romikgosai/squad_modified huggingface dataset:
Snyder and Strömberg found "that a poor fit between newspaper markets and political districts reduces press coverage of politics. ... Congressmen who are less covered by the local press work less for their constituencies: they are less likely to stand witness before congressional hearings ... . Federal spending is lower in areas where there is less press coverage of the local members of congress." Schulhofer-Wohl and Garrido found that the year after the Cincinnati Post closed in 2007, "fewer candidates ran for municipal office in the Kentucky suburbs most reliant on the Post, incumbents became more likely to win reelection, and voter turnout and campaign spending fell.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Who discovered the correlation that congressman who have less local press coverage work less for the people who elected them?
A: Snyder and Strömberg', '
Q: What newspaper stopped publishing in 2007?
A: Cincinnati Post', '
Q: Who was most likely to get reelected after the Post shut down?
A: incumbents', '
Q: Campaign spending and what fell after the Post stopped publishing?
A: voter turnout']
An analysis of the evolution of mass media in the US and Europe since World War II noted mixed results from the growth of the Internet: "The digital revolution has been good for freedom of expression [and] information [but] has had mixed effects on freedom of the press": It has disrupted traditional sources of funding, and new forms of Internet journalism have replaced only a tiny fraction of what's been lost.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What did the analysis show mixed results for?
A: growth of the Internet', '
Q: What was disrupted by Internet growth for the press?
A: traditional sources of funding', '
Q: How much has new types of Internet journalism replaced what has been lost in the press?
A: a tiny fraction']
Transparency International, an anti-corruption NGO, pioneered this field with the CPI, first released in 1995. This work is often credited with breaking a taboo and forcing the issue of corruption into high level development policy discourse. Transparency International currently publishes three measures, updated annually: a CPI (based on aggregating third-party polling of public perceptions of how corrupt different countries are); a Global Corruption Barometer (based on a survey of general public attitudes toward and experience of corruption); and a Bribe Payers Index, looking at the willingness of foreign firms to pay bribes. The Corruption Perceptions Index is the best known of these metrics, though it has drawn much criticism and may be declining in influence. In 2013 Transparency International published a report on the "Government Defence Anti-corruption Index". This index evaluates the risk of corruption in countries' military sector.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: How many measures does Transparency International publish right now?
A: three', '
Q: What is the measure that Transparency International publishes that looks at the willingness of a foreign company to pay a bribe?
A: Bribe Payers Index', "
Q: What is the measure that it publishes that involves polling to determine the public's take on how corrupt various countries are?
A: CPI", '
Q: When was the CPI first released?
A: 1995', '
Q: Which index studies the correlation of corruption and military in a country?
A: Government Defence Anti-corruption Index']
The World Bank collects a range of data on corruption, including survey responses from over 100,000 firms worldwide and a set of indicators of governance and institutional quality. Moreover, one of the six dimensions of governance measured by the Worldwide Governance Indicators is Control of Corruption, which is defined as "the extent to which power is exercised for private gain, including both petty and grand forms of corruption, as well as 'capture' of the state by elites and private interests." While the definition itself is fairly precise, the data aggregated into the Worldwide Governance Indicators is based on any available polling: questions range from "is corruption a serious problem?" to measures of public access to information, and not consistent across countries. Despite these weaknesses, the global coverage of these datasets has led to their widespread adoption, most notably by the Millennium Challenge Corporation.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: How many firms throughout the world have been surveyed by the World Bank in regards to its corruption study?
A: over 100,000', '
Q: How many dimensions of governance are measured by the Worldwide Governance Indicators?
A: six', '
Q: One of the dimensions is the extent to which power is exercised for personal gain, which is called what?
A: Control of Corruption', '
Q: Which organization is most notable for adopting the global coverage of these studies?
A: Millennium Challenge Corporation']
A number of parties have collected survey data, from the public and from experts, to try and gauge the level of corruption and bribery, as well as its impact on political and economic outcomes. A second wave of corruption metrics has been created by Global Integrity, the International Budget Partnership, and many lesser known local groups. These metrics include the Global Integrity Index, first published in 2004. These second wave projects aim to create policy change by identifying resources more effectively and creating checklists toward incremental reform. Global Integrity and the International Budget Partnership each dispense with public surveys and instead uses in-country experts to evaluate "the opposite of corruption" – which Global Integrity defines as the public policies that prevent, discourage, or expose corruption. These approaches compliment the first wave, awareness-raising tools by giving governments facing public outcry a checklist which measures concrete steps toward improved governance.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: A second set of corruption metrics has been compiled by Global Integrity and what other organization?
