romikgosai/squad_modified huggingface dataset:
Kaszycka et al. (2009) in 2002–2003 surveyed European anthropologists' opinions toward the biological race concept. Three factors, country of academic education, discipline, and age, were found to be significant in differentiating the replies. Those educated in Western Europe, physical anthropologists, and middle-aged persons rejected race more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe, people in other branches of science, and those from both younger and older generations." The survey shows that the views on race are sociopolitically (ideologically) influenced and highly dependent on education."

Questions and answers:
["
Q: What years did Kaszycka survey Eureopean anthropolgists' opinions toward the biological race concept?
A: 2002–2003", '
Q: How many factors were found to be significant in differentiating the responses of European anthropologists?
A: Three', '
Q: What did the people educated in Western Europe reject more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe?
A: race', '
Q: How are views on race influenced?
A: ideologically', '
Q: What are views on race highly dependent on?
A: education']
One result of debates over the meaning and validity of the concept of race is that the current literature across different disciplines regarding human variation lacks consensus, though within some fields, such as some branches of anthropology, there is strong consensus. Some studies use the word race in its early essentialist taxonomic sense. Many others still use the term race, but use it to mean a population, clade, or haplogroup. Others eschew the concept of race altogether, and use the concept of population as a less problematic unit of analysis.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What does the current literature regarding human variation lack?
A: consensus', '
Q: What do some studies use the word race in the sense of?
A: taxonomic', '
Q: What term do some use to mean population, clade, or haplogroup?
A: race', '
Q: What do some eschew altogether? 
A: the concept of race', '
Q: What is a less problematic unit of analysis?
A: concept of population']
Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Sociology professor at Duke University, remarks, "I contend that racism is, more than anything else, a matter of group power; it is about a dominant racial group (whites) striving to maintain its systemic advantages and minorities fighting to subvert the racial status quo."  The types of practices that take place under this new color-blind racism is subtle, institutionalized, and supposedly not racial. Color-blind racism thrives on the idea that race is no longer an issue in the United States. There are contradictions between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a color-coded system of inequality.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Where is Eduardo Bonilla-Silver a Sociology professor?
A: Duke University', '
Q: What does Bonilla-Silva contend racism is about more than anything else?
A: group power', '
Q: Who does Bonilla-Silva think is the dominant racial group?
A: whites', '
Q: What idea does color-blind racism thrive on?
A: that race is no longer an issue', '
Q: What exists between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a system of inequality?
A: contradictions']
The concept of biological race has declined significantly in frequency of use in physical anthropology in the United States during the 20th century. A majority of physical anthropologists in the United States have rejected the concept of biological races. Since 1932, an increasing number of college textbooks introducing physical anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept: from 1932 to 1976, only seven out of thirty-two rejected race; from 1975 to 1984, thirteen out of thirty-three rejected race; from 1985 to 1993, thirteen out of nineteen rejected race. According to one academic journal entry, where 78 percent of the articles in the 1931 Journal of Physical Anthropology employed these or nearly synonymous terms reflecting a bio-race paradigm, only 36 percent did so in 1965, and just 28 percent did in 1996.

Questions and answers:
["
Q: What concept's use has declined significantly in the U.S. during the 20th century?
A: biological race", '
Q: The majority of what group in the U.S. has rejected the concept of biological races?
A: physical anthropologists', '
Q: What textbooks introducing anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept since 1932?
A: college', '
Q: How many books out of 33, from 1975 to 1984, rejected race?
A: thirteen', '
Q: What percentage of articles in 1996 employed a bio-race paradigm?
A: 28 percent']
According to the 2000 edition of a popular physical anthropology textbook, forensic anthropologists are overwhelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological reality of human races. Forensic physical anthropologist and professor George W. Gill has said that the idea that race is only skin deep "is simply not true, as any experienced forensic anthropologist will affirm" and "Many morphological features tend to follow geographic boundaries coinciding often with climatic zones. This is not surprising since the selective forces of climate are probably the primary forces of nature that have shaped human races with regard not only to skin color and hair form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, cheekbones, etc. (For example, more prominent noses humidify air better.)" While he can see good arguments for both sides, the complete denial of the opposing evidence "seems to stem largely from socio-political motivation and not science at all". He also states that many biological anthropologists see races as real yet "not one introductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents that perspective as a possibility. In a case as flagrant as this, we are not dealing with science but rather with blatant, politically motivated censorship".

