Summarize the following court judgment. : Writ Petition No. 153 of 1966. (Under Article 32 of the Constitution of India for enforcement of the Fundamental Rights) And Writ Petition No. 202 of 1966. (Under Article 32 of the Constitution of India for enforce ment of the Fundamental Rights) And Writ Petition No. 205 of 1966. (Under Article 32 of the Constitution of India for enforcement of the Fundamental Rights) 778 In Writ Petition No. 153 of 1966. R. V. section Mani	 section K	 Mehta and K. L. Mehta	 for the petitioners. Niren	De	 Additional Solicitor General of India	and R. N. Sachthey	 for the Respondents. Niren De	 Additional Solicitor General of India	G.Rajagopal	 and R. H. Dhebar	for Intervener Ng. 1. section D. Banerjee	 Advocate General for the State of West Bengal	 B. Sen and P. K. Bose	for Intervener No.2. Lal Narain Sinha	 Advocate General for the State of Bihar	 Bajrang Saha	 M. M. Gajadhar	 K. M. K. Nair	 D. P. Singh	 M. K. Ramamurthi	 R. K. Garg	 section C. Agarwala and G. D. Gupta	 for Intervener No. 3. Mohan Kumaramangalam.	 Advocate General for the State of Madras	 B. Ramamurthi and A. V. Rangam	 for Intervener No. V. D. Mahajan and R. H. Dhebar	 for Intervener No.	 5. K. L. Mishra	 Advocate General for the State of Uttar Pradesh	 and O. P. Rana	 for Intervener No.	 6. V. A. Seyid Muhamad	 Advocate General for the State of Kerala	 B. R. L. Iyengar	 A. G. Pudissery	 for Intervener No. 7. Naunit Lal	 for Intervener No. 8. K. B. Mehta	 for Intervener No. 9. P. Ram Reddy and T. V. R. Tatachari	 for Intervener No. 10. M. C. Stealvad	 B. R. L. Iyengar and R. H. Dhebar	 for Inter vener No. 11. R. Thiagarajan	 for Intervener No. 12. D. N. Mukherjee	 for Interveners Nos. 13 and 19 to 21. E. Udayairatnam	 section section Dalal and D. D. Sharma	 for Inter veners Nos. 14 and 15. R. K Garg	 D. P. Singh	 M. K. Ramamurthi	 section C. Agarwala	 G. D. Gupta and K. M. K. Nair ' for Intervener No. 16. 'K. Parasaran and K. R. Chaudhuri	 for Intervener No. 17. Basudev Prasad	 K. Parasaran and K. R. Chaudhuri	 for Intervener No. 18. Basudev Prasad	 K. Rajendra Chaudhuri	 K. R. Chaudhuri and section N. Prasad	 for Interveners Nos. 22 to 24. 779 in Writ Petition No. 202 of 1966. M.K. Nambyar	 K. B. Jinaraja Hegde	 N. A.	 Subramaniam	 Bhuvanesh Kumari	 O. C. Mathur	 J. B. Dadachanji and Ravin der Narain	 for the Petitioner. H. R. Gokhale	 B. P. G. K. Achar	 K. H. Dhebar	 R. N. Sachthey and section P. Nayyar	 for Respondent No. 1. Niren De	 Additional Solicitor General	 N. section Bindra and R. N. Sachthey	 for Respondent No. 2. A. K. Sen	 F. section Nariman	 M. L. Bhakte	 section I. Thakere	 J. B. Dadachanji	 O. C. Mathur and Ravinder Narain	 for Intervener No. 1. N. A. Palkhiwala	 F. section Nariman	 M. L. Bhakte	 D. M. Popat	0. P. Malhotra	 J. B. Dadachanji	 O. C. Mathur and Ravinder Narain	 for Intervener No. 2. D. M.	 Parulekar B. Dutta	 J. B. Dadachanji	 O. C. Mathur and Ravinder Narain	 for Intervener No. 3. In Writ Petition No. 205 of 1966. M. K. Nambyar	 K. B. Jinaraja Hegde	 N. A. Subramaniam	 Bhuvanesh Kumari	 O. C. Mathur	 J. B. Dadachanji and Ravin der Narain	 for the Petitioner. H. R. Gokhale	 B. R. G. K. Achar	 R. H. Dhebar and section P. Nayyar	 for Respondent No. 1. section G. Patwardhan	 D. M. Parulekar	 B. Dutta	 section K. Dhelika	 1. B. Dadachanji	 O. C. Mathur and Ravinder Narain	 for the Intervener. The Judgment Of SUBBA RAO	 C.J.	 