 6, 1995) banning U.S. trade with and investment in Iran. The order was issued under the authority primarily of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA, 50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.), which gives the President wide powers to regulate commerce with a foreign country when a "state of emergency" is declared in relations with that country. E.O. 12959 superseded Executive Order 12957 (March 15, 1995) barring U.S. investment in Iran's energy sector, which accompanied President Clinton's declaration of a "state of emergency" with respect to Iran. Subsequently, E.O 13059 (August 19, 1997) added a prohibition on U.S. companies' knowingly exporting goods to a third country for incorporation into products destined for Iran. Each March since 1995, the U.S. Administration has renewed the "state of emergency" with respect to Iran. IEEPA gives the President the authority to alter regulations to license transactions with Iran—regulations enumerated in Section 560 of the Code of Federal Regulations (Iranian Transactions Regulations, ITRs). Section 103 of the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010 (CISADA, P.L. 111-195 ) codified the trade ban and reinstated the full ban on imports that had earlier been relaxed by April 2000 regulations. That relaxation allowed importation into the United States of Iranian nuts, fruit products (such as pomegranate juice), carpets, and caviar. U.S. imports from Iran after that time were negligible. Section 101 of the Iran Freedom Support Act ( P.L. 109-293 ) separately codified the ban on U.S. investment in Iran, but gives the President the authority to terminate this sanction with presidential notification to Congress of such decision 15 days in advance (or 3 days in advance if there are "exigent circumstances"). In accordance with the JCPOA, the ITRs were relaxed to allow U.S. importation of the Iranian luxury goods discussed above (carpets, caviar, nuts, etc.), but not to permit general U.S.-Iran trade. U.S. regulations were also altered to permit the sale of commercial aircraft to Iranian airlines that are not designated for sanctions. The modifications were made in the Departments of State and of the Treasury guidance issued on Implementation Day and since. In concert with the May 8, 2018, U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA, the easing of the regulations to allow for importation of Iranian carpets and other luxury goods was reversed on August 6, 2018. The following provisions apply to the U.S. trade ban on Iran as specified in regulations (Iran Transaction Regulations, ITRs) written pursuant to the executive orders and laws discussed above and enumerated in regulations administered by the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) of the Department of the Treasury. Oil Transactions . All U.S. transactions with Iran in energy products are banned. The 1995 trade ban (E.O. 12959) expanded a 1987 ban on imports from Iran that was imposed by Executive Order 12613 of October 29, 1987. The earlier import ban, authorized by Section 505 of the International Security and Development Cooperation Act of 1985 (22 U.S.C. 2349aa-9), barred the importation of Iranian oil into the United States but did not ban the trading of Iranian oil overseas. The 1995 ban prohibits that activity explicitly, but provides for U.S. companies to apply for licenses to conduct "swaps" of Caspian Sea oil with Iran. These swaps have been prohibited in practice; a Mobil Corporation application to do so was denied in April 1999, and no applications have been submitted since. The ITRs do not ban the importation, from foreign refiners, of gasoline or other energy products in which Iranian oil is mixed with oil from other producers . The product of a refinery in any country is considered to be a product of the country where that refinery is located, even if some Iran-origin crude oil is present. Transshipment and Brokering . The ITRs prohibit U.S. transshipment of prohibited goods across Iran, and ban any activities by U.S. persons to broker commercial transactions involving Iran. Iranian Luxury Goods . Pursuant to the JCPOA, Iranian luxury goods, such as carpets and caviar, could be imported into the United States after January 2016. This prohibition went back into effect on August 6, 2018 (90-day wind-down). Shipping Insurance . Obtaining shipping insurance is crucial to Iran's expansion of its oil and other exports. A pool of 13 major insurance organizations, called the International Group of P & I Clubs, dominates the shipping insurance industry and is based in New York. The U.S. presence of this pool renders it subject to the U.S. trade ban, which complicated Iran's ability to obtain reinsurance for Iran's shipping after Implementation Day. On January 16, 2017, the Obama Administration issued waivers of Sections 212 and 213 of the ITRSHRA to allow numerous such insurers to give Iranian ships insurance. However, this waiver ended on August 6, 2018 (90-day wind-down). Civilian Airline Sales . The ITRs have always permitted the licensing of goods related to the safe operation of civilian aircraft for sale to Iran (§560.528 of Title 31, C.F.R.), and spare parts sales have been licensed periodically. However, from June 2011 until Implementation Day, Iran's largest state-owned airline, Iran Air, was sanctioned under Executive Order 13382 (see below), rendering licensing of parts or repairs for that airline impermissible. Several other Iranian airlines were sanctioned under that Order and Executive Order 13224. In accordance with the JCPOA, the United States relaxed restrictions on to allow for the sale to Iran of finished commercial aircraft, including to Iran Air, which was "delisted" from sanctions. A March 2016 general license allowed for U.S. aircraft and parts suppliers to negotiate sales with Iranian airlines that are not sanctioned, and Boeing and Airbus subsequently concluded major sales to Iran Air. In keeping with the May 8, 2018, U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA, preexisting licensing restrictions went back into effect on August 6, 2018, and the Boeing and Airbus licenses to sell aircraft to Iran were revoked. Sales of some aircraft spare parts ("dual use items") to Iran also require a waiver of the relevant provision of the Iran-Iraq Arms Non-Proliferation Act, discussed below. Personal Communications , Remittances , and Publishing . The ITRs permit personal communications (phone calls, emails) between the United States and Iran, personal remittances to Iran, and Americans to engage in publishing activities with entities in Iran (and Cuba and Sudan). Information Technology Equipment. CISADA exempts from the U.S. ban on exports to Iran information technology to support personal communications among the Iranian people and goods for supporting democracy in Iran. In May 2013, OFAC issued a general license for the exportation to Iran of goods (such as cell phones) and services, on a fee basis, that enhance the ability of the Iranian people to access communication technology. Food and Medical Exports. Since April 1999, sales to Iran by U.S. firms of food and medical products have been permitted, subject to OFAC stipulations. In October 2012, OFAC permitted the sale to Iran of specified medical products, such as scalpels, prosthetics, canes, burn dressings, and other products, that could be sold to Iran under "general license" (no specific license application required). This list of general license items list was expanded in 2013 and 2016 to include more sophisticated medical diagnostic machines and other medical equipment. Licenses for exports of medical products not on the general license list are routinely expedited for sale to Iran, according to OFAC. The regulations have a specific definition of "food" that can be licensed for sale to Iran, and that definition excludes alcohol, cigarettes, gum, or fertilizer. The definition addresses information in a 2010 article that OFAC had approved exports to Iran of condiments such as food additives and body-building supplements that have uses other than purely nutritive. Humanitarian and Related Services . Donations by U.S. residents directly to Iranians (such as packages of food, toys, clothes, etc.) are not prohibited, but donations through relief organizations broadly require those organizations' obtaining a specific OFAC license. On September 10, 2013, the Department of the Treasury eliminated licensing requirements for relief organizations to (1) provide to Iran services for health projects, disaster relief, wildlife conservation; (2) to conduct human rights projects there; or (3) undertake activities related to sports matches and events. The amendment also allowed importation from Iran of services related to sporting activities, including sponsorship of players, coaching, referees, and training. In some cases, such as the earthquake in Bam in 2003 and the earthquake in northwestern Iran in August 2012, OFAC has issued blanket temporary general licensing for relief organizations to work in Iran. Payment Methods, Trade Financing , and Financing Guarantees . U.S. importers are allowed to pay Iranian exporters, including with U.S. dollars. However, U.S. funds cannot go directly to Iranian banks, but must instead pass through third-country banks. In accordance with the ITRs' provisions that transactions that are incidental to an approved transaction are allowed, financing for approved transactions are normally approved, presumably in the form of a letter of credit from a non-Iranian bank. Title IX of the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 ( P.L. 106-387 ) bans the use of official credit guarantees (such as the Ex-Im Bank) for food and medical sales to Iran and other countries on the U.S. terrorism list, except Cuba, although allowing for a presidential waiver to permit such credit guarantees. The Ex-Im Bank is prohibited from guaranteeing any loans to Iran because of Iran's continued inclusion on the terrorism list, and the JCPOA did not commit the United States to provide credit guarantees for Iran. The ITRs do not ban subsidiaries of U.S. firms from dealing with Iran, as long as the subsidiary is not "controlled" by the parent company. Most foreign subsidiaries are legally considered foreign persons subject to the laws of the country in which the subsidiaries are incorporated. Section 218 of the Iran Threat Reduction and Syrian Human Rights Act (ITRSHRA, P.L. 112-158 ) holds "controlled" foreign subsidiaries of U.S. companies to the same standards as U.S. parent firms, defining a controlled subsidiary as (1) one that is more than 50% owned by the U.S. parent; (2) one in which the parent firm holds a majority on the Board of Directors of the subsidiary; or (3) one in which the parent firm directs the operations of the subsidiary. There is no waiver provision. JCPOA Regulations and Reversal. To implement the JCPOA, the United States licensed "controlled" foreign subsidiaries to conduct transactions with Iran that are permissible under JCPOA (almost all forms of civilian trade). The Obama Administration asserted that the President has authority under IEEPA to license transactions with Iran, the ITRSHRA notwithstanding. This was implemented with the Treasury Department's issuance of "General License H: Authorizing Certain Transactions Relating to Foreign Entities Owned or Controlled by a United States Person." With the Trump Administration reimposition of sanctions, the licensing policy ("Statement of Licensing Policy," SLP) returned to pre-JCPOA status on November 5, 2018. In 1996, Congress and the executive branch began a long process of pressuring Iran's vital energy sector in order to deny Iran the financial resources to support terrorist organizations and other armed factions or to further its nuclear and WMD programs. Iran's oil sector is as old as the petroleum industry itself (early 20 th century), and Iran's onshore oil fields are in need of substantial investment. Iran has 136.3 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, the third largest after Saudi Arabia and Canada. Iran has large natural gas resources (940 trillion cubic feet), exceeded only by Russia. However, Iran's gas export sector is still emerging—most of Iran's gas is injected into its oil fields to boost their production. The energy sector still generates about 20% of Iran's GDP and as much as 30% of government revenue. The Iran Sanctions Act (ISA) has been a pivotal component of U.S. sanctions against Iran's energy sector. Since its enactment in 1996, ISA's provisions have been expanded and extended to other Iranian industries. ISA sought to thwart Iran's 1995 opening of the sector to foreign investment in late 1995 through a "buy-back" program in which foreign firms gradually recoup their investments as oil and gas is produced. It was first enacted as the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA, P.L. 104-172 , signed on August 5, 1996) but was later retitled the Iran Sanctions Act after it terminated with respect to Libya in 2006. ISA was the first major "extra-territorial sanction" on Iran—a sanction that authorizes U.S. penalties against third country firms. ISA consists of a number of "triggers"—transactions with Iran that would be considered violations of ISA and could cause a firm or entity to be sanctioned under ISA's provisions. The triggers, as added by amendments over time, are detailed below: The core trigger of ISA when first enacted was a requirement that the President sanction companies (entities, persons) that make an "investment" of more than $20 million in one year in Iran's energy sector. The definition of "investment" in ISA (§14 [9]) includes not only equity and royalty arrangements but any contract that includes "responsibility for the development of petroleum resources" of Iran. The definition includes additions to existing investment (added by P.L. 107-24 ) and pipelines to or through Iran and contracts to lead the construction, upgrading, or expansions of energy projects (added by CISADA). This provision of ISA was not waived under the JCPOA. The Iran Freedom Support Act ( P.L. 109-293 , signed September 30, 2006) added Section 5(b)(1) of ISA, subjecting to ISA sanctions firms or persons determined to have sold to Iran (1) "chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons or related technologies" or (2) "destabilizing numbers and types" of advanced conventional weapons. Sanctions can be applied if the exporter knew (or had cause to know) that the end-user of the item was Iran. The definitions do not specifically include ballistic or cruise missiles, but those weapons could be considered "related technologies" or, potentially, a "destabilizing number and type" of advanced conventional weapon. The Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act (ITRSHRA, P.L. 112-158 , signed August 10, 2012) created Section 5(b)(2) of ISA subjecting to sanctions entities determined by the Administration to participate in a joint venture with Iran relating to the mining, production, or transportation of uranium. Implementation: No ISA sanctions have been imposed on any entities under these provisions. Section 102(a) of the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010 (CISADA, P.L. 111-195 , signed July 1, 2010) amended Section 5 of ISA to exploit Iran's dependency on imported gasoline (40% dependency at that time). It followed legislation such as P.L. 111-85 that prohibited the use of U.S. funds to fill the Strategic Petroleum Reserve with products from firms that sell gasoline to Iran; and P.L. 111-117 that denied Ex-Im Bank credits to any firm that sold gasoline or related equipment to Iran. The section subjects the following to sanctions: Sales to Iran of over $1 million worth (or $5 million in a one year period) of gasoline and related aviation and other fuels. (Fuel oil, a petroleum by-product, is not included in the definition of refined petroleum.) Sales to Iran of equipment or services (same dollar threshold as above) which would help Iran make or import gasoline. Examples include equipment and services for Iran's oil refineries or port operations. Section 201 of the Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act of 2012 (ITRSHA, P.L. 112-158 , signed August 10, 2012) codified an Executive Order, 13590 (November 21, 2011), by adding Section 5(a)(5 and 6) to ISA sanctioning firms that provide to Iran $1 million or more (or $5 million in a one-year period) worth of goods or services that Iran could use to maintain or enhance its oil and gas sector. This subjects to sanctions, for example, transactions with Iran by global oil services firms and the sale to Iran of energy industry equipment such as drills, pumps, vacuums, oil rigs, and like equipment. provide to Iran $250,000 (or $1 million in a one year period) worth of goods or services that Iran could use to maintain or expand its production of petrochemical products. This provision was not altered by the JPA. Section 201 of the ITRSHRA amends ISA by sanctioning entities the Administration determines owned a vessel that was used to transport Iranian crude oil. The section also authorizes but does not require the President, subject to regulations, to prohibit a ship from putting to port in the United States for two years, if it is owned by a person sanctioned under this provision (adds Section 5[ a ][ 7 ] to ISA) . This sanction does not apply in cases of transporting oil to countries that have received exemptions under P.L. 112-81 (discussed below). participated in a joint oil and gas development venture with Iran, outside Iran, if that venture was established after January 1, 2002. The effective date exempts energy ventures in the Caspian Sea, such as the Shah Deniz oil field there (adds Section 5[ a ][ 4 ] to ISA ) . Separate provisions of the ITRSHR Act— which do not amend ISA — require the application of ISA sanctions (the same 5 out of 12 sanctions as required in ISA itself) on any entity that provides insurance or reinsurance for the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) or the National Iranian Tanker Company (NITC) (Section 212). purchases or facilitates the issuance of sovereign debt of the government of Iran, including Iranian government bonds (Section 213). This sanction went back into effect on August 6, 2018 (90-day wind-down period). assists or engages in a significant transaction with the IRGC or any of its sanctioned entities or affiliates. (Section 302). This section of ITRSHRA was not waived to implement the JCPOA. Implementation . Section 312 of ITRSHRA required an Administration determination, within 45 days of enactment (by September 24, 2012) whether NIOC and NITC are IRGC agents or affiliates. Such a determination would subject financial transactions with NIOC and NITC to sanctions under CISADA (prohibition on opening U.S.-based accounts). On September 24, 2012, the Department of the Treasury determined that NIOC and NITC are affiliates of the IRGC. On November 8, 2012, the Department of the Treasury named NIOC as a proliferation entity under Executive Order 13382—a designation that, in accordance with Section 104 of CISADA, bars any foreign bank determined to have dealt directly with NIOC (including with a NIOC bank account in a foreign country) from opening or maintaining a U.S.-based account. Sanctions on dealings with NIOC and NITC were waived in accordance with the interim nuclear deal and the JCPOA, and designations of these entities under Executive Order 13382 were rescinded in accordance with the JCPOA. These entities were "relisted" again on November 5, 2018. Some NIOC have partners and independent Iranian energy firms have not been designated, including: Iranian Offshore Oil Company; National Iranian Gas Export Co.; Petroleum Engineering and Development Co.; Pasargad Oil Co., Zagros Petrochem Co.; Sazeh Consultants; Qeshm Energy; and Sadid Industrial Group. Status: Revoked (by E.O. 13716) but will back into effect as stipulated below Executive Order 13622 (July 30, 2012) imposes specified sanctions on the ISA sanctions menu, and bars banks from the U.S. financial system, for the following activities ( E .O. 13622 d id not amend ISA itself ): the purchase of oil, other petroleum, or petrochemical products from Iran. Th e part of th is order pertaining to petrochemical purchases was suspended under the JPA. The wind-down period was 180 days (ending November 4, 2018). transactions with the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) or Naftiran Intertrade Company (NICO) (180-day wind-down period). E.O. 13622 also blocks U.S.