ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု

ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု ကုလသမဂ္ဂ () ဂှ် ဒှ်အဝဲလစှ်ေ ကုလသမဂ္ဂမွဲ ပၞောဝ်ကဵု အဝဲလစှ်ေ သီုဖအိုတ် နွံတြဴဂှ်တုဲ ကေတ်တာလျိုင် ကၠောန်သွက် ဂၠးကဝ် ဂွံၜိုဟ်လလံ ကေုာံ ဂီုကၠီု၊ မထံက်ဂလာန် အသေမ်ပလီနာနာ သွက်ဂွံဒုင်တဲ ကောန်ဂကောံတၟိ ပ္ဍဲကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊  ကေုာံ ပဒတန် ပရေင်ပြံင်လှာဲ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ပဋိညာဉ် (ဝါ) သၞောဝ်ဗီုဒက်ပ္တန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂတအ်ရ။ တုဲပၠန် နကဵုအဝဵု ကံင်သဳဝွံဂှ် ဒက်ပတန် ဒပ်ပၞာန်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ (peacekeeping operations) ကေုာံ ကၟာတ်လဒဵုသင်ရှေန်ဂၠးကဝ် (international sanctions)တအ်ကီု သီုကဵု ဖျေဟ်သ္ဂုတ်သွာတ် ပ္ဍဲအရာမချဳဓရာင် နကဵုပၞာန် နူကုလသမဂ္ဂရ။ တုဲပၠန် ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုဂှ် ပၞောဝ်ကဵု အဝဲလစှ်ေ ကုလသမဂ္ဂသီုဖအိုတ်ဂှ် အဝဲလစှ်ေဝွံဟေင် ကလိဂွံလဝ် အဝဵု သွက်ဂွံပတိတ်  သွဟ်မသ္ဒးဒ္ဂေတ်ဗက်ဟေင် (binding resolutions) ကု ဍုင်ကောန်ဂကောံတအ်ရ။ ကံင်သဳဝွံ စကောံဓရီုအလန်ကိုပ်ကၠာအိုတ်ဂှ် ဒှ်လဝ် ပ္ဍဲ ၁၇ ဇာန်နဝါရဳ ၁၉၄၆ ရ။

ညံင်ရဴ အလုံမွဲခန္ဓ ကုလသမဂ္ဂကီု အဝဲလစှ်ေ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုဝွံ ဒက်ပတန်လဝ် ကြဴနူ ပၞာန်ဂၠးတိဒုတိယ တၞဟ်နဂွံထိင်ဒဝ် ပရေင်ၜိုဟ်လလံ ဂၠးတိရ။ နူစ ဒက်ပတန် ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုတုဲ ပ္ဍဲဗွဝ်စှ် လပါ်စဗွဲမဂၠိုင်ဂှ် ကောန်ဂကောံတအ် လညာတ်တၞဟ်ခြာဒၟံင် ၜါလဝး မကော်ဂး ပၞာန်လၜိုဟ် အကြာ ကၟိန်ဍုင်အမေရိကာန် ကဵု ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ် ကေုာံ မဟာမိတ်ညးတအ်ရ။ အဝဵုသြဇာ ညးဒြဟတ်ဇၞော်ၜါဂှ် အာဓလီုဗဂေတ်ဒၟံင် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ပၞာန်ဒေသ မပတံကဵု ပၞာန်ကိုဝ်ရဳယျာ၊ ပြသၞာကောန်ဂဝ် (Congo Crisis) ကေုာံ ပရေင်ကမၠောန် ပၟင်ပၟဲဓဝ်ၜိုဟ်လလံ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ပြသၞာသုဇ် (Suez Crisis) ပြသၞာသာဲဗရုသ် (Cyprus) ကေုာံ ပြသၞာ နျူဂူနဴပလိုတ် (West New Guinea)တအ်တုဲ ပရေင်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ နူကုလသမဂ္ဂ ကၠောန်ဟွံဂွံ ခိုဟ်ဟ်ရ။ ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ် ထရိုဟ်ထကးအာတုဲ ဒပ်ပၟင်ပၟဲဗၜိုဟ်လလံ နူကုလသမဂ္ဂ စကၠောန်ဂွံကၠုင်တုဲ ပလံင် ဒပ်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကူဝိတ် (Kuwait)၊ ပ္ဍဲ နမဳဗဳယျာ (Namibia)၊ ကာမ္ဗောဒဳယျာ၊ ဗဝ်သနဳယျာ၊ ရဝါန္တာ၊ သဝ်မလဳယျာ၊ သုဒါန် ကေုာံ ကောန်ဂဝ် မာန်ကၠုင်ရ။ 

ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုဂှ် ဒက်ပ္တန်လဝ် နကဵု ကောန်ဂကောံ စှ်သုန်တၠ။ကောန်ဂကောံ မကလိဂွံလဝ် မဟာအဝဵုဂှ် ဒှ်ဍုင်မဟာမိတ် မဇၞးပၞာန် ပ္ဍဲအခိင်ကာလ ပၞာန်ဂၠးတိဒုတိယ မသုန်ဍုင် ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ်၊ (လၟုဟ် ဍုင်ရုရှာ)၊ ကၟိန်ဍုင်ဨကရာဇ်/ဗြိတိန်၊ ဍုင်ပြင်သေတ်၊ ဍုင်ကြုက် ကေုာံ ကၟိန်ဍုင်အမေရိကာန်တအ်ရ။ ဍုင် မသုန်ဍုင်ဝွံ ဒှ်ကောန်ဂကောံလၟိုန်တုဲ သီုကလိဂွံလဝ် အဝဵုဝေတဝ် (veto) တုဲ သွဟ်နူ ကုလသမဂ္ဂသီုဖအိုတ် ယဝ်ရ ဍုင်မသုန်ဍုင်ဏအ် ဟွံထံက်ဂလာန်မ္ဂး ဆက်ကၠောန်ဂတဂှ် ဟွံဂွံရ။ သွက်ဂွံဒုင်တဲ ကောန်ဂကောံတၟိ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကုလသမဂ္ဂကီု၊ သွက်ဂွံ ရုဲစှ် ညးအုပ်ကာနာနာကီု နူကဵု ဂကောံဍုင်မသုန်ဍုင်ဏအ် ဒးတုပ်စိုတ် ထံက်ဂလာန်ဟေင် ဂွံဒှ်မာန်ရ။ ပါဲနူ ညးမသုန်ဍုင် မဂွံလဝ် မဟာအဝဵုဝွံတုဲ ကောန်ဂကောံလၟိုန်ဟွံသေင် ၁၀ ဍုင်ပၠန်ဂှ် ရုဲစှ်ပတိုန် နူကဵု ဒေသဂမၠိုင်တုဲ ညးစၞးမွဲမွဲမ္ဂး နွံအာယုက် လုကဴ ၜါသၞာံရ။ လျိုင် ဥက္ကဌ ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုဂှ် ရုဲစှ်ပတိုန် လၟေင်ဂိတု အတိုင်လၟေင် အက္ခရ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကောန်ဂကောံတအ်ရ။

