romikgosai/squad_modified huggingface dataset:
In the mid-19th century, Serbian (led by self-taught writer and folklorist Vuk Stefanović Karadžić) and most Croatian writers and linguists (represented by the Illyrian movement and led by Ljudevit Gaj and Đuro Daničić), proposed the use of the most widespread dialect, Shtokavian, as the base for their common standard language. Karadžić standardised the Serbian Cyrillic alphabet, and Gaj and Daničić standardized the Croatian Latin alphabet, on the basis of vernacular speech phonemes and the principle of phonological spelling. In 1850 Serbian and Croatian writers and linguists signed the Vienna Literary Agreement, declaring their intention to create a unified standard. Thus a complex bi-variant language appeared, which the Serbs officially called "Serbo-Croatian" or "Serbian or Croatian" and the Croats "Croato-Serbian", or "Croatian or Serbian". Yet, in practice, the variants of the conceived common literary language served as different literary variants, chiefly differing in lexical inventory and stylistic devices. The common phrase describing this situation was that Serbo-Croatian or "Croatian or Serbian" was a single language. During the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the language of all three nations was called "Bosnian" until the death of administrator von Kállay in 1907, at which point the name was changed to "Serbo-Croatian".

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Which dialect did writers and linguists of both Serbian and Croatian backgrounds wish to use as their common standard language?
A: Shtokavian', '
Q: Why was Shtokavian suggested as a common language base?
A: most widespread dialect', '
Q: What 1850 document formally declared the intent to create a unified standard?
A: Vienna Literary Agreement', '
Q: After whose death in 1907 was the "Bosnian" name changed to "Serbo-Creation"?
A: administrator von Kállay']
West European scientists judge the Yugoslav language policy as an exemplary one: although three-quarters of the population spoke one language, no single language was official on a federal level. Official languages were declared only at the level of constituent republics and provinces, and very generously: Vojvodina had five (among them Slovak and Romanian, spoken by 0.5 per cent of the population), and Kosovo four (Albanian, Turkish, Romany and Serbo-Croatian). Newspapers, radio and television studios used sixteen languages, fourteen were used as languages of tuition in schools, and nine at universities. Only the Yugoslav Army used Serbo-Croatian as the sole language of command, with all other languages represented in the army’s other activities—however, this is not different from other armies of multilingual states, or in other specific institutions, such as international air traffic control where English is used worldwide. All variants of Serbo-Croatian were used in state administration and republican and federal institutions. Both Serbian and Croatian variants were represented in respectively different grammar books, dictionaries, school textbooks and in books known as pravopis (which detail spelling rules). Serbo-Croatian was a kind of soft standardisation. However, legal equality could not dampen the prestige Serbo-Croatian had: since it was the language of three quarters of the population, it functioned as an unofficial lingua franca. And within Serbo-Croatian, the Serbian variant, with twice as many speakers as the Croatian, enjoyed greater prestige, reinforced by the fact that Slovene and Macedonian speakers preferred it to the Croatian variant because their languages are also Ekavian. This is a common situation in other pluricentric languages, e.g. the variants of German differ according to their prestige, the variants of Portuguese too. Moreover, all languages differ in terms of prestige: "the fact is that languages (in terms of prestige, learnability etc.) are not equal, and the law cannot make them equal".

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What is the term used for books that lay out spelling rules?
A: pravopis', '
Q: Which language was that of 3/4 of the population?
A: Serbo-Croatian', '
Q: Of the two Serbo-Croatian variants, which had twice as many speakers as the other?
A: Serbian']
Like most Slavic languages, there are mostly three genders for nouns: masculine, feminine, and neuter, a distinction which is still present even in the plural (unlike Russian and, in part, the Čakavian dialect). They also have two numbers: singular and plural. However, some consider there to be three numbers (paucal or dual, too), since (still preserved in closely related Slovene) after two (dva, dvije/dve), three (tri) and four (četiri), and all numbers ending in them (e.g. twenty-two, ninety-three, one hundred four) the genitive singular is used, and after all other numbers five (pet) and up, the genitive plural is used. (The number one [jedan] is treated as an adjective.) Adjectives are placed in front of the noun they modify and must agree in both case and number with it.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What three noun genders does Serbo-Croatian have?