-based property of entities determined to have assisted or provided goods or services to NIOC, NICO, the Central Bank of Iran (180-day wind-down period). assisted the government of Iran in the purchase of U.S. bank notes or precious metals, precious stones, or jewels. (The provision for precious stones or jewels was added to this Order by E.O. 16345 below.) (90-day wind-down period.) E.O. 13622 sanctions do not apply if the parent country of the entity has received an oil importation exception under Section 1245 of P.L. 112-81 , discussed below. An exception also is provided for projects that bring gas from Azerbaijan to Europe and Turkey, if such project was initiated prior to the issuance of the Order. In the original version of ISA, there was no firm requirement, and no time limit, for the Administration to investigate potential violations and determine that a firm has violated ISA's provisions. The Iran Freedom Support Act ( P.L. 109-293 , signed September 30, 2006) added a provision calling for, but not requiring , a 180-day time limit for a violation determination. CISADA (Section 102[g][5]) mandated that the Administration begin an investigation of potential ISA violations when there is "credible information" about a potential violation, and made mandatory the 180-day time limit for a determination of violation. The Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act ( P.L. 112-158 ) defines the "credible information" needed to begin an investigation of a violation to include a corporate announcement or corporate filing to its shareholders that it has undertaken transactions with Iran that are potentially sanctionable under ISA. It also says the President may (not mandatory) use as credible information reports from the Government Accountability Office and the Congressional Research Service. In addition, Section 219 of ITRSHRA requires that an investigation of an ISA violation begin if a company reports in its filings to the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) that it has knowingly engaged in activities that would violate ISA (or Section 104 of CISADA or transactions with entities designated under E.O 13224 or 13382, see below). Several mechanisms for Congress to oversee whether the Administration is investigating ISA violations were added by ITRSHRA. Section 223 of that law required a Government Accountability Office report, within 120 days of enactment, and another such report a year later, on companies that have undertaken specified activities with Iran that might constitute violations of ISA. Section 224 amended a reporting requirement in Section 110(b) of CISADA by requiring an Administration report to Congress every 180 days on investment in Iran's energy sector, joint ventures with Iran, and estimates of Iran's imports and exports of petroleum products. The GAO reports have been issued; there is no information available on whether the required Administration reports have been issued as well. The sections below provide information on how some key ISA provisions have been interpreted and implemented. ISA's definition of "investment" that is subject to sanctions has been consistently interpreted by successive Administrations to include construction of energy pipelines to or through Iran. Such pipelines are deemed to help Iran develop its petroleum (oil and natural gas) sector. This interpretation was reinforced by amendments to ISA in CISADA, which specifically included in the definition of petroleum resources "products used to construct or maintain pipelines used to transport oil or liquefied natural gas." In March 2012, then-Secretary of State Clinton made clear that the Obama Administration interprets the provision to be applicable from the beginning of pipeline construction. The original version of ISA did not provide for sanctioning purchases of crude oil from Iran. However, subsequent laws and executive orders took that step. The Iran Freedom and Counterproliferation Act (IFCA, discussed below) authorized sanctions on transactions with Iran's energy sector, but s pecifically exclude d from sanctions purchases of natural gas from Iran . But construction of gas pipelines involving Iran is subject to sanctions. The effective dates of U.S. sanctions laws and Orders exclude long-standing joint natural gas projects that involve some Iranian firms—particularly the Shah Deniz natural gas field and related pipelines in the Caspian Sea. These projects involve a consortium in which Iran's Naftiran Intertrade Company (NICO) holds a passive 10% share, and includes BP, Azerbaijan's natural gas firm SOCAR, Russia's Lukoil, and other firms. NICO was sanctioned under ISA and other provisions (until JCPOA Implementation Day), but an OFAC factsheet of November 28, 2012, stated that the Shah Deniz consortium, as a whole, is not determined to be "a person owned or controlled by" the government of Iran and transactions with the consortium are permissible. The original version of ISA did not apply to the development by Iran of a liquefied natural gas (LNG) export capability. Iran has no LNG export terminals, in part because the technology for such terminals is patented by U.S. firms and unavailable for sale to Iran. CISADA specifically included LNG in the ISA definition of petroleum resources and therefore made subject to sanctions LNG investment in Iran or supply of LNG tankers or pipelines to Iran. The definitions of investment and other activity that can be sanctioned under ISA include financing for investment in Iran's energy sector, or for sales of gasoline and refinery-related equipment and services. Therefore, banks and other financial institutions that assist energy investment and refining and gasoline procurement activities could be sanctioned under ISA. However, the definitions of financial institutions are interpreted not to apply to official credit guarantee agencies—such as France's COFACE and Germany's Hermes. These credit guarantee agencies are arms of their parent governments, and ISA does not provide for sanctioning governments or their agencies. Entities sanctioned under the executive orders or laws cited in this section are listed in the tables at the end of this report. As noted, some of the Orders cited provide for blocking U.S.-based assets of the entities designated for sanctions. OFAC has not announced the blocking of any U.S.-based property of the sanctioned entities, likely indicating that those entities sanctioned do not have a presence in the United States. In 2011, Congress sought to reduce Iran's exportation of oil by imposing sanctions on the mechanisms that importers use to pay Iran for oil. The Obama Administration asserted that such legislation could lead to a rise in oil prices and harm U.S. relations with Iran's oil customers, and President Obama, in his signing statement on the bill, indicated he would implement the provision so as not to damage U.S. relations with partner countries. The law imposed penalties on transactions with Iran's Central Bank. Section 1245 of the FY2012 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA, P.L. 112-81 , signed on December 31, 2011): Requires the President to prevent a foreign bank from opening an account in the United States—or impose strict limitations on existing U.S. accounts—if that bank is determined to have conducted a "significant financial transaction" with Iran's Central Bank or with any sanctioned Iranian bank . The provision applies to a foreign central bank only if the transaction with Iran's Central Bank is for oil purchases. The provision went into effect after 180 days (June 28, 2012). Significant Reduction Ex c eption (SRE): The law provides incentive for Iran's oil buyers to cut purchases of Iranian oil by providing for an exception (exemption) for the banks of any country determined to have " significantly reduced " its purchases of oil from Iran. The banks of countries granted the SRE may continue to conduct all transactions with the Central Bank (not just for oil) or with any sanctioned Iranian bank. The SRE exception is reviewed every 180 days and, to maintain the exception, countries are required to reduce their oil buys from Iran, relative to the previous 180-day period. ITRSHRA amended Section 1245 such that any country that completely ceased purchasing oil from Iran entirely would retain an exception. The law lacks a precise definition of "significant reduction" of oil purchases, but the Obama Administration adopted a standard set in a January 2012 letter by several Senators to then-Treasury Secretary Geithner setting that definition at an 18% purchase reduction based on total paid for the Iranian oil (not just volume reduction). Sanctions on transactions for oil apply only if the President certifies to Congress every 90 days, based on a report by the Energy Information Administration, that the oil market is adequately supplied, and, an Administration determination every 180 days that there is a sufficient supply of oil worldwide to permit countries to reduce purchases from Iran. The required EIA reports and Administration determinations have been issued at the prescribed intervals, even during the period when the law was in a state of waiver. Hum anitarian Exception . Paragraph (2) of Section 1245 exempts transactions with Iran's Central Bank that are for "the sale of agricultural commodities, food, medicine, or medical devices to Iran" from sanctions. The Obama and Trump Administration have implemented the FY2012 NDAA with an eye toward balancing the global oil market with the intended effects on Iran's economy and behavior. The table below on major Iranian oil customers indicates cuts made by major customers compared to 2011. In March 20, 2012, Japan received an SRE. In September 2012, following a July 2012 EU Iran oil embargo, 10 EU countries (Belgium, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, and Britain) received the SRE because they ended purchases pursuant to the EU Iran oil purchase embargo of July 1, 2012. Seventeen EU countries were not granted the SRE because they were not buying Iran's oil and could not "significantly reduce" buys from Iran. In December 2012, the following countries/jurisdictions received the SRE: China, India, Malaysia, South Africa, South Korea, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Turkey, and Taiwan. The January 2016 waivers issued to implement the JCPOA suspended the requirement for a country to cut oil purchases from Iran in order to maintain their exceptions, and Iran's historic oil customers quickly resumed buying Iranian oil. The provision went back into effect on November 5, 2018. On June 26, 2018, a senior State Department official, in a background briefing, stated that department officials, in meetings with officials of countries that import Iranian oil, were urging these countries to cease buying Iranian oil entirely, but Administration officials later indicated that requests for exceptions would be evaluated based on the ease of substituting for Iranian oil, country-specific needs, and the need for global oil market stability. On November 5, 2018, in the first SRE grants available under reimposed U.S. sanctions, the following eight countries received the SRE: China, India, Italy, Greece, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Turkey. The SREs expired on May 2, 2019. On April 22, 2019, the State Department announced that no more SREs would be granted after their expiration at 12:00 AM on May 2, 2019. The Administration indicated that the global oil market is well supplied enough to permit the decision, which is intended to "apply maximum pressure on the Iranian regime until its leaders change their destructive behavior, respect the rights of the Iranian people, and return to the negotiating table." The announcement indicated that U.S. officials have had discussions with Saudi Arabia and the UAE to ensure that the global oil market remains well supplied. Left unclear is the extent to which, if at all, Iran's oil customers seek to continue importing Iranian oil and whether the Administration will penalize foreign banks for continuing transactions with Iran's Central Bank. The ability of Iran to repatriate hard currency—U.S. dollars are the primary form of payment for oil—to its Central Bank was impeded by a provision of the ITRSHRA which went into effect on February 6, 2013 (180 days after enactment). Section 504 of the ITRSHRA amended Section 1245 of the FY2012 NDAA (adding "clause ii" to Paragraph D[1]) by requiring that any funds paid to Iran as a result of exempted transactions (oil purchases, for example) be credited to an account located in the country with primary jurisdiction over the foreign bank making the transaction. This provision essentially prevents Iran from repatriating to its Central Bank any hard currency Iran held in foreign banks around the world. Most of Iran's funds held abroad are in banks located in Iran's main oil customers. The provision largely compels Iran to buy the products of the oil customer countries. Some press reports refer to this arrangement as an "escrow account," but State Department officials describe the arrangement as "restricted" accounts. Successive Administrations have expanded sanctions, primarily by executive order, on several significant nonoil industries and sectors of Iran's economy. The targeted sectors include Iran's automotive production sector, which is Iran's second-largest industry (after energy), and its mineral exports, which account for about 10% of Iran's export earnings. JCPOA Status: Revoked (by E.O 13716) but most provisions below went back into effect as of August 6, 2018 (90-day wind-down period). Executive Order 13645 of June 3, 2013 (effective July 1, 2013), contains the provisions below. (E.O. 13645 did not amend ISA itself.) Imposes specified ISA-related sanctions on firms that supply goods or services to Iran's automotive (cars, trucks, buses, motorcycles, and related parts) sector, and blocks foreign banks from the U.S. market if they finance transactions with Iran's automotive sector. (An executive order cannot amend a law, so the order does not amend ISA.) Blocks U.S.-based property and prohibits U.S. bank accounts for foreign banks that conduct transactions in Iran's currency, the rial , or hold rial accounts. This provision mostly affected banks in countries bordering or near Iran. The order applies also to "a derivative, swap, future, forward, or other similar contract whose value is based on the exchange rate of the Iranian rial ."  If Iran implements plans to develop a digital currency, or cryptocurrency, backed by or tied to rials, it would appear that the Order also applies to that digital currency. Expands the application of Executive Order 13622 (above) to helping Iran acquire precious stones or jewels (see above). Blocks U.S.-based property of a person that conducts transactions with an Iranian entity listed as a Specially Designated National (SDN) or Blocked Person. SDNs to be "relisted" on November 5, 2018. On May 8, 2019, President Trump issued Executive Order 13871 sanctioning transactions with Iran's key minerals and industrial commodities. The White House announcement stated that Iran earns 10% of its total export revenues from sales of the minerals and metals sanctioned under the order. The order does the following: blocks U.S.-based property of any entity that conducts a significant transaction for the "sale, supply, or transfer to Iran" of goods or services, or the transport or marketing, of the iron, steel, aluminum, and copper sectors of Iran; authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to bar from the U.S. financial system any foreign bank that conducts or facilitates a financial transaction for steel, steel products, copper, or copper products from Iran; bars the entry into the United States of any person sanctioned under the order. Several laws and executive orders seek to bar Iran from obtaining U.S. or other technology that can be used for weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs. Sanctions on Iran's exportation of arms are discussed in the sections above on sanctions for Iran's support for terrorist groups. The Iran-Iraq Arms Nonproliferation Act (Title XIV of the FY1993 National Defense Authorization Act, P.L. 102-484 , signed in October 1992) imposes a number of sanctions on foreign entities that supply Iran with WMD technology or "destabilizing numbers and types of advanced conventional weapons." Advanced conventional weapons are defined as follows: (1) such long-range precision-guided munitions, fuel air explosives, cruise missiles, low observability aircraft, other radar evading aircraft, advanced military aircraft, military satellites, electromagnetic weapons, and laser weapons as the President determines destabilize the military balance or enhance the offensive capabilities in destabilizing ways; (2) such advanced command, control, and communications systems, electronic warfare systems, or intelligence collections systems as the President determines destabilize the military balance or enhance offensive capabilities in destabilizing ways; and (3) such other items or systems as the President may, by regulation, determine necessary for the purposes of this title. The definition is generally understood to include technology used to develop ballistic missiles. Sanctions to be i mposed : Sanctions imposed on violating entities include a ban, for two years, on U.S. government procurement from the entity; a ban, for two years, on licensing U.S. exports to that entity; authority (but not a requirement) to ban U.S. imports from the entity. If the violator is determined to be a foreign country, sanctions to be imposed are a one-year ban on U.S. assistance to that country; a one-year requirement that the United States vote against international lending to it; a one-year suspension of U.S. coproduction agreements with the country; a one-year suspension of technical exchanges with the country in military or dual use technology; a one-year ban on sales of U.S. arms to the country; an authorization to deny the country most-favored-nation trade status; and to ban U.S. trade with the country. Section 1603 of the act amended an earlier law, the Iraq Sanctions Act of 1990 (Section 586G(a) of P.L. 101-513 ), to provide for a "presumption of denial" for all dual use exports to Iran (including computer software). A number of entities were sanctioned under the act in the 1990s, as shown in the tables at the end of this paper. None of the designations remain active, because the sanctions have limited duration. Another law reinforces the authority of the President to sanction governments that provide aid or sell arms to Iran (and other terrorism list countries). Under Sections 620G and 620H of the Foreign Assistance Act, as added by the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (Sections 325 and 326 of P.L. 104-132 ), the President is required to withhold foreign aid from any country that provides to a terrorism list country financial assistance or arms. Waiver authority is provided. Section 321 of that act also makes it a criminal offense for U.S. persons to conduct financial transactions with terrorism list governments. No foreign assistance cuts or other penalties under this law have been announced. As noted above, Section 5(b)(1) of ISA subjects to ISA sanctions firms or persons determined to have sold to Iran (1) technology useful for weapons of mass destruction (WMD) or (2) "destabilizing numbers and types" of advanced conventional weapons. This, and Section 5(b)(2) pertaining to joint ventures to mine uranium, are the only provisions of ISA that were not waived to implement the JCPOA. As noted, no sanctions under this section have been imposed. The Iran Nonproliferation Act ( P.L. 106-178 , signed in March 2000) is now called the Iran-North Korea-Syria Nonproliferation Act (INKSNA) after amendments applying its provisions to North Korea and to Syria. It authorizes sanctions—for two years unless renewed—on foreign persons (individuals or corporations, not governments) that are determined in a report by the Administration to have assisted Iran's WMD programs. Sanctions imposed include (1) a prohibition on U.S. exportation of arms and dual use items to the sanctioned entity; and (2) a ban on U.S. government procurement and of imports to the United States from the sanctioned entity under Executive Order 12938 (of November 14, 1994). INKSNA also banned U.S. extraordinary payments to the Russian Aviation and Space Agency in connection with the international space station unless the President certified that the agency had not transferred any WMD or missile technology to Iran within the year prior. Entities that have been sanctioned under this law are listed in the tables at the end of the report. Designations more than two years old are no longer active. The JCPOA required the United States to suspend INKSNA sanctions against "the acquisition of nuclear-related commodities and services for nuclear activities contemplated in the JCPOA," but no entities were "delisted" to implement the JCPOA. Executive Order 13382 (June 28, 2005) allows the President to block the assets of proliferators of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and their supporters under the authority granted by the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA; 50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.), the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.), and Section 301 of Title 3, United States Code . Implementation. The numerous entities sanctioned under the order for dealings with Iran are listed in the tables at the end of this report. Entities delisted and which were to be delisted in accordance with the JCPOA (in October 2023) are in italics and boldface type, respectively. All entities delisted to implement the JCPOA are to be relisted on November 5, 2018, according to the Treasury Department. The CAATSA law, signed on August 2, 2017, mandates sanctions on arms sales to Iran and on entities that "materially contribute" to Iran's ballistic missile program. Section 104 references implementation of E.O. 13382, which sanctions entities determined by the Administration to be assisting Iran's ballistic missile program. The section mandates that the Administration impose the same sanctions as in E.O. 13382 on any activity that materially contributes to Iran's ballistic missile program or any system capable of delivering WMD. The