သွဟ် နူကဵု ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုတအ်ဂှ် ဗွဲမဂၠိုင်မ္ဂး ဆေင်စပ် ကုပရေင် ဒပ်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊ ဒပ်ပၞာန်မပါလုပ် နူကဵု ဍုင်ကောန်ဂကောံတအ်တုဲ ခရိတ်ဘဏ္ဍာဂှ် စကာ နူကဵု သြန်ဗာတ်ဂျေတ် ကုလသမဂ္ဂရ။ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၂၀၁၆ ဂှ် ကောန်ပၞာန်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ နွံ 103,510 တၠ ကေုာံ ညးဍုင်ကွာန် နွံ 16,471 ယိုက်ဂၠေင်လဝ် ဒၞာဲဒေသပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ ၁၆ ဒၞာဲ ကေုာံ ဒပ်ဗၠာဲသၟိင် ဗွဲတၟေင် မွဲဒၞာဲရ။

ဝင်

ဒဒှ်လက္ကရဴ ကေုာံ လဒက်ပတန် 
ပ္ဍဲဗွဝ်ကၠံ ကိုပ်ကၠာနူ ဟွံဂွံဒက်ပတန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဏီ၊ တၞဟ်န မဂွံဖအောန်ဖျေဟ် ပြသၞာ အကြာဍုင်မွဲကုမွဲတုဲ ဂကောံ မဒက်ပတန်လဝ် နကဵုလိက်ကသုက် ကေုာံ ကောန်ဖရေန် ဂၠးကဝ် ဗွဲမဂၠိုင် ဒက်ပတန်လဝ်ရ။ ဥပမာ ဗီုကဵု ဂကောံခရက်ဗကေတ် ကေုာံ တင်လတုပ်စိုတ် တာမ်ဟာက် ၁၈၉၉ ကေုာံ ၁၉၀၇ တအ် ဒှ်တမ်ရ။ ကြဴနူ ပရေင်မဒးဆောံလေင် လမျီု ဗွဲမဇၞော်ကဵု ဒြဟတ် ပ္ဍဲပၞာန်ဂၠးတိပထမတုဲဂှ် ကၠောန်ဗဒှ် ကောန်ဖရေန် ၜိုဟ်လလံ ပ္ဍဲပဴရေတ်တုဲ ဒက်ပတန်ပတိုန် ဂကောံပံင်ကောံဍုင်ဂမၠိုင် သွက်ဂွံမင်မဲ ပရေင်ဆာန်သၟိန် အကြာဍုင်မွဲကုမွဲရ။ ဂကောံဏအ်ဂှ် ဗွဲမအံင်ဇၞး ဖျေဟ်သ္ဂုတ်သွာတ် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ဒေသလ္ၚဵုလ္ၚဵုတုဲ ကၠောန်ဗဒှ်ပတိုန် ပရေင်ဆက်စၠောအ် ဂၠးကဝ် မပတံကဵု ပရေင်ပလံင်ဗစိုပ်လိက်၊ ဆက်စၠောအ် က္ၜင်ကျာ ကေုာံ ထိင်ဒဝ် ဂဥုဲၜူမာဲ ဗီုကဵု ဘိင်တအ် မာန်ကၠုင်ရ။ ကမၠောန်လ္ၚဵုတအ်ဂှ် နကဵု ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဆက်ယိုက်ဂၠေင်အာလေဝ် နွံကီုရ။  ဆဂး ဂကောံပံင်ကောံဝွံ သွက်မၞိဟ် သၟဝ်ကဝ်လဝ်နဳတအ်ဂှ် ဖန်ဗစိုပ်ကဵု ဟွံမာန်ရ။ (လၟိဟ်မၞိဟ်ဂၠးတိ ကဝက်ဂၠးတိ) ပ္ဍဲဂကောံဂှ် ဍုင်ဒြဟတ်ဇၞော် မပ္တံကဵု ကၟိန်ဍုင်အမေရိကာန်၊ ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ်၊ ဂျာမနဳ ကေုာံ ဂိပါန် နအ်ဟေင် ဒှ်ဂုဏ်ဖိုလ်ရ။ တုဲပၠန် ကာလဂျပါန် မလုပ်သီ မာန်ချူရဳယျာ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၃၁ ဂှ်ကီု၊ ကာလ အဳတလဳ လုပ်သီ အတဳအဝ်ဗဳယာ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၃၅ ဂှ်ကီု၊ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၃၇ ကာလဂျပါန် မလုပ်သီ ဍုင်ကြုက်ဂှ်ကီု၊ ဂကောံပံင်ကောံဝွံ မုပဟွံမာန်တုဲ ကာလနာဇြဳဟေတ္တလာ ဂျာမနဳ မဗက်သီ ဍုင်ဝုတ်ဒိုဟ်တအ်ဂှ် ကတဵုဗဒှ်ကဵု ပၞာန်ဂၠးတိအလန်ဒုတိယ ရ။

အစဳအဇန် မဒက်ပတန် ဂကောံဂၠးကဝ်တၟိမွဲဂှ် စကတဵုဒှ်ကၠုင် နူကဵု သဘင်ကောံဓရီု မကၠောန်ဗဒှ် နကဵု ဌာနတွဵုရးဂမၠိုင် ကၟိန်ဍုင်အမေရိကာန် မပ ကမ္မကထ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၃၉ တေအ်ရ။ သမတအမေရိကာန် ဖြာန်ကလိန် ရူသေဝေလ်တ် (Franklin D. Roosevelt) ဂှ် ဒှ်မၞိဟ် မစကာ ယၟုမ္ဂး ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ကိုပ်ကၠာအိုတ် နဒဒှ် မကော် ဂကောံဍုင်မဟာမိတ်ဂမၠိုင် ပ္ဍဲကာလ ပၞာန်ဂၠးတိဒုတိယဂှ်ရ။ ပ္ဍဲကဵု တ္ၚဲသၞာံတၟိ သၞာံ ၁၉၄၂ ဂှ် သမတ ရူသေဝေလ်တ်၊ ဝန်ဇၞော်ဍုင်ဗြိတိန် ချာချိလ်၊ က္ဍိုပ်သကိုပ် ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ် မက်ဇြာံ လိတ်ဝိနောဝ် (Maxim Litvinov) ညးဇၞော် နူဍုင်ကြုက် သံင် (T. V. Soong) တအ် ထ္ပက်စၟတ်တ္ၚဲ ပ္ဍဲလိက်လလောင်တြးဇမၠေအ်မွဲ ဗွဲကြဴလိက်လလောင်တြးဂှ် ညးကော်စ လိက်လလောင်တြး ကုလသမဂ္ဂရ။ တ္ၚဲယးဂတဂှ် မၞိဟ်စၞး နူကဵု ၜါစှ်ောၜါဍုင် ထပ်စုတ် စၟတ်တဲညးတအ်ရ။ ယၟုမ္ဂး ကုလသမဂ္ဂဂှ် စကာကိုပ်ကၠာအိုတ် ပ္ဍဲသၞောဝ်ဂှ် ပ္ဍဲအခိင်ကာလ သၟိင်ဍုင် ၂၆ ဍုင် မထပက်စၟတ်တဲ ပ္ဍဲကဵု လိက်လလောင်တြးဂှ်ရ။ စနူ ၁ မေ ၁၉၄၅ ဂှ် ဍုင် ၂၁ ဍုင် ထပ်ထပက်စၟတ်တဲရ။ ဍုင်အဝဵုသြဇာဇၞော်ပန်ဍုင် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ဍုင်မဟာမိတ် ကၟိန်ဍုင်အမေရိကာန်၊ ကၟိန်ဍုင်ဨကရာဇ်/ဗြိတိန်၊ ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ်၊ ကေုာံ ဍုင်ကြုက်တအ်ဂှ် ဂွံကော်စ "သၟိင်ဇၞော်ပန်" ရ။ တုဲပၠန် ဍုင် သၟိင်ဇၞော်ပန်ဝွံ ဂွံဒှ်ဍုင် မကလိဂွံအဝဵု ကၞောတ်အထောတ် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုရ။

