romikgosai/squad_modified_2 huggingface dataset:
The term "Hispanic" as an ethnonym emerged in the 20th century with the rise of migration of laborers from the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America to the United States. Today, the word "Latino" is often used as a synonym for "Hispanic". The definitions of both terms are non-race specific, and include people who consider themselves to be of distinct races (Black, White, Amerindian, Asian, and mixed groups). However, there is a common misconception in the US that Hispanic/Latino is a race or sometimes even that national origins such as Mexican, Cuban, Colombian, Salvadoran, etc. are races. In contrast to "Latino" or "Hispanic", "Anglo" refers to non-Hispanic White Americans or non-Hispanic European Americans, most of whom speak the English language but are not necessarily of English descent.

Q1: When did the term "Hispanic" begin being used?
A1: the 20th century
Q2: What is the word "Latino" often used as a synonym for?
A2: Hispanic
Q3: How are the terms Hispanic and Latino not specific?
A3: non-race specific
Q4: What is common misconception in the US about what some national origins are?
A4: races
Q5: Anglo can refer to non-Hispanic European Americans who speak English but are not necessarily what?
A5: of English descent
Wang, Štrkalj et al. (2003) examined the use of race as a biological concept in research papers published in China's only biological anthropology journal, Acta Anthropologica Sinica. The study showed that the race concept was widely used among Chinese anthropologists. In a 2007 review paper, Štrkalj suggested that the stark contrast of the racial approach between the United States and China was due to the fact that race is a factor for social cohesion among the ethnically diverse people of China, whereas "race" is a very sensitive issue in America and the racial approach is considered to undermine social cohesion - with the result that in the socio-political context of US academics scientists are encouraged not to use racial categories, whereas in China they are encouraged to use them.

Q1: What is the name of China's only anthropology journal?
A1: Acta Anthropologica Sinica
Q2: Who is the race concept widely used by?
A2: Chinese anthropologists
Q3: What is race a factor of for the ethnically diverse people of China?
A3: social cohesion
Q4: Why does race undermine social cohesion in America?
A4: sensitive issue
Q5: What are academics in China encouraged to use that their American counterparts are not?
A5: racial categories
Kaszycka et al. (2009) in 2002–2003 surveyed European anthropologists' opinions toward the biological race concept. Three factors, country of academic education, discipline, and age, were found to be significant in differentiating the replies. Those educated in Western Europe, physical anthropologists, and middle-aged persons rejected race more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe, people in other branches of science, and those from both younger and older generations." The survey shows that the views on race are sociopolitically (ideologically) influenced and highly dependent on education."

Q1: What years did Kaszycka survey Eureopean anthropolgists' opinions toward the biological race concept?
A1: 2002–2003
Q2: How many factors were found to be significant in differentiating the responses of European anthropologists?
A2: Three
Q3: What did the people educated in Western Europe reject more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe?
A3: race
Q4: How are views on race influenced?
A4: ideologically
Q5: What are views on race highly dependent on?
A5: education
One result of debates over the meaning and validity of the concept of race is that the current literature across different disciplines regarding human variation lacks consensus, though within some fields, such as some branches of anthropology, there is strong consensus. Some studies use the word race in its early essentialist taxonomic sense. Many others still use the term race, but use it to mean a population, clade, or haplogroup. Others eschew the concept of race altogether, and use the concept of population as a less problematic unit of analysis.

Q1: What does the current literature regarding human variation lack?
A1: consensus
Q2: What do some studies use the word race in the sense of?
A2: taxonomic
Q3: What term do some use to mean population, clade, or haplogroup?
A3: race
Q4: What do some eschew altogether?
A4: the concept of race
Q5: What is a less problematic unit of analysis?
A5: concept of population
Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Sociology professor at Duke University, remarks, "I contend that racism is, more than anything else, a matter of group power; it is about a dominant racial group (whites) striving to maintain its systemic advantages and minorities fighting to subvert the racial status quo."  The types of practices that take place under this new color-blind racism is subtle, institutionalized, and supposedly not racial. Color-blind racism thrives on the idea that race is no longer an issue in the United States. There are contradictions between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a color-coded system of inequality.

Q1: Where is Eduardo Bonilla-Silver a Sociology professor?
A1: Duke University
Q2: What does Bonilla-Silva contend racism is about more than anything else?
A2: group power
Q3: Who does Bonilla-Silva think is the dominant racial group?
A3: whites
Q4: What idea does color-blind racism thrive on?
A4: that race is no longer an issue
Q5: What exists between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a system of inequality?
A5: contradictions
The concept of biological race has declined significantly in frequency of use in physical anthropology in the United States during the 20th century. A majority of physical anthropologists in the United States have rejected the concept of biological races. Since 1932, an increasing number of college textbooks introducing physical anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept: from 1932 to 1976, only seven out of thirty-two rejected race; from 1975 to 1984, thirteen out of thirty-three rejected race; from 1985 to 1993, thirteen out of nineteen rejected race. According to one academic journal entry, where 78 percent of the articles in the 1931 Journal of Physical Anthropology employed these or nearly synonymous terms reflecting a bio-race paradigm, only 36 percent did so in 1965, and just 28 percent did in 1996.

