romikgosai/squad_modified_2 huggingface dataset:
More recently, articles in various financial periodicals, most notably Forbes magazine, have pointed to Fidel Castro, General Secretary of the Republic of Cuba since 1959, of likely being the beneficiary of up to $900 million, based on "his control" of state-owned companies. Opponents of his regime claim that he has used money amassed through weapons sales, narcotics, international loans, and confiscation of private property to enrich himself and his political cronies who hold his dictatorship together, and that the $900 million published by Forbes is merely a portion of his assets, although that needs to be proven.

Q1: What magazine had articles about Castro benefiting from corruption?
A1: Forbes
Q2: The $900 million Forbes said Castro took may only be what of his total assets?
A2: a portion
Q3: What is Fidel Castro's official title?
A3: General Secretary of the Republic of Cuba
Further conventions were adopted at the regional level under the aegis of the Organization of American States (OAS or OEA), the African Union, and in 2003, at the universal level under that of the United Nations Convention against Corruption.

Q1: What is OAS?
A1: Organization of American States
Q2: Additional conventions were adopted at the regional level by OAS and who?
A2: the African Union
Q3: What organization joined at the universal level?
A3: the United Nations Convention against Corruption
Q4: When did the United Nations Convention against Corruption join?
A4: 2003
Measuring corruption statistically is difficult if not impossible due to the illicit nature of the transaction and imprecise definitions of corruption. While "corruption" indices first appeared in 1995 with the Corruption Perceptions Index CPI, all of these metrics address different proxies for corruption, such as public perceptions of the extent of the problem.

Q1: Why is it difficult to measure corruption?
A1: imprecise definitions of corruption
Q2: When did indices on corruption first appear?
A2: 1995
Q3: What was the first index on corruption, in 1995?
A3: the Corruption Perceptions Index CPI
There are two methods of corruption of the judiciary: the state (through budget planning and various privileges), and the private. Budget of the judiciary in many transitional and developing countries is almost completely controlled by the executive. The latter undermines the separation of powers, as it creates a critical financial dependence of the judiciary. The proper national wealth distribution including the government spending on the judiciary is subject of the constitutional economics. Judicial corruption can be difficult to completely eradicate, even in developed countries.

Q1: How many methods of judiciary corruption are there?
A1: two
Q2: What part of the government controls the judiciary budget in many developing countries?
A2: executive
Q3: What does executive branch control over judiciary money undermine?
A3: separation of powers
Q4: What type of corruption is hard to get rid of even in developed countries?
A4: judiciary
Mobile telecommunications and radio broadcasting help to fight corruption, especially in developing regions like Africa, where other forms of communications are limited. In India, the anti-corruption bureau fights against corruption, and a new ombudsman bill called Jan Lokpal Bill is being prepared.

Q1: Radio broadcasts and what help deter corruption?
A1: Mobile telecommunications
Q2: What country is used as an example for limited forms of communications?
A2: Africa
Q3: Who works against corruption in India?
A3: the anti-corruption bureau
Q4: What new ombudsman bill is being readied in India?
A4: Jan Lokpal Bill
In the 1990s, initiatives were taken at an international level (in particular by the European Community, the Council of Europe, the OECD) to put a ban on corruption: in 1996, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, for instance, adopted a comprehensive Programme of Action against Corruption and, subsequently, issued a series of anti-corruption standard-setting instruments:

Q1: What decade saw international initiatives to combat corruption?
A1: 1990s
Q2: Who started the Programme of Action?
A2: Ministers of the Council of Europe
Q3: What did the Programme of Action issue?
A3: a series of anti-corruption standard-setting instruments
The purpose of these instruments was to address the various forms of corruption (involving the public sector, the private sector, the financing of political activities, etc.) whether they had a strictly domestic or also a transnational dimension. To monitor the implementation at national level of the requirements and principles provided in those texts, a monitoring mechanism – the Group of States Against Corruption (also known as GRECO) (French: Groupe d'Etats contre la corruption) was created.

Q1: What does GRECO stand for?
A1: Group of States Against Corruption
Q2: What is the name of the French equivalent of GRECO?
A2: Groupe d'Etats contre la corruption
Q3: The instruments used to point out the different corrupt forms looked to see if they were rigidly domestic or what?
A3: transnational
The term dialect (from Latin dialectus, dialectos, from the ancient Greek word διάλεκτος diálektos, "discourse", from διά diá, "through" and λέγω legō, "I speak") is used in two distinct ways to refer to two different types of linguistic phenomena.