ပ္ဍဲ လဒေါဝ်-၁၉၄၄ ညးစၞး နူကဵု သၟိင်ဇၞော်ပန် - ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ်၊ ကၟိန်ဍုင်ဨကရာဇ်၊ ကၟိန်ဍုင်အမေရိကာန် ကေုာံ ဍုင်ကြုက် ဆဵုရေင်သကအ် ပ္ဍဲကောန်ဖရေန် ဒုမ်ဗါတောန် အံက် (Dumbarton Oaks Conference) ပ္ဍဲဝတ်ရှေန်တာန် ဒဳဇြဳ သွက်ဂွံ ပညဳပညပ် ဗီုဂွံဒက်ပတန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဂှ် ကိစ္စဗီုလဵု ဂွံဒက်ပတန် ဖျေဟ်ဗီုပြင် ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု ကုလသမဂ္ဂဂှ် ဗွဲမပြဟ် ဒှ်ကၠုင် ဂလာန်သၟာန် ကိစ္စဇၞော်အိုတ် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကောံဓရီုဂှ်ရ။ ပြင်သေတ်၊ ဍုင်ကြုက်၊ ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ်၊ ကၟိန်ဍုင်အမေရိကာန်ဂှ် ဂွံဒုင်ရုဲစှ် နဒဒှ် ကောန်ဂကောံလၟိုန် ပ္ဍဲကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု၊ အမေရိကာန် ပတိုန်ထ္ၜး သွက်ဂွံထပ်စုတ် ဍုင်ဗြာဇြဳလ် မွဲဍုင်ကီုရ။ ဆဂး လညာတ်ဂှ် သဵုဗိယေတ် ကဵု ဗြိတိန် တးပါဲတုဲ ဟွံဒှ်ဒတန်။ တုဲပၠန် ပ္ဍဲကောန်ဖရေန်ဂှ် အရာမဒးသဳကၠဳဂၠိုင်အိုတ် သဳကၠဳဝါတ်အိုတ်ဂှ် စပ်ကဵု ကောန်ဂကောံလၟိုန်တအ် မကလိဂွံ အခေါင် သွက်ဂွံစကာ အဝဵုဝေတဝ် ရ။ နကဵု သဵုဗိယေတ် ပတိုန်ထ္ၜး ဇၟာပ်ဍုင်ဂှ် သ္ဒးကလိဂွံ အခေါင် အဝဵုကၞောတ်အထောတ်ဝေတဝ်တုဲ ကၟာတ်လဒဵုထောအ် တင်သ္ဂုတ်သွာတ်ဂမၠိုင်မာန်ရ။ နကဵု ဗြိတိန် ပတိုန်ထ္ၜး ဍုင်တအ်ဂှ် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကိစ္စဇကုမပါလုပ်ဒၟံင်တအ်ဂှ် အခေါင်စကာ အဝဵုဝေတဝ် ဟွံဂွံရ။ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကောန်ဖရေန် ယာလ်တ (Yalta Conference) မကၠောန်ဗဒှ် ပ္ဍဲဖေဖဝ်ဝါရဳ ၁၉၄၅ ဂှ် အမေရိကာန်၊ ဗြိတိန်၊ ရုရှာ တုပ်စိုတ် ဒဒှ်ရ ဇၟာပ်ကောန်ဂကောံလၟိုန်မသုန်ဂှ် သ္ဒးကလိဂွံ အဝဵုဝေတဝ် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ပရေင်ကမၠောန်ကံင်သဳ သီုဖအိုတ်ရ၊ ဆဂး လတူ တင်သွဟ် မဖျေဟ်ဗွဲလၟေင်ကမၠောန် (သွဟ်နူကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဓမ္မတာ)တအ်ဂှ် နကဵု သၟိင်ဇၞော်မသုန် စကာအဝဵုဝေတဝ် ဟွံဂွံရ။ ဟီုမွဲနဲပၠန်မ္ဂး တင်သ္ဂုတ်သွာတ် ဓမ္မတာတအ်ဂှ် နကဵု ကောန်ဂကောံလၟိန်မသုန်ဍုင်တအ် လုပ်ပထုဲ ဟွံဂွံရ။

ပ္ဍဲ ၂၅ ဨပြဳ ၁၉၄၅ ဂှ် ကောန်ဖရေန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ သွက်ဂွံဒက်ပတန် ဂကောံဂၠးကဝ်မွဲ စကၠောန် ပ္ဍဲကဵု သင်ဖြာန်သဳသကဝ်ဂှ် မၞိဟ်စၞး နူကဵု သၟိင်ဍုင် ၅၀ ဍုင် ကဵု မၞိဟ်စၞး ဂကောံသက္ကုသၟိင်ဍုင် (အေန်ဂျဳအဝ်) မွဲတၠ တိုန်စိုပ်တုဲ ဓဇက်ချူ ပဋိညာဉ် (ဝါ) သၞောဝ်ဥပဒေ ဗီုဂွံ ဒက်ပတန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂရ။ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကောန်ဖရေန်ဂှ် ညးစၞး နူကဵု အဝ်သတေလျာ ပတိုန်ဂလာန် သွက်ဂွံ ကလေင်ချပ်ဂၞန် စပ်ကဵု အဝဵုဝေတဝ် မကဵုလဝ် ကောန်ဂကောံလၟိုန် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုဂှ်ရ။ ဆဂး တင်ပတိုန်ထ္ၜးညးတေအ်ဂှ် ဒးဒုင်တးပါဲထောအ် နကဵုမမာဲ ၜါစှ်ော ကဵု စှ်ရ။

ကုလသမဂ္ဂဂှ် မံက်ဂတဝ်ကၠုင် ပ္ဍဲကဵုသၞောဝ် ပ္ဍဲ ၂၄ အံက်တဝ်ပါ ၁၉၄၅ ကြဴနူ ကောန်ဂကောံလၟိုန် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု မစၟဳစၟတ် တင်ပဋိညာဉ်ဂမၠိုင်တုဲဒှ် ကေုာံ နကဵုမၞိဟ်လပါ်ဂၠိုင် ၄၆ တၠ ထ္ပက်စၟတ်တဲရ။ ပ္ဍဲ ၁၇ ဇာန်နဝါရဳ ၁၉၄၆ ဂှ် ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု ပကောံဓရီု အလန်ကၠာအိုတ် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ချာတ်ဟု၊ ဝေတ်မိန်သတာ (Church House, Westminster) လာန်ဒါန်၊ ဍုင်အေန်ဂလာန်ရ။