A: masculine, feminine, and neuter', '
Q: Where are adjectives properly placed in the Serbo-Croatian language?
A: in front of the noun they modify', '
Q: Which number in the Serbo-Croatian language is treated as an adjective?
A: one [jedan]']
Comparative and historical linguistics offers some clues for memorising the accent position: If one compares many standard Serbo-Croatian words to e.g. cognate Russian words, the accent in the Serbo-Croatian word will be one syllable before the one in the Russian word, with the rising tone. Historically, the rising tone appeared when the place of the accent shifted to the preceding syllable (the so-called "Neoshtokavian retraction"), but the quality of this new accent was different – its melody still "gravitated" towards the original syllable. Most Shtokavian dialects (Neoshtokavian) dialects underwent this shift, but Chakavian, Kajkavian and the Old Shtokavian dialects did not.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What is the term used when shifing the acent to the next preceding syllable?
A: "Neoshtokavian retraction"', '
Q: Which dialects did not follow the Neoshtokavian retraction?
A: Chakavian, Kajkavian and the Old Shtokavian', '
Q: Where can one look for memorization clues concerning accent positions?
A: Comparative and historical linguistics']
The Croatian Latin alphabet (Gajica) followed suit shortly afterwards, when Ljudevit Gaj defined it as standard Latin with five extra letters that had diacritics, apparently borrowing much from Czech, but also from Polish, and inventing the unique digraphs "lj", "nj" and "dž". These digraphs are represented as "ļ, ń and ǵ" respectively in the "Rječnik hrvatskog ili srpskog jezika", published by the former Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts in Zagreb. The latter digraphs, however, are unused in the literary standard of the language. All in all, this makes Serbo-Croatian the only Slavic language to officially use both the Latin and Cyrillic scripts, albeit the Latin version is more commonly used.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Serbo-Croatian is the only Slavic language to use what two scripts together?
A: Latin and Cyrillic', '
Q: Which version, Latin or Cyrillic, is most commonly used?
A: Latin', '
Q: How many extra letters does the Croatian Latin alphabet have?
A: five']
South Slavic historically formed a dialect continuum, i.e. each dialect has some similarities with the neighboring one, and differences grow with distance. However, migrations from the 16th to 18th centuries resulting from the spread of Ottoman Empire on the Balkans have caused large-scale population displacement that broke the dialect continuum into many geographical pockets. Migrations in the 20th century, primarily caused by urbanization and wars, also contributed to the reduction of dialectal differences.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What is a dialect continuum?
A: each dialect has some similarities with the neighboring one, and differences grow with distance.', '
Q: What caused the dialect continuum to become fractured?
A: migrations from the 16th to 18th centuries resulting from the spread of Ottoman Empire on the Balkans', '
Q: Contrary to the 16th and 18th centuries, what caused migrations in the 20th century?
A: urbanization and wars']
The Serbo-Croatian dialects differ not only in the question word they are named after, but also heavily in phonology, accentuation and intonation, case endings and tense system (morphology) and basic vocabulary. In the past, Chakavian and Kajkavian dialects were spoken on a much larger territory, but have been replaced by Štokavian during the period of migrations caused by Ottoman Turkish conquest of the Balkans in the 15th and the 16th centuries. These migrations caused the koinéisation of the Shtokavian dialects, that used to form the West Shtokavian (more closer and transitional towards the neighbouring Chakavian and Kajkavian dialects) and East Shtokavian (transitional towards the Torlakian and the whole Bulgaro-Macedonian area) dialect bundles, and their subsequent spread at the expense of Chakavian and Kajkavian. As a result, Štokavian now covers an area larger than all the other dialects combined, and continues to make its progress in the enclaves where non-literary dialects are still being spoken.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Which dialect covers more area than all other dialects combined?
A: Štokavian', '
Q: What is morphology to a language?
A: tense system', '
Q: What has caused Stokavian to become more widely spoken?