section also requires an Administration report every 180 days on persons (beginning on January 29, 2018) contributing to Iran's ballistic missile program in the preceding 180 days. Section 107 mandates imposition of sanctions (the same sanctions as those contained in E.O. 13382) on any person that the President determines has sold or transferred to or from Iran, or for the use in or benefit of Iran: the weapons systems specified as banned for transfer to or from Iran in U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231. These include most major combat systems such as tanks, armored vehicles, warships, missiles, combat aircraft, and attack helicopters. The provision goes somewhat beyond prior law that mandates sanctions mainly on sales to Iran of "destabilizing numbers and types of advanced conventional weapons." The imposition of sanctions is not required if the President certifies that a weapons transfer is in the national security of the United States; that Iran no longer poses a significant threat to the United States or U.S. allies; and that the Iranian government no longer satisfies the requirements for designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. Some past foreign aid appropriations have withheld U.S. assistance to the Russian Federation unless it terminates technical assistance to Iran's nuclear and ballistic missiles programs. The provision applied to the fiscal year for which foreign aid is appropriated. Because U.S. aid to Russia generally has not gone to the Russian government, little or no funding was withheld as a result of the provision. The JCPOA makes no reference to any U.S. commitments to waive this sanction or to request that Congress not enact such a provision. Title III of CISADA established authorities to sanction countries that allow U.S. technology that Iran could use in its nuclear and WMD programs to be re-exported or diverted to Iran. Section 303 of CISADA authorizes the President to designate a country as a "Destination of Diversion Concern" if that country allows substantial diversion of goods, services, or technologies characterized in Section 302 of that law to Iranian end-users or Iranian intermediaries. The technologies specified include any goods that could contribute to Iran's nuclear or WMD programs, as well as goods listed on various U.S. controlled-technology lists such as the Commerce Control List or Munitions List. For any country designated as a country of diversion concern, there would be prohibition of denial for licenses of U.S. exports to that country of the goods that were being re-exported or diverted to Iran. Implementation : To date, no country has been designated a "Country of Diversion Concern." Some countries adopted or enforced anti-proliferation laws apparently to avoid designation. U.S. efforts to shut Iran out of the international banking system were a key component of the 2010-2016 international sanctions regime. During 2006-2016, the Department of the Treasury used long-standing authorities to persuade foreign banks to cease dealing with Iran, in part by briefing them on Iran's use of the international financial system to fund terrorist groups and acquire weapons-related technology. According to a GAO report of February 2013, the Department of the Treasury made overtures to 145 banks in 60 countries, including several visits to banks and officials in the UAE, and convinced at least 80 foreign banks to cease handling financial transactions with Iranian banks. Upon implementation of the JCPOA, the Treasury Department largely dropped this initiative, and instead largely sought to encourage foreign banks to conduct normal transactions with Iran. There is no blanket ban on foreign banks or persons paying Iran for goods using U.S. dollars. But, U.S. regulations (ITRs, C.F.R. Section 560.516) ban Iran from direct access to the U.S. financial system. The regulations allow U.S. banks to send funds (including U.S. dollars) to Iran for allowed (licensed) transactions. However, the U.S. dollars cannot be directly transferred to an Iranian bank, but must instead be channeled through an intermediary financial institution, such as a European bank. Section 560.510 specifically allows for U.S. payments to Iran to settle or pay judgments to Iran, such as those reached in connection with the U.S.-Iran Claims Tribunal, discussed above. However, the prohibition on dealing directly with Iranian banks still applies. On November 6, 2008, the Department of the Treasury broadened restrictions on Iran's access to the U.S. financial system by barring U.S. banks from handling any transactions with foreign banks that are handling transactions on behalf of an Iranian bank ("U-turn transactions"). This means a foreign bank or person that pays Iran for goods in U.S. dollars cannot access the U.S. financial system (through a U.S. correspondent account, which most foreign banks have) to acquire dollars for any transaction involving Iran. This ban remained in effect under the JCPOA implementation, and Iran argued that these U.S. restrictions deter European and other banks from reentering the Iran market, as discussed later in this report. Then-Treasury Secretary Lew in March and April 2016 suggested the Obama Administration was considering licensing transactions by foreign (non-Iranian) clearinghouses to acquire dollars that might facilitate transactions with Iran, without providing Iran with dollars directly. However, doing so was not required by the JCPOA and the Administration declined to take that step. Instead, the Obama Administration encouraged bankers to reenter the Iran market without fear of being sanctioned. The Trump Administration has not, at any time, expressed support for allowing Iran greater access to dollars. The reimposition of U.S. sanctions has further reduced the willingness and ability of foreign firms to use dollars in transactions with Iran. The Department of the Treasury and other U.S. authorities has announced financial settlements (forfeiture of assets and imposition of fines) with various banks that have helped Iran (and other countries such as Sudan, Syria, and Cuba) access the U.S. financial system. The amounts were reportedly determined, at least in part, by the value, number, and duration of illicit transactions conducted, and the strength of the evidence collected by U.S. regulators. (As noted above, the FY2016 Consolidated Appropriation, P.L. 114-113 , provides for use of the proceeds of the settlements above to pay compensation to victims of Iranian terrorism.) Section 104 of CISADA requires the Secretary of the Treasury to forbid U.S. banks from opening new "correspondent accounts" or "payable-through accounts" (or force the cancellation of existing such accounts) for any foreign bank that transactions business with an entity that is sanctioned by Executive Order 13224 or 13382 (terrorism and proliferation activities, respectively). These orders are discussed above. A full list of such entities is at the end of this report, and entities "delisted" are in italics. any foreign bank determined to have facilitated Iran's efforts to acquire WMD or delivery systems or provide support to groups named as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs) by the United States. any foreign bank that facilitates "the activities of" an entity designated under by U.N. Security Council resolutions that sanction Iran. any foreign bank that transacts business with the IRGC or any of its affiliates designated under any U.S. Iran-related executive order. any foreign bank that does business with Iran's energy, shipping, and shipbuilding sectors, including with NIOC, NITC, and IRISL. (This provision was contained in Section 1244(d) of the Iran Freedom and Counterproliferation Act, IFCA, discussed below, but d id not specifically amend CISADA . The provision was waived to implement the JCPOA. One additional intent of the provision was to reduce the ability of Iran's pivotal import-export community (referred to in Iran as the "bazaar merchants" or " bazaaris ") from obtaining "letters of credit" (trade financing) to buy or sell goods. The Department of the Treasury has authority to determine what constitutes a "significant" financial transaction. On July 31, 2012, the United States sanctioned the Bank of Kunlun in China and the Elaf Islamic Bank in Iraq under Section 104 of CISADA. On May 17, 2013, the Department of the Treasury lifted sanctions on Elaf Islamic Bank in Iraq, asserting that the bank had reduced its exposure to the Iranian financial sector and stopped providing services to the Export Development Bank of Iran. On November 21, 2011, the Obama Administration identified Iran as a "jurisdiction of primary money laundering concern" under Section 311 of the USA Patriot Act (31 U.S.C. 5318A), based on a determination that Iran's financial system, including the Central Bank, constitutes a threat to governments or financial institutions that do business with Iran's banks. The designation imposed additional requirements on U.S. banks to ensure against improper Iranian access to the U.S. financial system. The Administration justified the designation as implementation of recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF)—a multilateral standard-setting body for anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT). In 2016, the FATF characterized Iran as a "high-risk and non-cooperative jurisdiction" with respect to AMF/CFT issues. On June 24, 2016, the FATF welcomed an "Action Plan" filed by Iran to address its strategic AML/CFT deficiencies and decided to suspend, for one year, "countermeasures"—mostly voluntary recommendations of increased due diligence with respect to Iran transactions—pending an assessment of Iran's implementation of its Action Plan. The FATF continued the suspension of countermeasures in June and November 2017, and February 2018. On October 19, 2018, the FATF stated that Iran had only acted on 9 out of 10 of its guidelines, and that Iran's Majles had not completed legislation to adopt international standards. The FATF continued to suspend countermeasures and gave Iran until February 2019 to fully accede to all FATF guidelines. On February 22, 2019, the FATF stated that countermeasures remained suspended but that "If by June 2019, Iran does not enact the remaining legislation in line with FATF Standards, then the FATF will require increased supervisory examination for branches and subsidiaries of financial institutions based in Iran. The FATF also expects Iran to continue to progress with enabling regulations and other amendments." On October 12, 2018, the Treasury Department Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FINCEN) issued a warning to U.S. banks to guard against likely Iranian efforts to evade U.S. financial sanctions. Earlier, in January 1, 2013, OFAC issued an Advisory to highlight Iran's use of hawalas (traditional informal banking and money exchanges) in the Middle East and South Asia region to circumvent U.S. financial sanctions. Because the involvement of an Iranian client is often opaque, banks have sometimes inadvertently processed hawala transactions involving Iranians. Section 220 of the ITRSHRA required reports on electronic payments systems, such as the Brussels-based SWIFT (Society of Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunications), that do business with Iran. That law also authorizes—but neither it nor any other U.S. law or executive order mandates—sanctions against SWIFT or against electronic payments systems. Still, many transactions with Iran are subject to U.S. sanctions, no matter the payment mechanism. The National Defense Authorization Act for FY2013 ( H.R. 4310 , P.L. 112-239 , signed January 2, 2013)—Subtitle D, The Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act (IFCA), sanctions a wide swath of Iran's economy, touching several sectors. Its provisions on Iran's human rights record are discussed in the section on " Measures to Sanction Human Rights Abuses and Promote the Opposition ." Section 1244 of IFCA mandates the blocking of U.S.-based property of any entity (Iranian or non-Iranian) that provides goods, services, or other support to any Iranian entity designated by the Treasury Department as a "specially designated national" (SDN). The tables at the end of this report show that hundreds of Iranian entities are designated as SDNs under various executive orders. The Iranian entities designated for civilian economic activity were "delisted" to implement the JCPOA, but will be relisted on November 5, 2018. Section 1247 of IFCA prohibits from operating in the United States any bank that knowingly facilitates a financial transaction on behalf of an Iranian SDN. The section also specifically sanctions foreign banks that facilitate payment to Iran for natural gas unless the funds owed to Iran for the gas are placed in a local account. The section provides for a waiver for a period of 180 days. Several sections of IFCA impose ISA sanctions on entities determined to have engaged in specified transactions below. ( The provision s apply ISA sanctions but do not amend ISA .) Energy, Shipbuilding, and Shipping Sector . Section 1244 mandates 5 out of 12 ISA sanctions on entities that provide goods or services to Iran's energy, shipbuilding, and shipping sectors, or to port operations there—or which provide insurance for such transactions. The sanctions d o not apply when such transactions involve d purchases of Iranian oil by countries that have exemptions under P.L. 112-81 , or to the purchase of natural gas from Iran . This section goes back into effect after a 180-day wind-down period (by November 4, 2018). Dealings in Precious Metals . Section 1245 imposes 5 out of 12 ISA sanctions on entities that provide precious metals to Iran (including gold) or semifinished metals or software for integrating industrial processes. The section affected foreign firms that transferred these items or other precious metals to Iran in exchange for oil or any other product. There is no exception to this sanction for countries exempted under P.L. 112-81 . This section went back into effect after a 90-day wind-down period (August 6, 2018). Insurance for Related Activities . Section 1246 imposes 5 out of 12 ISA sanctions on entities that provide underwriting services, insurance, or reinsurance for any transactions sanctioned under any executive order on Iran, ISA, CISADA, the Iran Threat Reduction Act, INKSNA, other IFCA provisions, or any other Iran sanction, as well as to any Iranian SDN. ( There is no exception for countries exempted under P.L. 112-81 .) This provision goes back into effect after a 180-day wind-down period (by November 4, 2018). Exception for Afghanistan Reconstruction . Section 1244(f) of IFCA provides a sanctions exemption for transactions that provide reconstruction assistance for or further the economic development of Afghanistan. See JCPOA waivers below. On August 29, 2014, the State Department sanctioned UAE-based Goldentex FZE in accordance with IFCA for providing support to Iran's shipping sector. It was "delisted" from sanctions on Implementation Day of the JCPOA. On October 16, 2018, OFAC designated as terrorism-related entities several Iranian industrial companies on the grounds that they provide the Basij s ecurity force with revenue to support its operations in the Middle East. The designations, pursuant to E.O. 13224, mean that foreign firms that transact business with these Iranian industrial firms could be subject to U.S. sanctions under IFCA. The industrial firms—which were not previously designated and were therefore not "relisted" as SDNs on November 5, 2018, were Technotar Engineering Company; Iran Tractor Manufacturing Company; Iran's Zinc Mines Development Company and several related zinc producers; and Esfahan Mobarakeh Steel Company, the largest steel producer in the Middle East. Executive Order 13608 of May 1, 2012, gives the Department of the Treasury the ability to identify and sanction (cutting them off from the U.S. market) foreign persons who help Iran (or Syria) evade U.S. and multilateral sanctions. Several persons and entities have been designated for sanctions, as shown in the tables at the end of the report. The Trump Administration appears to be making increasing use of executive orders issued during the Obama Administration to sanction Iranian entities determined to be engaged in malicious cyberactivities or in transnational crime. Iranian entities have attacked, or attempted to attack, using cyberactivity, infrastructure in the United States, Saudi Arabia, and elsewhere. Iran's ability to conduct cyberattacks appears to be growing. Separately, the Justice Department has prosecuted Iranian entities for such activity. The section below discusses Executive Order 13694 on malicious cyberactivities and Executive Order 13581 on transnational crime. Executive Order 13694 blocks U.S.-based property of foreign entities determined to have engaged in cyber-enabled activities that (1) harm or compromise the provision of services by computers or computer networks supporting in the critical infrastructure sector; (2) compromise critical infrastructure; (3) disrupt computers or computer networks; or (4) cause misappropriation of funds, trade secrets, personal identifiers, or financial information for financial advantage or gain. Executive Order 13581 blocks the U.S.-based property of entities determined (1) to be a foreign person that constitutes a significant transnational criminal organization; (2) to have materially assisted any person sanctioned under this order; or (3) to be owned or controlled by or to have acted on behalf of a person sanctioned under the order. Iran-related entities sanctioned under the Orders are listed in the tables at the end of this report. Some U.S. laws require or call for divestment of shares of firms that conduct certain transactions with Iran. A divestment-promotion provision was contained in CISADA, providing a "safe harbor" for investment managers who sell shares of firms that invest in Iran's energy sector at levels that would trigger U.S. sanctions under the Iran Sanctions Act. As noted above, Section 219 of the ITRSHRA of 2012 requires companies to reports to the Securities and Exchange Commission whether they or any corporate affiliate has engaged in any transactions with Iran that could trigger sanctions under ISA, CISADA, and E.O 13382 and 13224. Implementation : Numerous states have adopted laws, regulations, and policies to divest from—or avoid state government business with—foreign companies that conduct certain transactions with Iran. The JCPOA requires the United States to work with state and local governments to ensure that state-level sanctions do not conflict with the sanctions relief provided by the federal government under the JCPOA. Most states that have adopted Iran sanctions continue to enforce those measures. A trend in U.S. policy and legislation since the June 12, 2009, election-related uprising in Iran has been to support the ability of the domestic opposition in Iran to communicate and to sanction Iranian officials that commit human rights abuses. Sanctions on the IRGC represent one facet of that trend because the IRGC is a key suppressive instrument. Individuals and entities designated under the executive orders and provisions discussed below are listed in the tables at the end of this report. For those provisions that ban visas to enter the United States, the State Department interprets the provisions to apply to all members of the designated entity. Some laws and Administration action focus on expanding internet freedom in Iran or preventing the Iranian government from using the internet to identify opponents. Subtitle D of the FY2010 Defense Authorization Act ( P.L. 111-84 ), called the "VOICE" (Victims of Iranian Censorship) Act, contained several provisions to increase U.S. broadcasting to Iran and to identify (in a report to be submitted 180 days after enactment) companies that are selling Iran technology equipment that it can use to suppress or monitor the internet usage of Iranians. The act authorized funds to document Iranian human rights abuses since the June 2009 Iranian presidential election. Section 1241 required an Administration report by January 31, 2010, on U.S. enforcement of sanctions against Iran and the effect of those sanctions on Iran. Section 106 of CISADA prohibits U.S. government contracts with foreign companies that sell technology that Iran could use to monitor or control Iranian usage of the internet. The provisions were directed, in part, against Nokia (Finland) and Siemens (Germany) for reportedly selling internet monitoring and censorship technology to Iran in 2008. The provision was derived from the Reduce Iranian Cyber-Suppression Act (111 th Congress, S. 1475 and H.R. 3284 ). On April 23, 2012, President Obama issued an executive order (13606) sanctioning persons who commit "Grave Human Rights Abuses by the Governments of Iran and Syria via Information Technology (GHRAVITY)." The order blocks the U.S.-based property and essentially bars U.S. entry and bans any U.S. trade with persons and entities listed in an Annex and persons or entities subsequently determined to be (1) operating any technology that allows the Iranian (or Syrian) government to disrupt, monitor, or track computer usage by citizens of those countries or assisting the two governments in such disruptions or monitoring; or (2) selling to Iran (or Syria) any technology that enables those governments to carry out such actions. Section 403 of the ITRSHRA sanctions (visa ban, U.S.