romikgosai/squad_modified_2 huggingface dataset:
Trading in influence, or influence peddling, refers a person selling his/her influence over the decision making process to benefit a third party (person or institution). The difference with bribery is that this is a tri-lateral relation. From a legal point of view, the role of the third party (who is the target of the influence) does not really matter although he/she can be an accessory in some instances. It can be difficult to make a distinction between this form of corruption and some forms of extreme and loosely regulated lobbying where for instance law- or decision-makers can freely "sell" their vote, decision power or influence to those lobbyists who offer the highest compensation, including where for instance the latter act on behalf of powerful clients such as industrial groups who want to avoid the passing of specific environmental, social, or other regulations perceived as too stringent, etc. Where lobbying is (sufficiently) regulated, it becomes possible to provide for a distinctive criteria and to consider that trading in influence involves the use of "improper influence", as in article 12 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173) of the Council of Europe.

Q1: Selling or trading government position influence is called what?
A1: influence peddling
Q2: Selling influence can involve third-parties and this is called what type of relation?
A2: tri-lateral
Q3: In some situations the third-party in an influence peddling crime may be not involved or may be what?
A3: an accessory
Q4: Where lobbying is controlled, what does it provide for consideration to determine improper influencing?
A4: distinctive criteria
Q5: What article of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption contains distinctive criteria to determine improper influence?
A5: article 12
Patronage refers to favoring supporters, for example with government employment. This may be legitimate, as when a newly elected government changes the top officials in the administration in order to effectively implement its policy. It can be seen as corruption if this means that incompetent persons, as a payment for supporting the regime, are selected before more able ones. In nondemocracies many government officials are often selected for loyalty rather than ability. They may be almost exclusively selected from a particular group (for example, Sunni Arabs in Saddam Hussein's Iraq, the nomenklatura in the Soviet Union, or the Junkers in Imperial Germany) that support the regime in return for such favors. A similar problem can also be seen in Eastern Europe, for example in Romania, where the government is often accused of patronage (when a new government comes to power it rapidly changes most of the officials in the public sector).

Q1: Giving government jobs to supporters is called what?
A1: Patronage
Q2: What country quickly changes most people working in government position when a new government comes into power?
A2: Romania
Favoring relatives (nepotism) or personal friends (cronyism) of an official is a form of illegitimate private gain. This may be combined with bribery, for example demanding that a business should employ a relative of an official controlling regulations affecting the business. The most extreme example is when the entire state is inherited, as in North Korea or Syria. A lesser form might be in the Southern United States with Good ol' boys, where women and minorities are excluded. A milder form of cronyism is an "old boy network", in which appointees to official positions are selected only from a closed and exclusive social network – such as the alumni of particular universities – instead of appointing the most competent candidate.

Q1: What is it called when relatives are favored over other people?
A1: nepotism
Q2: What is it called when friends are favored over other people?
A2: cronyism
Q3: Cronyism is also when people are selected from a closed and exclusive social network, which is called what?
A3: old boy network
Seeking to harm enemies becomes corruption when official powers are illegitimately used as means to this end. For example, trumped-up charges are often brought up against journalists or writers who bring up politically sensitive issues, such as a politician's acceptance of bribes.

Q1: Corruption also occurs when an official wants to cause some form of harm to who?
A1: enemies
Q2: False charges can be brought against a journalist who writes about what?
A2: politically sensitive issues
Gombeenism refers to an individual who is dishonest and corrupt for the purpose of personal gain, more often through monetary, while, parochialism which is also known as parish pump politics relates to placing local or vanity projects ahead of the national interest.For instance in Irish politics, populist left wing political parties will often apply these terms to mainstream establisment political parties and will cite the many cases of Corruption in Ireland, such as the Irish Banking crisis, which found evidence of bribery, cronyism and collusion, where in some cases politicians who were coming to the end of their political careers would receive a senior management or committee position in a company they had dealings with.

Q1: What is it called when a person is dishonest or corrupt for his own gain?
A1: Gombeenism
Q2: Parish pump politics is also called what?
A2: parochialism
Q3: Which crisis in Ireland involved bribery, cronyism and collusion?
A3: Irish Banking crisis
Q4: Politicians who were at the end of their political careers were offered what kind of position with companies they were involved with politically?
A4: senior management or committee position
Electoral fraud is illegal interference with the process of an election. Acts of fraud affect vote counts to bring about an election result, whether by increasing the vote share of the favored candidate, depressing the vote share of the rival candidates, or both. Also called voter fraud, the mechanisms involved include illegal voter registration, intimidation at polls, and improper vote counting.