ပၞာန်လၜိုဟ် 

ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုဂှ် ပ္ဍဲဗွဝ်စှ် လပါ်စဂှ် ဟိုတ်နူကဵု ပၞာန်လၜိုဟ် အကြာ ကၟိန်ဍုင်အမေရိကာန် ကဵု ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ်တုဲ ကၠောန်ကမၠောန်ဟွံဂွံ ပရေင်ဗက်မုက် မၞိဟ်ညး မၞိဟ်အဲကတဵုဒှ်ကၠုင် ဗွဲမဇၞော်ကဵုဒြဟတ်တုဲ နကဵုကံင်သဳဂှ် ကၠောန်ဂွံ ပ္ဍဲပရေင်ကမၠောန် ဟွံဆက်စပ် ကုပၞာန်လၜိုဟ်ဂှ်ဟေင်ရ။  (နကဵု ဥပမာ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၅၀ နကဵုကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု ဖျေဟ်သ္ဂုတ်သွာတ် စပ်ကဵု ကိုဝ်ရဳယျာသၟဝ်ကျာ လုပ်သီ ကိုဝ်ရဳယျာသၠုင်ဂှ် ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ် တးပါဲထောအ်ရ။ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၅၆ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဒက်ပတန် ဒပ်ပၞာန်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ သွက်ပြသၞာသုဇ် ဆဂး နကဵု ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပဒေါအ်ကဵု ညံင် ကၟိန်ဍုင်သဵုဗိယေတ် ဟွံဂွံ လုပ်ပထုဲသီ ဟင်ဂေရဳရ။ ပၞာန်လၜိုဟ်ဂှ် သီုဖန်ကဵု ညံင် ကမ္မတဳဒုင်ကာပၞာန် (Military Staff Committee) မဒက်ပတန် နကဵုပဋိညာဉ် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပိုဒ်ဇၞော် ၄၅-၄၇ မဆေင် ကဵု လဒက်ပတန် ဒက်ပတန် ဒပ်ပၞာန် ကေုာံ ဖျေဟ်ဒပ်ပၞာန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပ္ဍဲဍုင်သအာင်ရ။ ကမ္မတဳဂှ် နွံဒၟံင် ဆပ္ဍဲစက္ခောတုဲ ပ္ဍဲကဵုအခိင်လဒေါဝ် ၁၉၅၀တအ်ဂှ် ပရေင်ကမၠောန်ဂှ် ဗၟံက်ရုပ်ရဴဟွံဂွံရ။

ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၆၀ နကဵု ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဒက်ပတန် ပရေင်ရပ်စပ် ပ္ဍဲကဵုဍုင်ကောန်ဂဝ် မကော်ဂး (United Nations Operation in the Congo (UNOC))ဂှ် ဒှ်ဒပ်ပၞာန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဇၞော်အိုတ် ပ္ဍဲကဵုအခိင် ဗွဝ်စှ်ကိုပ်ကၠာဂှ်ရ။ ဒပ်ပၞာန်ဂှ် သွက်ဂွံ ကလေင်ဒက်ပတန် တွဵုရးကတန်ဂါ ညံင်ဂွံကလေင်ပံင်ကောံ ကေုာံ ညံင်ဂွံ ကလေင်ဒက်ပတန် ကေုာံ မင်မဲ ဍုင်ဒဳမဝ်ကရေသဳကောန်ဂဝ် ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၆၄ ရ။ ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုဂှ် အကြာဍုင်ဒြဟတ်ဂမၠိုင်တအ်ဂှ် ပညဳပညပ် ရေင်သကအ်တုဲ ရေင်တၠုင်ကၠုင် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကိစ္စ မပ္တံကဵု ပြသၞာမိစ်သာလ်ဂျူပါ (Cuban missile crisis) ဟွံသေင်မ္ဂး ပၞာန်ဗဳယေတ်နာမ်တအ်ဂှ် (Vietnam War)တအ် နွံကီုရ။ နကဵု ကံင်သဳဂှ် စွံအာရီု ကၠောန်ကၠုင် ပ္ဍဲပြသၞာဍောတ်တ် မဟွံဆက်စပ် ကု ပၞာန်လၜိုဟ်တအ်ရ။ နကဵု ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု ရေင်တၠုင်လဝ် ဂကောံသၟိင်တၠယာယဳ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ (United Nations Temporary Executive Authority) ပ္ဍဲကဵု နျူဂဴနေယ်ပလိုတ် (West New Guinea) ပ္ဍဲ သၞာံ ၁၉၆၂ ကေုာံ ဒပ်ပၞာန်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ (United Nations Peacekeeping Force) ပ္ဍဲသာဲပြုသ် (Cyprus) ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၆၄၊ ပ္ဍဲဒၞာဲဂှ် ဒှ်အာ ပရေင်ကမၠောန် ဒပ်ကုလသမဂ္ဂ မဖျေဟ်လဝ် အခိင်လအ်အိုတ်ရ။

ပ္ဍဲ ၂၅ အံက်တဝ်ပါ ၁၉၇၁ On 25 October 1971, over US opposition but with the support of many Third World, alongside with People's Albania nations, the mainland, communist People's Republic of China was given the Chinese seat on the Security Council in place of Taiwan; the vote was widely seen as a sign of waning US influence in the organization. ပၞာန်မကတဵုဒှ်လဝ် မပ္တံကဵု ပၞာန်တြဴတ္ၚဲ ပ္ဍဲလဒေါဝ်ဗမံက် အကြာဍုင်အာရာပ်ဂမၠိုင် ကဵု အေဿရေ၊ ပၞာန်ဝဳယေတ်နာမ် ကေုာံ ပၞာန်အကြာအန္ဒိယ ပါကာတ်သတာန် ကိစ္စ ကရှမဳရ်တအ်ဂှ် နကဵုကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုပ်ပသောင် လုပ်ရပ်စမ်ဟွံမာန်ကၠုင်လဝ်ရ။ ဟိုတ်ဂှ်ရ နကဵု ကုလသမဂ္ဂ စၞးမစွံအာရီု ပ္ဍဲပၞာန်မကတဵုဒှ်ဒၟံင် ပ္ဍဲဂၠးတိတအ်ဂှ် အရာဇကု မကၠောန်ဂွံ ပ္ဍဲပရေင်ဇၞော်မောဝ် ကေုာံ ပရေင်ပိုန်ဒြပ်ဂှ် စွံကၠုင်အာရီုရ။ ၜိုတ်သၞာံ ၁၉၇၀တအ်ဂှ် သြန်ဗာတ်ဂျေတ်ဘဏ္ဍာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ စကာ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကမၠောန်ဇၞော်မောဝ် ပရေင်မၞိဟ် ကေုာံ ပရေင်ပိုန်ဒြပ်ဂှ် စကာဂၠိုင် နူ ပ္ဍဲအရာပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံဏီရ။