-based property blocked) persons/firms determined to have engaged in censorship in Iran, limited access to media, or—for example, a foreign satellite service provider—supported Iranian government jamming or frequency manipulation. On October 9, 2012, the President issued Executive Order 13628 implementing Section 403 by blocking the property of persons/firms determined to have committed the censorship, limited free expression, or assisted in jamming communications. The order also specifies the sanctions authorities of the Department of State and of the Treasury. On March 8, 2010, OFAC amended the Iran Transactions Regulations to allow for a general license for providing free mass market software to Iranians. The ruling incorporated major features of the Iran Digital Empowerment Act ( H.R. 4301 in the 111 th Congress). The OFAC determination required a waiver of the provision of the Iran-Iraq Arms Nonproliferation Act (Section 1606 waiver provision) discussed above. Section 103(b)(2) of CISADA exempts from the U.S. export ban on Iran equipment to help Iranians communicate and use the internet. On March 20, 2012, the Department of the Treasury amended U.S.-Iran trade regulations to permit several additional types of software and information technology products to be exported to Iran under general license, provided the products were available at no cost to the user . The items included personal communications, personal data storage, browsers, plug-ins, document readers, and free mobile applications related to personal communications. On May 30, 2013, the Department of the Treasury amended the trade regulations further to allow for the sale, on a cash basis (no financing), to Iran of equipment that Iranians can use to communicate (e.g., cellphones, laptops, satellite internet, website hosting, and related products and services). Some legislation has sought to sanction regime officials involved in suppressing the domestic opposition in Iran or in human rights abuses more generally. Much of this legislation centers on amendments to Section 105 of CISADA. Sanctions against Iranian Human Rights Abusers. Section 105 of CISADA bans travel and freezes the U.S.-based assets of those Iranians determined to be human rights abusers. On September 29, 2010, pursuant to Section 105, President Obama issued Executive Order 13553 providing for CISADA sanctions against Iranians determined to be responsible for or complicit in post-2009 Iran election human rights abuses. Those sanctioned under the provisions are listed in the tables at the end of this report. Section 105 terminates if the President certifies to Congress that Iran has (1) unconditionally released all political prisoners detained in the aftermath of the June 2009 uprising; (2) ceased its practices of violence, unlawful detention, torture, and abuse of citizens who were engaged in peaceful protest; (3) fully investigated abuses of political activists that occurred after the uprising; and (4) committed to and is making progress toward establishing an independent judiciary and respecting human rights. Sanctions on Sales of Anti-Riot Equipment. Section 402 of the ITRSHRA amended Section 105 by adding provisions that sanction (visa ban, U.S. property blocked) any person or company that sells the Iranian government goods or technologies that it can use to commit human rights abuses against its people. Such goods include firearms, rubber bullets, police batons, chemical or pepper sprays, stun grenades, tear gas, water cannons, and like goods. In addition, ISA sanctions are to be imposed on any person determined to be selling such equipment to the IRGC. Sanctions a gainst Iranian Government Broadcasters /IRIB . Section 1248 of IFCA (Subtitle D of P.L. 112-239 ) mandates inclusion of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), the state broadcasting umbrella group, as a human rights abuser. IRIB was designated as an SDN on February 6, 2013, under E.O. 13628 for limiting free expression in Iran. On February 14, 2014, the State Department waived IFCA sanctions under Sections 1244, 1246, or 1247, on any entity that provides satellite connectivity services to IRIB. The waiver has been renewed each year since. Sanctions a gainst Iranian Profiteers . Section 1249 of IFCA amends Section 105 by imposing sanctions on any person determined to have engaged in corruption or to have diverted or misappropriated humanitarian goods or funds for such goods for the Iranian people. The measure is intended to sanction Iranian profiteers who are, for example, using official connections to corner the market for vital medicines. This provision, which remains in forces, essentially codifies a similar provision of Executive Order 13645. The Countering America's Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA, P.L. 115-44 ). Section 106 authorizes, but does not require, the imposition of the same sanctions as those prescribed in E.O. 13553 on persons responsible for extrajudicial killings, torture, or other gross violations of internationally recognized human rights against Iranians who seek to expose illegal activity by officials or to defend or promote human rights and freedoms in Iran. The persons to be sanctioned are those named in a report provided 90 days after CAATSA enactment (by October 31, 2017) and annually thereafter. The provision is similar to E.O. 13553 but, in contrast, applies broadly to Iranian human rights abuses and is not limited to abuses connected to suppressing the June 2009 uprising in Iran. Additional designations of Iranian human rights abusers under E.O. 13533 were made subsequent to the enactment of CAATSA and the October 31, 2017, CAATSA report deadline. Separate Visa Bans. On July 8, 2011, the State Department imposed visa restrictions on 50 Iranian officials for participating in political repression in Iran, but it did not name those banned on the grounds that visa records are confidential. The action was taken under the authorities of Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which renders inadmissible to the United States a foreign person whose activities could have serious consequences for the United States. On May 30, 2013, the State Department announced it had imposed visa restrictions on an additional 60 Iranian officials on similar grounds. High Level Iranian Visits . There are certain exemptions in the case of high level Iranian visits to attend U.N. meetings in New York. The U.N. Participation Act (P.L. 79-264) provides for U.S. participation in the United Nations and as host nation of U.N. headquarters in New York, and visas are routinely issued to heads of state and their aides attending these meetings. In September 2012, the State Department refused visas for 20 members of Iranian President Ahmadinejad's traveling party on the grounds of past involvement in terrorism or human rights abuses. Still, in line with U.S. obligations under the act, then-President Ahmadinejad was allowed to fly to the United States on Iran Air, even though Iran Air was at the time a U.S.-sanctioned entity, and his plane reportedly was allowed to park at Andrews Air Force base. U.N. sanctions on Iran, enacted by the Security Council under Article 41 of Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, applied to all U.N. member states. During 2006-2008, three U.N. Security Council resolutions—1737, 1747, and 1803—imposed sanctions on Iran's nuclear program and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) infrastructure. Resolution 1929, adopted on June 9, 2010, was key for its assertion that major sectors of the Iranian economy support Iran's nuclear program—giving U.N. member states authorization to sanction civilian sectors of Iran's economy. It also imposed strict limitations on Iran's development of ballistic missiles and imports and exports of arms. U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231 of July 20, 2015 endorsed the JCPOA and superseded all prior Iran-related resolutions as of Implementation Day (January 16, 2016). lifted all U.N. sanctions discussed above. The Resolution did not continue the mandate of the "the panel of experts" and the panel ended its operations. "calls on" Iran not to develop ballistic missiles "designed to be capable" of delivering a nuclear weapon for a maximum of eight years from Adoption Day (October 18, 2015). The restriction expires on October 18, 2023. And, 2231 is far less restrictive on Iran's missile program than is Resolution 1929. No specific sanctions are mandated in the Resolution if Iran conducted missile tests inconsistent with the Resolution. The JCPOA did not impose any specific missile-related requirements. requires Security Council approval for Iran to export arms or to purchase any arms (major combat systems named in the Resolution) for a maximum of five years from Adoption Day (until October 18, 2020). The JCPOA does not impose arms requirements. The U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA did not change the status of Resolution 2231. U.N. and International Atomic Energy Agency reports since the JCPOA began implementation have stated that Iran is complying with its nuclear obligations under the JCPOA. That assessment was corroborated by U.S. intelligence leaders in January 29, 2019, testimony before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. U.N. reports on Iranian compliance with Resolution 2231 have noted assertions by several U.N. Security Council members, including the United States, that Iranian missile tests have been inconsistent with the Resolution. U.S. officials have called some of Iran's launches of its Khorramshahr missile as violations of the Resolution. The reports required by Resolution 2231, as well as those required by other Resolutions pertaining to various regional crises, such as that in Yemen, also note apparent violations of the Resolution 2231 restrictions on Iran's exportation of arms. The Security Council is responsible for prescribing penalties on Iran for violations, and no U.N. Security Council actions have been taken against Iran for these violations to date. Under Paragraph 6(c) of Annex B of Resolution 2231, entities sanctioned by the previous Iran-related Resolutions would continue to be sanctioned for up to eight years from Adoption Day (until October 2023). An attachment to the Annex listed 36 entities for which this restriction would no longer apply (entities "delisted") as of Implementation Day. Most of the entities immediately delisted were persons and entities connected to permitted aspects of Iran's nuclear program and its civilian economy. According to press reports, two entities not on the attachment list, Bank Sepah and Bank Sepah International PLC, also were delisted on Implementation Day by separate Security Council action. Paragraph 6(c) provides for the Security Council to be able to delist a listed entity at any time, as well as to add new entities to the sanctions list. Delisted entities are in italics in the table of U.N.-listed sanctioned entities at the end of the report. The following sections discuss sanctions relief provided under the November 2013 interim nuclear agreement (JPA) and, particularly, the JCPOA. Later sections discuss the degree to which Iran is receiving the expected benefits of sanctions relief. U.S. officials said that the JPA provided "limited, temporary, targeted, and reversible" easing of international sanctions. Under the JPA (in effect January 20, 2014-January 16, 2016) Iran's oil customers were not required reduce their oil purchases from Iran because waivers were issued for Section 1245(d)(1) of the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2012 ( P.L. 112-81 ) and Section 1244c(1) of IFCA. The Waivers of ITRSHRA and ISA provisions were issued to permit transactions with NIOC. The European Union amended its regulations to allow shipping insurers to provide insurance for ships carrying oil from Iran. A waiver of Section 1245(d)(1) of IFCA allowed Iran to receive directly $700 million per month in hard currency from oil sales and $65 million per month to make tuition payments for Iranian students abroad (paid directly to the schools). Executive Orders 13622 and 13645 and several provisions of U.S.-Iran trade regulations were suspended. Several sections of IFCA were waived to enable Iran to sell petrochemicals and trade in gold and other precious metals, and to conduct transactions with foreign firms involved in Iran's automotive manufacturing. Executive Order 13382 provisions and certain provisions of U.S.-Iran trade regulations were suspended for equipment sales to Iran Air. The United States licensed some safety-related repairs and inspections for certain Iranian airlines and issued a new "Statement of Licensing Policy" to enable U.S. aircraft manufacturers to sell equipment to Iranian airlines. The JPA required that the P5+1 "not impose new nuclear-related sanctions ... to the extent permissible within their political systems." Under the JCPOA, sanctions relief occurred at Implementation Day (January 16, 2016), following IAEA certification that Iran had completed stipulated core nuclear tasks. U.S. secondary sanctions were waived or terminated, but most sanctions on direct U.S.-Iran trade. The secondary sanctions eased included (1) sanctions that limited Iran's exportation of oil and sanction foreign sales to Iran of gasoline and energy sector equipment, and which limit foreign investment in Iran's energy sector; (2) financial sector sanctions; and (3) sanctions on Iran's auto sector and trading in the rial . The EU lifted its ban on purchases of oil and gas from Iran; and Iranian banks were readmitted to the SWIFT electronic payments system. All U.N. sanctions were lifted. All of the U.S. sanctions that were eased will go back into effect on November 4, 2018, in accordance with the May 8, 2018, announcement that the United States will cease participating in the JCPOA. The Administration has stated that the purpose of reimposing the sanctions is to deny Iran the revenue with which to conduct regional malign activities and advance its missile, nuclear, and conventional weapons programs. The sanctions that went back into effect on August 7, 2018 (90-day wind-down period), are on the purchase or acquisition of U.S. bank notes by Iran; Iran's trade in gold and other precious metals; transactions in the Iranian rial ; activities relating to Iran's issuing of sovereign debt; transactions with Iran in graphite, aluminum, steel, coal, and industrial software; importation of Iranian luxury goods to the United States; and the sale to Iran of passenger aircraft (and aircraft with substantial U.S. content). The sanctions that went back into effect on November 5, 2018, are on petroleum-related transactions with Iran. port operators and energy, shipping, and shipbuilding sectors; and transactions by foreign banks with Iran's Central Banks (including the provision that restricts Iran's access to hard currency held in banks abroad). The laws below required waivers to implement U.S. commitments under the JCPOA, and all waivers were revoked in concert with the Trump Administration exit from the accord. All the provisions discussed below went back into effect on November 5, 2018. Iran Sanctions Act . The blanket energy/economic-related provisions of the ISA of P.L. 104-172 , as amended. (Section 4(c)(1)(A) waiver provision.) The WMD-related provision of ISA was not waived. FY2012 NDAA . Section 1245(d) of the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2012 ( P.L. 112-81 ) imposes sanctions on foreign banks of countries that do not reduce Iran oil imports. Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act ( P.L. 112-158 ) . Sections 212 and 213—the economy-related provisions of the act—were waived. The human rights-related provisions of the law were not waived. Iran Freedom and Counter-proliferation Act . Sections 1244, 1245, 1246, and 1247 of the Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act (Subtitle D of P.L. 112-239 ). The core provision of CISADA ( P.L. 111-195 ) that sanctions foreign banks was not waived, but most listed Iranian banks were "delisted" to implement the JCPOA, thereby making this CISADA provision largely moot. The Administration relisted all delisted Iranian banks on November 5, 2018. Executive Orders: 13574, 13590, 13622, 13645, and Sections 5-7 and 15 of Executive Order 13628 were revoked outright by Executive Order 13716. The orders were reinstated on August 6, 2018, by Executive Order 13846. The United States "delisted" for sanctions the specified Iranian economic entities and personalities listed in Attachment III of the JCPOA, including the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC), various Iranian banks, and many energy and shipping-related institutions. That step enabled foreign companies/banks to resume transactions with those entities without risking being penalized by the United States. The tables at the end of the report depict in italics those entities delisted. Entities that were to be delisted on "Transition Day" (October 2023) are in bold type. The Administration relisted these entities for secondary sanctions, with selected exceptions (such as the AEOI and 23 subsidiaries), on November 5, 2018. The continued de-listing of the nuclear entities was in order to allow European and other U.S. partners to continue providing civilian nuclear assistance to Iran as permitted under the JCPOA. The JCPOA required the U.S. Administration, by "Transition Day," to request that Congress lift virtually all of the sanctions that were suspended under the JCPOA. No outcome of such a request is mandated. The JCPOA requires all U.N. sanctions to terminate after 10 years of adoption ("Termination Day"). The U.S.-related provisions are rendered moot by the U.S. exit from the JCPOA. Even though it has reimposed all U.S. sanctions on Iran, the Trump Administration has issued some exceptions that are provided for under the various U.S. sanctions laws, including the following: As noted above, on November 5, 2018, eight countries were given the SRE to enable them to continue transactions with Iran's Central Bank and to purchase Iranian oil. At an April 10 hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Secretary Pompeo appeared to indicate that the SREs would be renewed. However, on April 22 the Administration announced termination of the SREs as of their expiration on May 2, 2019. On May 3, the Administration ended some waivers under IFCA and various antiproliferation laws (discussed above) that allow international technical assistance to Iran's three nuclear sites permitted to operate under the JCPOA—the Fordow facility, the Bushehr nuclear power reactor, and the Arak heavy water plant. The Administration ended the waiver that enabled Rosatom (Russia) to remove Iran's LEU that exceeds the 300kg allowed stockpile, and that allowed Iran to export heavy water that exceeded the limits on that product to Oman. The waiver limitations also will prohibit the expansion of the Bushehr reactor by any supplier. In response, President Rouhani announced that Iran would no longer abide by the JCPOA stockpile limits. The Administration waived Section 1247(e) of IFCA to enable Iraq to continue paying for purchases of natural gas from Iran. The waiver term for that section is up to 180 days, but the Administration has been providing the waiver for 90-day increments. The Administration has issued the permitted IFCA exception for Afghan reconstruction to enable India to continue work at Iran's Chahbahar Port. A U.S. State Department official told Afghan leaders in mid-May 2019 that the exception would continue. The Administration has renewed the licenses of certain firms to enable them to continue developing the Rhum gas field in the North Sea that Iran partly owns. The JCPOA did not commit the United States to suspend U.S. sanctions on Iran for terrorism or human rights abuses, on foreign arms sales to Iran or sales of proliferation-sensitive technology such as ballistic missile technology, or on U.S.