Q1: What language is the word dialectus from?
A1: Latin
Q2: From what language does the word diálektos come?
A2: Greek
Q3: What does diálektos mean in English?
A3: discourse
Q4: How many different types of linguistic phenomena is the term dialect used to describe?
A4: two
Q5: How many distinct ways is the term dialect used?
A5: two
One usage—the more common among linguists—refers to a variety of a language that is a characteristic of a particular group of the language's speakers. The term is applied most often to regional speech patterns, but a dialect may also be defined by other factors, such as social class. A dialect that is associated with a particular social class can be termed a sociolect, a dialect that is associated with a particular ethnic group can be termed as ethnolect, and a regional dialect may be termed a regiolect. According to this definition, any variety of a language constitutes "a dialect", including any standard varieties.

Q1: What is the common definition of dialect?
A1: a variety of a language that is a characteristic of a particular group of the language's speakers
Q2: What is the term dialect most often applied to?
A2: regional speech patterns
Q3: Aside from region, what is an example of a factor that may influence dialect?
A3: social class
Q4: What is a term for a dialect particular to a social class?
A4: sociolect
Q5: What do you call a dialect particular to a certain ethnicity?
A5: ethnolect
The other usage refers to a language that is socially subordinated to a regional or national standard language, often historically cognate or related to the standard language, but not actually derived from it. In this sense, unlike in the first usage, the standard language would not itself be considered a "dialect," as it is the dominant language in a particular state or region, whether in terms of social or political status, official status, predominance or prevalence, or all of the above. Meanwhile, the "dialects" subordinate to the standard language are generally not variations on the standard language but rather separate (but often related) languages in and of themselves. For example, most of the various regional Romance languages of Italy, often colloquially referred to as Italian "dialects," are, in fact, not actually derived from modern standard Italian, but rather evolved from Vulgar Latin separately and individually from one another and independently of standard Italian, long prior to the diffusion of a national standardized language throughout what is now Italy. These various Latin-derived regional languages are therefore, in a linguistic sense, not truly "dialects" of the standard Italian language, but are instead better defined as their own separate languages. Conversely, with the spread of standard Italian throughout Italy in the 20th century, various regional versions or varieties of standard Italian developed, generally as a mix of the national standard Italian with local regional languages and local accents. These variations on standard Italian, known as regional Italian, would more appropriately be called "dialects" in accordance with the first linguistic definition of "dialect," as they are in fact derived partially or mostly from standard Italian.

Q1: What is the other definition of the term dialect?
A1: a language that is socially subordinated to a regional or national standard language
Q2: How does a dialect stand in relation to the standard language?
A2: subordinate to the standard language
Q3: The regional Romance languages in what country are sometimes referred to as dialects?
A3: Italy
Q4: What are 20th century variations on standard Italian called?
A4: regional Italian
Q5: From what language did the regional Romance languages of Italy derive?
A5: Latin
A dialect is distinguished by its vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation (phonology, including prosody). Where a distinction can be made only in terms of pronunciation (including prosody, or just prosody itself), the term accent may be preferred over dialect. Other types of speech varieties include jargons, which are characterized by differences in lexicon (vocabulary); slang; patois; pidgins; and argots.

Q1: Along with grammar and pronunciation, what distinguishes a dialect?
A1: vocabulary
Q2: If only the pronunciation differs from the standard language, what term is sometimes used?
A2: accent
Q3: What term is sometimes used for dialects that only differ in vocabulary?
A3: jargons
Q4: Along with slangs, patois and pidgins, what is another type of smiilar speech variety?
A4: argots
A standard dialect (also known as a standardized dialect or "standard language") is a dialect that is supported by institutions. Such institutional support may include government recognition or designation; presentation as being the "correct" form of a language in schools; published grammars, dictionaries, and textbooks that set forth a correct spoken and written form; and an extensive formal literature that employs that dialect (prose, poetry, non-fiction, etc.). There may be multiple standard dialects associated with a single language. For example, Standard American English, Standard British English, Standard Canadian English, Standard Indian English, Standard Australian English, and Standard Philippine English may all be said to be standard dialects of the English language.

Q1: What is another term for a standard or standardized dialect?
A1: standard language
Q2: The support of what groups results in a dialect being standardized?
A2: institutions
Q3: Along with grammars and dictionaries, what publications help a dialect to become standardized?
A3: textbooks
Q4: Standard Philippine English is a standard dialect of of what language?
A4: English
Q5: Recognition from what body may help a dialect to become standardized?
A5: government
A nonstandard dialect, like a standard dialect, has a complete vocabulary, grammar, and syntax, but is usually not the beneficiary of institutional support. Examples of a nonstandard English dialect are Southern American English, Western Australian English, Scouse and Tyke. The Dialect Test was designed by Joseph Wright to compare different English dialects with each other.