ကြဴနူ-ပၞာန်လၜိုဟ် 

ပၞာန်လၜိုဟ် တုဲအာတုဲ နကဵုကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဂလိုင်ပတိုန် ပရေင်ကမၠောန်ဇကု ပ္ဍဲကိစ္စၜိုဟ်လလံတုဲ ရပ်စပ်ကၠုင် ကိစ္စပၞာန်ဂမၠိုင် မွဲသၞာံကဵုမွဲ ဂၠိုင်တိုန်ဒၟံင်ရ။ အကြာ သၞာံ ၁၉၈၈ ကဵု ၂၀၀၀ ဂှ် သွဟ် မပဒတန် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုဂှ် ဂၠိုင်နူ ကိုပ်တေအ် ၜါဆ၊ တုဲပၠန် စကာသြန်ဗာတ်ဂျေတ် ပ္ဍဲကမၠောန်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ ဂၠိုင်နူကၠာတေအ် စှ်ဆပြင်ရ။ နကဵု ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပသောင်ပတုဲကဵု ပၞာန်အပ္ဍဲဍုင်သာလ်ဝဒဝ် (Salvadoran Civil War)၊ ရေင်တၠုင် ပရေင်ကမၠောန်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ ပ္ဍဲနမိဗဳယျာ (peacekeeping mission in Namibia) မာန်ကၠုင်၊ ပသောင်ပြသၞာ မပါ်ကဆံင်မၞိဟ် ပ္ဍဲ အာဖရိသၠုင်ကျာ မာန်တုဲ ကၠောန်ဗဒှ် သဘင်ရုဲမာဲ အတိုင်သၞောတ်ဒဳမဝ်ကရေသဳ မာန်ကၠုင်၊ ကိစ္စခမာရုတ် ပ္ဍဲဍုင်ကမ္ဘောဒဳယာဂှ်လေဝ် လုပ်ပသောင်မာန်ကၠုင်ကီုရ။ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၉၁ ဂှ် နကဵု ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု လုပ်ရပ်စပ် ကိစ္စအဳရာတ် မလုပ်သီ ကူဝိက်တုဲ ပ္ဍဲကဵုတ္ၚဲဂှ်ဟေင် နကဵုကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဖျေဟ်သ္ဂုတ်သွာတ်၊ ပၞာန်အမေရိကာန် အာဗတိုက်အဳရာတ်တုဲ ထဍေင်ပ္တိတ် အဳရာတ် နူကဵုကူဝိတ်မာန်ကၠုင်ရ။ ပ္ဍဲကဵု လက်ထက် ညးအုပ်ကာနာနာ ဗြဳယာန် ယူရ်ကူဟာတ် (Brian Urquhart)ဂှ် ဗွဲကြဴ မဒးဒုင်ကော်စ ပရေင်အံင်ဇၞး နဒဒှ် "ပရေင်ပြံင်လှာဲ မသ္ၚောံဗြမ် (false renaissance)" ပ္ဍဲကဵု ဂကောံတုဲ ပရေင်ကမၠောန် ဗွဲသၟဝ်ဝွံ ဗွဲမဂၠိုင်ဂှ် ၜိုတ်မအံင်ဇၞး ဟွံအံင်ဇၞးတုဲ လလေင်ဗွဲမဇၞော်ကဵုဒြဟတ်ဂှ် ကတဵုဒှ်လဝ်ရ။

ၜိုန်ရ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ပဋိညာဉ် ကုလသမဂ္ဂဂှ် ချူလဝ် သွက်ဂွံဆဵုဒၞာ ပရေင်ပမာန်ဍဵုဍိုက် လတူဍုင်မွဲ ကုမွဲကီုလေဝ် ပ္ဍဲကဵု သၞာံ ၁၉၉၀တအ် လပါ်စဂှ် နကဵု ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဒးဒုင်ဆဵုဗဂ မြဴသာ်ဝွံ ဗွဲမဂၠိုင်၊ ပြသၞာဇၞော်ဇၞော် အကြာဍုင်ဂမၠိုင် မပတံကဵု ဍုင်ဟာဲတိ (Haiti) ဍုင်မဝ်ဇြမ်ဗိက် (Mozambique) ကေုာံ ဍုင်ယူဂဝ်သလာပဳယျာ တြေံဂှ်တအ်ရ။ ဒပ်ပၞာန်စဵုဒၞာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ (United Nations Protection Force) ပ္ဍဲကဵု ဗဝ်သနဳယျာဂှ် ဒးဗျုတ်ပဒေက် ပစရဵု ကုဍုင်လိုက်ဂမၠိုင် ဟိုတ်နူ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဟွံပိုတ်သကုတ် ကေုာံ ရပ်စပ် ပရေင်ကမၠောန် စဵုဒၞာ ဂမ္စိုတ်ကမၠက်ဂကူ ဒှ်ဒၟံင် ဓံင်ဓံင်ညံင်င်ဂှ်ရ။ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၁၉၉၄ ဂှ် ပရေင်ကမၠောန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ မလုပ်ပသောင် ကိစ္စရဝါန်ဒါဂှ် ဟိုတ်နူ လဇုဲလဇတုဲ ဒှ်အာ ပေါဲဂမ္စိုတ်ကမၠက်ဂကူရ။

ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ သၞာံ ၁၉၉၀တအ် လပါ်အိုတ်ဂှ် နကဵုကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုပ်ပသောင် ပြသၞာဂၠးကဝ် နကဵုဗီုပြင် ဗွဲမလှဲလးရ။ ကမၠောန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ပ္ဍဲအကြာသၞာံ ၁၉၉၁ - ၂၀၀၂ ဂှ် လုပ်ပသောင်လဝ် ပၞာန်အပ္ဍဲဍုင် Sierra Leone Civil War နကဵု အရီုအဗင် နူကဵု ဒပ်ပၞာန်ဨကရာဇ် ဗြိတိန် (British Royal Marines) ကေုာံ လုပ်သီဍုင်အာဖဂါန်နေတ်သတာန် ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၂၀၀၁ နကဵု ဒပ်ပၞာန်နေတဝ်တအ်ရ။ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၂၀၀၃ ဂှ် ၜိုန်ရ နကဵုတင်သ္ဂုတ်သွာတ် ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီုဂှ် ဟွံကလိဂွံကီုလေဝ် ကၟိန်ဍုင်အမေရိကာန် လုပ်သီ ဍုင်အဳရာတ်တုဲ ဂလာန်သၟာန် ကတဵုဒှ်ကၠုင် ဗီုကဵု အခိင်ပၞာန်လၜိုဟ်တေအ် ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု ကၠောန်ကမၠောန်ဟွံဂွံဂှ် ကလေင်ဒှ်ကၠုင် မွဲအလန်ပၠန်ဟာရ။ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ဗွဝ်စှ်တုပ်ပ်ဂှ် ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု လုပ်ပသောင် နကဵု ဒပ်ပၟင်ပၟဲၜိုဟ်လလံ ပ္ဍဲကဵု ပြသၞာ မပတံကဵု ပၞာန်ပ္ဍဲဒါရ်ဖုရ် (War in Darfur) ပ္ဍဲသုဒါန် ကေုာံ ပြသၞာကဳဝူ (Kivu conflict) ပ္ဍဲဍုင်ကောန်ဂဝ်တအ်ရ။ ပ္ဍဲသၞာံ ၂၀၁၃ နကဵုကုလသမဂ္ဂ ရပ်စပ် ကိစ္စ ပၞာန်ဍုင်သဳရိလင်္ကာ မဗတိုက်ဖအး သပုန်တမေလ် မဆေင်ကဵု ရာဇာဝတ်ပၞာန် ရ။
ပ္ဍဲနဝ်ဝေမ်ပါ/ဒဳဇြေန်ပါ ၂၀၁၄ အဳဂျေပ် ပတိုန်ထ္ၜး သွက်ဂွံ ဇၞော်ဖလှဲပတိုန် လိက်ကသုက်သက္ကုအနုလက်ကၠိုက် (non-Proliferation Treaty) မကော်ဂး ဗွဲခမၞန် NPT နမပၠုပ်စုတ် ဍုင်အေဿရေ ကေုာံ အဳရာန် ရ။ တင်ရန်တၟအ် ပတိုန်ထ္ၜးဂှ် ရံင်ကဵု ပၞာန်ပ္ဍဲသဳရဳယာတုဲ ညံင်ပရေင်သရိုဟ်လီု ဟွံကတဵုဒှ် ပ္ဍဲကဵု ဒေသလဒေါဝ်ဗမံက်ရ။ ဟီုကၠးကၠးမ္ဂး ကုဍုင် မထပက်လဝ် စၟတ်တဲ ပ္ဍဲလိက်ကသုက်သက္ကုအနုလက်ကၠိုက်တအ်ဂှ် အခေါင်ကၠောန်ဗဒှ်ပတိုန် လွဟ်နျူကလဳယျာ ဟွံမဲရ။ တင်ပတိုန်ထ္ၜးဂှ် ကောန်ဂကောံ ကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု သီုဖအိုတ်ကီု၊ ဍုင်မပိုင်ပြဳလဝ် လွဟ်နျူကလဳယျာသီုဖအိုတ်ကီု တုပ်စိုတ်အိုတ်ရ။.