-Iran direct trade (with the selected exceptions of the latter discussed above). The sanctions below remained in place during JCPOA implementation and remain in effect now: E.O. 12959, the ban on U.S. trade with and investment in Iran; E.O. 13224 sanctioning terrorism entities, any sanctions related to Iran's designation as a state sponsor or terrorism, and any other terrorism-related sanctions. The JCPOA does not commit the United States to revoke Iran's placement on the terrorism list; E.O. 13382 sanctioning entities for proliferation; the Iran-Iraq Arms Non-Proliferation Act; the Iran-North Korea-Syria Non-Proliferation Act (INKSNA); the section of ISA that sanctions WMD- and arms-related transactions with Iran; E.O. 13438 on Iran's interference in Iraq and E.O. 13572 on repression in Syria; Executive Orders (E.O. 13606 and E.O. 13628) and the provisions of CISADA, ITRSHRA, and IFCA that pertain to human rights or democratic change in Iran; all sanctions on the IRGC, military, proliferation-related, and human rights- and terrorism-related entities, which were not "delisted" from sanctions; Treasury Department regulations barring Iran from access to the U.S. financial system. Foreign banks can pay Iran in dollars out of their existing dollar supply, and the Treasury Department revised its guidance in October 2016 to stress that such transactions are permitted. Sanctions might have been reimposed by congressional action in accordance with President Trump's withholding of certification of Iranian compliance with the JCPOA. Such certification under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA, P.L. 114-17 ), was withheld in October 2017 and January and April of 2018. Congress had the opportunity to act on legislation, under expedited procedures, to reimpose sanctions that were suspended. Congress did not take such action. Additionally, the JCPOA (paragraph 36 and 37) contains a mechanism for the "snap back" of U.N. sanctions if Iran does not satisfactorily resolve a compliance dispute. According to the JCPOA (and Resolution 2231), the United States (or any veto-wielding member of the U.N. Security Council) would be able to block a U.N. Security Council resolution that would continue the lifting of U.N. sanctions despite Iran's refusal to resolve the dispute. In that case "... the provisions of the old U.N. Security Council resolutions would be reimposed, unless the U.N. Security Council decides otherwise." There are no indications that the Administration plans to try to snap back U.N. sanctions under this process. However, some observers maintain that the Administration assertions in 2019 that Iran was not forthcoming with the IAEA about its past nuclear weapons research could potentially indicate that the Administration will trigger the snap-back mechanism. During 2010-2016, converging international views on Iran produced global consensus to pressure Iran through sanctions. In addition to asserting that the international community needed to ensure that Iran did not develop a nuclear weapon, some countries joined the sanctions regime to head off unwanted U.S. or other military action against Iran. Some countries cooperated in order to preserve their close relationships with the United States. This section assesses international cooperation and compliance with U.S. sanctions, and cooperation with U.S. sanctions reimposed as a consequence of the May 8, 2018, U.S. exit from the JCPOA. All the JCPOA parties publicly opposed the U.S. decision to exit the JCPOA and have sought to stay engaged in the Iran market in order to continue to provide the JCPOA's economic benefits to Iran. A comparison between U.S., U.N., and EU sanctions against Iran is contained in Table A-1 below. Broader issues of Iran's relations with the countries discussed in this section can be found in CRS Report R44017, Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies , by Kenneth Katzman. After the passage of Resolution 1929 in June 2010, European Union (EU) sanctions on Iran became nearly as extensive as those of the United States—a contrast from most of the 1990s, when the EU countries refused to join the 1995 U.S. trade and investment ban on Iran and (along with Japanese creditors) rescheduled $16 billion in Iranian debt bilaterally. In July 2002, Iran tapped international capital markets for the first time since the Islamic revolution, selling $500 million in bonds to European banks and, during 2002-2005, there were negotiations between the EU and Iran on a "Trade and Cooperation Agreement" (TCA) that would have lowered the tariffs or increased quotas for Iranian exports to the EU countries. Under the JCPOA, EU sanctions, most of which were imposed in 2012, were lifted, including the following: the ban on oil and gas imports from Iran. a ban on insurance for shipping oil or petrochemicals from Iran and a freeze on the assets of several Iranian firms involved in shipping. a ban on trade with Iran in gold, precious metals, diamonds, and petrochemicals. a freeze of the assets of Iran's Central Bank (except for approved civilian trade). a ban on transactions between European and all Iranian banks and on short-term export credits, guarantees, and insurance. a ban on exports to Iran of graphite, semi-finished metals such as aluminum and steel, industrial software, shipbuilding technology, oil storage capabilities, and flagging or classification services for Iranian tankers and cargo vessels. The cutoff of 14 EU-sanctioned Iranian banks from the Brussels-based SWIFT electronic payments system was lifted, and the Iranian banks resumed accessing the system in February 2016. A large number of entities that had been sanctioned by EU Council decisions and regulations over the years were "delisted" by the EU on Implementation Day. The following EU sanctions have remained in place: an embargo on sales to Iran of arms, missile technology, other proliferation-sensitive items, and gear for internal repression. a ban on 84 Iranian persons and one entity—all designated for human rights abuses or supporting terrorism—from visiting EU countries, and a freeze on their EU-based assets (see Table C-1 below). The EU countries have not reimposed sanctions on Iran and instead have sought to preserve the JCPOA by maintaining economic relations with Iran. However, to avoid risk to their positions in the large U.S. market, more than 100 companies—mostly in Europe—have left Iran since May 2018. In some cases, European companies have stopped doing business with Iran after being threatened with U.S. sanctions by U.S. diplomats. Some of the 100+ European companies that have ended investments in or transactions with Iran to avoid reimposed U.S. sanctions include the following: Oil Importation. No EU state has bought Iranian oil since U.S. energy sanctions went back into effect in November 2018, even though Italy and Greece were given SRE sanctions exemptions from November 5, 2018, until May 2, 2019. Cars. Renault and Citroen of France suspended their post-JCPOA $1 billion investments in a joint venture with two Iranian firms to boost Renault's car production capacity in Iran to 350,000 cars per year. On August 6, 2018, Daimler (manufacturer of Mercedes Benz autos) announced it was suspending its activities in Iran. Volkswagen followed suit one month later. Buses. Scania of Sweden established a factory in Iran to supply the country with 1,350 buses, but it is not clear whether this venture is still operating. Other Industry . German industrial giant Siemens signed an agreement in March 2016 with Iranian firm Mapna to transfer technology to produce gas turbines in Iran, and other contracts to upgrade Iran's railways. Siemens said in late 2018 that it would pursue no new Iranian business. Italy's Danieli industrial conglomerates and Gruppo Ventura have exited the Iranian market. Banking . Several banks have announced since the U.S. JCPOA exit a cessation of transactions with Iran: DZ Bank and Allianz of Germany; Oberbank of Austria; and Banque Wormser Freres of France. In July 2018, at U.S. request, Germany's central bank (Deutsche Bundesbank) introduced a rule change that blocked Iran's withdrawal of $400 million in cash from the Europaische-Iranische Handlesbank (EIH). EIH is reportedly at least partly owned by Iran and has often partnered on transactions with the Bundesbank. (EIH was "de-listed" from sanctions by the United States to implement the JCPOA, but was relisted on November 5, 2018.) Energy. On energy issues: Total SA has exited a nearly $5 billion energy investment in South Pars gas field, and it is transferring its stake to its joint venture partner, China National Petroleum Corporation. As noted above, European countries have reduced their purchases of Iranian oil. OMV of Austria has announced it would halt energy development work. Norway's Saga Energy (Norway is not in the EU) signed a $3 billion deal to build solar power plants in Iran, and Italy's FS signed a $1.4 billion agreement to build a high speed railway between Qom and Arak. These deals are still active. Shipping. Hapag-Lloyd of Germany and Denmark's AP Moller-Maersk have ceased shipping services to Iran. Telecommunications. Germany telecommunications firm Deutsche Telekom announced in September 2018 that it would end its business in Iran. Flights. Although air service is not subject to U.S. sanctions per se, Air France and British Air announced in September 2018 that they would cease service to Iran due to lack of demand. Rhum Gas Field . One project, the Rhum gas field in the North Sea that is partly owned by Iranian Oil Company (a subsidiary of NIOC), has been able to continue operating. In part because the field supplies about 5% of Britain's demand for natural gas, in October 2018, the Trump Administration renewed the license of BP and Serica Energy to continue providing goods and services to the field, despite the Iranian involvement in the project. The EU countries, in an attempt to persuade Iran to continue to adhere to the JCPOA, have undertaken several steps that run counter to Trump Administration policy. On August 6, 2018, a 1996 EU "blocking statute" that seeks to protect EU firms from reimposed U.S. sanctions took effect. In September 2018, EU countries announced small amounts of development assistance to Iran, apparently in order to demonstrate that the EU is making good faith efforts to provide Iran the economic benefits of the JCPOA. The EU subsequently designed a mechanism under which EU countries could continue to trade with Iran with relative immunity from U.S. sanctions. On September 25, 2018, Germany, France, and Britain, joined by Russia and China, as well as Iran, endorsed the creation of a "special purpose vehicle" (SPV)—an entity that would facilitate trade without utilizing dollar-denominated transactions with Iran, and without exposure to the U.S. market. In a January 31, 2019, joint statement, France, Britain, and Germany announced the formal registration of the SPV, formally termed the Instrument for Supporting Trade Exchanges (INSTEX). It is based in France, with German governance, and financial support from the three governments. It will initially focus on the sectors most essential to Iran, including medicines, medical devices, and food, and perhaps eventually provide a platform for non-European countries to trade with Iran in oil and other products. The operation of INSTEX depended on Iran setting up a counterparty vehicle in Europe and, in April 2019, Iran set up that counterparty as the "Special Trade and Finance Instrument" (STFI). Secretary of State Michael Pompeo denounced the plan as counterproductive, and Vice President Mike Pence, in mid-February 2019, criticized INSTEX as an outright attempt to undermine U.S. sanctions against Iran. Amid reported agitation among Iranian regime hardliners to exit the JCPOA because of the EU's failure to prevent harm to the Iranian economy, Iranian officials indicated the announcement represented a positive first step. Indicative of U.S. pressure on the EU not to begin INSTEX operations, on May 7, 2019, Treasury Department Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Sigal Mandelker said that INSTEX is unlikely to fulfill EU pledges to prevent INSTEX from being used by Iran to launder money or fund terrorism. Mandelker's statement included an implicit threat to potentially sanction INSTEX or its counterparties. The U.S. concerns about INSTEX might be a product, at least in part, of the alleged involvement of sanctioned Iranian banks in Iran's STFI counterparty. While attempting to preserve civilian economic engagement with Iran, the European countries have sought to support U.S. efforts to counter Iran's terrorism and proliferation activities. In December 2018, Albania expelled Iran's ambassador and one other Iranian diplomat for involvement in a terrorism plot that was thwarted. In January 2019, the EU added Iran's intelligence service (MOIS) and two intelligence operatives to its terrorism-related sanctions list in response to allegations of Iranian terrorism plotting in Europe. Germany followed that move by denying landing rights to Iran's Mahan Air, which the United States has designated as a terrorism supporting entity. The management of the Brussels-based Swift electronic payments system has sought to balance financial risks with the policies of the EU governments. In March 2012, SWIFT acceded to an EU request to expel sanctioned Iranian banks. Some Iranian banks were still able to conduct electronic transactions with the European Central Bank via the "Target II" system. EU diplomats indicated they would not comply with U.S. requests to ask SWIFT to expel Iranian banks again, and no EU request to SWIFT to again expel sanctioned Iranian banks was made. However, SWIFT is run by an independent board and seeks to avoid risk of U.S. penalties. In late 2018, the system again disconnected the Iranian banks that were "relisted" for U.S. sanctions as of November 5, 2018. Russia and China, two permanent members of the U.N. Security Council and parties to the JCPOA, historically have imposed only those sanctions required by Security Council resolutions. Both governments opposed the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA. Many observers expect that, because companies in both countries have limited U.S. exposure and are strongly influenced by their governments, much of Iran's trade and economic engagement will shift to China and Russia from EU countries, Japan, and South Korea. Increasingly close politically primarily on the issue of the conflict in Syria, Iran and Russia have discussed expanding energy and trade cooperation. The two countries reportedly agreed on broad energy development deals during President Putin's visit to Tehran in late October 2017, with an estimated investment value of up to $30 billion, although implementation remains uncertain. In December 2018, Iran signed a free trade deal with the Russia-led "Eurasian Economic Union," suggesting Russian intent not to abide by reimposed U.S. sanctions on Iran. The revenues of Russia's Rosatam conglomerate are likely to be reduced as a consequence of the Trump Administration's May 2019 ending of waivers for some assistance to Iran's nuclear program. In April 2015, Russia lifted its own restriction on delivering the S-300 air defense system that it sold Iran in 2007 but refused to deliver after Resolution 1929 was adopted—even though that Resolution technically did not bar supply of that defensive system. In April 2016, Russia began delivering the five S-300 batteries. Iran's Defense Minister visited Russia in February 2016 to discuss possible future purchases of major combat systems. No sales have been announced. China is a major factor in the effectiveness of any sanctions regime on Iran because China is Iran's largest oil customer. During 2012-2016, China was instrumental in reducing Iran's total oil exports because it cut its buys from Iran to about 435,000 barrels per day from its 2011 average of 600,000 barrels per day. The State Department asserted that, because China was the largest buyer of Iranian oil, percentage cuts by China had a large impact in reducing Iran's oil sales by volume and China merited an SRE. After sanctions were lifted in early 2016, China increased its purchases of Iranian oil to levels that sometimes exceeded those of 2011. Several Chinese energy firms that invested in Iran's energy sector put those projects on hold in 2012, but resumed or considered resuming work after sanctions were eased in 2016. Chinese firms also took over some EU country energy investments that have been divested after the reimposition of U.S. sanctions. Since the reimposition of U.S. sanctions, China appears to have reduced its oil imports from Iran somewhat (see Table 1 . The Administration gave China a SRE sanctions exception on November 5, 2018, in part to recognize import reductions but also possibly to avoid further complicating U.S. relations with China. However, China reportedly is continuing to import at least some Iranian oil despite the ending of the SRE as of May 2, 2019, in large part on the expectation that the Trump Administration will be hesitant to impose actual sanctions on Chinese banks for continuing to engage with Iran on oil payments. Prior to the expiration of the SREs, China had stockpiled 20 million barrels of Iranian oil at its Dalian port. Sanctions have complicated Iran-China banking and trade relations. During 2012-2016, China settled much of its trade balance with Iran with goods rather than hard currency, which was highly favorable to China financially. Iran's automotive sector obtains a significant proportion of its parts from China, including from China-based Geelran and Chery companies, and Iran's auto parts imports from China often fluctuate depending on the availability of trade financing. Iran and China also have a separate escrow account to pay for China's infrastructure projects in Iran, such as the long Niayesh Tunnel, funded by about $20 billion of Iran's hard currency reserves. However, suggesting that reimposed U.S. sanctions have again complicated Iran-China banking relations, China's Kunlun Bank—an affiliate of China's energy company CNPC and which was sanctioned under CISADA in 2012 as the main channel for money flows between the two countries—reportedly stopped accepting Euro and then China currency-denominated payments from Iran in November 2018. Existing Iranian accounts at the bank presumably can still be used to pay for Iranian imports from China. China's President Xi Jinping visited Iran and other Middle East countries in the immediate aftermath of the JCPOA, and he has stated that Iran is a vital link in an effort to extend its economic influence westward through its "One Belt, One Road" initiative. Chinese firms and entrepreneurs are integrating Iran into this vision by modernizing Iran's rail and other infrastructure, particularly where that infrastructure links to that of neighboring countries, including the Sultanate of Oman, funded by loans from China. Iran's place in this initiative offers China's government and firms incentive to avoid cooperating with U.S. sanctions. In April 2018, the Commerce Department (Bureau of Industry and Security, BIS, which administers Export Administration Regulations) issued a denial of export privileges action against China-based ZTE Corporation and its affiliates. The action was taken on the grounds that ZTE did not uphold the terms of March 2017 settlement agreement with BIS over ZTE's shipment of prohibited U.S. telecommunications technology to Iran (and North Korea). On March 27, 2019, OFAC announced a $1.9 million settlement with a Chinese subsidiary of the U.S. Black and Decker tool company for unauthorized exports of tools and parts to Iran. During 2010-2016, Japan and South Korea enforced sanctions on Iran similar to those imposed by the United States and the EU. Both countries cut imports of Iranian oil sharply after 2011, and banks in the two countries restricted Iran's access to the foreign exchange assets Iran held in their banks. From 2016-2018, both countries increased importation of Iranian oil, and Iran has been able to access funds in banks in both countries. Japan exports to Iran significant amounts of chemical and rubber products, as well as consumer electronics. South Korean firms have been active in energy infrastructure construction in Iran, and its exports to Iran are mainly iron, steel, consumer electronics, and appliances—meaning that South Korea could be affected significantly by the May 2019 executive order sanctioning transactions with Iran's minerals and metals sector. Both countries—and their companies—have historically been unwilling to undertake transactions with Iran that could violate U.S. sanctions, and firms in both countries have said they will comply with reimposed U.S. sanctions. South Korea, in particular, sought Administration concurrence to continue to import Iranian condensates (a petroleum product sometimes considered as crude oil), on which South Korea depends. Both countries reduced their Iranian oil purchases to zero in October 2018 and both countries received SRE sanctions exceptions on November 5. Japan resumed some Iranian oil importation in early 2019, and South Korea has been purchasing about 200,000 barrels per day of Iranian condensates. Both countries are widely assessed as likely to cease energy transactions with Iran entirely as a result of the Administration's decision to end SREs as of May 2, 2019, and South Korea reportedly is seeking to replace Iranian condensates supplies with those of Qatar and Australia. The following firms have announced their postures following the U.S. exit from the JCPOA: Daelim of South Korea terminated a $2 billion contract to expand an Iranian oil refinery. In late October, Hyundai cancelled a $500 million contract to build a petrochemical plant in Iran, citing "financing difficulties." Car companies Mazda and Toyota of Japan and Hyundai of South Korea have suspended joint ventures to produce cars in Iran. Among banks, South Korea's Woori Bank and Industrial Bank of Korea have partly suspended transactions with Iran. Woori Bank reportedly is only using an Iran Central Bank account held there to process payments for South Korean humanitarian goods sold to Iran. Nomura Holdings of Japan has taken a similar position. The South Korean conglomerate POSCO withdrew from a 2016 deal to build a steel plant in Iran's free trade zone at the port of Chahbahar. North Korea, like Iran, has been subject to significant international sanctions. North Korea has never pledged to abide by international sanctions against Iran, and it reportedly cooperates with Iran on a wide range of WMD-related ventures, particularly the development of ballistic missiles. A portion of the oil that China buys from Iran (and from other suppliers) is reportedly sent to North Korea, but it is not known if North Korea buys any Iranian oil directly. The potential