Q1: What concept's use has declined significantly in the U.S. during the 20th century?
A1: biological race
Q2: The majority of what group in the U.S. has rejected the concept of biological races?
A2: physical anthropologists
Q3: What textbooks introducing anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept since 1932?
A3: college
Q4: How many books out of 33, from 1975 to 1984, rejected race?
A4: thirteen
Q5: What percentage of articles in 1996 employed a bio-race paradigm?
A5: 28 percent
According to the 2000 edition of a popular physical anthropology textbook, forensic anthropologists are overwhelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological reality of human races. Forensic physical anthropologist and professor George W. Gill has said that the idea that race is only skin deep "is simply not true, as any experienced forensic anthropologist will affirm" and "Many morphological features tend to follow geographic boundaries coinciding often with climatic zones. This is not surprising since the selective forces of climate are probably the primary forces of nature that have shaped human races with regard not only to skin color and hair form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, cheekbones, etc. (For example, more prominent noses humidify air better.)" While he can see good arguments for both sides, the complete denial of the opposing evidence "seems to stem largely from socio-political motivation and not science at all". He also states that many biological anthropologists see races as real yet "not one introductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents that perspective as a possibility. In a case as flagrant as this, we are not dealing with science but rather with blatant, politically motivated censorship".

Q1: What group of anthropologists overwhelmingly support the idea of human races?
A1: forensic
Q2: What does George W. Gill think about the veracity of the idea that race is only skin deep?
A2: simply not true
Q3: What are probably the primary forces of nature which shaped human races?
A3: selective forces of climate
Q4: What does Gill think the complete denial of opposing evidence stems from?
A4: socio-political motivation
Q5: What does Gill attribute the lack of presenting the perspective as a possibility to?
A5: politically motivated censorship
"Race" is still sometimes used within forensic anthropology (when analyzing skeletal remains), biomedical research, and race-based medicine. Brace has criticized this, the practice of forensic anthropologists for using the controversial concept "race" out of convention when they in fact should be talking about regional ancestry. He argues that while forensic anthropologists can determine that a skeletal remain comes from a person with ancestors in a specific region of Africa, categorizing that skeletal as being "black" is a socially constructed category that is only meaningful in the particular context of the United States, and which is not itself scientifically valid.

Q1: What type of anthropology is "race" sometimes still used within?
A1: forensic
Q2: What term would Brace prefer forensic anthropologists use?
A2: regional ancestry
Q3: What can forensic anthropologists determine about the ancestors of someone from their skeletal remains?
A3: specific region
Q4: What does Brace feel the term "black" in meaningful in?
A4: particular context
Q5: Why is it bad that a category is merely socially constructed?
A5: is not itself scientifically valid
The authors of the study also examined 77 college textbooks in biology and 69 in physical anthropology published between 1932 and 1989. Physical anthropology texts argued that biological races exist until the 1970s, when they began to argue that races do not exist. In contrast, biology textbooks did not undergo such a reversal but many instead dropped their discussion of race altogether. The authors attributed this to biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of racial classifications, instead of discussing them, and to the ongoing discussions in biology about the validity of the concept "subspecies". The authors also noted that some widely used textbooks in biology such as Douglas J. Futuyama's 1986 "Evolutionary Biology" had abandoned the race concept, "The concept of race, masking the overwhelming genetic similarity of all peoples and the mosaic patterns of variation that do not correspond to racial divisions, is not only socially dysfunctional but is biologically indefensible as well (pp. 5 18-5 19)." (Lieberman et al. 1992, pp. 316–17)

Q1: How many college textbooks in biology did the authors of the study examine?
A1: 77
Q2: Up until when did physical anthropology texts still argue that biological races exist?
A2: the 1970s
Q3: What did biology textbooks drop altogether?
A3: their discussion of race
Q4: What were biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of?
A4: racial classifications
Q5: What did Douglas J. Futuyama consider the concept of race as not only being socially dysfunctional but this as well?
A5: biologically indefensible
Morning (2008) looked at high school biology textbooks during the 1952-2002 period and initially found a similar pattern with only 35% directly discussing race in the 1983–92 period from initially 92% doing so. However, this has increased somewhat after this to 43%. More indirect and brief discussions of race in the context of medical disorders have increased from none to 93% of textbooks. In general, the material on race has moved from surface traits to genetics and evolutionary history. The study argues that the textbooks' fundamental message about the existence of races has changed little.