တာလျိုင် ကေုာံ သြဇာ 

The UN's role in international collective security is defined by the UN Charter, which authorizes the Security Council to investigate any situation threatening international peace; recommend procedures for peaceful resolution of a dispute; call upon other member nations to completely or partially interrupt economic relations as well as sea, air, postal, and radio communications, or to sever diplomatic relations; and enforce its decisions militarily, or by any means necessary. The Security Council also recommends the new Secretary-General to the General Assembly and recommends new states for admission as member states of the United Nations. The Security Council has traditionally interpreted its mandate as covering only military security, though US Ambassador Richard Holbrooke controversially persuaded the body to pass a resolution on HIV/AIDS in Africa in 2000.

Under Chapter VI of the Charter, "Pacific Settlement of Disputes", the Security Council "may investigate any dispute, or any situation which might lead to international friction or give rise to a dispute". The Council may "recommend appropriate procedures or methods of adjustment" if it determines that the situation might endanger international peace and security. These recommendations are generally considered to not be binding, as they lack an enforcement mechanism. A minority of scholars, such as Stephen Zunes, have argued that resolutions made under Chapter VI are "still directives by the Security Council and differ only in that they do not have the same stringent enforcement options, such as the use of military force".

Under Chapter VII, the Council has broader power to decide what measures are to be taken in situations involving "threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, or acts of aggression". In such situations, the Council is not limited to recommendations but may take action, including the use of armed force "to maintain or restore international peace and security". This was the legal basis for UN armed action in Korea in 1950 during the Korean War and the use of coalition forces in Iraq and Kuwait in 1991 and Libya in 2011. Decisions taken under Chapter VII, such as economic sanctions, are binding on UN members; the Security Council is the only UN body with the authority to issue binding resolutions.

The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court recognizes that the Security Council has authority to refer cases to the Court in which the Court could not otherwise exercise jurisdiction. The Council exercised this power for the first time in March 2005, when it referred to the Court "the situation prevailing in Darfur since 1 July 2002"; since Sudan is not a party to the Rome Statute, the Court could not otherwise have exercised jurisdiction. The Security Council made its second such referral in February 2011 when it asked the ICC to investigate the Libyan government's violent response to the Libyan Civil War.

Security Council Resolution 1674, adopted on 28 April 2006, "reaffirms the provisions of paragraphs 138 and 139 of the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document regarding the responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity". The Security Council reaffirmed this responsibility to protect in Resolution 1706 on 31 August of that year. These resolutions commit the Security Council to take action to protect civilians in an armed conflict, including taking action against genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity.

Members

Permanent members 
ကောန်ဂကောံလၟိန် ပ္ဍဲကံင်သဳဂီုကၠီု မသုန် ဍုင် မကလိဂွံလဝ် အဝဵုဝေတဝ်တုဲ သွဟ် နူကဵု ကုလသမဂ္ဂသီုဖအိုတ်တအ်ဂှ် ဍုင်တအ်ဏအ်မွဲမွဲ ဒစဵုဒစးမ္ဂး ဆက်ကၠောန်ဟွံဂွံ၊ ဆဂး ပရူဂှ် ဆက်ရပ်စပ် ဆက်သဳကၠဳ ဟွံဂွံ ဗီုဏအ် ဟွံသေင်ရ။

At the UN's founding in 1945, the five permanent members of the Security Council were the Republic of China, the Provisional Government of the French Republic, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States. There have been two major seat changes since then. China's seat was originally held by Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Government, the Republic of China. However, the Nationalists were forced to retreat to the island of Taiwan in 1949, during the Chinese Civil War. The Chinese Communist Party assumed control of mainland China, thenceforth known as the People's Republic of China. In 1971, General Assembly Resolution 2758 recognized the People's Republic as the rightful representative of China in the UN and gave it the seat on the Security Council that had been held by the Republic of China, which was expelled from the UN altogether with no opportunity for membership as a separate nation. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Russian Federation was recognized as the legal successor state of the Soviet Union and maintained the latter's position on the Security Council. Additionally, France eventually reformed its government into the French Fifth Republic in 1958, under the leadership of Charles de Gaulle. France maintained its seat as there was no change in its international status or recognition, although many of its overseas possessions eventually became independent.

The five permanent members of the Security Council were the victorious powers in World War II and have maintained the world's most powerful military forces ever since. They annually topped the list of countries with the highest military expenditures. In 2013, they spent over US$1 trillion combined on defence, accounting for over 55% of global military expenditures (the US alone accounting for over 35%). They are also among the world's largest arms exporters and are the only nations officially recognized as "nuclear-weapon states" under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), though there are other states known or believed to be in possession of nuclear weapons.

Veto power 

Under Article 27 of the UN Charter, Security Council decisions on all substantive matters require the affirmative votes of nine members. A negative vote or "veto" by a permanent member prevents adoption of a proposal, even if it has received the required votes. Abstention is not regarded as a veto in most cases, though all five permanent members must actively concur to amend the UN Charter or to recommend the admission of a new UN member state. Procedural matters are not subject to a veto, so the veto cannot be used to avoid discussion of an issue. The same holds for certain decisions that directly regard permanent members. A majority of vetoes are used not in critical international security situations, but for purposes such as blocking a candidate for Secretary-General or the admission of a member state.

In the negotiations building up to the creation of the UN, the veto power was resented by many small countries, and in fact was forced on them by the veto nations –  US, UK, China, France and the Soviet Union – through a threat that without the veto there will be no UN. Here is a description by Francis O. Wilcox, an adviser to US delegation to the 1945 conference: "At San Francisco, the issue was made crystal clear by the leaders of the Big Five: it was either the Charter with the veto or no Charter at all. Senator Connally [from the US delegation] dramatically tore up a copy of the Charter during one of his speeches and reminded the small states that they would be guilty of that same act if they opposed the unanimity principle. 'You may, if you wish,' he said, 'go home from this Conference and say that you have defeated the veto. But what will be your answer when you are asked: "Where is the Charter"?

As of 2012, 269 vetoes had been cast since the Security Council's inception. In this period, China (ROC/PRC) used the veto 9 times, France 18, USSR/Russia 128, the UK 32, and the US 89. Roughly two-thirds of Soviet/Russian vetoes were in the first ten years of the Security Council's existence. Between 1996 and 2012, China vetoed 5 resolutions, Russia 7, and the US 13, while France and the UK did not use the veto.

