romikgosai/squad_modified_2 huggingface dataset:
Despite popular conceptions promoted by movies and television, many US police departments prefer not to maintain officers in non-patrol bureaus and divisions beyond a certain period of time, such as in the detective bureau, and instead maintain policies that limit service in such divisions to a specified period of time, after which officers must transfer out or return to patrol duties.[citation needed] This is done in part based upon the perception that the most important and essential police work is accomplished on patrol in which officers become acquainted with their beats, prevent crime by their presence, respond to crimes in progress, manage crises, and practice their skills.[citation needed]

Q1: What do some police departments make detectives go back to periodically?
A1: patrol duties
Q2: Where do some think the most important police work happens?
A2: on patrol
Q3: How do patrol officers affect crime?
A3: prevent crime by their presence
The terms international policing, transnational policing, and/or global policing began to be used from the early 1990s onwards to describe forms of policing that transcended the boundaries of the sovereign nation-state (Nadelmann, 1993), (Sheptycki, 1995). These terms refer in variable ways to practices and forms for policing that, in some sense, transcend national borders. This includes a variety of practices, but international police cooperation, criminal intelligence exchange between police agencies working in different nation-states, and police development-aid to weak, failed or failing states are the three types that have received the most scholarly attention.

Q1: When did Nadelmann write about global policing?
A1: 1993
Q2: When did Sheptycki write about global policing?
A2: 1995
Q3: What terms have been used to describe policing beyond one country?
A3: international policing, transnational policing, and/or global policing
Historical studies reveal that policing agents have undertaken a variety of cross-border police missions for many years (Deflem, 2002). For example, in the 19th century a number of European policing agencies undertook cross-border surveillance because of concerns about anarchist agitators and other political radicals. A notable example of this was the occasional surveillance by Prussian police of Karl Marx during the years he remained resident in London. The interests of public police agencies in cross-border co-operation in the control of political radicalism and ordinary law crime were primarily initiated in Europe, which eventually led to the establishment of Interpol before the Second World War. There are also many interesting examples of cross-border policing under private auspices and by municipal police forces that date back to the 19th century (Nadelmann, 1993). It has been established that modern policing has transgressed national boundaries from time to time almost from its inception. It is also generally agreed that in the post–Cold War era this type of practice became more significant and frequent (Sheptycki, 2000).

Q1: When did Deflem write about cross-border policing?
A1: 2002
Q2: What groups did European police work against across borders in the 19th century?
A2: anarchist agitators and other political radicals
Q3: Which police force monitored Karl Marx?
A3: Prussian
Q4: What international police agency was created before WW2?
A4: Interpol
Q5: In what era did cross-border policing increase?
A5: post–Cold War
Not a lot of empirical work on the practices of inter/transnational information and intelligence sharing has been undertaken. A notable exception is James Sheptycki's study of police cooperation in the English Channel region (2002), which provides a systematic content analysis of information exchange files and a description of how these transnational information and intelligence exchanges are transformed into police case-work. The study showed that transnational police information sharing was routinized in the cross-Channel region from 1968 on the basis of agreements directly between the police agencies and without any formal agreement between the countries concerned. By 1992, with the signing of the Schengen Treaty, which formalized aspects of police information exchange across the territory of the European Union, there were worries that much, if not all, of this intelligence sharing was opaque, raising questions about the efficacy of the accountability mechanisms governing police information sharing in Europe (Joubert and Bevers, 1996).