Q1: What did Morning find when he looked at biology textbooks during the 1952-2002 period?
A1: similar pattern
Q2: How many of the textbooks between 1983 and 1992 discussed race?
A2: 35%
Q3: After 1992, what did the percentage of textbooks discussing race increase to?
A3: 43%
Q4: What percentage have discussions of race in the context of medical disorders increased from zero to?
A4: 93%
Q5: What does the study argue about the fundamental message regarding the existence of races?
A5: changed little
In the United States, federal government policy promotes the use of racially categorized data to identify and address health disparities between racial or ethnic groups. In clinical settings, race has sometimes been considered in the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions. Doctors have noted that some medical conditions are more prevalent in certain racial or ethnic groups than in others, without being sure of the cause of those differences. Recent interest in race-based medicine, or race-targeted pharmacogenomics, has been fueled by the proliferation of human genetic data which followed the decoding of the human genome in the first decade of the twenty-first century. There is an active debate among biomedical researchers about the meaning and importance of race in their research. Proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine argue that continued use of racial categorizations in biomedical research and clinical practice makes possible the application of new genetic findings, and provides a clue to diagnosis.

Q1: Who promotes the use of racially categorized data in the United States?
A1: federal government
Q2: What has race sometimes been used in clinical settings to diagnose and treat?
A2: medical conditions
Q3: What have doctors noted about some medical conditions in certain racial groups?
A3: more prevalent
Q4: What fueled the recent interest in race-based medicine?
A4: proliferation of human genetic data
Q5: What do proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine think it makes possible?
A5: application of new genetic findings,
Other researchers point out that finding a difference in disease prevalence between two socially defined groups does not necessarily imply genetic causation of the difference. They suggest that medical practices should maintain their focus on the individual rather than an individual's membership to any group. They argue that overemphasizing genetic contributions to health disparities carries various risks such as reinforcing stereotypes, promoting racism or ignoring the contribution of non-genetic factors to health disparities. International epidemiological data show that living conditions rather than race make the biggest difference in health outcomes even for diseases that have "race-specific" treatments. Some studies have found that patients are reluctant to accept racial categorization in medical practice.

Q1: What does finding a difference in disease prevalence between two socially defined groups not necessarily imply?
A1: genetic causation of the difference
Q2: What do some research suggest medical practices should maintain their focus on?
A2: the individual
Q3: What is a risk of overemphasizing genetic contributions to health issues?
A3: reinforcing stereotypes
Q4: What is makes more of a difference than race in health outcomes for "race specific" diseases?
A4: living conditions
Q5: What have some studies found patients reluctant to accept in medical practice?
A5: racial categorization
In an attempt to provide general descriptions that may facilitate the job of law enforcement officers seeking to apprehend suspects, the United States FBI employs the term "race" to summarize the general appearance (skin color, hair texture, eye shape, and other such easily noticed characteristics) of individuals whom they are attempting to apprehend. From the perspective of law enforcement officers, it is generally more important to arrive at a description that will readily suggest the general appearance of an individual than to make a scientifically valid categorization by DNA or other such means. Thus, in addition to assigning a wanted individual to a racial category, such a description will include: height, weight, eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics.

Q1: What does the FBI feel providing general descriptions helps to facilitate?
A1: job of law enforcement officers
Q2: What does the FBI employ the term race to summarize?
A2: general appearance
Q3: What does law enforcement feel appearance characteristics of individuals help them do to those individuals?
A3: apprehend
Q4: What is more important for law enforcement in categorizing instead of DNA?
A4: arrive at a description
Q5: What does a description of a wanted individual include beyond their racial category?
A5: height, weight, eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics.
Criminal justice agencies in England and Wales use at least two separate racial/ethnic classification systems when reporting crime, as of 2010. One is the system used in the 2001 Census when individuals identify themselves as belonging to a particular ethnic group: W1 (White-British), W2 (White-Irish), W9 (Any other white background); M1 (White and black Caribbean), M2 (White and black African), M3 (White and Asian), M9 (Any other mixed background); A1 (Asian-Indian), A2 (Asian-Pakistani), A3 (Asian-Bangladeshi), A9 (Any other Asian background); B1 (Black Caribbean), B2 (Black African), B3 (Any other black background); O1 (Chinese), O9 (Any other). The other is categories used by the police when they visually identify someone as belonging to an ethnic group, e.g. at the time of a stop and search or an arrest: White – North European (IC1), White – South European (IC2), Black (IC3), Asian (IC4), Chinese, Japanese, or South East Asian (IC5), Middle Eastern (IC6), and Unknown (IC0). "IC" stands for "Identification Code;" these items are also referred to as Phoenix classifications. Officers are instructed to "record the response that has been given" even if the person gives an answer which may be incorrect; their own perception of the person's ethnic background is recorded separately. Comparability of the information being recorded by officers was brought into question by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) in September 2007, as part of its Equality Data Review; one problem cited was the number of reports that contained an ethnicity of "Not Stated."

