Summarize the following court judgment. : Criminal Appeal No. 291 of 1971. (Appeal by Special Leave from the Judgment and Order dated 19 1 1971 of the Allahabad High Court in Crl. Case No. 412/ 70). D.P. Uniyal and O.P. Rana	 for the Appellant. S.N. Singh	 for the Respondent. 617 The Judgment of the Court was delivered by KRISHNA IYER	 J. Some cases	 apparently innocent on their face and this appeal is one such may harbour beneath the surface profoundry disturbing problems concerning freedoms	 the unfettered enjoyment of which is the foundation for a democracy to flourish. The present appeal	 by special leave	 relates. to the forfeiture of a book captioned 'Ramayan: A True Reading ' in English and its translation in Hindi	 by the late political figure and leader of the Rationalist Movement	 Periyar EVR	 of Tamii Nadu	 by an order of the State Government of Uttar Pradesh	 purporting to be passed under section 99A of the Code of Criminal Procedure. In the view of the appellantgovernment this book was sacrilegiously	 outrageously objectionable	 being 'deliberately and maliciously intended to outrage the religious feelings of a class of citizens of India	 viz.	 Hindus by insulting their religion and religious beliefs and the publication whereof is punishable under section 295A IPC '. This notification contained an appendix setting out in tabular form the particulars of the relevant pages and lines in the English and Hindi versions which	 presumably	 were the materials which were regarded as scandalizing. Thereupon an 'application was made by the respondent who was the publisher	 under section 99C of the Code	 to the High Court which	 by its special Bench	 allowed the application and quashed the notification. The aggrieved State has ap pealed to this Court	 by special leave. and counsel for the appellant has urged before us that the Government notifica tion does not suffer from the vice which	 according to the High Court	 invalidated it and that the impugned book makes a foul assault on the sacred sentiments of the vast Hindu population of the State since the author anthematised in unvarnished language the great incarnations like Sree Rama and disdainfully defiled the divinely epic figures like Sita and Janaka all of whom are worshipped or venerated by the Hindu commonalty. Sidestepping this issue the High Court	 by majority judgment	 struck down the order on the short ground that 'the State Government did not state the grounds of its opinion as required in section 99A o[ the Code. For that reason alone the petition has to be allowed and the order of forfeiture set aside in Court '. The anatomy of section 99A falls to be studied at the thresh old so that the pathology	 if any	 of the impugned order may be discovered. Shorn of phraseological redundancies (from the point raised in this case) the pertinent components of the provision	 empowering forfeiture of materials manifest ing written expression by citizens	 are threefold	 as flow from a reproduction of the relevant parts: "99 A(1) Where (a) any newspaper	 or book . or (b) any document	 wherever printed	 appears to the 'State Government to contain any . or any matter which promotes or is intended to promote feelings of enmity or hatred between different 618 classes of the citizens of India or which is delib erately and maliciously intended to outrage the religious feelings of any such class by insulting the religion or the religious beliefs of that class	 that is to say	 any matter the publication of which is punishable under section 124 A or Sec tion 153 A or Section 295 A of the Indian Penal Code	 the State Government may	 by notification in the official Gazette	 stating the grounds of its opinion	 declare every copy of the issue of the newspaper containing such matter	 and every copy of such book or other document to be forfeited to Government. " The triple facets of a valid order therefore are: (i) that the book or document contains any matter; (ii) such matter promotes or is intended to promote feelings of ' enmity or hatred between different classes of the citizens. of India; and (iii) a statement of the grounds of Government 's opinion. Thereupon the State Government may	 by notifica tion	 declare every copy of the issue containing such matter to be forfeited. Does the present notification fulfil the third requisite of legal viability or is it still born	 being mortally wounded by absence of the statement of grounds ? The High Court holding this vital ingredient missing	 has voided the order	 but Sri Uniyal	 counsel for the State	 submits that though there is no express enunciation of the grounds for ' Government 's opinion	 the appendix makes up for it. He argues that the numbers of the pages and lines of the of fending publication supply both the 'matter ' and the 'grounds '	 the latter being so patent that the. omission is inconsequential. More explicitly	 the contention is that a mere reference to the matter	 sufficiently particularised	 functionally supplies	 by implicit reading or necessary implication	 the legal requirement of statement of grounds. The office of furnishing the reason or foundation for the governmental conclusion is substantially	 though not formal ly	 fulfilled where the appendix	 an integral part of the order	 sets out self speaking materials. When the grounds are self evident	 silence is whispered speech and the law does not demand their separate spelling out as a ritualistic formality. The counter contention is that express condi tions for barricading the fundamental freedoms