A: International Budget Partnership', '
Q: When was the Global Integrity Index first published?
A: 2004', '
Q: Both companies no longer use what means of collecting of data?
A: public surveys', '
Q: Instead of public surveys, the organizations use what to study corruption?
A: in-country experts']
Typical second wave corruption metrics do not offer the worldwide coverage found in first wave projects, and instead focus on localizing information gathered to specific problems and creating deep, "unpackable"[clarification needed] content that matches quantitative and qualitative data.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: The second wave of metrics focuses on what level of corruption?
A: local', '
Q: Unlike the first wave, the second wave does not offer what type of coverage?
A: worldwide']
Alternative approaches, such as the British aid agency's Drivers of Change research, skips numbers and promotes understanding corruption via political economy analysis of who controls power in a given society.

Questions and answers:
["
Q: What is the British aid agency's research called?
A: Drivers of Change", '
Q: What does Drivers of Change skip?
A: numbers', '
Q: What does Drivers of Change promote?
A: understanding corruption']
Extensive and diverse public spending is, in itself, inherently at risk of cronyism, kickbacks, and embezzlement. Complicated regulations and arbitrary, unsupervised official conduct exacerbate the problem. This is one argument for privatization and deregulation. Opponents of privatization see the argument as ideological. The argument that corruption necessarily follows from the opportunity is weakened by the existence of countries with low to non-existent corruption but large public sectors, like the Nordic countries. These countries score high on the Ease of Doing Business Index, due to good and often simple regulations, and have rule of law firmly established. Therefore, due to their lack of corruption in the first place, they can run large public sectors without inducing political corruption. Recent evidence that takes both the size of expenditures and regulatory complexity into account has found that high-income democracies with more expansive state sectors do indeed have higher levels of corruption.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Public spending has risks of kickbacks, embezzlement and what?
A: cronyism', '
Q: What type of regulations make corruption worse for public spending?
A: Complicated', '
Q: The potential for corruption in public spending are one of the arguments that favor what?
A: privatization and deregulation', '
Q: What countries have big public sectors but low corruption?
A: Nordic', '
Q: What do the low corruption countries have solidly established?
A: rule of law']
Like other governmental economic activities, also privatization, such as in the sale of government-owned property, is particularly at the risk of cronyism. Privatizations in Russia, Latin America, and East Germany were accompanied by large-scale corruption during the sale of the state owned companies. Those with political connections unfairly gained large wealth, which has discredited privatization in these regions. While media have reported widely the grand corruption that accompanied the sales, studies have argued that in addition to increased operating efficiency, daily petty corruption is, or would be, larger without privatization, and that corruption is more prevalent in non-privatized sectors. Furthermore, there is evidence to suggest that extralegal and unofficial activities are more prevalent in countries that privatized less.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Selling government property is highly at risk for what?
A: cronyism', '
Q: What type of people got wealthy from the sale of state-owned companies?
A: Those with political connections', '
Q: Where is corruption even more prevalent?
A: non-privatized sectors', '
Q: Countries that what have more extralegal and unofficial things going on?
A: privatized less']
In the European Union, the principle of subsidiarity is applied: a government service should be provided by the lowest, most local authority that can competently provide it. An effect is that distribution of funds into multiple instances discourages embezzlement, because even small sums missing will be noticed. In contrast, in a centralized authority, even minute proportions of public funds can be large sums of money.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Providing a government service from the lowest form of local government that can adequately provide the service is called what?
A: principle of subsidiarity', '
Q: What does distributing money into multiple instances discourage?
A: embezzlement', '
Q: Even small amounts of public money can be a lot in what type of authority?
A: centralized']
If the highest echelons of the governments also take advantage from corruption or embezzlement from the state's treasury, it is sometimes referred with the neologism kleptocracy. Members of the government can take advantage of the natural resources (e.g., diamonds and oil in a few prominent cases) or state-owned productive industries. A number of corrupt governments have enriched themselves via foreign aid, which is often spent on showy buildings and armaments.

Questions and answers:
["
Q: What is it called when higher ups in government embezzle from the government's treasury?
A: kleptocracy", '
Q: What examples of natural resources do some corrupt officials in government take?
A: diamonds and oil', '
Q: Some corrupt governments use what type of money coming in?
A: foreign aid', '
Q: Foreign aid money is sometimes used to build fancy structures and to buy what?