Q1: Illegal interference with an election is called what?
A1: Electoral fraud
Q2: Another term for electoral fraud is what?
A2: voter fraud
Q3: Illegal voter registration, the miscounting of votes, and what at polls is considered voter fraud?
A3: intimidation
Embezzlement is the theft of entrusted funds. It is political when it involves public money taken by a public official for use by anyone not specified by the public. A common type of embezzlement is that of personal use of entrusted government resources; for example, when an official assigns public employees to renovate his own house.

Q1: When entrusted funds are stolen, it is called what?
A1: Embezzlement
Q2: It is considered political when it involves what kind of money?
A2: public
Q3: One form of political embezzlement is when a politician uses government resources for what use?
A3: personal
A kickback is an official's share of misappropriated funds allocated from his or her organization to an organization involved in corrupt bidding. For example, suppose that a politician is in charge of choosing how to spend some public funds. He can give a contract to a company that is not the best bidder, or allocate more than they deserve. In this case, the company benefits, and in exchange for betraying the public, the official receives a kickback payment, which is a portion of the sum the company received. This sum itself may be all or a portion of the difference between the actual (inflated) payment to the company and the (lower) market-based price that would have been paid had the bidding been competitive.

Q1: What is the public official's share called when involved in corrupt bidding?
A1: kickback
Q2: A contract can be given to someone who is not the best what?
A2: bidder
Kickbacks are not limited to government officials; any situation in which people are entrusted to spend funds that do not belong to them are susceptible to this kind of corruption.

Q1: What is not limited to just government officials?
A1: Kickbacks
An unholy alliance is a coalition among seemingly antagonistic groups for ad hoc or hidden gain, generally some influential non-governmental group forming ties with political parties, supplying funding in exchange for the favorable treatment. Like patronage, unholy alliances are not necessarily illegal, but unlike patronage, by its deceptive nature and often great financial resources, an unholy alliance can be much more dangerous to the public interest. An early use of the term was by former US President Theodore "Teddy" Roosevelt:

Q1: When groups that are antagonistic to each other form a coalition for hidden gain, it is called what?
A1: unholy alliance
Q2: While not illegal, an unholy alliance can be more dangerous to the public than what?
A2: patronage
An illustrative example of official involvement in organized crime can be found from 1920s and 1930s Shanghai, where Huang Jinrong was a police chief in the French concession, while simultaneously being a gang boss and co-operating with Du Yuesheng, the local gang ringleader. The relationship kept the flow of profits from the gang's gambling dens, prostitution, and protection rackets undisturbed.[citation needed]

Q1: When was Jinrong a police chief in this area?
A1: 1920s and 1930s
Q2: Who was a local gang ringleader in the same area?
A2: Du Yuesheng
Q3: In addition to being a police chief, Jinrong was also what?
A3: a gang boss
The United States accused Manuel Noriega's government in Panama of being a "narcokleptocracy", a corrupt government profiting on illegal drug trade. Later the U.S. invaded Panama and captured Noriega.

Q1: What was Noriega's government accused of being?
A1: narcokleptocracy
Q2: What country did Noriega rule?
A2: Panama
Q3: What country invaded Panama to capture Noriega?
A3: United States
Q4: What is a narcokleptocracy?
A4: government profiting on illegal drug trade
Q5: What is Noriega's first name?
A5: Manuel
Thomas Jefferson observed a tendency for "The functionaries of every government ... to command at will the liberty and property of their constituents. There is no safe deposit [for liberty and property] ... without information. Where the press is free, and every man able to read, all is safe."

Q1: According to Thomas Jefferson, when the media is free and people are literate they are what?
A1: safe
Recent research supports Jefferson's claim. Brunetti and Weder found "evidence of a significant relationship between more press freedom and less corruption in a large cross-section of countries." They also presented "evidence which suggests that the direction of causation runs from higher press freedom to lower corruption." Adserà, Boix, and Payne found that increases in newspaper readership led to increased political accountability and lower corruption in data from roughly 100 countries and from different states in the US.

Q1: Who found evidence that where the media had freedom there was less political corruption?
A1: Brunetti and Weder
Q2: Who discovered that more people reading newspapers resulted in higher political accountability?
A2: Adserà, Boix, and Payne
Q3: About 100 countries and what else was information gathered from to show that more people reading newspapers had higher political accountability?
A3: different states in the US.
Snyder and Strömberg found "that a poor fit between newspaper markets and political districts reduces press coverage of politics. ... Congressmen who are less covered by the local press work less for their constituencies: they are less likely to stand witness before congressional hearings ... . Federal spending is lower in areas where there is less press coverage of the local members of congress." Schulhofer-Wohl and Garrido found that the year after the Cincinnati Post closed in 2007, "fewer candidates ran for municipal office in the Kentucky suburbs most reliant on the Post, incumbents became more likely to win reelection, and voter turnout and campaign spending fell.