of expression designedly imposed by the Code cannot be whittled down by the convenient doctrine of implication	 the right being too basic to be manecled without strict and manifest compli ance with the specific stipulations of the provision. After. all fundamental rights are fundamental in a free Republic	 except in times of national emergency	 where rigorous restraints	 constitutionally sanctioned	 are clamped down. We are dealing with the Criminal Procedure Code and Penal Code and these laws operate at all times. We have therefore to interpret the law in such a manner that liberties have plenary play	 subject of course to the secu rity needs of the nation	 as set out in the Constitution and the laws. 619 Even so	 counsel for the appellant contends that the references in the forfeited book	 as indicated in the appen dix to the order	 are so loudly repulsive and malevolently calumnous of Sree Rama	 Sita and Janaka that the court must vicariously visualize the outraged feelings of the Hindus of Uttar Pradesh and hold that the grounds are written in the order in invisible ink. When we assess the worth of this submission we have to notice (a) the constitutional per spective	 i.e.	 whether the basic freedoms are sought to be legally handcuffed; and (b) the existence of alternative possibilities of popular understanding of the prescribed publication which necessitate some statement of the circum stances and the reasons which induced the government in the given conditions of ethos and otherwise to reach the opinion it has recorded. The State	 in India	 is secular and does not take sides with one religion or other prevalent in our pluralistic society. It has no direct concern with the faiths of the people but iS deeply obligated not merely to preserve and protect society against breaches of the peace and violations of public order but also to create conditions where the sentiments and feelings of people of diverse or opposing beliefs and bigotries are not so molested by ribald writings or offensive Publications as to provoke or outrage groups into possible violent action. Essentially	 good government necessitates peace and security and whoever violates by bombs or books societal tranquillity will become target of legal interdict by the State. We propose to view the issue before us both from the textual angle and from the larger standpoint and are led to the conclusion	 by an interaction of both	 that the High Court was not wrong and the appeal must fail. The various High Courts in India have had occasion to consider this question but have come to divergent conclusions. as will presently appear. A drastic restriction on the right of a citizen when imposed by statute	 calls for a strict construction	 especially when quasi penal consequences also ensue. The imperial authors of the Criminal Procedure Code have drawn up section 99A with concern for the subject and cautionary man dates to government. The power can be exercised only in the manner and according to the procedure laid down by the law. Explicitly the section compels the government to look at the matter which calls for action to consider it as to the clear and present danger it constitutes in the shape of promoting feelings of enmity and hatred between different segments of citizens or as to its strong tendency or intendment to outrage the religious feelings of such segments (there are other proclivities also stated in the section with which we are not concerned for the present purpose) and	 quite impor tantly	 to state the grounds of its opinion. We are con cerned with the last ingredient. When the section says that you must state the grounds it is no answer to say that they need not be stated because they are implied. you do not state a thing when you are expressively silent about it. To state 'is to declare or to set forth especially in a precise	 formal or authoritative manner; to say (something)	 especially in an emphatic way to assert ' (Random House Dictionary). The conclusion is inescapable 8 1234SCI/76 620 that a formal authoritative setting forth of the grounds is statutorily mandatory. If you laze and omit	 the law visits the order with voidness and this the State Government must realize especially because forefeiture of a book for a penal offence is a serious matter	 not a routine act to be executed with unconcern or indifference. The wages of neglect is invalidity	 going by the text of the Code. These considerations are magnified in importance when we regard the changeover from the Raj to the Republic and the higher value assigned to the great rights of the people. Where there is a statutory duty to speak	 silence is lethal sin for a good reason disclosed by the scheme of the fasciculus. of sections. For section 99C enables the aggrieved party to apply to the High Court to set aside the prohibitory order and the Court examines the grounds of Government given in the order and affirms or upsets it. The Court cannot make a roving enquiry beyond the grounds set forth in the order and if the grounds are altogether left out what is the Court to examine ? And	 by this omission	 careless or calculated	 the valu able right of appeal to the Court is defeated. A construc tion of the section	 fraught with such pernicious conse quence and tampering with the basic structure of the statu tory remedy	 must be frowned upon by the Court if the liber ty to publish is to be restricted only to the limited extent the law allows. This reasoning is reinforced by Harnam Das vs State of U.P.