Q1: Where did Sheptycki study police cooperation?
A1: the English Channel region
Q2: When did Sheptycki write about police cooperation?
A2: 2002
Q3: When did the Channel region establish routine cross-border policing?
A3: 1968
Q4: When was the Schengen Treaty signed?
A4: 1992
Q5: What did the Schengen Treaty do for policing?
A5: formalized aspects of police information exchange across the territory of the European Union
Studies of this kind outside of Europe are even rarer, so it is difficult to make generalizations, but one small-scale study that compared transnational police information and intelligence sharing practices at specific cross-border locations in North America and Europe confirmed that low visibility of police information and intelligence sharing was a common feature (Alain, 2001). Intelligence-led policing is now common practice in most advanced countries (Ratcliffe, 2007) and it is likely that police intelligence sharing and information exchange has a common morphology around the world (Ratcliffe, 2007). James Sheptycki has analyzed the effects of the new information technologies on the organization of policing-intelligence and suggests that a number of 'organizational pathologies' have arisen that make the functioning of security-intelligence processes in transnational policing deeply problematic. He argues that transnational police information circuits help to "compose the panic scenes of the security-control society". The paradoxical effect is that, the harder policing agencies work to produce security, the greater are feelings of insecurity.

Q1: Where has cross-border policing been most under-studied?
A1: outside of Europe
Q2: Who compared transnational police information and intelligence sharing practices?
A2: Alain
Q3: What kind of policing has become common practice?
A3: Intelligence-led
Q4: What problems did Sheptycki say 'organizational pathologies' have caused for police?
A4: make the functioning of security-intelligence processes in transnational policing deeply problematic
Q5: What paradox did Sheptycki point out?
A5: the harder policing agencies work to produce security, the greater are feelings of insecurity
Police development-aid to weak, failed or failing states is another form of transnational policing that has garnered attention. This form of transnational policing plays an increasingly important role in United Nations peacekeeping and this looks set to grow in the years ahead, especially as the international community seeks to develop the rule of law and reform security institutions in States recovering from conflict (Goldsmith and Sheptycki, 2007) With transnational police development-aid the imbalances of power between donors and recipients are stark and there are questions about the applicability and transportability of policing models between jurisdictions (Hills, 2009).

Q1: Where has transnational policing become more important?
A1: in United Nations peacekeeping
Q2: Who wrote about police development-aid in 2007?
A2: Goldsmith and Sheptycki
Q3: What kind of countries get assistance with policing?
A3: weak, failed or failing states
Q4: What concern did Hills raise about power imbalances?
A4: With transnational police development-aid the imbalances of power between donors and recipients are stark
Q5: What concern did Hills raise about police models?
A5: there are questions about the applicability and transportability of policing models between jurisdictions
Perhaps the greatest question regarding the future development of transnational policing is: in whose interest is it? At a more practical level, the question translates into one about how to make transnational policing institutions democratically accountable (Sheptycki, 2004). For example, according to the Global Accountability Report for 2007 (Lloyd, et al. 2007) Interpol had the lowest scores in its category (IGOs), coming in tenth with a score of 22% on overall accountability capabilities (p. 19). As this report points out, and the existing academic literature on transnational policing seems to confirm, this is a secretive area and one not open to civil society involvement.

Q1: Who wrote the Global Accountability Report for 2007?
A1: Lloyd, et al.
Q2: Why is transnational policing so unaccountable?
A2: this is a secretive area and one not open to civil society involvement
Q3: How accountable is Interpol?
A3: 22%
Q4: What is the least-accountable IGO?
A4: Interpol
They can also be armed with non-lethal (more accurately known as "less than lethal" or "less-lethal") weaponry, particularly for riot control. Non-lethal weapons include batons, tear gas, riot control agents, rubber bullets, riot shields, water cannons and electroshock weapons. Police officers often carry handcuffs to restrain suspects. The use of firearms or deadly force is typically a last resort only to be used when necessary to save human life, although some jurisdictions (such as Brazil) allow its use against fleeing felons and escaped convicts. A "shoot-to-kill" policy was recently introduced in South Africa, which allows police to use deadly force against any person who poses a significant threat to them or civilians. With the country having one of the highest rates of violent crime, president Jacob Zuma states that South Africa needs to handle crime differently from other countries.