An early veto by Soviet Commissar Andrei Vishinsky blocked a resolution on the withdrawal of French forces from the then-colonies of Syria and Lebanon in February 1946; this veto established the precedent that permanent members could use the veto on matters outside of immediate concerns of war and peace. The USSR went on to veto matters including the admission of Austria, Cambodia, Ceylon, Finland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Laos, Libya, Portugal, South Vietnam, and Transjordan as UN member states, delaying their joining by several years. Britain and France used the veto to avoid Security Council condemnation of their actions in the 1956 Suez Crisis. The first veto by the US came in 1970, blocking General Assembly action in Southern Rhodesia. From 1985 to 1990, the US vetoed 27 resolutions, primarily to block resolutions it perceived as anti-Israel but also to protect its interests in Panama and Korea. The USSR, US, and China have all vetoed candidates for Secretary-General, with the US using the veto to block the re-election of Boutros Boutros-Ghali in 1996.

Non-permanent members 

Along with the five permanent members, the Security Council of the United Nations has temporary members that hold their seats on a rotating basis by geographic region. Non-permanent members may be involved in global security briefings. In its first two decades, the Security Council had six non-permanent members, the first of which were Australia, Brazil, Egypt, Mexico, the Netherlands, and Poland. In 1965, the number of non-permanent members was expanded to ten.

These ten non-permanent members are elected by the United Nations General Assembly for two-year terms starting on 1 January, with five replaced each year. To be approved, a candidate must receive at least two-thirds of all votes cast for that seat, which can result in deadlock if there are two roughly evenly matched candidates. In 1979, a standoff between Cuba and Colombia only ended after three months and a record 154 rounds of voting; both eventually withdrew in favour of Mexico as a compromise candidate. A retiring member is not eligible for immediate re-election.

The African Group is represented by three members; the Latin America and the Caribbean, Asia-Pacific, and Western European and Others groups by two apiece; and the Eastern European Group by one. Traditionally, one of the seats assigned to either the Asia-Pacific Group or the African Group is filled by a nation from the Arab world. Currently, elections for terms beginning in even-numbered years select two African members, and one each within Eastern Europe, Asia-Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean. Terms beginning in odd-numbered years consist of two Western European and Other members, and one each from Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America and the Caribbean.

During the 2016 United Nations Security Council election, neither Italy nor the Netherlands met the required two-thirds majority for election. They subsequently agreed to split the term of the Western European and Others Group. It was the first time in over five decades that two members agreed to do so. Usually, intractable deadlocks are resolved by the candidate countries withdrawing in favour of a third member state.

The current elected members, with the regions they were elected to represent, are as follows:

President 

The role of president of the Security Council involves setting the agenda, presiding at its meetings and overseeing any crisis. The president is authorized to issue both Presidential Statements (subject to consensus among Council members) and notes, which are used to make declarations of intent that the full Security Council can then pursue. The presidency of the Council is held by each of the members in turn for one month, following the English alphabetical order of the Member States names.

The list of nations that will hold the Presidency in 2020 is as follows:

Meeting locations 

Unlike the General Assembly, the Security Council meets year-round. Each Security Council member must have a representative available at UN Headquarters at all times in case an emergency meeting becomes necessary.

The Security Council generally meets in a designated chamber in the United Nations Conference Building in New York City. The chamber was designed by the Norwegian architect Arnstein Arneberg and was a gift from Norway. The United Nations Security Council mural by Norwegian artist Per Krohg (1952) depicts a phoenix rising from its ashes, symbolic of the world's rebirth after World War II.

The Security Council has also held meetings in cities including Nairobi, Kenya; Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Panama City, Panama; and Geneva, Switzerland. In March 2010, the Security Council moved into a temporary facility in the General Assembly Building as its chamber underwent renovations as part of the UN Capital Master Plan. The renovations were funded by Norway, the chamber's original donor, for a total cost of 5 million. The chamber reopened on 16 April 2013.

Consultation room 

Because meetings in the Security Council Chamber are covered by the international press, proceedings are highly theatrical in nature. Delegates deliver speeches to justify their positions and attack their opponents, playing to the cameras and the audience at home. Delegations also stage walkouts to express their disagreement with actions of the Security Council. Due to the public scrutiny of the Security Council Chamber, all of the real work of the Security Council is conducted behind closed doors in "informal consultations".

In 1978, West Germany funded the construction of a conference room next to the Security Council Chamber. The room was used for "informal consultations", which soon became the primary meeting format for the Security Council. In 1994, the French ambassador complained to the Secretary-General that "informal consultations have become the Council's characteristic working method, while public meetings, originally the norm, are increasingly rare and increasingly devoid of content: everyone knows that when the Council goes into public meeting everything has been decided in advance". When Russia funded the renovation of the consultation room in 2013, the Russian ambassador called it "quite simply, the most fascinating place in the entire diplomatic universe".

Only members of the Security Council are permitted in the conference room for consultations. The press is not admitted, and other members of the United Nations cannot be invited into the consultations. No formal record is kept of the informal consultations. As a result, the delegations can negotiate with each other in secret, striking deals and compromises without having their every word transcribed into the permanent record. The privacy of the conference room also makes it possible for the delegates to deal with each other in a friendly manner. In one early consultation, a new delegate from a Communist nation began a propaganda attack on the United States, only to be told by the Soviet delegate, "We don't talk that way in here."

A permanent member can cast a "pocket veto" during the informal consultation by declaring its opposition to a measure. Since a veto would prevent the resolution from being passed, the sponsor will usually refrain from putting the resolution to a vote. Resolutions are vetoed only if the sponsor feels so strongly about a measure that it wishes to force the permanent member to cast a formal veto. By the time a resolution reaches the Security Council Chamber, it has already been discussed, debated, and amended in the consultations. The open meeting of the Security Council is merely a public ratification of a decision that has already been reached in private. For example, Resolution 1373 was adopted without public debate in a meeting that lasted just five minutes.

The Security Council holds far more consultations than public meetings. In 2012, the Security Council held 160 consultations, 16 private meetings, and 9 public meetings. In times of crisis, the Security Council still meets primarily in consultations, but it also holds more public meetings. After the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis in 2013, the Security Council returned to the patterns of the Cold War, as Russia and the Western countries engaged in verbal duels in front of the television cameras. In 2016, the Security Council held 150 consultations, 19 private meetings, and 68 public meetings.

Subsidiary organs/bodies 
Article 29 of the Charter provides that the Security Council can establish subsidiary bodies in order to perform its functions. This authority is also reflected in Rule 28 of the Provisional Rules of Procedure. The subsidiary bodies established by the Security Council are extremely heterogenous. On the one hand, they include bodies such as the Security Council Committee on Admission of New Members. On the other hand, both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda were also created as subsidiary bodies of the Security Council. The by now numerous Sanctions Committees established in order to oversee implementation of the various sanctions regimes are also subsidiary bodies of the Council.

United Nations peacekeepers 

After approval by the Security Council, the UN may send peacekeepers to regions where armed conflict has recently ceased or paused to enforce the terms of peace agreements and to discourage combatants from resuming hostilities. Since the UN does not maintain its own military, peacekeeping forces are voluntarily provided by member states. These soldiers are sometimes nicknamed "Blue Helmets" for their distinctive gear. The peacekeeping force as a whole received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1988.