for North Korea to try to buy Iranian oil illicitly increased in the wake of the adoption in September 2017 of U.N. Security Council sanctions that limit North Korea's importation of oil, but there are no publicly known indications that it is doing so. While serving as Iran's president in 1989, the current Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamene'i, visited North Korea. North Korea's titular head of state Kim Yong Nam attended President Rouhani's second inauguration in August 2017, and during his visit signed various technical cooperation agreements of unspecified scope. Taiwan has generally been a small buyer of Iranian oil. It resumed imports of Iranian oil after sanctions were eased in 2016. Taiwan received an SRE as of November 5, 2018, but has bought no Iranian oil since late 2018. It is unlikely to resume any Iranian oil imports now that the SREs have ended as of May 2, 2019. India cites U.N. Security Council resolutions on Iran as justification for its stances on trade with Iran. During 2011-2016, with U.N. sanctions in force, India's private sector assessed Iran as a "controversial market"—a term describing markets that entail reputational and financial risks. India's central bank ceased using a Tehran-based regional body, the Asian Clearing Union, to handle transactions with Iran, and the two countries agreed to settle half of India's oil buys from Iran in India's currency, the rupee. Iran used the rupee accounts to buy India's wheat, pharmaceuticals, rice, sugar, soybeans, auto parts, and other products. India reduced its imports of Iranian oil substantially after 2011, in the process incurring significant costs to retrofit refineries that were handling Iranian crude. However, after sanctions were eased in 2016, India's oil imports from Iran increased to as much as 800,000 bpd in July 2018—well above 2011 levels. Indian firms resumed work that had been ended or slowed during 2012-2016. India also paid Iran the $6.5 billion it owed for oil purchased during 2012-2016. India's cooperation with reimposed U.S. sanctions is mixed because no U.N. sanctions have been reimposed. In June 2018, the two countries again agreed to use rupee accounts for their bilateral trade. Nonetheless, India's purchases of Iranian oil appear to have fallen from levels of most of 2018, but volumes remain substantial. India received the SRE exception on November 5, 2018. Because some Indian banks do not have or seek a presence in the United States, it was widely expected that India and Iran will work out alternative payment arrangements under which India will continue importing at least some Iranian oil despite the end of the SRE as of May 2, 2019. However, Indian officials said in early May 2019 that India would comply with U.S. sanctions and find alternative suppliers, although some industry sources indicate that Indian refiners might still be buying some Iranian oil as of mid-May 2019. In 2015, India and Iran agreed that India would help develop Iran's Chahbahar port that would enable India to trade with Afghanistan unimpeded by Pakistan. With sanctions lifted, the project no longer entails risk to Indian firms involved. In May 2016, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Iran and signed an agreement to invest $500 million to develop the port and related infrastructure. Construction at the port is proceeding. As noted above, the Administration has utilized the "Afghanistan reconstruction" exception under Section 1244(f) of IFCA to allow for firms to continue developing it. One test of Pakistan's compliance with sanctions was a pipeline project that would carry Iranian gas to Pakistan—a project that U.S. officials on several occasions stated would be subject to ISA sanctions. Despite that threat, agreement on the $7 billion project was finalized on June 12, 2010, and construction was formally inaugurated in a ceremony attended by the Presidents of both countries on March 11, 2013. In line with an agreed completion date of mid-2014, Iran reportedly completed the pipeline on its side of the border. China's announcement in April 2015 of a $3 billion investment in the project seemed to remove financial hurdles to the line's completion, and the JCPOA removed sanctions impediments to the project. However, during President Hassan Rouhani's visit to Pakistan in March 2016, Pakistan still did not commit to complete the line, and observers note that there are few indications of progress on the project. In 2009, India dissociated itself from the project over concerns about the security of the pipeline, the location at which the gas would be transferred to India, pricing of the gas, and tariffs. Iran has substantial economic relations with Turkey and the countries of the South Caucasus. Turkey buys about 40% of its oil from Iran, and bought about 6% of its total gas imports from Iran in 2017. Turkey reduced purchases of Iranian oil during 2012-2016, but its buys returned to 2011 levels after sanctions on Iran were eased in 2016. Turkey's leaders have said that the country will not cooperate with reimposed U.S. sanctions, but its oil import volumes from Iran have fallen since late 2018. Turkey received an SRE sanctions exemption on November 5, 2018, and its officials strongly indicated in late April 2019 that Turkey expected to receive another SRE as of the May 2, 2019, expiration. Turkey's insistence on being allowed to buy Iranian oil without fear of U.S. penalty—as well as its overall dependence on Iranian oil—might underpin a reported decision by Turkey to continue buying at least some Iranian oil despite the expiration of the SRE exception. Turkey also is Iran's main gas customer via a pipeline built in 1997, which at first was used for a swap arrangement under which gas from Turkmenistan was exported to Turkey. Direct Iranian gas exports to Turkey through the line began in 2001 (with additional such exports through a second pipeline built in 2013), but no ISA sanctions were imposed on the grounds that the gas supplies were crucial to Turkey's energy security. Prior to the October 2012 EU ban on gas purchases from Iran, this pipeline was a conduit for Iranian gas exports to Europe (primarily Bulgaria and Greece). Pre-JCPOA, in response to press reports that Turkey's Halkbank was settling Turkey's payments to Iran for energy with gold, U.S. officials testified on May 15, 2013, that the gold going from Turkey to Iran consists mainly of Iranian private citizens' purchases of Turkish gold to hedge against the value of the rial . A U.S. criminal case involved a dual Turkish-Iranian gold dealer, Reza Zarrab, arrested in the United States in 2016 for allegedly violating U.S. sanctions prohibiting helping Iran deal in precious metals. Among past cases of possible Turkish violations of Iran sanctions, on November 7, 2016, the U.S. Attorney for New York's Southern District indicted several individuals for using money services businesses in Turkey and in the UAE for conspiring to conceal from U.S. banks transactions on behalf of and for the benefit of sanctioned Iranian entities, including Mahan Air. On January 6, 2014, the Commerce Department blocked a Turkey-based firm (3K Aviation Consulting and Logistics) from re-exporting two U.S.-made jet engines to Iran's Pouya Airline. The rich energy reserves of the Caspian Sea create challenges for U.S. efforts to deny Iran financial resources. The Clinton and George W. Bush Administrations cited potential ISA sanctions to deter oil pipeline routes involving Iran—thereby successfully promoting an the alternate route from Azerbaijan (Baku) to Turkey (Ceyhan), which became operational in 2005. Section 6 of Executive Order 13622 exempts from sanctions any pipelines that bring gas from Azerbaijan to Europe and Turkey. Agreements reached in 2018 between Russia and the Caspian Sea states on the legal division of the sea could spawn new energy development in the Caspian. Iran's energy firms will undoubtedly become partners in joint ventures to develop the Caspian's resources, and Iran's involvement in such projects will require the Administration to determine whether to impose sanctions. Iran's relations with Azerbaijan—even though that country is inhabited mostly by Shiite Muslims—are hindered by substantial political and ideological differences. Iran and Azerbaijan have in recent years tried to downplay these differences for joint economic benefit, and they have been discussing joint energy and infrastructure projects among themselves and with other powers, including Russia. Iran and Armenia—Azerbaijan's adversary—have long enjoyed extensive economic relations: Armenia is Iran's largest direct gas customer, after Turkey. In May 2009, Iran and Armenia inaugurated a natural gas pipeline between the two, built by Gazprom of Russia. No determination of ISA sanctions was issued. Armenia has said its banking controls are strong and that Iran is unable to process transactions illicitly through Armenia's banks. However, observers in the South Caucasus assert that Iran is using Armenian banks operating in the Armenia-occupied Nagorno-Karabakh territory to circumvent international financial sanctions. The Gulf Cooperation Council states (GCC: Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Oman) are oil exporters and close allies of the United States. As Iranian oil exports decreased after 2012, the Gulf states supplied the global oil market with additional oil. Since the U.S. exit from the JCPOA, U.S. officials have worked with Gulf oil exporters to ensure that the global oil market is well supplied even as Iranian oil exports fall. And the State Department's SRE announcement on April 22, 2019, indicated that the Administration is looking to Saudi Arabia and the UAE, in particular, to keep the global oil market well supplied after SREs end on May 2, 2019. Still, in order not to antagonize Iran, the Gulf countries maintain relatively normal trade with Iran. Some Gulf-based shipping companies, such as United Arab Shipping Company reportedly continued to pay port loading fees to such sanctioned IRGC-controlled port operators as Tidewater. The UAE has attracted U.S. scrutiny because of the large presence of Iranian firms there, and several UAE-based firms have been sanctioned, as noted in the tables at the end of the report. U.S. officials praised the UAE's March 1, 2012, ban on transactions with Iran by Dubai-based Noor Islamic Bank, which Iran reportedly used to process oil payments. Some Iranian gas condensates (120,000 barrels per day) were imported by Emirates National Oil Company (ENOC) and refined mostly into jet fuel. Subsequent to the May 8, 2018, U.S. exit from the JCPOA, ENOC officials said they were trying to find alternative supplies of the hydrocarbon products it buys from Iran. Iran and several of the Gulf states have had discussions on various energy and related projects, but few have materialized because of broad regional disputes between Iran and the Gulf states. Kuwait and Iran have held talks on the construction of a 350-mile pipeline that would bring Iranian gas to Kuwait, but the project does not appear to be materializing. Bahrain's discussions of purchasing Iranian gas have floundered over sharp political differences. Qatar and Iran share the large gas field in the Gulf waters between them, and their economic relations have become closer in light of the isolation of Qatar by three of its GCC neighbors, Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Bahrain. The only GCC state that has moved forward with economic joint ventures with Iran is Oman, particularly in the development of Oman's priority project to expand its port at Al Duqm port, which Oman and Iran envision as a major hub for regional trade. In September 2015, the two countries also recommitted to a gas pipeline joint venture. Omani banks, some of which operate in Iran, were used to implement some of the financial arrangements of the JPA and JCPOA. As a consequence, a total of $5.7 billion in Iranian funds had built up in Oman's Bank Muscat by the time of implementation of the JCPOA in January 2016. In its efforts to easily access these funds, Iran obtained from the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) of the Treasury Department a February 2016 special license to convert the funds (held as Omani rials) to dollars as a means of easily converting the funds into Euros. Iran ultimately used a different mechanism to access the funds as hard currency, but the special license issuance resulted in a May 2018 review by the majority of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigation to assess whether that license was consistent with U.S. regulations barring Iran access to the U.S. financial system. Iraq's attempts to remain close to its influential neighbor, Iran, have complicated Iraq's efforts to rebuild its economy yet avoid running afoul of the United States and U.S. sanctions on Iran. As noted above, in 2012, the United States sanctioned an Iraqi bank that was a key channel for Iraqi payments to Iran, but lifted those sanctions when the bank reduced that business. Iraq presented the United States with a sanctions-related dilemma in July 2013, when it signed an agreement with Iran to buy 850 million cubic feet per day of natural gas through a joint pipeline that enters Iraq at Diyala province and would supply several power plants. No sanctions were imposed on the arrangement, which was agreed while applicable sanctions were in effect. In May 2015, the Treasury Department sanctioned Iraq's Al Naser Airlines for helping Mahan Air (sanctioned entity) acquire nine aircraft. The Trump Administration reportedly is seeking to accommodate Iraq's need for Iranian electricity supplies and other economic interactions. As of October 2018, Iraq reportedly has discontinued crude oil swaps with Iran—about 50,000 barrels per day—in which Iranian oil flowed to the Kirkuk refinery and Iran supplied oil to Iraq's terminals in the Persian Gulf. The Administration reportedly has given Iraq waiver permission—apparently under Section 1247 of IFCA—to buy the Iranian natural gas that runs Iraq's power plants. That section provides for waivers of up to 180 days, but press reports indicate that the Administration has limited the waiver period to 90-day increments to give Iraq time to line up alternative supplies and equipment to generate electricity. The latest waiver rollover was in March 2019 and extends until June 2019. Iranian arms exports to Shia militias in Iraq remain prohibited by Resolution 2231, but no U.N. sanctions on that activity have been imposed to date. Iran has extensive economic relations with both Syria and Lebanon, countries where Iran asserts that core interests are at stake. The compliance of Syrian or Lebanese banks and other institutions with international sanctions against Iran was limited even during 2012-2015. Iran reportedly uses banks in Lebanon to skirt financial sanctions, according to a wide range of observers, and these banks are among the conduits for Iran to provide financial assistance to Hezbollah as well as to the regime of Syrian President Bashar Al Assad. However, some reports indicate that sanctions on Iran are adversely affecting Hezbollah's finances to the point where the party has had to cut expenses, request donations, and delay or reduce payments to its fighters. In January 2017, Iran and Syria signed a series of economic agreements giving Iranian firms increased access to Syria's mining, agriculture, and telecommunications sectors, as well as management of a Syrian port. During the presidency of Ahmadinejad, Iran looked to several Latin American and African countries to try to circumvent international sanctions. For the most part, however, Iran's trade and other business dealings with these regions are apparently too modest to weaken the effect of international sanctions significantly. The united approach to sanctions on Iran during 2010-2016 carried over to international lending to Iran. The United States representative to international financial institutions is required to vote against international lending, but that vote, although weighted, is not sufficient to block international lending. No new loans have been approved to Iran since 2005, including several environmental projects under the Bank's "Global Environmental Facility" (GEF). The initiative slated more than $7.5 million in loans for Iran to dispose of harmful chemicals. The 2016 lifting of sanctions increased international support for new international lending to Iran, but the U.S. exit from the JCPOA will likely lead to differences between the United States and other lenders over extending any new loans to Iran. Earlier, in 1993, the United States voted its 16.5% share of the World Bank against loans to Iran of $460 million for electricity, health, and irrigation projects, but the loans were approved. To block that lending, the FY1994-FY1996 foreign aid appropriations ( P.L. 103-87 , P.L. 103-306 , and P.L. 104-107 ) cut the amount appropriated for the U.S. contribution to the bank by the amount of those loans, contributing to a temporary halt in new bank lending to Iran. But, in May 2000, the United States' allies outvoted the United States to approve $232 million in loans for health and sewage projects. During April 2003-May 2005, a total of $725 million in loans were approved for environmental management, housing reform, water and sanitation projects, and land management projects, in addition to $400 million in loans for earthquake relief. An issue related to sanctions is Iran's request to join the World Trade Organization (WTO). Iran began accession talks in 2006 after the George W. Bush Administration dropped its objection to Iran's application as part of an effort to incentivize Iran to reach an interim nuclear agreement. The lifting of sanctions presumably paves the way for talks to accelerate, but the accession process generally takes many years. Accession generally takes place by consensus of existing WTO members. Iran's accession might be complicated by the requirement that existing members trade with other members; as noted above, the U.S. ban on trade with Iran remains in force. The Trump Administration does not advocate Iran's admission to that convention. It can be argued that the question "are sanctions on Iran 'working'?" should be assessed based on an analysis of the goals of the sanctions. The following sections try to assess the effectiveness of Iran sanctions according to a number of criteria. The international sanctions regime of 2011-2016 is widely credited with increasing Iran's willingness to accept restraints on its nuclear program, as stipulated in the JCPOA. Hassan Rouhani was elected president of Iran in June 2013 in part because of his stated commitment to achieving an easing of sanctions and ending Iran's international isolation. Still, as to the long-term effects of sanctions, the intelligence community assesses that it "does not know" whether Iran plans to eventually develop a nuclear weapon, and the JCPOA restrictions begin to expire in 2025. Iran remained in the JCPOA despite the U.S. exit from it, but Rouhani has announced that, in response to the ending of U.S. nuclear waivers and other steps such as the FTO designation of the IRGC, Iran will cease abiding by JCPOA restrictions on stockpiles of low-enriched uranium and heavy water. Still, Iran has not withdrawn from the JCPOA outright. Yet, Iranian leaders have not, to date, taken up the Trump Administration's stated offer for negotiations on a new agreement that would cover not only Iran's nuclear program but also its missile program and its regional malign activities. Both President Trump and President Rouhani have publicly said they would accept bilateral talks without conditions, but both leaders generally indicate that the other's demands are too extensive to make such a meeting productive. There is little evidence that even the strict sanctions of 2011-2016 slowed Iran's nuclear program or its missile program. And, even though U.S. and EU sanctions remain on Iran's missile programs, U.S. intelligence officials have testified that Iran continues to expand the scale, reach, and sophistication of its ballistic missile arsenal. Still, some U.S. officials have asserted that Iran's nuclear and missile programs might have advanced faster were sanctions not imposed. Sanctions have apparently prevented Iran from buying significant amounts of major combat systems since the early 1990s. Iran's indigenous arms industry has grown over the past two decades. U.S. intelligence directors testified in January 2019 that Iran continues to field increasingly lethal weapons systems, including more advanced naval mines and ballistic missiles, small submarines, armed UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles), coastal defense cruise missile batteries, attack craft, and anti-ship ballistic missiles. Iran has been able to acquire some defensive systems that were not specifically banned by Resolution 2231; Russia delivered the S-300 air defense system in April 2016. Neither the imposition, lifting, nor reimposition of strict sanctions has appeared to affect Iran's regional behavior. Iran intervened extensively in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen during the 2012-2016 period when sanctions had a significant adverse effect on Iran's economy. Iran apparently is able to manufacture domestically much of the weaponry it supplies to its regional allies. Iran has remained engaged in these regional conflicts since sanctions were