A: migrations caused by Ottoman Turkish conquest of the Balkans']
Enisa Kafadar argues that there is only one Serbo-Croatian language with several varieties. This has made possible to include all four varieties into a new grammar book. Daniel Bunčić concludes that it is a pluricentric language, with four standard variants spoken in Serbia, Croatia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The mutual intelligibility between their speakers "exceeds that between the standard variants of English, French, German, or Spanish". Other linguists have argued that the differences between the variants of Serbo-Croatian are less significant than those between the variants of English, German,, Dutch, and Hindi-Urdu.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: How many standard variants of the Serbo-Croatian are spoken?
A: four', '
Q: In which areas are the four standard Serbo-Croatian variants spoken?
A: Serbia, Croatia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina.', '
Q: Who concluded that Serbo-Croatian is a pluricentric language?
A: Daniel Bunčić', '
Q: Who believes Serbo-Croatian is one language with multiple variants?
A: Enisa Kafadar']
The opinion of the majority of Croatian linguists[citation needed] is that there has never been a Serbo-Croatian language, but two different standard languages that overlapped sometime in the course of history. However, Croatian linguist Snježana Kordić has been leading an academic discussion on that issue in the Croatian journal Književna republika from 2001 to 2010. In the discussion, she shows that linguistic criteria such as mutual intelligibility, huge overlap in linguistic system, and the same dialectic basis of standard language provide evidence that Croatian, Serbian, Bosnian and Montenegrin are four national variants of the pluricentric Serbo-Croatian language. Igor Mandić states: "During the last ten years, it has been the longest, the most serious and most acrid discussion (…) in 21st-century Croatian culture". Inspired by that discussion, a monograph on language and nationalism has been published.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Is it the majority or minority opinion that two different standard languages existed and overlapped at some historical point?
A: majority', '
Q: Who stated that the argument between pluricentric or dual standard classifications has been the "longest, most serious, and most acrid discussion in 21st century Croatian culture?"
A: Igor Mandić', '
Q: Which Croatian linguist agrees with Igor Mandic and feels that Serbo-Croatian language is pluricentric?
A: Croatian linguist Snježana Kordić']
The topic of language for writers from Dalmatia and Dubrovnik prior to the 19th century made a distinction only between speakers of Italian or Slavic, since those were the two main groups that inhabited Dalmatian city-states at that time. Whether someone spoke Croatian or Serbian was not an important distinction then, as the two languages were not distinguished by most speakers. This has been used as an argument to state that Croatian literature Croatian per se, but also includes Serbian and other languages that are part of Serbo-Croatian, These facts undermine the Croatian language proponents' argument that modern-day Croatian is based on a language called Old Croatian.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Which language groups lived in Dalmation city-states prior to the 19th century?
A: Italian or Slavic', "
Q: Today's Croatian language has its roots in what other language?
A: Old Croatian", '
Q: Prior to the 19th century, why was it irrelevant whether a person spoke Croatian or Serbian?
A: two languages were not distinguished by most speakers']
However, most intellectuals and writers from Dalmatia who used the Štokavian dialect and practiced the Catholic faith saw themselves as part of a Croatian nation as far back as the mid-16th to 17th centuries, some 300 years before Serbo-Croatian ideology appeared. Their loyalty was first and foremost to Catholic Christendom, but when they professed an ethnic identity, they referred to themselves as "Slovin" and "Illyrian" (a sort of forerunner of Catholic baroque pan-Slavism) and Croat – these 30-odd writers over the span of c. 350 years always saw themselves as Croats first and never as part of a Serbian nation. It should also be noted that, in the pre-national era, Catholic religious orientation did not necessarily equate with Croat ethnic identity in Dalmatia. A Croatian follower of Vuk Karadžić, Ivan Broz, noted that for a Dalmatian to identify oneself as a Serb was seen as foreign as identifying oneself as Macedonian or Greek. Vatroslav Jagić pointed out in 1864:

Questions and answers:
['
Q: To which group did the people of the Catholic faith refer to themselves primarily?