(1) wherein this Court observed: "What then is to happen when the Government did not state the grounds of its opinion ? In such a case if the High Court upheld the order	 it may be that it would have done so for reasons which the Government did not have in contemplation at all. If the High Court did that	 it would really have made an order of forfeiture itself and not upheld such an order made by the Government. This	 as already stated	 the High Court has no power tO do under section 99 D. It seems clear to us	 therefore	 that in such a case the High Court must set aside the order under section 99 D	 for it cannot then be satisfied that the grounds given by the Government justified the order. You cannot be satisfied about a thing which you do not know. " We do not mean to say that the grounds or reasons link ing the primary facts with the forfeiter 's opinion must be stated at learned length. That depends. In some cases	 a laconic statement may be enough	 in others a longer ratioc ination may be proper but never laches to the degree of taciturnity. An order may be brief but not a blank. This conclusion establishes a constitutional rapport between the penal section 99A and the fundamental right article 19. To relieve the State from the duty to state grounds of forfeiture	 in the face of the words of section 99A	 is to permit raptorial opportunity for use of such power over people 's guaranteed liberty. Why do we say so ? Surely	 security of the State and peace of society demand restrictions on indi vidual rights and we are the slaves of the law that we may be free. (1) ; 	 1666. 621 The fighting faith of our founding fathers respected Mills ' famous statement and Voltaire 's inspired assertion. We quote: "If all mankind minus one were of one opin ion	 and only one person were of the contrary opinion	 mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person than he	 if he had the power	 would be justified in silencing mankind." (Mill in his essay 'on Liberty '	 pp. 19 20: Thinker 's Library ed. 	 Watts) "I disapprove of what you say	 but I will defend to the death your right to. say it." (Attributed to Voltaire in S.G. Tallentyre	 The Friends of Voltaire	 1907) Rights and responsibilities 'are a complex system and the framers of our COnstitution	 aware of the grammar of anarchy; wrote down reasonable restrictions on libertarian exercise of free doms. Dr. Ambedkar	 in the Constituent Assembly	 argued that it is incorrect to say that fundamental rights are absolute and quoted from Gitlow vs New York two self speaking passages: "It is a fundamental principle	 long estab lished	 that the freedom of speech and of the press	 which is secured by the Constitution	 does not confer an absolute right to speak or publish	 without responsibility	 whatever. one may choose	 or an unrestricted and unbridled licence that gives immunity for every possible use of language and prevents the punishment of those who abuse this freedom." X X X X X "That a State in the exercise of its police power may punish those who abuse this freedom by utterances inimical to the public welfare	 tending to corrupt public morals	 invite to crime or dis turb the public peace	 is not open to question . . " Section 99A of the Code	 construed in this candescent constitutional conspectus	 bears out our interpretation. In the interests of public order and public peace	 public power comes into play not because the heterodox few must be suppressed to placate the orthodox many but because every one 's cranium must be saved from mayhem before his cerebrum can have chance to simmer. Hatred	 outrage and like feel ings of large groups may have crypto violent proneness and the State	 in its well grounded judgment	 may prefer to stop the circulation of the book to preserve safety and peace in society. No enlightened State	 would use this power to suppress advanced economic views	 radical rational criti cisms or fearless exposure of primitive obscurantism but ordered security is a constitutional value wisely to 622 be safeguarded if progressives and regressives are to peace fully coexist. This is the spirit of section 99A of the Code. The actual exercise will depend not on doctrinnaire logic but practical wisdom. While the American theory of clear and present danger as the basis of restriction on fundamen tal rights does not necessarily apply in India	 the illumi nating observations of Holmes J.	 serve to educate the administrator and Judge. In Scheneck vs U.S.(1) Holmes J drove home the true test: "We admit that in many places and in ordinary times the defendants	 in saying all that was said in the circular	 would have been within their constitutional rights. But the character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done. The law 's stringent protection of free speech	 would not protect a man in falsely shouting 'fire ' in a theatre	 and causing panic. It does not even protect a man from an injunction against uttering words that may have all the effect of force. The question in every case is whether the words used are used in such circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the substantive evil that Congress has a right to prevent. It is a question of proximity and degree. " Developing this theory in a famous passage in Abrains vs U.S.