eased in early 2016. On the other hand, press reports since March 2019 note that Iran has scaled back payments to Hezbollah and to various pro-Iranian fighters in Syria, perhaps as a reflection of Iranian financial difficulties. An alternate explanation is that Iran is adjusting its expenditures in the Syria conflict to the reduced activity on the battlefield there. The Administration points to reports of the reduced payments as evidence that its "maximum pressure" campaign on Iran is working. The Administration has asserted that the easing of sanctions during the period of U.S. implementation of the JCPOA (2016-2018) caused Iran to expand its regional activities. President Trump stated that Iran's defense budget had increased 40% during that time. He stated on August 6, 2018, that "Since the deal [JCPOA] was reached, Iran's aggression has only increased. The regime has used the windfall of newly accessible funds it received under the JCPOA to build nuclear-capable missiles, fund terrorism, and fuel conflict across the Middle East and beyond.... The reimposition of nuclear-related sanctions through today's actions further intensifies pressure on Tehran to change its conduct." However, most outside Iran experts who assess Iran's regional activities asserted that Iran's regional activities were not facilitated by the easing of sanctions during that period, but instead increased because of the opportunities to expand its influence that were provided by Iran by the region's several conflicts. In terms of congressional oversight, a provision of the FY2016 Consolidated Appropriation ( P.L. 114-113 ) required an Administration report to Congress on how Iran has used the financial benefits of sanctions relief. And, a provision of the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act ( P.L. 114-17 ) requires that a semiannual report on Iran's compliance with the JCPOA include information on any Iranian use of funds to support acts of terrorism. No U.S. Administration, including the Trump Administration, has asserted that sanctions on Iran are intended to bring about the change of Iran's regime, although some experts assert that this might be a desired Trump Administration goal. Iranians seeking reintegration with the international community and sanctions relief helped propel the relatively moderate Rouhani to election victories in both 2013 and 2017. Many Iranians cheered the finalization of the JCPOA on July 15, 2015, undoubtedly contributing to Supreme Leader Khamene'i's acceptance of the deal. Despite the Trump Administration's withdrawal from the JCPOA and its additional steps to pressure Iran in 2019, there does not appear to be an imminent political threat to Rouhani's grip on his office. Still, the IRGC and other hardliners control domestic security and the judiciary, and these factions have criticized Rouhani for remaining in the JCPOA despite the U.S. exit. In July 2018, the IRGC and Iran's parliament ( Majles ) called for cabinet changes to address economic mismanagement and, in September 2018, the Majles compelled Rouhani to be questioned about the economic situation. In July 2018, Rouhani replaced Iran's Central Bank governor as an apparent gesture to indicate responsiveness to economic concerns. In February 2019, apparently under pressure from hardliners, Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif announced his resignation, but Rouhani—apparently as a challenge to the hardliners—did not accept the resignation and reinstated him. Some assert that the sanctions are sustaining the periodic unrest that has erupted in Iran since late 2017. In 2018 and thus far in 2019, labor strikes and unrest among women protesting the strict public dress code have continued, although not at a level that appears to threaten the regime. Other protests occurred over flooding in the southwest in March-April 2019, but again not to the level where the regime was threatened. Still, some protesters complain that the country's money is being spent on regional interventions rather than on the domestic economy. The U.S. sanctions enacted since 2011, when fully implemented, take a substantial toll on Iran's economy. GDP and Employment Trends . At the height of the sanctions regime in April 2015, then-Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew said that Iran's gross domestic product (GDP) was 15%-20% smaller than it would have been had global sanctions not been imposed in 2011. The unemployment rate rose to about 20% by 2014, and many Iranians worked unpaid or partially paid. In 2015, Iran's GDP was about $400 billion at the official exchange rate ($1.4 trillion if assessed on a purchasing power parity [PPP] basis). The 2016 lifting of sanctions enabled Iran to achieve 7% annual growth during 2016-2018. The reimposition of U.S. sanctions in mid-2018 caused Iran's GDP to decline 2% from March 2018 to March 2019, and it is projected to decline by more than 5% during March 2019-March 2020. Oil Exports . Global Iran sanctions (2011-2016) reduced Iran's crude oil sales about 60% from the 2.5 mbd level of 2011, causing Iran to lose over $160 billion in oil revenues during that time. The JCPOA sanctions relief enabled Iran to increase its oil exports to 2011 levels, but the reimposition of U.S. sanctions has driven Iran's oil exports to under 1 mbd as of the end of April 2019. The Trump Administration said in an April 2019 factsheet that the reimposition of sanctions since May 2018 has cost Iran $10 billion in lost oil revenues. The May 2019 end to SREs was an effort to cause Iran's oil exports to fall to zero, although results will depend on whether China, India, and Turkey continue buying Iran oil. Bankin g. Global banks mostly left the Iranian market after 2011 because of the international sanctions in force. Banks were hesitant to reenter the Iran market after the 2016 easing of sanctions because of (1) reported concerns that the United States might still sanction their transactions with Iran; (2) a lack of transparency in Iran's financial sector; (3) lingering concerns over past financial penalties for processing Iran-related transactions in the U.S. financial system; and (4) extra costs and procedures caused by the inability to process Iran-related transactions through the U.S. financial system and/or easily use dollars in Iran-related transactions. Those banks that did reenter the Iran market have, as a consequence of the U.S. exit from the JCPOA, stopped or limited their transactions with Iran. Shipping Insurance . Iran was able after 2016 to obtain shipping insurance as a result of U.S. waivers given to numerous insurers, as discussed above. However, as of August 7, 2018, U.S.-based shipping reinsurers no longer have active U.S. waivers, and Iran has been compelled to self-insure most of its shipments. Hard Currency A ccessib ility . The 2011-2016 sanctions regime prevented Iran from accessing the hard currency it was being paid for its oil. By January 2016, Iran's hard currency reserves held in foreign banks stood at about $115 billion. Iranian officials stated in February 2016 that sanctions relief had allowed them to access the funds, and it could move the funds via renewed access to the SWIFT electronic payments system. Of this amount, about $60 billion was due to creditors such as China ($20 billion) or to repay nonperforming loans extended to Iranian energy companies working in the Caspian and other areas in Iran's immediate neighborhood. After 2016, Iran kept most of its reserves abroad for cash management and to pay for imports, but Iran's foreign reserves are again restricted by reimposed U.S. sanctions. Currency Decline . Sanctions caused the value of the rial on unofficial markets to decline about 60% from January 2012 until the 2013, when the election of Rouhani stabilized the rial at about 35,000 to the dollar. The reimposition of U.S. sanctions in 2018 caused the rial 's value to plummet to 150,000 to the dollar by the November 5, 2018. The value later recovered somewhat to about 100,000 to one at the beginning of 2019. The downturn has made it difficult for Iranian merchants to import goods or properly price merchandise, and the government has banned the importation of 1,400 goods to preserve hard currency. Inflation . The drop in value of the currency caused inflation to accelerate during 2011-2013 to a rate of about 60%—a higher figure than that acknowledged by Iran's Central Bank. As sanctions were eased, inflation slowed to the single digits by June 2016, meeting the Central Bank's stated goal. However, in 2017, the inflation rate reportedly increased back to double digits, and turmoil surrounding the possible U.S. exit from the JCPOA caused inflation to increase to about 15% by late June 2018. It increased significantly, to nearly 40%, by the end of 2018. Industrial/Auto Production and Sales . Iran's light-medium manufacturing sector was expanding prior to 2011, but its dependence on imported parts left the sector vulnerable to sanctions that reduced the availability of import financing. Iran's vehicle production fell by about 60% from 2011 to 2013. Press reports say that the auto sector, and manufacturing overall, rebounded since sanctions were lifted, but is declining again in light of the announced divestments by auto makers following the U.S. exit from the JCPOA. Researchers at Iran's parliament estimated in September 2018 that auto production would decline 45% by March 2019, and other industrial production would drop by 5%. U.S.-Iran Trade. U.S.-Iran trade remains negligible. In 2015, the last full year before JCPOA implementation, the United States sold $281 million in goods to Iran and imported $10 million worth of Iranian products. The slight relaxation of the U.S. import ban stemming from the JCPOA likely accounts for the significant increase in imports from Iran in 2016 to $86 million. U.S. imports from Iran were about $63 million in 2017 and about that same amount in 2018. U.S. exports to Iran remained low for all of 2016 and 2017 ($172 million and $137 million, respectively) but spiked to $440 million for 2018. Iran had some success mitigating the economic effect of sanctions. These strategies will likely be used to try to cope with reimposed U.S. sanctions. Export Diversification . Over the past 10 years, Iran has promoted sales of nonoil products such as minerals, cement, urea fertilizer, and other agricultural and basic industrial goods. Such "nonoil" exports now generate much of the revenue that funds Iran's imports. This diversification might have been a factor in the Trump Administration decision in May 2019 to sanction Iran's mineral and metals sector (see above). Even in the energy sector, Iran has promoted the sale of oil products such as petrochemicals and condensates, earning about $4.7 billion in revenue from that source by 2016. Reallocation of Investment Funds and Import Substitution . Sanctions compelled some Iranian manufacturers to increase domestic production of some goods as substitutes for imports. This trend has been hailed by Iranian economists and Supreme Leader Khamene'i, who supports building a "resistance economy" that is less dependent on imports and foreign investment. Partial Privatization/IRGC in the Economy . Over the past few years, portions of Iran's state-owned enterprises have been transferred to the control of quasi-governmental or partially private entities. Some of them are incorporated as holding companies, foundations, or investment groups. Based on data from the Iranian Privatization Organization, there are about 120 such entities that account for a significant proportion of Iran's GDP. Rouhani has sought to push the IRGC out of Iran's economy through divestment, to the extent possible. However, a substantial part of the economy remains controlled by government-linked conglomerates, including the IRGC. Although estimates vary widely, the IRGC's corporate affiliates are commonly assessed as controlling at least 20% of Iran's economy, although there is little available information on the degree of IRGC-affiliated ownership stakes. Subsidy Reductions . In 2007, the Ahmadinejad government began trying to wean the population off of generous subsidies by compensating families with cash payments of about $40 per month. Gasoline prices were raised to levels similar to those in other regional countries, and far above the subsidized price of 40 cents per gallon. Rouhani has continued to reduce subsidies, including by raising gasoline and staple food prices further and limiting the cash payments to only those families who could claim financial hardship. Rouhani also has improved collections of taxes and of price increases for electricity and natural gas utilities. Import Restrictions /Currency Controls . To conserve hard currency, Iran has at times reduced the supply of hard currency to importers of luxury goods, such as cars or cellphones, in order to maintain hard currency supplies to importers of essential goods. These restrictions eased after sanctions were lifted in 2016 but were reimposed in 2018 to deal with economic unrest and the falling value of the rial . The Iran Sanctions Act (ISA) was enacted in large part to reduce Iran's oil and gas production capacity over the longer term by denying Iran the outside technology and investment to maintain or increase production. U.S. officials estimated in 2011 that Iran had lost $60 billion in investment in the sector as numerous major firms pulled out of Iran. Iran says it needs $130 billion-$145 billion in new investment by 2020 to keep oil production capacity from falling. Further development of the large South Pars gas field alone requires $100 billion. Table B-1 at the end of this report discusses various Iranian oil and gas fields and the fate of post-1999 investments in them. During 2012-2016, there was little development activity at Iran's various oil and gas development sites, as energy firms sought to avoid sanctions. Some foreign investors resold their equity stakes to Iranian companies. However, the Iranian firms are not as technically capable as the international firms that have withdrawn. The lifting of sanctions in 2016 lured at least some foreign investors back into the sector, encouraged by Iran's more generous investment terms under a concept called the "Iran Petroleum Contract." That contract gives investing companies the rights to a set percentage of Iran's oil reserves for 20-25 years. Iran signed a number of new agreements with international energy firms since mid-2016 but, as noted in the tables and other information above, major energy firms have begun to divest in response to the U.S. exit from the JCPOA. Sanctions relief also opened opportunities for Iran to resume developing its gas sector. Iran has used its gas development primarily to reinject into its oil fields rather than to export. Iran exports about 3.6 trillion cubic feet of gas, primarily to Turkey and Armenia. Sanctions have rendered Iran unable to develop a liquefied natural gas (LNG) export business. However, it was reported in March 2017 that the Philippine National Oil Company is seeking to build a 2-million-ton LNG plant in Iran, suggesting that patent issues do not necessarily preclude Iran from pursuing LNG. With respect to gasoline, the enactment of the CISADA law targeting sales of gasoline to Iran had a measurable effect. Several suppliers stopped selling gasoline to Iran once enactment appeared likely, and others ceased supplying Iran after enactment. Gasoline deliveries to Iran fell from about 120,000 barrels per day before CISADA to about 30,000 barrels per day immediately thereafter, although importation later increased to about 50,000 barrels per day. As a result, Iran expanded several of its refineries and, in 2017, Iranian officials said Iran had become largely self-sufficient in gasoline production. It is difficult to draw any direct relationship between sanctions and Iran's human rights practices. Recent human rights reports by the State Department and the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Iran's human rights practices assess that there was only modest improvement in some of Iran's practices in recent years, particularly relaxation of enforcement of the public dress code for women. The altered policies cannot necessarily be attributed to sanctions pressure or sanctions relief, although some might argue that sanctions-induced economic dissatisfaction emboldened Iranians to protest and to compel the government to relax some restrictions. Since at least 2012, foreign firms have generally refrained from selling the Iranian government equipment to monitor or censor social media use. Such firms include German telecommunications firm Siemens, Chinese internet infrastructure firm Huawei, and South African firm MTN Group. In October 2012, Eutelsat, a significant provider of satellite service to Iran's state broadcasting establishment, ended that relationship after the EU sanctioned the then head of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), Ezzatollah Zarghami. However, the regime retains the ability to monitor and censor social media use. During 2012-2016, sanctions produced significant humanitarian-related effects, particularly in limiting the population's ability to obtain expensive Western-made medicines, such as chemotherapy drugs. Some of the scarcity was caused by banks' refusal to finance such sales, even though doing so was not subject to any sanctions. Some observers say the Iranian government exaggerated reports of medicine shortages to generate opposition to the sanctions. Other accounts say that Iranians, particularly those with connections to the government, took advantage of medicine shortages by cornering the import market for key medicines. These shortages resurfaced in 2018 following the reimposition of sanctions by the Trump Administration. For example, reports indicate that the reimposition of U.S. sanctions may be inhibiting the flow of humanitarian goods to the Iranian people and reportedly contributing to shortages in medicine to treat ailments such as multiple sclerosis and cancer. Other reports indicate that Cargill, Bunge, and other global food traders have halted supplying Iran because of the absence of trade financing. And, Iranian officials and some international relief groups have complained that U.S. sanctions inhibited the ability to provide relief to flooding victims in southwestern Iran in March-April 2019. EU officials have called on the United States to produce a "white list" that would "give clear guidelines about what channels European banks and companies should follow to conduct legitimate [humanitarian] transactions with Iran without fear of future penalties." Iranian officials have also accused U.S. sanctions of hampering international relief efforts for victims of vast areas of flooding in southwestern Iran in the spring of 2019. Other reports say that pollution in Tehran and other big cities is made worse by sanctions because Iran produces gasoline itself with methods that cause more impurities than imported gasoline. As noted above, Iran's efforts to deal with environmental hazards and problems might be hindered by denial of World Bank lending for that purpose. In the aviation sector, some Iranian pilots complained publicly that U.S. sanctions caused Iran's passenger airline fleet to deteriorate to the point of jeopardizing safety. Since the U.S. trade ban was imposed in 1995, 1,700 passengers and crew of Iranian aircraft have been killed in air accidents, although it is not clear how many of the crashes, if any, were due to difficultly in acquiring U.S. spare parts. Sanctions relief ameliorated at least some of the humanitarian difficulties discussed above. In the aviation sector, several sales of passenger aircraft have been announced, and licensed by the Department of the Treasury, since Implementation Day. However, as noted, the licenses are being revoked and deliveries will not proceed beyond November 2018. In February 2016, Iran Air—which was delisted from U.S. sanctions as of Implementation Day—announced it would purchase 118 Airbus commercial aircraft at an estimated value of $27 billion. Airbus received an OFAC license and three of the aircraft have been delivered. Airbus has said it will not deliver any more aircraft to Iran because its U.S. Treasury Department license is revoked. In December 2016, Boeing and Iran Air finalized an agreement for Boeing to sell the airline 80 passenger aircraft and lease 29 others. Boeing received a specific license for the transaction. The deal has a total estimated value of about $17 billion, with deliveries scheduled to start later in 2018. The Boeing sale is to include 30 of the 777 model. None were delivered, and Boeing cancelled planned deliveries to Iran after its export licenses were revoked. In April 2017, Iran's Aseman Airlines signed a tentative agreement to buy at least 30 Boeing MAX passenger aircraft. No U.S. license for this sale was announced prior to the U.S. exit from the JCPOA. The airline is owned by Iran's civil service pension fund but managed as a private company. In June 2017, Airbus agreed to tentative sales of 45 A320 aircraft to Iran's Airtour Airline, and of 28 A320 and A330 aircraft to Iran's Zagros Airlines. No U.S. license for the sale was announced prior to the U.S. exit from the JCPOA. ATR, owned by Airbus and Italy's Leonardo, sold 20 aircraft to Iran Air. It delivered eight aircraft by the time of the U.S. JCPOA exit. It reportedly has been given temporary U.S. Treasury Department licenses