A: Catholic Christendom', '
Q: After allowing for their religion, did the people of the Catholic faith see themselves as Serbian or Croatian?
A: Croatian', '
Q: Ivan Broz stated that a Dalmatian identifiying as a Serb was just as foreign as what two other ethnicities?
A: Macedonian or Greek']
The luxurious and ornate representative texts of Serbo-Croatian Church Slavonic belong to the later era, when they coexisted with the Serbo-Croatian vernacular literature. The most notable are the "Missal of Duke Novak" from the Lika region in northwestern Croatia (1368), "Evangel from Reims" (1395, named after the town of its final destination), Hrvoje's Missal from Bosnia and Split in Dalmatia (1404), and the first printed book in Serbo-Croatian, the Glagolitic Missale Romanum Glagolitice (1483).

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What was the first book published in Serbo-Croatian?
A: Glagolitic Missale Romanum Glagolitice (1483)', '
Q: For what was "Evangel from Reims" named?
A: the town of its final destination', '
Q: In what year was the first book printed in Serbo-Croatian?
A: (1483)']
In 1954, major Serbian and Croatian writers, linguists and literary critics, backed by Matica srpska and Matica hrvatska signed the Novi Sad Agreement, which in its first conclusion stated: "Serbs, Croats and Montenegrins share a single language with two equal variants that have developed around Zagreb (western) and Belgrade (eastern)". The agreement insisted on the equal status of Cyrillic and Latin scripts, and of Ekavian and Ijekavian pronunciations. It also specified that Serbo-Croatian should be the name of the language in official contexts, while in unofficial use the traditional Serbian and Croatian were to be retained. Matica hrvatska and Matica srpska were to work together on a dictionary, and a committee of Serbian and Croatian linguists was asked to prepare a pravopis. During the sixties both books were published simultaneously in Ijekavian Latin in Zagreb and Ekavian Cyrillic in Novi Sad. Yet Croatian linguists claim that it was an act of unitarianism. The evidence supporting this claim is patchy: Croatian linguist Stjepan Babić complained that the television transmission from Belgrade always used the Latin alphabet— which was true, but was not proof of unequal rights, but of frequency of use and prestige. Babić further complained that the Novi Sad Dictionary (1967) listed side by side words from both the Croatian and Serbian variants wherever they differed, which one can view as proof of careful respect for both variants, and not of unitarism. Moreover, Croatian linguists criticized those parts of the Dictionary for being unitaristic that were written by Croatian linguists. And finally, Croatian linguists ignored the fact that the material for the Pravopisni rječnik came from the Croatian Philological Society. Regardless of these facts, Croatian intellectuals brought the Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Literary Language in 1967. On occasion of the publication’s 45th anniversary, the Croatian weekly journal Forum published the Declaration again in 2012, accompanied by a critical analysis.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Which agreement was signed in 1954 by writers, linguists, and literary critics?
A: Novi Sad Agreement', '
Q: On what principle did the Novi Sad Agreement focus upon?
A: equal status', '
Q: Who was given the task of creating a dictionary in the Novi Sad Agreement?
A: Matica hrvatska and Matica srpska']
In addition, like most Slavic languages, the Shtokavian verb also has one of two aspects: perfective or imperfective. Most verbs come in pairs, with the perfective verb being created out of the imperfective by adding a prefix or making a stem change. The imperfective aspect typically indicates that the action is unfinished, in progress, or repetitive; while the perfective aspect typically denotes that the action was completed, instantaneous, or of limited duration. Some Štokavian tenses (namely, aorist and imperfect) favor a particular aspect (but they are rarer or absent in Čakavian and Kajkavian). Actually, aspects "compensate" for the relative lack of tenses, because aspect of the verb determines whether the act is completed or in progress in the referred time.

Questions and answers:
["
Q: Which tense indicates that an action hasn't finished?
A: imperfective", '
Q: Which two states do Shtokavian verbs have?
A: perfective or imperfective', '
Q: When is the perspective aspect of a verb used?