A: armaments']
A corrupt dictatorship typically results in many years of general hardship and suffering for the vast majority of citizens as civil society and the rule of law disintegrate. In addition, corrupt dictators routinely ignore economic and social problems in their quest to amass ever more wealth and power.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: In their pursuit of more money and power, corrupt dictators often ignore what?
A: economic and social problems']
The classic case of a corrupt, exploitive dictator often given is the regime of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled the Democratic Republic of the Congo (which he renamed Zaire) from 1965 to 1997. It is said that usage of the term kleptocracy gained popularity largely in response to a need to accurately describe Mobutu's regime. Another classic case is Nigeria, especially under the rule of General Sani Abacha who was de facto president of Nigeria from 1993 until his death in 1998. He is reputed to have stolen some US$3–4 billion. He and his relatives are often mentioned in Nigerian 419 letter scams claiming to offer vast fortunes for "help" in laundering his stolen "fortunes", which in reality turn out not to exist. More than $400 billion was stolen from the treasury by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Who was the dictator in Zaire from 1965 to 1997?
A: Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko', '
Q: What did Zaire used to be known as?
A: Democratic Republic of the Congo', '
Q: What term became more popular as Mobutu ruled?
A: kleptocracy', '
Q: Who ruled Nigeria until he died in 1998?
A: General Sani Abacha']
More recently, articles in various financial periodicals, most notably Forbes magazine, have pointed to Fidel Castro, General Secretary of the Republic of Cuba since 1959, of likely being the beneficiary of up to $900 million, based on "his control" of state-owned companies. Opponents of his regime claim that he has used money amassed through weapons sales, narcotics, international loans, and confiscation of private property to enrich himself and his political cronies who hold his dictatorship together, and that the $900 million published by Forbes is merely a portion of his assets, although that needs to be proven.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What magazine had articles about Castro benefiting from corruption?
A: Forbes', '
Q: The $900 million Forbes said Castro took may only be what of his total assets?
A: a portion', "
Q: What is Fidel Castro's official title?
A: General Secretary of the Republic of Cuba"]
Further conventions were adopted at the regional level under the aegis of the Organization of American States (OAS or OEA), the African Union, and in 2003, at the universal level under that of the United Nations Convention against Corruption.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What is OAS?
A: Organization of American States', '
Q: Additional conventions were adopted at the regional level by OAS and who?
A: the African Union', '
Q: What organization joined at the universal level?
A: the United Nations Convention against Corruption', '
Q: When did the United Nations Convention against Corruption join?
A: 2003']
Measuring corruption statistically is difficult if not impossible due to the illicit nature of the transaction and imprecise definitions of corruption. While "corruption" indices first appeared in 1995 with the Corruption Perceptions Index CPI, all of these metrics address different proxies for corruption, such as public perceptions of the extent of the problem.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Why is it difficult to measure corruption?
A: imprecise definitions of corruption', '
Q: When did indices on corruption first appear?
A: 1995', '
Q: What was the first index on corruption, in 1995?
A: the Corruption Perceptions Index CPI']
There are two methods of corruption of the judiciary: the state (through budget planning and various privileges), and the private. Budget of the judiciary in many transitional and developing countries is almost completely controlled by the executive. The latter undermines the separation of powers, as it creates a critical financial dependence of the judiciary. The proper national wealth distribution including the government spending on the judiciary is subject of the constitutional economics. Judicial corruption can be difficult to completely eradicate, even in developed countries.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: How many methods of judiciary corruption are there?
A: two', '
Q: What part of the government controls the judiciary budget in many developing countries?
A: executive', '
Q: What does executive branch control over judiciary money undermine?
A: separation of powers', '
Q: What type of corruption is hard to get rid of even in developed countries?
A: judiciary']
Mobile telecommunications and radio broadcasting help to fight corruption, especially in developing regions like Africa, where other forms of communications are limited. In India, the anti-corruption bureau fights against corruption, and a new ombudsman bill called Jan Lokpal Bill is being prepared.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Radio broadcasts and what help deter corruption?
A: Mobile telecommunications', '
Q: What country is used as an example for limited forms of communications?
A: Africa', '
Q: Who works against corruption in India?
A: the anti-corruption bureau', '
Q: What new ombudsman bill is being readied in India?
A: Jan Lokpal Bill']
In the 1990s, initiatives were taken at an international level (in particular by the European Community, the Council of Europe, the OECD) to put a ban on corruption: in 1996, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, for instance, adopted a comprehensive Programme of Action against Corruption and, subsequently, issued a series of anti-corruption standard-setting instruments:

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What decade saw international initiatives to combat corruption?
A: 1990s', '
Q: Who started the Programme of Action?