to deliver another five after the August 6, 2018, initial sanctions reimposition in which its U.S. export licenses were to be revoked. JCPOA oversight and implications, and broader issues of Iran's behavior have been the subject of legislation. The JCPOA states that as long as Iran fully complies with the JCPOA, the sanctions that were suspended or lifted shall not be reimposed on other bases (such as terrorism or human rights). The Obama Administration stated that it would adhere to that provision but that some new sanctions that seek to limit Iran's military power, its human rights abuses, or its support for militant groups might not necessarily violate the JCPOA. The Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act of 2015 (INARA, P.L. 114-17 ) provided for a 30- or 60-day congressional review period after which Congress could pass legislation to approve or to disapprove of the JCPOA, or do nothing. No such legislation of disapproval was enacted. There are several certification and reporting requirements under INARA, although most of them clearly no longer apply as a result of the Trump Administration withdrawal: Material Breach Report . The President must report a potentially significant Iranian breach of the agreement within 10 days of acquiring credible information of such. Within another 30 days, the President must determine whether this is a material breach and whether Iran has cured the breach. Certification Report . The President is required to certify, every 90 days, that Iran is "transparently, verifiably, and fully implementing" the agreement, and that Iran has not taken any action to advance a nuclear weapons program. The latest certification was submitted on July 17, 2017, and another one was due on October 15, 2017. On October 13, 2017, the Administration declined to make that certification, on the grounds that continued sanctions relief is not appropriate and proportionate to Iran's measures to terminate its illicit nuclear program (Section (d)(6)(iv)(I) of INARA). If a breach is reported, or if the President does not certify compliance, Congress may initiate within 60 days "expedited consideration" of legislation that would reimpose any Iran sanctions that the President had suspended through use of waiver or other authority. That 60-day period is to expire on December 12, 2017. Semiannual Report. INARA also requires an Administration report every 180 days on Iran's nuclear program, including not only Iran's compliance with its nuclear commitments but also whether Iranian banks are involved in terrorism financing; Iran's ballistic missile advances; and whether Iran continues to support terrorism. The FY2016 Consolidated Appropriation ( P.L. 114-113 ) contained a provision amending the Visa Waiver Program to require a visa to visit the United States for any person who has visited Iraq, Syria, or any terrorism list country (Iran and Sudan are the two aside from Syria still listed) in the previous five years. Iran argued that the provision represented a violation of at least the spirit of the JCPOA by potentially deterring European businessmen from visiting Iran. The Obama Administration issued a letter to Iran stating it would implement the provision in such a way as not to not impinge on sanctions relief, and allowances for Iranian students studying in the United States were made in the implementing regulations. Another provision of that law requires an Administration report to Congress on how Iran has used the benefits of sanctions relief. President Trump has issued and amended executive orders that, in general, prohibit Iranian citizens (as well as citizens from several other countries) from entering the United States. This marked a significant additional restriction beyond the FY2016 Consolidated Appropriation. The 114 th Congress acted to prevent ISA from expiring in its entirety on December 31, 2016. The Iran Sanctions Extension Act ( H.R. 6297 ), which extended ISA until December 31, 2026, without any other changes, passed the House on November 15 by a vote of 419-1 and then passed the Senate by 99-0. President Obama allowed the bill to become law without signing it ( P.L. 114-277 ), even though the Administration considered it unnecessary because the President retains ample authority to reimpose sanctions on Iran. Iranian leaders called the extension a breach of the JCPOA, but the JCPOA's "Joint Commission" did not determine it breached the JCPOA. The conference report on the FY2017 National Defense Authorization Act ( P.L. 114-328 ) contained a provision (Section 1226) requiring a quarterly report to Congress on Iran's missile launches the imposition of U.S. sanctions with respect to Iran's ballistic missile launches until December 31, 2019. The conference report on the FY2018 NDAA ( P.L. 115-91 ) extended that reporting requirement until December 31, 2022. The report is to include efforts to sanction entities or individuals that assist those missile launches. The Iran Policy Oversight Act ( S. 2119 ) and the Iran Terror Finance Transparency Act ( H.R. 3662 ) contained a provision that would have added certification requirements for the Administration to remove designations of Iranian entities sanctioned. The House passed the latter bill but then vacated its vote. The IRGC Terrorist Designation Act ( H.R. 3646 / S. 2094 ) would have required a report on whether the IRGC meets the criteria for designation as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). The Obama Administration argued that the law that set up the FTO designations (Section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act [8 U.S.C. 1189]) applies such designations only to groups, rather than armed forces of a nation-state (which the IRGC is). The Prohibiting Assistance to Nuclear Iran Act ( H.R. 3273 ) would have prohibited the use of U.S. funds to provide technical assistance to Iran's nuclear program. The provision appeared to conflict with the provision of the JCPOA that calls on the P5+1 to engage in peaceful nuclear cooperation with Iran (Paragraph 32). The Justice for Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act ( H.R. 3457 / S. 2086 ) would have prohibited the President from waiving U.S. sanctions until Iran completed paying judgments issued for victims of Iranian or Iran-backed acts of terrorism. The House passed it on October 1, 2015, by a vote of 251-173, despite Obama Administration assertions that the bill would contradict the JCPOA. H.R. 3728 would have amended ITRSHRA to make mandatory (rather than voluntary) sanctions against electronic payments systems such as SWIFT if they were allowed to be used by Iran. The IRGC Sanctions Act ( H.R. 4257 ) would have required congressional action to approve an Administration request to remove a country from the terrorism list and would have required certification that any entity to be "delisted" from sanctions is not a member, agent, affiliate, or owned by the IRGC. The Iran Ballistic Missile Sanctions Act of 2016 ( S. 2725 ) would have required that specified sectors of Iran's economy (automotive, chemical, computer science, construction, electronic, energy metallurgy, mining, petrochemical, research, and telecommunications) be subject to U.S. sanctions, if those sectors were determined to provide support for Iran's ballistic missile program. A similar bill, H.R. 5631 , the Iran Accountability Act, which passed the House on July 14, 2016, by a vote of 246-179, would have removed some waiver authority for certain provisions of several Iran sanctions laws and required sanctions on sectors of Iran's civilian economy determined to have supported Iran's ballistic missile program. The latter provision, as did S.2725, appeared to contradict the JCPOA. In the 115 th Congress, S. 15 and key sections of S. 227 and H.R. 808 (Iran Nonnuclear Sanctions Act of 2017) mirror S. 2725 . H.R. 4992 , which passed the House on July 14, 2016, by a vote of 246-181, and the related Countering Iranian Threats Act of 2016 ( S. 3267 ), would have, among their central provisions, required foreign banks and dollar clearinghouses to receive a U.S. license for any dollar transactions involving Iran. The Obama Administration opposed the bill as a violation of the JCPOA. H.R. 5119 , which passed the House by a vote of 249-176, would have prohibited the U.S. government from buying additional heavy water from Iran and appeared intended to block additional U.S. purchases similar to one in April 2016 in which the United States bought 32 metric tons from Iran at a cost of about $8.6 million. Several bills and amendments in the 114 th Congress sought to block or impede the sale of the Boeing aircraft to Iran by preventing the licensing, financing, or Ex-Im Bank loan guarantees for the sale. These included H.R. 5715 , H.R. 5711 , and several amendments to the House version of the FY2017 Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Act ( H.R. 5485 ). That act passed the House on July 7, 2016, by a vote of 239-185, and H.R. 5711 passed by the House on November 17, 2016, by a vote of 243-174. The Obama Administration opposed the measures as JCPOA violations. Even before the Trump Administration pulled the United States out of the JCPOA, Congress acted on or considered additional Iran sanctions legislation. The following Iran sanctions legislation was enacted or considered in the 115 th Congress. A bill, S. 722 , which initially contained only Iran-related sanctions, was reported out by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on May 25, 2017. After incorporating an amendment adding sanctions on Russia, the bill was passed by the Senate on June 15, 2017, by a vote of 98-2. A companion measure, H.R. 3203 , was introduced in the House subsequent to the Senate passage of S. 722 , and contained Iran-related provisions virtually identical to the engrossed Senate version of S. 722 . Following a reported agreement among House and Senate leaders, H.R. 3364 , with additional sanctions provisions related to North Korea (and provisions on Iran remaining virtually unchanged from those of the engrossed S. 722 ), was introduced and passed both chambers by overwhelming margins. President Trump signed it into law on August 2, 2017 ( P.L. 115-44 ), accompanied by a signing statement expressing reservations about the degree to which provisions pertaining to Russia might conflict with the President's constitutional authority. CAATSA's Iran-related provisions are analyzed above. Overall, CAATSA does not appear to conflict with the JCPOA insofar as it does not reimpose U.S. secondary sanctions on Iran's civilian economic sectors. The JCPOA did not require the United States to refrain from imposing additional sanctions—as CAATSA does—on Iranian proliferation, human rights abuses, terrorism, or the IRGC. Section 108 of CAATSA requires an Administration review of all designated entities to assess whether such entities are contributing to Iran's ballistic missile program or contributing to Iranian support for international terrorism. H.R. 1698 . The Iran Ballistic Missiles and International Sanctions Enforcement Act, passed the House on October 26, 2017, by a vote of 423-2. It would have amended the remaining active (not waived) section of ISA (Section 5b) to clarify that assistance to Iran's ballistic missile program is included as subject to sanctions. The provision would have applied the sanctions to foreign governments determined to be assisting Iran's missile programs, and would have applied several ISA sanctions to foreign entities, including foreign governments, that sell to or import from Iran the major combat systems banned for sale to Iran in Security Council Resolution 2231. This represents a more specific list of banned items than the "destabilizing numbers and types" of weaponry the sale to Iran of which can be sanctioned under ISA and several other U.S. laws discussed above. H.R. 1638 . On November 14, 2017, the House Financial Services Committee ordered reported H.R. 1638 , the Iranian Leadership Asset Transparency Act, which would have required the Treasury Secretary to report to Congress on the assets and equity interests held by named Iranian persons, including the Supreme Leader, the President, various IRGC and other security commanders, and members of various leadership bodies. H.R. 4324 . The House Financial Services Committee also ordered reported on November 14, 2017, the Strengthening Oversight of Iran's Access to Finance Act. The bill would have required Administration reports on whether financing of Iranian commercial passenger aircraft purchases posed money-laundering or terrorism risks or benefited Iranian persons involved in Iranian proliferation or terrorism. Some argued that the bill might affect the willingness of the Treasury Department to license aircraft sales to Iran, and in so doing potentially breach the U.S. JCPOA commitment to sell such aircraft to Iran. Following President Trump's October 13, 2017, statement on Iran, then-Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Bob Corker and Senator Tom Cotton released an outline of legislation that would reimpose waived U.S. sanctions if, at any time—including after JCPOA restrictions expire—Iran breaches JCPOA-stipulated restrictions. The bill draft, which was not introduced, included sanctions triggers based on Iranian missile developments. H.R. 5132 . The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps Economic Exclusion Act. This bill mandated Administration reports on whether specified categories of entities are owned or controlled by the IRGC, or conduct significant transactions with the IRGC. The bill defined an entity as owned or controlled by the IRGC even if the IRGC's ownership interest is less than 50%—a lower standard than the usual practice in which ownership is defined as at least 50%. The bill would have required Administration investigation of several specified entities as potentially owned or controlled by the IRGC, including several telecommunications, mining, and machinery companies, and required a report on whether the Iran Airports Company violates E.O. 13224 by facilitating flight operations by Mahan Air, which is a designated SDN under E.O. 13224. Whereas the bill's provisions did not mandate any sanctions on entities characterized within, the bill appeared to establish a process under which the Administration could name as SDNs entities in Iran's civilian economic sectors, including civil aviation. H.R. 6751 . The Banking Transparency for Sanctioned Persons Act of 2018, would have required reporting to Congress on any license given to a bank to provide financial services to a state sponsor of terrorism. H.R. 4591 , S. 3431 , and H.R. 4238 . Several bills would have essentially codified Executive Order 13438 by requiring the blocking of U.S.-based property and preventing U.S. visas for persons determined to be threatening the stability of Iraq—legislation apparently directed at Iran's Shiite militia allies in Iraq. The latter two bills specifically mentioned the Iraqi groups As'aib Ahl Al Haq and Harakat Hizballah Al Nujabi as entities that the Administration should so sanction. H.R. 4591 passed the House on November 27, 2018. Because the Trump Administration has exited the JCPOA, there is increased potential for the 116 th Congress to consider legislation that sanctions those Iranian economic sectors that could not be sanctioned under the JCPOA. As the 116 th Congress began work in 2019, press reports indicated that several Senators and at least one House Member planned to introduce legislation to greatly expand U.S. secondary sanctions on Iran's financial sector. Among the reported provisions were (1) mandatory imposition of sanctions on the SWIFT electronic payments system if it does not expel sanctioned Iranian banks from its network; (2) amending IFCA to sanction any significant transactions with Iran's financial sector (in addition to energy, shipping, and shipbuilding sectors in the current law); (3) requiring the Treasury Department to issue a final rule that would sanction any international transaction with Iran's Central Bank; and (4) sanctioning foreign persons that supply or provide other help to Iran's efforts to establish a digital currency. The following have been introduced: Several bills similar or virtually identical to those introduced previously have been introduced, imposing sanctions on Iranian proxies in Iraq and elsewhere. These bills include H.R. 361 , the Iranian Proxies Terrorist Sanctions Act of 2019, and H.R. 571 , the Preventing Destabilization of Iraq Act of 2019. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps Exclusion Act ( S. 925 ), similar to H.R. 5132 in the 115 th Congress, has been introduced in the Senate. The Iran Ballistic Missiles and International Sanctions Enforcement Act ( H.R. 2118 ). The bill includes provisions similar to H.R. 1698 in the 115 th Congress (see above). There are a number of other possible sanctions that might receive consideration—either in a global or multilateral framework. These possibilities are analyzed in CRS In Focus IF10801, Possible Additional Sanctions on Iran , by Kenneth Katzman. Appendix A. Comparison Between U.S., U.N., and EU and Allied Country Sanctions (Prior to Implementation Day) Appendix B. Post-1999 Major Investments in Iran's Energy Sector Appendix C. Entities Sanctioned Under U.N. Resolutions and EU Decisions Appendix D. Entities Sanctions Under U.S. Laws and Executive Orders

Summary: Successive Administrations have used sanctions extensively to try to change Iran's behavior. Sanctions have had a substantial effect on Iran's economy but little, if any, observable effect on Iran's conventional defense programs or regional malign activities. During 2012-2015, when the global community was relatively united in pressuring Iran, Iran's economy shrank as its crude oil exports fell by more than 50%, and Iran had limited ability to utilize its $120 billion in assets held abroad. The 2015 multilateral nuclear accord (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, JCPOA) provided Iran broad relief through the waiving of relevant sanctions, revocation of relevant executive orders (E.O.s), and the lifting of U.N. and EU sanctions. Remaining in place were a general ban on U.S. trade with Iran and U.S. sanctions on Iran's support for regional governments and armed factions, its human rights abuses, its efforts to acquire missile and advanced conventional weapons capabilities, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Under U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231, which enshrined the JCPOA, nonbinding U.N. restrictions on Iran's development of nuclear-capable ballistic missiles and a binding ban on its importation or exportation of arms remain in place for several years. JCPOA sanctions relief enabled Iran to increase its oil exports to nearly pre-sanctions levels, regain access to foreign exchange reserve funds and reintegrate into the international financial system, achieve about 7% yearly economic growth (2016-17), attract foreign investment, and buy new passenger aircraft. The sanctions relief contributed to Iranian President Hassan Rouhani's reelection in the May 19, 2017, vote. However, the economic rebound did not prevent sporadic unrest from erupting in December 2017. And, Iran has provided support for regional armed factions, developed ballistic missiles, and expanded its conventional weapons development programs during periods when international sanctions were in force, when they were suspended, and after U.S. sanctions were reimposed in late 2018. The Trump Administration has made sanctions central to efforts to apply "maximum pressure" on Iran's regime. On May 8, 2018, President Trump announced that the United States would no longer participate in the JCPOA and that all U.S. secondary sanctions would be reimposed by early November 2018. The reinstatement of U.S. sanctions has driven Iran's economy into mild recession as major companies exit the Iranian economy rather than risk being penalized by the United States. Iran's oil exports have decreased significantly, the value of Iran's currency has declined sharply, and unrest has continued, although not to the point where the regime is threatened. But, the European Union and other countries are trying to keep the economic benefits of the JCPOA flowing to Iran in order to persuade Iran to remain in the accord. To that end, in January 2019 the European countries created a trading mechanism (Special Purpose Vehicle) that presumably can increase trade with Iran by circumventing U.S. secondary sanctions. On November 5, 2018, the Administration granted 180-day "Significant Reduction Exceptions" (SREs) to eight countries—enabling them to import Iranian oil without penalty as long as they continue to reduce purchases of Iranian oil. On April 22, 2019, the Administration announced it would not renew any SREs when they expire on May 2, 2019, instead seeking to drive Iran's oil exports as close to zero as possible. On May 3, 2019, the Administration ended some waivers for foreign governments to provide technical assistance to some JCPOA-permitted aspects of Iran's nuclear program. The economic difficulties and other U.S. pressure measures have prompted Iran to cease performing some of the nuclear commitments of the JCPOA. See also CRS Report R43333, Iran Nuclear Agreement and U.S. Exit, by Paul K. Kerr and Kenneth Katzman; and CRS Report R43311, Iran: U.S. Economic Sanctions and the Authority to Lift Restrictions, by Dianne E. Rennack.