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What group of anthropologists overwhelmingly support the idea of human races?
A: forensic', '
Q: What does George W. Gill think about the veracity of the idea that race is only skin deep?
A: simply not true', '
Q: What are probably the primary forces of nature which shaped human races?
A: selective forces of climate', '
Q: What does Gill think the complete denial of opposing evidence stems from?
A: socio-political motivation', '
Q: What does Gill attribute the lack of presenting the perspective as a possibility to?
A: politically motivated censorship']
"Race" is still sometimes used within forensic anthropology (when analyzing skeletal remains), biomedical research, and race-based medicine. Brace has criticized this, the practice of forensic anthropologists for using the controversial concept "race" out of convention when they in fact should be talking about regional ancestry. He argues that while forensic anthropologists can determine that a skeletal remain comes from a person with ancestors in a specific region of Africa, categorizing that skeletal as being "black" is a socially constructed category that is only meaningful in the particular context of the United States, and which is not itself scientifically valid.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What type of anthropology is "race" sometimes still used within?
A: forensic', '
Q: What term would Brace prefer forensic anthropologists use?
A: regional ancestry', '
Q: What can forensic anthropologists determine about the ancestors of someone from their skeletal remains?
A: specific region', '
Q: What does Brace feel the term "black" in meaningful in?
A: particular context', '
Q: Why is it bad that a category is merely socially constructed?
A: is not itself scientifically valid']
The authors of the study also examined 77 college textbooks in biology and 69 in physical anthropology published between 1932 and 1989. Physical anthropology texts argued that biological races exist until the 1970s, when they began to argue that races do not exist. In contrast, biology textbooks did not undergo such a reversal but many instead dropped their discussion of race altogether. The authors attributed this to biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of racial classifications, instead of discussing them, and to the ongoing discussions in biology about the validity of the concept "subspecies". The authors also noted that some widely used textbooks in biology such as Douglas J. Futuyama's 1986 "Evolutionary Biology" had abandoned the race concept, "The concept of race, masking the overwhelming genetic similarity of all peoples and the mosaic patterns of variation that do not correspond to racial divisions, is not only socially dysfunctional but is biologically indefensible as well (pp. 5 18-5 19)." (Lieberman et al. 1992, pp. 316–17)