Q1: What should non-lethal weapons properly be called?
A1: "less than lethal" or "less-lethal"
Q2: What are common less-lethal weapons?
A2: batons, tear gas, riot control agents, rubber bullets, riot shields, water cannons and electroshock weapons
Q3: What is supposed to be the last resort for police?
A3: The use of firearms or deadly force
Q4: What is South Africa's "shoot-to-kill" policy?
A4: allows police to use deadly force against any person who poses a significant threat to them or civilians
Q5: Where can police shoot fleeing convicts?
A5: Brazil
Modern police forces make extensive use of radio communications equipment, carried both on the person and installed in vehicles, to co-ordinate their work, share information, and get help quickly. In recent years, vehicle-installed computers have enhanced the ability of police communications, enabling easier dispatching of calls, criminal background checks on persons of interest to be completed in a matter of seconds, and updating officers' daily activity log and other, required reports on a real-time basis. Other common pieces of police equipment include flashlights/torches, whistles, police notebooks and "ticket books" or citations.

Q1: How do modern police often communicate?
A1: radio
Q2: Where do police have radios?
A2: carried both on the person and installed in vehicles
Q3: Why do police use radios?
A3: to co-ordinate their work, share information, and get help quickly
Q4: What have computers in police cars enabled for investigation?
A4: criminal background checks on persons of interest to be completed in a matter of seconds
Q5: What have computers in police cars enabled for reporting?
A5: updating officers' daily activity log and other, required reports on a real-time basis
Unmarked vehicles are used primarily for sting operations or apprehending criminals without alerting them to their presence. Some police forces use unmarked or minimally marked cars for traffic law enforcement, since drivers slow down at the sight of marked police vehicles and unmarked vehicles make it easier for officers to catch speeders and traffic violators. This practice is controversial, with for example, New York State banning this practice in 1996 on the grounds that it endangered motorists who might be pulled over by people impersonating police officers.

Q1: When do police often use unmarked cars?
A1: primarily for sting operations or apprehending criminals without alerting them to their presence
Q2: What use of unmarked cars is controversial?
A2: for traffic law enforcement
Q3: Why did New York State ban unmarked cars for traffic cops?
A3: it endangered motorists who might be pulled over by people impersonating police officers
Q4: When did New York State ban unmarked cars for traffic cops?
A4: 1996
Motorcycles are also commonly used, particularly in locations that a car may not be able to reach, to control potential public order situations involving meetings of motorcyclists and often in escort duties where motorcycle police officers can quickly clear a path for escorted vehicles. Bicycle patrols are used in some areas because they allow for more open interaction with the public. In addition, their quieter operation can facilitate approaching suspects unawares and can help in pursuing them attempting to escape on foot.

Q1: Why do some cops use bicycles to patrol?
A1: they allow for more open interaction with the public
Q2: How do bicycles help catch some suspects?
A2: their quieter operation can facilitate approaching suspects unawares and can help in pursuing them attempting to escape on foot
Q3: What do police use to control motorcyclist events?
A3: Motorcycles
In the United States, August Vollmer introduced other reforms, including education requirements for police officers. O.W. Wilson, a student of Vollmer, helped reduce corruption and introduce professionalism in Wichita, Kansas, and later in the Chicago Police Department. Strategies employed by O.W. Wilson included rotating officers from community to community to reduce their vulnerability to corruption, establishing of a non-partisan police board to help govern the police force, a strict merit system for promotions within the department, and an aggressive recruiting drive with higher police salaries to attract professionally qualified officers. During the professionalism era of policing, law enforcement agencies concentrated on dealing with felonies and other serious crime, rather than broader focus on crime prevention.