Q1: What does a nonstandard dialect usually not have compared to a standard dialect?
A1: institutional support
Q2: What language is Scouse a dialect of?
A2: English
Q3: What was created for the sake of comparing English dialects?
A3: The Dialect Test
Q4: Who came up with the Dialect Test?
A4: Joseph Wright
Q5: Along with a syntax and grammar, what attribute does a dialect possess?
A5: vocabulary
There is no universally accepted criterion for distinguishing two different languages from two dialects (i.e. varieties) of the same language. A number of rough measures exist, sometimes leading to contradictory results. The distinction is therefore subjective and depends on the user's frame of reference. For example, there is discussion about if the Limón Creole English must be considered as "a kind" of English or a different language. This creole is spoken in the Caribbean coast of Costa Rica (Central America) by descendant of Jamaican people. The position that Costa Rican linguists support depends on the University they belong.

Q1: In what country is Limón Creole English spoken?
A1: Costa Rica
Q2: On what coast of Costa Rica is Limón Creole English spoken?
A2: Caribbean
Q3: Speakers of Limón Creole English are descended from people of what nationality?
A3: Jamaican
The most common, and most purely linguistic, criterion is that of mutual intelligibility: two varieties are said to be dialects of the same language if being a speaker of one variety confers sufficient knowledge to understand and be understood by a speaker of the other; otherwise, they are said to be different languages. However, this definition becomes problematic in the case of dialect continua, in which it may be the case that dialect B is mutually intelligible with both dialect A and dialect C but dialects A and C are not mutually intelligible with each other. In this case the criterion of mutual intelligibility makes it impossible to decide whether A and C are dialects of the same language or not. Cases may also arise in which a speaker of dialect X can understand a speaker of dialect Y, but not vice versa; the mutual intelligibility criterion flounders here as well.

Q1: What trait is the most common way of determining if languages are dialects?
A1: mutual intelligibility
Q2: What is the term for when dialects A and B are mutually intelligible, dialect B and C are mutually intelligible, but dialects A and C are not mutually intelligible?
A2: dialect continua
Q3: What is the definition of mutual intelligibility?
A3: if being a speaker of one variety confers sufficient knowledge to understand and be understood by a speaker of the other
Another occasionally used criterion for discriminating dialects from languages is that of linguistic authority, a more sociolinguistic notion. According to this definition, two varieties are considered dialects of the same language if (under at least some circumstances) they would defer to the same authority regarding some questions about their language. For instance, to learn the name of a new invention, or an obscure foreign species of plant, speakers of Bavarian German and East Franconian German might each consult a German dictionary or ask a German-speaking expert in the subject. By way of contrast, although Yiddish is classified by linguists as a language in the "Middle High German" group of languages, a Yiddish speaker would not consult a German dictionary to determine the word to use in such a case.

Q1: What term refers to another way in which dialects are distinguished from languages?
A1: linguistic authority
Q2: Under the linguistic authority criteria, what is a dialect of German along with Bavarian German?
A2: East Franconian German
Q3: Of what group of languages is Yiddish a member?
A3: Middle High German
Q4: Why is Yiddish not a dialect of German?
A4: a Yiddish speaker would not consult a German dictionary
By the definition most commonly used by linguists, any linguistic variety can be considered a "dialect" of some language—"everybody speaks a dialect". According to that interpretation, the criteria above merely serve to distinguish whether two varieties are dialects of the same language or dialects of different languages.

Q1: According to most linguistics, who speaks a dialect?
A1: everybody
A framework was developed in 1967 by Heinz Kloss, abstand and ausbau languages, to describe speech communities, that while unified politically and/or culturally, include multiple dialects which though closely related genetically may be divergent to the point of inter-dialect unintelligibility.

Q1: Who developed the abstand and ausbau languages framework?
A1: Heinz Kloss
Q2: In what year was the abstand and ausbau framework developed?
A2: 1967
Q3: What sort of unification in speech communities did the abstand and ausbau framework discuss?
A3: politically and/or culturally
The terms "language" and "dialect" are not necessarily mutually exclusive: There is nothing contradictory in the statement "the language of the Pennsylvania Dutch is a dialect of German".

Q1: The language of the Pennsylvania Dutch is a dialect of what language?
A1: German
There are various terms that linguists may use to avoid taking a position on whether the speech of a community is an independent language in its own right or a dialect of another language. Perhaps the most common is "variety"; "lect" is another. A more general term is "languoid", which does not distinguish between dialects, languages, and groups of languages, whether genealogically related or not.

Q1: What term avoids distinguishing between languages and dialects?
A1: languoid
Q2: What is the most common way of referring to a language without making the determination of whether it's a dialect or independent language?
A2: variety
Q3: Along with variety and languoid, what is another term used for a language without determining its independent status?
A3: lect
In many societies, however, a particular dialect, often the sociolect of the elite class, comes to be identified as the "standard" or "proper" version of a language by those seeking to make a social distinction, and is contrasted with other varieties. As a result of this, in some contexts the term "dialect" refers specifically to varieties with low social status. In this secondary sense of "dialect", language varieties are often called dialects rather than languages:

Q1: With what social class it the standard dialect commonly associated?
A1: the elite class
Q2: What social status is the term "dialect" sometimes associated with?
A2: low
Q3: What is another term for language varieties?
A3: dialects
The status of "language" is not solely determined by linguistic criteria, but it is also the result of a historical and political development. Romansh came to be a written language, and therefore it is recognized as a language, even though it is very close to the Lombardic alpine dialects. An opposite example is the case of Chinese, whose variations such as Mandarin and Cantonese are often called dialects and not languages, despite their mutual unintelligibility.