Questions and answers:
['
Q: How many college textbooks in biology did the authors of the study examine?
A: 77', '
Q: Up until when did physical anthropology texts still argue that biological races exist?
A: the 1970s', '
Q: What did biology textbooks drop altogether?
A: their discussion of race', '
Q: What were biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of?
A: racial classifications', '
Q: What did Douglas J. Futuyama consider the concept of race as not only being socially dysfunctional but this as well?
A: biologically indefensible']
Morning (2008) looked at high school biology textbooks during the 1952-2002 period and initially found a similar pattern with only 35% directly discussing race in the 1983–92 period from initially 92% doing so. However, this has increased somewhat after this to 43%. More indirect and brief discussions of race in the context of medical disorders have increased from none to 93% of textbooks. In general, the material on race has moved from surface traits to genetics and evolutionary history. The study argues that the textbooks' fundamental message about the existence of races has changed little.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What did Morning find when he looked at biology textbooks during the 1952-2002 period?
A: similar pattern', '
Q: How many of the textbooks between 1983 and 1992 discussed race?
A: 35%', '
Q: After 1992, what did the percentage of textbooks discussing race increase to?
A: 43%', '
Q: What percentage have discussions of race in the context of medical disorders increased from zero to?
A: 93%', '
Q: What does the study argue about the fundamental message regarding the existence of races?
A: changed little']
In the United States, federal government policy promotes the use of racially categorized data to identify and address health disparities between racial or ethnic groups. In clinical settings, race has sometimes been considered in the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions. Doctors have noted that some medical conditions are more prevalent in certain racial or ethnic groups than in others, without being sure of the cause of those differences. Recent interest in race-based medicine, or race-targeted pharmacogenomics, has been fueled by the proliferation of human genetic data which followed the decoding of the human genome in the first decade of the twenty-first century. There is an active debate among biomedical researchers about the meaning and importance of race in their research. Proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine argue that continued use of racial categorizations in biomedical research and clinical practice makes possible the application of new genetic findings, and provides a clue to diagnosis.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Who promotes the use of racially categorized data in the United States?
A: federal government', '
Q: What has race sometimes been used in clinical settings to diagnose and treat?
A: medical conditions', '
Q: What have doctors noted about some medical conditions in certain racial groups?
A: more prevalent', '
Q: What fueled the recent interest in race-based medicine?
A: proliferation of human genetic data', '
Q: What do proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine think it makes possible?
A: application of new genetic findings,']
Other researchers point out that finding a difference in disease prevalence between two socially defined groups does not necessarily imply genetic causation of the difference. They suggest that medical practices should maintain their focus on the individual rather than an individual's membership to any group. They argue that overemphasizing genetic contributions to health disparities carries various risks such as reinforcing stereotypes, promoting racism or ignoring the contribution of non-genetic factors to health disparities. International epidemiological data show that living conditions rather than race make the biggest difference in health outcomes even for diseases that have "race-specific" treatments. Some studies have found that patients are reluctant to accept racial categorization in medical practice.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What does finding a difference in disease prevalence between two socially defined groups not necessarily imply?
A: genetic causation of the difference', '
Q: What do some research suggest medical practices should maintain their focus on?
A: the individual', '
Q: What is a risk of overemphasizing genetic contributions to health issues?
A: reinforcing stereotypes', '
Q: What is makes more of a difference than race in health outcomes for "race specific" diseases?
A: living conditions', '
Q: What have some studies found patients reluctant to accept in medical practice?
A: racial categorization']
In an attempt to provide general descriptions that may facilitate the job of law enforcement officers seeking to apprehend suspects, the United States FBI employs the term "race" to summarize the general appearance (skin color, hair texture, eye shape, and other such easily noticed characteristics) of individuals whom they are attempting to apprehend. From the perspective of law enforcement officers, it is generally more important to arrive at a description that will readily suggest the general appearance of an individual than to make a scientifically valid categorization by DNA or other such means. Thus, in addition to assigning a wanted individual to a racial category, such a description will include: height, weight, eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What does the FBI feel providing general descriptions helps to facilitate?
A: job of law enforcement officers', '
Q: What does the FBI employ the term race to summarize?
A: general appearance', '
Q: What does law enforcement feel appearance characteristics of individuals help them do to those individuals?
A: apprehend', '
Q: What is more important for law enforcement in categorizing instead of DNA?
A: arrive at a description', '
Q: What does a description of a wanted individual include beyond their racial category?
A: height, weight, eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics.']
Criminal justice agencies in England and Wales use at least two separate racial/ethnic classification systems when reporting crime, as of 2010. One is the system used in the 2001 Census when individuals identify themselves as belonging to a particular ethnic group: W1 (White-British), W2 (White-Irish), W9 (Any other white background); M1 (White and black Caribbean), M2 (White and black African), M3 (White and Asian), M9 (Any other mixed background); A1 (Asian-Indian), A2 (Asian-Pakistani), A3 (Asian-Bangladeshi), A9 (Any other Asian background); B1 (Black Caribbean), B2 (Black African), B3 (Any other black background); O1 (Chinese), O9 (Any other). The other is categories used by the police when they visually identify someone as belonging to an ethnic group, e.g. at the time of a stop and search or an arrest: White – North European (IC1), White – South European (IC2), Black (IC3), Asian (IC4), Chinese, Japanese, or South East Asian (IC5), Middle Eastern (IC6), and Unknown (IC0). "IC" stands for "Identification Code;" these items are also referred to as Phoenix classifications. Officers are instructed to "record the response that has been given" even if the person gives an answer which may be incorrect; their own perception of the person's ethnic background is recorded separately. Comparability of the information being recorded by officers was brought into question by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) in September 2007, as part of its Equality Data Review; one problem cited was the number of reports that contained an ethnicity of "Not Stated."