Q1: Who was O.W. Wilson a student of?
A1: August Vollmer
Q2: Who introduced education requirements for US police?
A2: August Vollmer
Q3: Why did Wilson rotate officers between communities?
A3: to reduce their vulnerability to corruption
Q4: Where did Wilson reduce police corruption?
A4: Wichita, Kansas, and later in the Chicago Police Department
Q5: How did Wilson recruit more qualified police?
A5: an aggressive recruiting drive with higher police salaries
In Miranda the court created safeguards against self-incriminating statements made after an arrest. The court held that "The prosecution may not use statements, whether exculpatory or inculpatory, stemming from questioning initiated by law enforcement officers after a person has been taken into custody or otherwise deprived of his freedom of action in any significant way, unless it demonstrates the use of procedural safeguards effective to secure the Fifth Amendment's privilege against self-incrimination"

Q1: What does Miranda provide?
A1: safeguards against self-incriminating statements made after an arrest
Q2: What does the 5th Amendment protect against?
A2: self-incrimination
Q3: Which amendment prevents self-incrimination?
A3: Fifth
In Terry v. Ohio (1968) the court divided seizure into two parts, the investigatory stop and arrest. The court further held that during an investigatory stop a police officer's search " [is] confined to what [is] minimally necessary to determine whether [a suspect] is armed, and the intrusion, which [is] made for the sole purpose of protecting himself and others nearby, [is] confined to ascertaining the presence of weapons" (U.S. Supreme Court). Before Terry, every police encounter constituted an arrest, giving the police officer the full range of search authority. Search authority during a Terry stop (investigatory stop) is limited to weapons only.

Q1: When was the Terry v. Ohio case?
A1: 1968
Q2: Which two parts did Terry v. Ohio divide seizure into?
A2: investigatory stop and arrest
Q3: What is an investigatory stop's search limited to?
A3: what [is] minimally necessary to determine whether [a suspect] is armed
All police officers in the United Kingdom, whatever their actual rank, are 'constables' in terms of their legal position. This means that a newly appointed constable has the same arrest powers as a Chief Constable or Commissioner. However, certain higher ranks have additional powers to authorize certain aspects of police operations, such as a power to authorize a search of a suspect's house (section 18 PACE in England and Wales) by an officer of the rank of Inspector, or the power to authorize a suspect's detention beyond 24 hours by a Superintendent.

Q1: What is the legal status of UK police officers?
A1: constables
Q2: What can only Inspector-ranked UK officers do?
A2: authorize a search of a suspect's house
Q3: What can only Superintendent-ranked UK officers do?
A3: authorize a suspect's detention beyond 24 hours
Q4: What powers of a new UK police officer are the same as a Commissioner's?
A4: arrest
In contrast, the police are entitled to protect private rights in some jurisdictions. To ensure that the police would not interfere in the regular competencies of the courts of law, some police acts require that the police may only interfere in such cases where protection from courts cannot be obtained in time, and where, without interference of the police, the realization of the private right would be impeded. This would, for example, allow police to establish a restaurant guest's identity and forward it to the innkeeper in a case where the guest cannot pay the bill at nighttime because his wallet had just been stolen from the restaurant table.

Q1: Why do some police acts limit when police can interfere without court orders?
A1: To ensure that the police would not interfere in the regular competencies of the courts of law
Q2: What could be impeded without police interference?
A2: the realization of the private right
Q3: How could police help the owner when a restaurant guest doesn't pay because their wallet got stolen?
A3: establish a restaurant guest's identity and forward it to the innkeeper
Punjab (Urdu, Punjabi: پنجاب, panj-āb, "five waters":  listen (help·info)), also spelled Panjab, is the most populous of the four provinces of Pakistan. It has an area of 205,344 square kilometres (79,284 square miles) and a population of 91.379.615 in 2011, approximately 56% of the country's total population. Its provincial capital and largest city is Lahore. Punjab is bordered by the Indian states of Jammu and Kashmir to the northeast and Punjab and Rajasthan to the east. In Pakistan it is bordered by Sindh to the south, Balochistān and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to the west, and Islamabad and Azad Kashmir to the north.