A: Ministers of the Council of Europe', '
Q: What did the Programme of Action issue?
A: a series of anti-corruption standard-setting instruments']
The purpose of these instruments was to address the various forms of corruption (involving the public sector, the private sector, the financing of political activities, etc.) whether they had a strictly domestic or also a transnational dimension. To monitor the implementation at national level of the requirements and principles provided in those texts, a monitoring mechanism – the Group of States Against Corruption (also known as GRECO) (French: Groupe d'Etats contre la corruption) was created.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What does GRECO stand for?
A: Group of States Against Corruption', "
Q: What is the name of the French equivalent of GRECO?
A: Groupe d'Etats contre la corruption", '
Q: The instruments used to point out the different corrupt forms looked to see if they were rigidly domestic or what?
A: transnational']
The term dialect (from Latin dialectus, dialectos, from the ancient Greek word διάλεκτος diálektos, "discourse", from διά diá, "through" and λέγω legō, "I speak") is used in two distinct ways to refer to two different types of linguistic phenomena.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What language is the word dialectus from?
A: Latin', '
Q: From what language does the word diálektos come?
A: Greek', '
Q: What does diálektos mean in English?
A: discourse', '
Q: How many different types of linguistic phenomena is the term dialect used to describe?
A: two', '
Q: How many distinct ways is the term dialect used?
A: two']
One usage—the more common among linguists—refers to a variety of a language that is a characteristic of a particular group of the language's speakers. The term is applied most often to regional speech patterns, but a dialect may also be defined by other factors, such as social class. A dialect that is associated with a particular social class can be termed a sociolect, a dialect that is associated with a particular ethnic group can be termed as ethnolect, and a regional dialect may be termed a regiolect. According to this definition, any variety of a language constitutes "a dialect", including any standard varieties.

Questions and answers:
["
Q: What is the common definition of dialect?
A: a variety of a language that is a characteristic of a particular group of the language's speakers", '
Q: What is the term dialect most often applied to?
A: regional speech patterns', '
Q: Aside from region, what is an example of a factor that may influence dialect?
A: social class', '
Q: What is a term for a dialect particular to a social class?
A: sociolect', '
Q: What do you call a dialect particular to a certain ethnicity?
A: ethnolect']
The other usage refers to a language that is socially subordinated to a regional or national standard language, often historically cognate or related to the standard language, but not actually derived from it. In this sense, unlike in the first usage, the standard language would not itself be considered a "dialect," as it is the dominant language in a particular state or region, whether in terms of social or political status, official status, predominance or prevalence, or all of the above. Meanwhile, the "dialects" subordinate to the standard language are generally not variations on the standard language but rather separate (but often related) languages in and of themselves. For example, most of the various regional Romance languages of Italy, often colloquially referred to as Italian "dialects," are, in fact, not actually derived from modern standard Italian, but rather evolved from Vulgar Latin separately and individually from one another and independently of standard Italian, long prior to the diffusion of a national standardized language throughout what is now Italy. These various Latin-derived regional languages are therefore, in a linguistic sense, not truly "dialects" of the standard Italian language, but are instead better defined as their own separate languages. Conversely, with the spread of standard Italian throughout Italy in the 20th century, various regional versions or varieties of standard Italian developed, generally as a mix of the national standard Italian with local regional languages and local accents. These variations on standard Italian, known as regional Italian, would more appropriately be called "dialects" in accordance with the first linguistic definition of "dialect," as they are in fact derived partially or mostly from standard Italian.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What is the other definition of the term dialect?
A: a language that is socially subordinated to a regional or national standard language', '
Q: How does a dialect stand in relation to the standard language?
A: subordinate to the standard language', '
Q: The regional Romance languages in what country are sometimes referred to as dialects?
A: Italy', '
Q: What are 20th century variations on standard Italian called?
A: regional Italian', '
Q: From what language did the regional Romance languages of Italy derive?
A: Latin']
A dialect is distinguished by its vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation (phonology, including prosody). Where a distinction can be made only in terms of pronunciation (including prosody, or just prosody itself), the term accent may be preferred over dialect. Other types of speech varieties include jargons, which are characterized by differences in lexicon (vocabulary); slang; patois; pidgins; and argots.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Along with grammar and pronunciation, what distinguishes a dialect?
A: vocabulary', '
Q: If only the pronunciation differs from the standard language, what term is sometimes used?
A: accent', '
Q: What term is sometimes used for dialects that only differ in vocabulary?
A: jargons', '
Q: Along with slangs, patois and pidgins, what is another type of smiilar speech variety?
A: argots']