Q1: How many separate classification systems do agencies in England and Wales use?
A1: at least two
Q2: When did individuals self-identify as belonging to a particular ethnic group?
A2: the 2001 Census
Q3: How do police identify someone as belonging to an ethnic group?
A3: visually
Q4: What does IC stand for?
A4: Identification Code
Q5: What ethnicity term was one problem cited about the number of reports containing it?
A5: Not Stated
In the United States, the practice of racial profiling has been ruled to be both unconstitutional and a violation of civil rights. There is active debate regarding the cause of a marked correlation between the recorded crimes, punishments meted out, and the country's populations. Many consider de facto racial profiling an example of institutional racism in law enforcement. The history of misuse of racial categories to impact adversely one or more groups and/or to offer protection and advantage to another has a clear impact on debate of the legitimate use of known phenotypical or genotypical characteristics tied to the presumed race of both victims and perpetrators by the government.

Q1: Where has the practice of racial profiling been ruled to be unconstitutional?
A1: United States
Q2: What is a violation of civil rights in the United States?
A2: racial profiling
Q3: What do many consider an example of institutional racism in law enforcement?
A3: de facto racial profiling
Q4: How has the misuse of racial categories historically impacted one or more groups?
A4: adversely
Q5: What has impacted the debate on the legitimate use of known phenotypical characteristics?
A5: misuse of racial categories
Mass incarceration in the United States disproportionately impacts African American and Latino communities. Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010), argues that mass incarceration is best understood as not only a system of overcrowded prisons. Mass incarceration is also, "the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and customs that control those labeled criminals both in and out of prison." She defines it further as "a system that locks people not only behind actual bars in actual prisons, but also behind virtual bars and virtual walls", illustrating the second-class citizenship that is imposed on a disproportionate number of people of color, specifically African-Americans. She compares mass incarceration to Jim Crow laws, stating that both work as racial caste systems.

Q1: What impacts African American and Latino communities in disproportionate numbers?
A1: Mass incarceration
Q2: Who is the author of "The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness"?
A2: Michelle Alexander
Q3: What type of bars and walls beyond physical ones does Alexander think people are behind?
A3: virtual
Q4: Who does Alexander think a second class citizenship is imposed upon disproportionately?
A4: people of color
Q5: What type of caste system is mass incarceration compared to?
A5: racial
Similarly, forensic anthropologists draw on highly heritable morphological features of human remains (e.g. cranial measurements) to aid in the identification of the body, including in terms of race. In a 1992 article, anthropologist Norman Sauer noted that anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as a valid representation of human biological diversity, except for forensic anthropologists. He asked, "If races don't exist, why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying them?" He concluded:

Q1: What morphological features do forensic anthropologists draw on?
A1: highly heritable
Q2: What measurement can aid in the identification of a human body?
A2: cranial
Q3: Who noted in a 1992 article that anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as valid?
A3: Norman Sauer
Q4: What group still uses race as a valid means to represent human biological diversity?
A4: forensic anthropologists
Q5: What are forensic anthropologists very good at identifying?
A5: races
Abu el-Haj argues that genomics and the mapping of lineages and clusters liberates "the new racial science from the older one by disentangling ancestry from culture and capacity."[citation needed] As an example, she refers to recent work by Hammer et al., which aimed to test the claim that present-day Jews are more closely related to one another than to neighbouring non-Jewish populations. Hammer et al. found that the degree of genetic similarity among Jews shifted depending on the locus investigated, and suggested that this was the result of natural selection acting on particular loci. They focused on the non-recombining Y-chromosome to "circumvent some of the complications associated with selection".

Q1: What does mapping clusters disentangle ancestry from?
A1: culture
Q2: Hammer and others recently aimed to test what claim about how closely related present-day Jews are to what group?
A2: neighbouring non-Jewish populations
Q3: What shifted depending on the locus investigated?
A3: the degree of genetic similarity among Jews
Q4: What was suggested the reason for the degree of genetic shift among Jews was the result of?
A4: natural selection acting on particular loci
Q5: What chromosome was focused on to circumvent some of the complications associated with selection?
A5: Y