Q1: Who discovered the correlation that congressman who have less local press coverage work less for the people who elected them?
A1: Snyder and Strömberg
Q2: What newspaper stopped publishing in 2007?
A2: Cincinnati Post
Q3: Who was most likely to get reelected after the Post shut down?
A3: incumbents
Q4: Campaign spending and what fell after the Post stopped publishing?
A4: voter turnout
An analysis of the evolution of mass media in the US and Europe since World War II noted mixed results from the growth of the Internet: "The digital revolution has been good for freedom of expression [and] information [but] has had mixed effects on freedom of the press": It has disrupted traditional sources of funding, and new forms of Internet journalism have replaced only a tiny fraction of what's been lost.

Q1: What did the analysis show mixed results for?
A1: growth of the Internet
Q2: What was disrupted by Internet growth for the press?
A2: traditional sources of funding
Q3: How much has new types of Internet journalism replaced what has been lost in the press?
A3: a tiny fraction
Transparency International, an anti-corruption NGO, pioneered this field with the CPI, first released in 1995. This work is often credited with breaking a taboo and forcing the issue of corruption into high level development policy discourse. Transparency International currently publishes three measures, updated annually: a CPI (based on aggregating third-party polling of public perceptions of how corrupt different countries are); a Global Corruption Barometer (based on a survey of general public attitudes toward and experience of corruption); and a Bribe Payers Index, looking at the willingness of foreign firms to pay bribes. The Corruption Perceptions Index is the best known of these metrics, though it has drawn much criticism and may be declining in influence. In 2013 Transparency International published a report on the "Government Defence Anti-corruption Index". This index evaluates the risk of corruption in countries' military sector.

Q1: How many measures does Transparency International publish right now?
A1: three
Q2: What is the measure that Transparency International publishes that looks at the willingness of a foreign company to pay a bribe?
A2: Bribe Payers Index
Q3: What is the measure that it publishes that involves polling to determine the public's take on how corrupt various countries are?
A3: CPI
Q4: When was the CPI first released?
A4: 1995
Q5: Which index studies the correlation of corruption and military in a country?
A5: Government Defence Anti-corruption Index
The World Bank collects a range of data on corruption, including survey responses from over 100,000 firms worldwide and a set of indicators of governance and institutional quality. Moreover, one of the six dimensions of governance measured by the Worldwide Governance Indicators is Control of Corruption, which is defined as "the extent to which power is exercised for private gain, including both petty and grand forms of corruption, as well as 'capture' of the state by elites and private interests." While the definition itself is fairly precise, the data aggregated into the Worldwide Governance Indicators is based on any available polling: questions range from "is corruption a serious problem?" to measures of public access to information, and not consistent across countries. Despite these weaknesses, the global coverage of these datasets has led to their widespread adoption, most notably by the Millennium Challenge Corporation.

Q1: How many firms throughout the world have been surveyed by the World Bank in regards to its corruption study?
A1: over 100,000
Q2: How many dimensions of governance are measured by the Worldwide Governance Indicators?
A2: six
Q3: One of the dimensions is the extent to which power is exercised for personal gain, which is called what?
A3: Control of Corruption
Q4: Which organization is most notable for adopting the global coverage of these studies?
A4: Millennium Challenge Corporation
A number of parties have collected survey data, from the public and from experts, to try and gauge the level of corruption and bribery, as well as its impact on political and economic outcomes. A second wave of corruption metrics has been created by Global Integrity, the International Budget Partnership, and many lesser known local groups. These metrics include the Global Integrity Index, first published in 2004. These second wave projects aim to create policy change by identifying resources more effectively and creating checklists toward incremental reform. Global Integrity and the International Budget Partnership each dispense with public surveys and instead uses in-country experts to evaluate "the opposite of corruption" – which Global Integrity defines as the public policies that prevent, discourage, or expose corruption. These approaches compliment the first wave, awareness-raising tools by giving governments facing public outcry a checklist which measures concrete steps toward improved governance.

Q1: A second set of corruption metrics has been compiled by Global Integrity and what other organization?
A1: International Budget Partnership
Q2: When was the Global Integrity Index first published?
A2: 2004
Q3: Both companies no longer use what means of collecting of data?
A3: public surveys
Q4: Instead of public surveys, the organizations use what to study corruption?
A4: in-country experts
Typical second wave corruption metrics do not offer the worldwide coverage found in first wave projects, and instead focus on localizing information gathered to specific problems and creating deep, "unpackable"[clarification needed] content that matches quantitative and qualitative data.

Q1: The second wave of metrics focuses on what level of corruption?
A1: local
Q2: Unlike the first wave, the second wave does not offer what type of coverage?
A2: worldwide
Alternative approaches, such as the British aid agency's Drivers of Change research, skips numbers and promotes understanding corruption via political economy analysis of who controls power in a given society.