(2) he said: "Persecution	 for the expression of opinions	 seems to me perfectly logical. If you have no doubt of your pre mises or your power and want a certain result with all your heart you naturally express your wishes in law and sweep away all opposition. To allow opposition by speech seems to indicate that you think the speech impotent	 as when a man says that he has squared the circle	 or that you do not care whole heartedly for the result	 or that you doubt either your power or your premises. But when men have realized that time has upset many fighting faiths	 they may come to believe even more than they believe the very foundations of their own conduct that the ulti mate good desired is better reached by free trade in ideas that the best test of truth is the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the compe tition of the market; and that truth is the only ground upon which their wishes safely can be carried out. That at any rate	 is the theory of our Constitution. It is an experiment	 as all life is an experiment. " Again in Bowmen vs Secular Society Ltd.	(2) Lord Summer underscored the dynamism of liberty and safety at once luminous and	 elegant	 in a purple passage: (1) (1918)249 U.S.47.52=63 L.E.d.470.473 474. (2) ; 	 629=63 L. ed. 1173	 1180. (3) 	 466 7. 623 "The words	 as well as the acts	 which tend to endanger society differ from time to time in proportion as society is stable or insecure in fact	 or is believed by its reasonable members to be open to assault. In the present day meetings or processions are held lawful which a hundred and fifty years ago would have been deemed seditious and this is not because the law is weaker or has changed	 but because	 the times having changed	 society is stronger than before. In the present day reasonable men do not apprehend the dissolution or downfall of society because religion is publicly assailed by methods not scandalous. Whether it is possible that in the future irreligious attacks	 designed to undermine fundamental institutions of our society	 may come to be criminal in themselves	 as constituting a public danger	 is a matter that does not arise. The fact that opinion grounded on experience has moved one way does not in law pre clude the possibility of its moving on fresh expe riences in the other; nor does it bind succeeding generations	 when conditions have again changed. After all	 the question whether a given opinion is a danger to society is a question of the times and is a question of fact. I desire to say nothing that would limit the right of society to protect itself by process of law from the dangers of the moment	 whatever that right may be	 but only to say that	 experience having proved dangers once thought real to be now negligible	 and dangers once very possibly imminent to have now passed away	 there is nothing in the general rules as to blasphemy and irreligion. which prevents us from varying their application to the particular circumstances of our time ni accordance with that experience. " Such is our constitutional scheme	 such the jurispruden tial dynamics and philosophical underpinnings of freedom and restraint	 a delicate area of fine confluence of law and politics which judges by duty have to deal with. The journey 's end has now arrived. Government has the power and responsibility to preserve societal peace and to forfeit publications which endanger it. But what is thereby prevented is freedom of expression	 that promoter of the permanent interests of human progress. Therefore	 the law (section 99A) fixes the mind of the Administration to the obliga tion to reflect on the need to restrict and to state the grounds which ignite its action. To fall here is to fault the order. That is about all. Before concluding	 we clarify that we express no view on the merits of the book or its provocative vitriol. It depends on a complex of factors. What offends a primitive people may be laughable for progressive communities. What is outrageous heresay for one religion or sect or country or time may be untouchably holy for another. Some primitive people may still be outraged by the admonition of Swami Vivekananda : 'Our religion is in the kitchen	 our 624 God is the cooking pot	 and our religion is don 't touch me	 I am holy ' (quoted at p. 339 by Jawaharlal Nehru in Discov ery of India). The rule of human advance is free thought and expression but the survival of society enjoins reasonable curbs where public interest calls for it. The balance is struck by governmental wisdom overseen by judicial review. We speak not of emergency situations nor of constitutionally sanctified special prescriptions but of ordinary times and of ordinary laws. A parting thought which we put to appellant 's counsel may be stated here. If the State Government	 judging by current circumstances	 feels impelled to invoke section 99A against the book in question it is free to do so	 subject of course to fulfilment of the requirement to state the grounds of its opinion and the operation of section 99C of the Code. Our detailed discussion disposes of the question of law and resolves the conflict immanent or apparent in the rul ings of the various High Courts ranged against each other. They are: Arun Ranjan Ghose vs The State of West Bengal(1); and Jwalamukhi vs State of A.P. (2) which support the view propounded by the appellant; and Mohammad Khalid vs Chief Commissioner(3); China Annamalai vs State(4) and Bennet Coleman & Co. Ltd vs State of J & K(5) which held with the Allahabad judgment under appeal. Perhaps there is no need to discuss the ratio in each of the above cases as the rival points of view have been already covered in the earlier part of this judgment. The possible invocation of the powers under section 99A of the Code of Criminal Procedure by various State Governments on