A: action was completed, instantaneous, or of limited duration']
The jat-reflex rules are not without exception. For example, when short jat is preceded by r, in most Ijekavian dialects developed into /re/ or, occasionally, /ri/. The prefix prě- ("trans-, over-") when long became pre- in eastern Ijekavian dialects but to prije- in western dialects; in Ikavian pronunciation, it also evolved into pre- or prije- due to potential ambiguity with pri- ("approach, come close to"). For verbs that had -ěti in their infinitive, the past participle ending -ěl evolved into -io in Ijekavian Neoštokavian.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: To what did the ending -ei evolve into in Ijekavian Neostokavian?
A: -io', '
Q: What is the western equivalent of the prefix "pre"?
A: prije', '
Q: Why did pre or prije develop rather than the symboled "pre"?
A: due to potential ambiguity with pri', '
Q: What is the meaning of "pri"?
A: approach, come close to']
On the other hand, the opinion of Jagić from 1864 is argued not to have firm grounds. When Jagić says "Croatian", he refers to a few cases referring to the Dubrovnik vernacular as ilirski (Illyrian). This was a common name for all Slavic vernaculars in Dalmatian cities among the Roman inhabitants. In the meantime, other written monuments are found that mention srpski, lingua serviana (= Serbian), and some that mention Croatian. By far the most competent Serbian scientist on the Dubrovnik language issue, Milan Rešetar, who was born in Dubrovnik himself, wrote behalf of language characteristics: "The one who thinks that Croatian and Serbian are two separate languages must confess that Dubrovnik always (linguistically) used to be Serbian."

Questions and answers:
['
Q: All Slavic vernaculars were called what among Romans?
A: (Illyrian)', '
Q: Who is considered the most competent Serbian scientist on language?
A: Milan Rešetar', '
Q: Where was Milan Resetar born?
A: Dubrovnik', '
Q: Which language does Milan Resetar state that Dubrovnik derived from?
A: Serbian']
Nationalists have conflicting views about the language(s). The nationalists among the Croats conflictingly claim either that they speak an entirely separate language from Serbs and Bosnians or that these two peoples have, due to the longer lexicographic tradition among Croats, somehow "borrowed" their standard languages from them.[citation needed] Bosniak nationalists claim that both Croats and Serbs have "appropriated" the Bosnian language, since Ljudevit Gaj and Vuk Karadžić preferred the Neoštokavian-Ijekavian dialect, widely spoken in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as the basis for language standardization, whereas the nationalists among the Serbs claim either that any divergence in the language is artificial, or claim that the Štokavian dialect is theirs and the Čakavian Croats'— in more extreme formulations Croats have "taken" or "stolen" their language from the Serbs.[citation needed]

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What opinions do Croatian Nationalists have on the language issue?
A: they speak an entirely separate language from Serbs and Bosnians', '
Q: What opinions do Croatian Nationalists have on the language issue?
A: they speak an entirely separate language from Serbs and Bosnians', '
Q: Which language did Ljudevit Gaj and Vuk Karadzic prefer?
A: Neoštokavian-Ijekavian', '
Q: Where is the Neostokavian-Ijekavian language predominantely spoken?
A: Bosnia and Herzegovina', '
Q: How do Serbian nationalists feel about the Croatians using their language?
A: Croats have "taken" or "stolen" their language']
In Serbia, the Serbian language is the official one, while both Serbian and Croatian are official in the province of Vojvodina. A large Bosniak minority is present in the southwest region of Sandžak, but the "official recognition" of Bosnian language is moot. Bosnian is an optional course in 1st and 2nd grade of the elementary school, while it is also in official use in the municipality of Novi Pazar. However, its nomenclature is controversial, as there is incentive that it is referred to as "Bosniak" (bošnjački) rather than "Bosnian" (bosanski) (see Bosnian language for details).

Questions and answers:
['
Q: In which province are Serbian and Croatian both languages offial?
A: Vojvodina', '
Q: To what should the language be referred to instead of "Bosnian"?
A: "Bosniak" (bošnjački)', '
Q: In what elementary grades is Bosnian an optional course?
A: 1st and 2nd']