Q1: What is the British aid agency's research called?
A1: Drivers of Change
Q2: What does Drivers of Change skip?
A2: numbers
Q3: What does Drivers of Change promote?
A3: understanding corruption
Extensive and diverse public spending is, in itself, inherently at risk of cronyism, kickbacks, and embezzlement. Complicated regulations and arbitrary, unsupervised official conduct exacerbate the problem. This is one argument for privatization and deregulation. Opponents of privatization see the argument as ideological. The argument that corruption necessarily follows from the opportunity is weakened by the existence of countries with low to non-existent corruption but large public sectors, like the Nordic countries. These countries score high on the Ease of Doing Business Index, due to good and often simple regulations, and have rule of law firmly established. Therefore, due to their lack of corruption in the first place, they can run large public sectors without inducing political corruption. Recent evidence that takes both the size of expenditures and regulatory complexity into account has found that high-income democracies with more expansive state sectors do indeed have higher levels of corruption.

Q1: Public spending has risks of kickbacks, embezzlement and what?
A1: cronyism
Q2: What type of regulations make corruption worse for public spending?
A2: Complicated
Q3: The potential for corruption in public spending are one of the arguments that favor what?
A3: privatization and deregulation
Q4: What countries have big public sectors but low corruption?
A4: Nordic
Q5: What do the low corruption countries have solidly established?
A5: rule of law
Like other governmental economic activities, also privatization, such as in the sale of government-owned property, is particularly at the risk of cronyism. Privatizations in Russia, Latin America, and East Germany were accompanied by large-scale corruption during the sale of the state owned companies. Those with political connections unfairly gained large wealth, which has discredited privatization in these regions. While media have reported widely the grand corruption that accompanied the sales, studies have argued that in addition to increased operating efficiency, daily petty corruption is, or would be, larger without privatization, and that corruption is more prevalent in non-privatized sectors. Furthermore, there is evidence to suggest that extralegal and unofficial activities are more prevalent in countries that privatized less.

Q1: Selling government property is highly at risk for what?
A1: cronyism
Q2: What type of people got wealthy from the sale of state-owned companies?
A2: Those with political connections
Q3: Where is corruption even more prevalent?
A3: non-privatized sectors
Q4: Countries that what have more extralegal and unofficial things going on?
A4: privatized less
In the European Union, the principle of subsidiarity is applied: a government service should be provided by the lowest, most local authority that can competently provide it. An effect is that distribution of funds into multiple instances discourages embezzlement, because even small sums missing will be noticed. In contrast, in a centralized authority, even minute proportions of public funds can be large sums of money.

Q1: Providing a government service from the lowest form of local government that can adequately provide the service is called what?
A1: principle of subsidiarity
Q2: What does distributing money into multiple instances discourage?
A2: embezzlement
Q3: Even small amounts of public money can be a lot in what type of authority?
A3: centralized
If the highest echelons of the governments also take advantage from corruption or embezzlement from the state's treasury, it is sometimes referred with the neologism kleptocracy. Members of the government can take advantage of the natural resources (e.g., diamonds and oil in a few prominent cases) or state-owned productive industries. A number of corrupt governments have enriched themselves via foreign aid, which is often spent on showy buildings and armaments.

Q1: What is it called when higher ups in government embezzle from the government's treasury?
A1: kleptocracy
Q2: What examples of natural resources do some corrupt officials in government take?
A2: diamonds and oil
Q3: Some corrupt governments use what type of money coming in?
A3: foreign aid
Q4: Foreign aid money is sometimes used to build fancy structures and to buy what?
A4: armaments
A corrupt dictatorship typically results in many years of general hardship and suffering for the vast majority of citizens as civil society and the rule of law disintegrate. In addition, corrupt dictators routinely ignore economic and social problems in their quest to amass ever more wealth and power.

Q1: In their pursuit of more money and power, corrupt dictators often ignore what?
A1: economic and social problems
The classic case of a corrupt, exploitive dictator often given is the regime of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled the Democratic Republic of the Congo (which he renamed Zaire) from 1965 to 1997. It is said that usage of the term kleptocracy gained popularity largely in response to a need to accurately describe Mobutu's regime. Another classic case is Nigeria, especially under the rule of General Sani Abacha who was de facto president of Nigeria from 1993 until his death in 1998. He is reputed to have stolen some US$3–4 billion. He and his relatives are often mentioned in Nigerian 419 letter scams claiming to offer vast fortunes for "help" in laundering his stolen "fortunes", which in reality turn out not to exist. More than $400 billion was stolen from the treasury by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999.

Q1: Who was the dictator in Zaire from 1965 to 1997?
A1: Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko
Q2: What did Zaire used to be known as?
A2: Democratic Republic of the Congo
Q3: What term became more popular as Mobutu ruled?
A3: kleptocracy
Q4: Who ruled Nigeria until he died in 1998?
A4: General Sani Abacha