several occasions induces us to enter a caveat. Basic unity amidst diversity notwithstanding	 India is a land of cultural contrarities	 co existence of many religions and anti religions	 rationalism and bigotry	 primitive cults and materialist doctrines. The compulsions of history and geography and the assault of modern science on the retreat ing forces of medieval ways a mosaic like tapestry of lovely and unlovely strands have made large and liberal tolerance of mutual criticism	 even though expressed in intemperate diction	 a necessity of life. Governments	 we are confident	 will not act in hubris	 but will weigh these hard facts of our society while putting into operation the harsh directives for forfeiture. From Galileo and Darwin	 ThOreau and Ruskin to Karl Marx	 H.G. Wells	 Barnard Shaw and Bertrand Russel	 many great thinkers have been objected to for their thoughts and statements avoiding for a moment great Indians from Manu to Nehru. Even today	 here and there	 diehards may be found in our country who are offended by their writings but no Government will be antediluvian enough to invoke the power to seize their great writings because a few fanatics hold obdurate views on them. (1)I.L.R. (2) I.L.R. (3) AIR 1968 Delhi 18 (F.B.). (4) AIR 1971 Madras 448 (FB). (5) 625 A well known Mao thought aptly expresses the liberalist approach to divergent schools of philosophy: "Letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend is the policy for promoting the progress of the arts and sciences. " Haroll Laski	 who influenced many Indian progres sives	 in his 'A Grammar of Politics ' states a lasting truth: "There is never sufficient certitude in social matters to make it desirable for any govern ment to denounce it in the name of the State. American experience of the last few years has made it painfully clear that there will never be present in constituted authority a sufficient nicety of discrimination to make R certain that the opinion attacked is one reasonably certain to give rise to present disorder. " x x x x x x "It is no answer to this view to urge that it is the coronation of disorder. If views which imply violence have a sufficient hold upon the State to disturb its foundations	 there is some thing radically wrong with the habits of that State. " x x x x x x x "Almost always there are rare cases in which persecution has proved successful the result of free expression is such a mitigation of the condi tion attacked as to justify its use; almost always	 ' also	 to prohibit free speech is to drive the agitation underground. What made Voltaire dangerous to France was not his election to the Academy	 but his voyage to England. Lenin was infinitely more dangerous to. Czarist Russia in Switzerland than he would have been in the Dume. Freedom of speech	 in fact	 with the freedom of assembly therein implied	 is at once the kathersis of discontent and the condition of necessary re form. A government can always learn more from the criticism of its opponents than from the eulogy of its supporters. To stifle that criticism is at least ultimately to prepare its own destruction. " A note of circumspection. In the current context of constitutionally proclaimed emergency	 the laws have perforce to act in the narrow limits inscribed in the Emergency provisions and this decision relates to the pre Emergency legal order. We dismiss the appeal.

The appellant Government passed an order under Section 99 A of the Cr. P.C.	 for the forfeiture of a book entitled 'Ramayan: A true Reading ' in English and its translation in Hindi	 by Periyar EVR	 of Tamil Nadu	 on the ground that the book intended to outrage the religious feelings of a class of citizens of India	 namely	 the Hindus. Thereupon	 an application was made by the respondent publisher of the book. under Section 99 C of the Code to the High Court	 which by its special Bench	 allowed the application and quashed the notification on the ground that the State Gov ernment had failed to state the grounds of its opinion as required in Section 99 A of the Code. The appellant contended that a specific statement of grounds by the Government	 is not a mandatory requirement under Section 99 A of the Cr. P.C.	 & that it can be made by implication. Dismissing the appeal	 the Court HELD: To relieve the State from the duty to state grounds of forfeiture	 is to permit raptorial opportunity for use of such power over people 's guaranteed liberty. Section 99 A says that you must state the ground and it is no answer to say that they need not be stated because they are implied. An order may be brief but not a blank. A formal authoritative setting forth of the grounds is statu torily mandatory. Section 99 C .enables the aggrieved party to apply to the High Court to set aside the prohibitory order and the Court examines the grounds of Government given in the order. The Court cannot make a roving enquiry beyond the grounds sefforth in the order and if the grounds are altogether left out	 the valuable right of appeal to the Court is defeated. [610G H	 620B C	 G H] Harnam Das vs State of U.P.A.I.R. 	 1666 dictum applied. Scheneck vs U.S. ; 	 527_ 63 L.ed. 470	 473 474: Abrams vs U.S. ; 	 629=63 Led. 1173	 1180; Bowmen vs Secular Society Ltd. 	 466 7; Arun Ranjan Ghosh vs State of West Bengal (I.L.R. 	 Jwalamukhi vs State of A.P. (I.L.R. referred to. Mohammad Khalid vs Chief Commissioner (A.I.R. 1968 Delhi 18 FB) Chinna Annamalai vs State (A.I.R. 1971 Madras 448 F.B.)	 Bennet Coleman & Co. vs State of J & K (1974 J & K .L.R. 591) approved.