Q1: What does Punjab mean?
A1: five waters
Q2: How many provinces does Pakistan have?
A2: four
Q3: How large is Punjab?
A3: 205,344 square kilometres (79,284 square miles)
Q4: What is Punjab's population?
A4: 91.379.615
Q5: What is Punjab's biggest city?
A5: Lahore
Punjab's geography mostly consists of the alluvial plain of the Indus River and its four major tributaries in Pakistan, the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, and Sutlej rivers. There are several mountainous regions, including the Sulaiman Mountains in the southwest part of the province, and Margalla Hills, Salt Range, and Pothohar Plateau in the north. Agriculture is the chief source of income and employment in Punjab; wheat and cotton are the principal crops. Since independence, Punjab has become the seat of political and economic power; it remains the most industrialised province of Pakistan. It counts for 39.2% of large scale manufacturing and 70% of small scale manufacturing in the country. Its capital Lahore is a major regional cultural, historical, and economic centre.

Q1: What plain is Punjab in?
A1: the alluvial plain of the Indus River
Q2: What are the Indus River's tributaries?
A2: the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, and Sutlej rivers
Q3: How much of Pakistan's large-scale manufacturing is in Punjab?
A3: 39.2%
Q4: How much of Pakistan's small-scale manufacturing is in Punjab?
A4: 70%
Q5: What crops does Punjab grow?
A5: wheat and cotton
Punjab is Pakistan's second largest province in terms of land area at 205,344 km2 (79,284 sq mi), after Balochistan, and is located at the north western edge of the geologic Indian plate in South Asia. The province is bordered by Kashmir (Azad Kashmir, Pakistan and Jammu and Kashmir, India) to the northeast, the Indian states of Punjab and Rajasthan to the east, the Pakistani province of Sindh to the south, the province of Balochistan to the southwest, the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to the west, and the Islamabad Capital Territory to the north.

Q1: How large is Punjab compared to the other three provinces?
A1: second largest
Q2: What is Pakistan's largest province?
A2: Balochistan
Q3: How many square miles is Punjab?
A3: 79,284
Q4: What Indian states are on the east side of Punjab, Pakistan?
A4: Punjab and Rajasthan
Q5: What Pakistani province is south of Punjab?
A5: Sindh
The capital and largest city is Lahore which was the historical capital of the wider Punjab region. Other important cities include Faisalabad, Rawalpindi, Gujranwala, Sargodha, Multan, Sialkot, Bahawalpur, Gujrat, Sheikhupura, Jhelum and Sahiwal. Undivided Punjab is home to six rivers, of which five flow through Pakistani Punjab. From west to east, these are: the Indus, Jhelum, Beas, Chenab, Ravi and Sutlej. Nearly 60% of Pakistan's population lives in the Punjab. It is the nation's only province that touches every other province; it also surrounds the federal enclave of the national capital city at Islamabad. In the acronym P-A-K-I-S-T-A-N, the P is for Punjab.

Q1: Which province in Pakistan borders the other 3 provinces?
A1: Punjab
Q2: What is Pakistan's capital?
A2: Islamabad
Q3: How many rivers are in Punjab, Pakistan?
A3: five
Q4: What is the easternmost river in Punjab?
A4: Sutlej
Q5: How much of Pakistan's population lives in Punjab?
A5: Nearly 60%
There are 48 departments in Punjab government. Each Department is headed by a Provincial Minister (Politician) and a Provincial Secretary (A civil servant of usually BPS-20 or BPS-21). All Ministers report to the Chief Minister, who is the Chief Executive. All Secretaries report to the Chief Secretary of Punjab, who is usually a BPS-22 Civil Servant. The Chief Secretary in turn reports to the Chief Minister. In addition to these departments, there are several Autonomous Bodies and Attached Departments that report directly to either the Secretaries or the Chief Secretary.

Q1: How many departments does the Punjab administration have?
A1: 48
Q2: Who heads each government department?
A2: a Provincial Minister (Politician) and a Provincial Secretary
Q3: Who do the Provincial Ministers report to?
A3: the Chief Minister
Q4: Who do the Provincial Secretaries report to?
A4: the Chief Secretary of Punjab
Q5: What rank is the Chief Secretary?
A5: usually a BPS-22 Civil Servant