Q1: What non-linguistic developments influence the status of a language?
A1: historical and political
Q2: What dialect is the language Romansh similar to?
A2: Lombardic alpine
Q3: What language are Mandarin and Cantonese sometimes considered dialects of?
A3: Chinese
Q4: Why might Mandarin and Cantonese not be regarded as dialects?
A4: mutual unintelligibility
Modern Nationalism, as developed especially since the French Revolution, has made the distinction between "language" and "dialect" an issue of great political importance. A group speaking a separate "language" is often seen as having a greater claim to being a separate "people", and thus to be more deserving of its own independent state, while a group speaking a "dialect" tends to be seen not as "a people" in its own right, but as a sub-group, part of a bigger people, which must content itself with regional autonomy.[citation needed] The distinction between language and dialect is thus inevitably made at least as much on a political basis as on a linguistic one, and can lead to great political controversy, or even armed conflict.

Q1: What event is regarded as a landmark in the development of modern nationalism?
A1: the French Revolution
Q2: If possessing a language leads to a group being regarded as a separate people, what political arrangement presumably follows?
A2: its own independent state
Q3: What political arrangement is associated with being a dialect-speaking sub-group?
A3: regional autonomy
Q4: Along with political controversy, what can the distinction between a language and dialect sometimes lead to?
A4: armed conflict
The Yiddish linguist Max Weinreich published the expression, A shprakh iz a dialekt mit an armey un flot ("אַ שפּראַך איז אַ דיאַלעקט מיט אַן אַרמײ און פֿלאָט"‎: "A language is a dialect with an army and navy") in YIVO Bleter 25.1, 1945, p. 13. The significance of the political factors in any attempt at answering the question "what is a language?" is great enough to cast doubt on whether any strictly linguistic definition, without a socio-cultural approach, is possible. This is illustrated by the frequency with which the army-navy aphorism is cited.

Q1: Max Weinreich is a linguist of what language?
A1: Yiddish
Q2: What does "A shprakh iz a dialekt mit an armey un flot" mean in English?
A2: A language is a dialect with an army and navy
Q3: When did Max Weinrich write "A shprakh iz a dialekt mit an armey un flot"?
A3: 1945
When talking about the German language, the term German dialects is only used for the traditional regional varieties. That allows them to be distinguished from the regional varieties of modern standard German.

Q1: When is the term 'German dialects' used in regard to the German language?
A1: traditional regional varieties
Q2: What are traditional region varieties of German distinguished from?
A2: the regional varieties of modern standard German
The German dialects show a wide spectrum of variation. Most of them are not mutually intelligible. German dialectology traditionally names the major dialect groups after Germanic tribes from which they were assumed to have descended.[citation needed]

Q1: After what entities are German dialects traditionally named?
A1: Germanic tribes
The extent to which the dialects are spoken varies according to a number of factors: In Northern Germany, dialects are less common than in the South. In cities, dialects are less common than on the countryside. In a public environment, dialects are less common than in a familiar environment.

Q1: In what geographic part of Germany are dialects more common?
A1: South
Q2: In what geographic part of Germany are dialects less frequently seen?
A2: Northern Germany
Q3: Dialects are more frequently seen in the countryside as compared to what population centers?
A3: cities
Q4: In what environment are dialects less common?
A4: public
Q5: In what environment are dialects more frequently heard?
A5: familiar
The situation in Switzerland and Liechtenstein is different from the rest of the German-speaking countries. The Swiss German dialects are the default everyday language in virtually every situation, whereas standard German is seldom spoken. Some Swiss German speakers perceive standard German to be a foreign language.

Q1: What dialect of German is spoken in Switzerland?
A1: Swiss German
Q2: What dialect of German is rarely heard in Switzerland?
A2: standard German
Q3: Aside from Switzerland, what country speaks a dialect related to Swiss German?
A3: Liechtenstein
The Low German varieties spoken in Germany are often counted among the German dialects. This reflects the modern situation where they are roofed by standard German. This is different from the situation in the Middle Ages when Low German had strong tendencies towards an ausbau language.

Q1: What type of language was Low German in the Middle Ages?
A1: an ausbau language
Q2: Why are Low German varieties regarded as dialects of standard German?
A2: they are roofed by standard German