In September 2013, the UN had 116,837 peacekeeping soldiers and other personnel deployed on 15 missions. The largest was the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), which included 20,688 uniformed personnel. The smallest, United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), included 42 uniformed personnel responsible for monitoring the ceasefire in Jammu and Kashmir. Peacekeepers with the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) have been stationed in the Middle East since 1948, the longest-running active peacekeeping mission.

UN peacekeepers have also drawn criticism in several postings. Peacekeepers have been accused of child rape, soliciting prostitutes, or sexual abuse during various peacekeeping missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, Liberia, Sudan and what is now South Sudan, Burundi and Ivory Coast. Scientists cited UN peacekeepers from Nepal as the likely source of the 2010–2013 Haiti cholera outbreak, which killed more than 8,000 Haitians following the 2010 Haiti earthquake.

The budget for peacekeeping is assessed separately from the main UN organisational budget; in the 2013–2014 fiscal year, peacekeeping expenditures totalled $7.54 billion. UN peace operations are funded by assessments, using a formula derived from the regular funding scale, but including a weighted surcharge for the five permanent Security Council members. This surcharge serves to offset discounted peacekeeping assessment rates for less developed countries. In 2013, the top 10 providers of assessed financial contributions to United Nations peacekeeping operations were the US (28.38%), Japan (10.83%), France (7.22%), Germany (7.14%), the United Kingdom (6.68%), China (6.64%), Italy (4.45%), Russian Federation (3.15%), Canada (2.98%), and Spain (2.97%).

Criticism and evaluations 

In examining the first sixty years of the Security Council's existence, British historian Paul Kennedy concludes that "glaring failures had not only accompanied the UN's many achievements, they overshadowed them", identifying the lack of will to prevent ethnic massacres in Bosnia and Rwanda as particular failures. Kennedy attributes the failures to the UN's lack of reliable military resources, writing that "above all, one can conclude that the practice of announcing (through a Security Council resolution) a new peacekeeping mission without ensuring that sufficient armed forces will be available has usually proven to be a recipe for humiliation and disaster".

A 2005 RAND Corporation study found the UN to be successful in two out of three peacekeeping efforts. It compared UN nation-building efforts to those of the United States, and found that seven out of eight UN cases are at peace. Also in 2005, the Human Security Report documented a decline in the number of wars, genocides and human rights abuses since the end of the Cold War, and presented evidence, albeit circumstantial, that international activism – mostly spearheaded by the UN – has been the main cause of the decline in armed conflict since the end of the Cold War.

Scholar Sudhir Chella Rajan argued in 2006 that the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, who are all nuclear powers, have created an exclusive nuclear club that predominately addresses the strategic interests and political motives of the permanent members – for example, protecting the oil-rich Kuwaitis in 1991 but poorly protecting resource-poor Rwandans in 1994. Since three of the five permanent members are also European, and four are predominantly white Western nations, the Security Council has been described as a pillar of global apartheid by Titus Alexander, former Chair of Westminster United Nations Association.

The Security Council's effectiveness and relevance is questioned by some because, in most high-profile cases, there are essentially no consequences for violating a Security Council resolution. During the Darfur crisis, Janjaweed militias, allowed by elements of the Sudanese government, committed violence against an indigenous population, killing thousands of civilians. In the Srebrenica massacre, Serbian troops committed genocide against Bosniaks, although Srebrenica had been declared a UN safe area, protected by 400 armed Dutch peacekeepers.

In his 2009 speech, Muammar Gaddafi criticized the Security Council's veto powers and the wars permanent members of the Security Council engaged in. 

The UN Charter gives all three powers of the legislative, executive, and judiciary branches to the Security Council.

In his inaugural speech at the 16th Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in August 2012, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei criticized the United Nations Security Council as having an "illogical, unjust and completely undemocratic structure and mechanism" and called for a complete reform of the body.

The Security Council has been criticized for failure in resolving many conflicts, including Cyprus, Sri Lanka, Syria, Kosovo and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, reflecting the wider short-comings of the UN. 
For example; At the 68th Session of the UN General Assembly, New Zealand Prime Minister John Key heavily criticized the UN's inaction on Syria, more than two years after the Syrian civil war began.

Membership reform 

Proposals to reform the Security Council began with the conference that wrote the UN Charter and have continued to the present day. As British historian Paul Kennedy writes, "Everyone agrees that the present structure is flawed. But consensus on how to fix it remains out of reach."

There has been discussion of increasing the number of permanent members. The countries who have made the strongest demands for permanent seats are Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan. Japan and Germany, the main defeated powers in WWII, are now the UN's second- and third-largest funders respectively, while Brazil and India are two of the largest contributors of troops to UN-mandated peace-keeping missions.

Italy, another main defeated power in WWII and now the UN's sixth-largest funder, leads a movement known as the Uniting for Consensus in opposition to the possible expansion of permanent seats. Core members of the group include Canada, South Korea, Spain, Indonesia, Mexico, Pakistan, Turkey, Argentina and Colombia. Their proposal is to create a new category of seats, still non-permanent, but elected for an extended duration (semi-permanent seats). As far as traditional categories of seats are concerned, the UfC proposal does not imply any change, but only the introduction of small and medium size states among groups eligible for regular seats. This proposal includes even the question of veto, giving a range of options that goes from abolition to limitation of the application of the veto only to Chapter VII matters.

Former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan asked a team of advisers to come up with recommendations for reforming the United Nations by the end of 2004. One proposed measure is to increase the number of permanent members by five, which, in most proposals, would include Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan (known as the G4 nations), one seat from Africa (most likely between Egypt, Nigeria or South Africa), and/or one seat from the Arab League. On 21 September 2004, the G4 nations issued a joint statement mutually backing each other's claim to permanent status, together with two African countries. Currently the proposal has to be accepted by two-thirds of the General Assembly (128 votes).

The permanent members, each holding the right of veto, announced their positions on Security Council reform reluctantly. The United States has unequivocally supported the permanent membership of Japan and lent its support to India and a small number of additional non-permanent members. The United Kingdom and France essentially supported the G4 position, with the expansion of permanent and non-permanent members and the accession of Germany, Brazil, India and Japan to permanent member status, as well as an increase in the presence by African countries on the Council. China has supported the stronger representation of developing countries and firmly opposed Japan's membership.

In 2017, it was reported that the G4 nations were willing temporarily to forgo veto power if granted permanent UNSC seats. In September 2017, U.S. Representatives Ami Bera and Frank Pallone introduced a resolution (H.Res.535) in the US House of Representatives (115th United States Congress), seeking support for India for a permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council.

See also 

Kazakhstan's membership in the United Nations Security Council
 Reform of the United Nations
 United Nations Department of Political Affairs, provides secretarial support to the Security Council
 United Nations Security Council Counter-Terrorism Committee, a standing committee of the Security Council
 Small Five Group, a group formed to improve the working methods of the Security Council

Notes

References

Citations

Sources

Further reading

External links 

 
 UN Security Council Research Guide
 Global Policy Forum – UN Security Council
 Security Council Report – information and analysis on the Council's activities
 What's In Blue –  a series of insights on evolving Security Council actions
 Center for UN Reform Education – information on current reform issues at the United Nations
 UN Democracy: hyperlinked transcripts of the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council

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