Questions and answers:
['
Q: How many separate classification systems do agencies in England and Wales use?
A: at least two', '
Q: When did individuals self-identify as belonging to a particular ethnic group?
A: the 2001 Census', '
Q: How do police identify someone as belonging to an ethnic group?
A: visually', '
Q: What does IC stand for?
A: Identification Code', '
Q: What ethnicity term was one problem cited about the number of reports containing it?
A: Not Stated']
In the United States, the practice of racial profiling has been ruled to be both unconstitutional and a violation of civil rights. There is active debate regarding the cause of a marked correlation between the recorded crimes, punishments meted out, and the country's populations. Many consider de facto racial profiling an example of institutional racism in law enforcement. The history of misuse of racial categories to impact adversely one or more groups and/or to offer protection and advantage to another has a clear impact on debate of the legitimate use of known phenotypical or genotypical characteristics tied to the presumed race of both victims and perpetrators by the government.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Where has the practice of racial profiling been ruled to be unconstitutional?
A: United States', '
Q: What is a violation of civil rights in the United States?
A: racial profiling', '
Q: What do many consider an example of institutional racism in law enforcement?
A: de facto racial profiling', '
Q: How has the misuse of racial categories historically impacted one or more groups?
A: adversely', '
Q: What has impacted the debate on the legitimate use of known phenotypical characteristics?
A: misuse of racial categories']
Mass incarceration in the United States disproportionately impacts African American and Latino communities. Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010), argues that mass incarceration is best understood as not only a system of overcrowded prisons. Mass incarceration is also, "the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and customs that control those labeled criminals both in and out of prison." She defines it further as "a system that locks people not only behind actual bars in actual prisons, but also behind virtual bars and virtual walls", illustrating the second-class citizenship that is imposed on a disproportionate number of people of color, specifically African-Americans. She compares mass incarceration to Jim Crow laws, stating that both work as racial caste systems.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What impacts African American and Latino communities in disproportionate numbers?
A: Mass incarceration', '
Q: Who is the author of "The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness"?
A: Michelle Alexander', '
Q: What type of bars and walls beyond physical ones does Alexander think people are behind?
A: virtual', '
Q: Who does Alexander think a second class citizenship is imposed upon disproportionately?
A: people of color', '
Q: What type of caste system is mass incarceration compared to?
A: racial']
Similarly, forensic anthropologists draw on highly heritable morphological features of human remains (e.g. cranial measurements) to aid in the identification of the body, including in terms of race. In a 1992 article, anthropologist Norman Sauer noted that anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as a valid representation of human biological diversity, except for forensic anthropologists. He asked, "If races don't exist, why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying them?" He concluded:

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What morphological features do forensic anthropologists draw on?
A: highly heritable', '
Q: What measurement can aid in the identification of a human body?
A: cranial', '
Q: Who noted in a 1992 article that anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as valid?
A: Norman Sauer', '
Q: What group still uses race as a valid means to represent human biological diversity?
A: forensic anthropologists', '
Q: What are forensic anthropologists very good at identifying?
A: races']
Abu el-Haj argues that genomics and the mapping of lineages and clusters liberates "the new racial science from the older one by disentangling ancestry from culture and capacity."[citation needed] As an example, she refers to recent work by Hammer et al., which aimed to test the claim that present-day Jews are more closely related to one another than to neighbouring non-Jewish populations. Hammer et al. found that the degree of genetic similarity among Jews shifted depending on the locus investigated, and suggested that this was the result of natural selection acting on particular loci. They focused on the non-recombining Y-chromosome to "circumvent some of the complications associated with selection".

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What does mapping clusters disentangle ancestry from?
A: culture', '
Q: Hammer and others recently aimed to test what claim about how closely related present-day Jews are to what group?
A: neighbouring non-Jewish populations', '
Q: What shifted depending on the locus investigated?
A: the degree of genetic similarity among Jews', '
Q: What was suggested the reason for the degree of genetic shift among Jews was the result of?
A: natural selection acting on particular loci', '
Q: What chromosome was focused on to circumvent some of the complications associated with selection?
A: Y']
As another example, she points to work by Thomas et al., who sought to distinguish between the Y chromosomes of Jewish priests (Kohanim), (in Judaism, membership in the priesthood is passed on through the father's line) and the Y chromosomes of non-Jews. Abu el-Haj concluded that this new "race science" calls attention to the importance of "ancestry" (narrowly defined, as it does not include all ancestors) in some religions and in popular culture, and people's desire to use science to confirm their claims about ancestry; this "race science", she argues, is fundamentally different from older notions of race that were used to explain differences in human behaviour or social status:

Questions and answers:
['
Q: Thomas and others sought to distinguish between what chromosome of Jewish priests and that of non-Jews?
A: Y', '
Q: What does the new "race science" call attention to the importance of?
A: ancestry', '
Q: What do people desire to use science to confirm?
A: their claims about ancestry', '
Q: What is fundamentally different from older notions of race?
A: race science', '
Q: How were older notions of race used?
A: to explain differences in human behaviour or social status']
One problem with these assignments is admixture. Many people have a highly varied ancestry. For example, in the United States, colonial and early federal history were periods of numerous interracial relationships, both outside and inside slavery. This has resulted in a majority of people who identify as African American having some European ancestors. Similarly, many people who identify as white have some African ancestors. In a survey in a northeastern U.S. university of college students who identified as "white", about 30% were estimated to have up to 10% African ancestry.

Questions and answers:
['
Q: What is a problem with racial assignments? 
A: admixture', '
Q: How many people have a varied ancestry?
A: Many', '
Q: When were periods of numerous interracial relationships in the U.S.?
A: colonial and early federal history', '
Q: Who do many people who identify as white have for ancestors?
A: African', '
Q: What percentage of African ancestry were 30% of college students identifying as white estimated to have?
A: 10%']