SHAH	 SIKRI	 SHELAT and VAIDIALINGAM	 JJ. was delivered by SUBBA RAO	 C.I. According to this Judgment (i) the power to amend the Constitution is not to be found in article 368 but in articles 245	 246 and 248 read with Entry 97 of List 1; (ii) the amending power can. not be used to abridge or take away the fundamental rights guaranteed in Part III of the Constitution; (iii) a law amending the Constitution is "Law" within the meaning of article 13(2) and (iv). the First	 Fourth and Seventeenth Amendments though they abridged fundamental rights were valid in the past on the basis of earlier decisions of this Court and continue to be valid for the future. On the application of the doctrine of "prospective over ruling"	 as enunciated in the judgment	 the decision will have only prospective operation and Parliament will have no power to abridge or take away Fundamental Rights from the date of the judgment. The Judgment of WANCHOO	 BHARGAVA and MITTER	 JJ. was delivered by WANCHOO	 J. According to this Judgment (i) the 780 power of amending the Constitution resides in article 368 and not in articles 245	 246 and 248	 read with EntrY 97 of List 1; (ii) there	 are no restrictions on the power if the procedure in article 368 is followed and all the Parts of the Constitution including Part III	 can be amended	 (iii) an amendment of the Constitution is not " 'law" under article 13(2); and (iv) the doctrine of "prospective overruling" cannot be applied in India. HIDAYATULLAH	 J. delivered a separate judgment agreeing with SUBBA RAo	 CJ. on the following two points: (i) that the power to amend the Constitution cannot be used to abridge or take away fundamental rights; and (ii) that a law amending the Constitution is "law" under article 13 (2). He agrees With WANCHOO	 J. that the power to amend does not reside in articles 245 and 248 read wish Entry 97 of List 1. article 368	 according to him	 is sui generis and procedural and the procedure when correctly followed	 results in an amendment. He does not rely on the doctrine of "prospective overruling". As regards the First	 Fourth and Seventh Amendments	 these having long enured and been acquiesced in	 he does not treat the question of their validity as being before him. As regards the Seventeenth Amendment he finds sufficient support for it in the Constitution as amended by the First	 Fourth and Seventh Amendments and holds that the new definition of "estate"	 introduced by the Amendment	 though it is "law" under article 13 (2) and is an inroad into fundamental rights	 is beyond the reach of the courts because it falls within the word "law" in articles 31 (1)	 (2)	 2A and 31A(1). He	 however	 declares section 3 of the Seventeenth Amendment Act ultra vires the amending process as an illegitimate exercise of the amending power. [BACHAWAT and RAMASWAMI	 JJ. delivered separate judgments concurring with WANCHOO	 J.] Subbarao	 C.J. These three writ petitions raise the important question of the validity of the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964. Writ Petition No. 153 of 1966	 is filed by the petitioners therein against the State of Punjab and the Financial Commissioner	 Punjab. The petitioners are the son	 daughter and granddaughters of one Henry Golak Nath	 who died on July 30	 1953. The Financial Commissioner	 in revision against the order made by the Additional Commissioner	 Jullundur Division	 held by an order dated January 22	 1962 that an area of 418 standard acres and 9 1/4 units was surplus in the hands of the petitioners under the provisions of the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act X of 1953	 read with section 10 B thereof. The petitioners	 alleging that the relevant provisions of the said Act where under the said area was 781 declared surplus were void on the ground that they infringed their rights under cls. (f) and (g) of article 19 and article 14 of the Constitution	 filed a writ in this Court under article 32 of the Constitution for a direction that the Constitution (First Amendment) Act 1951	 Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act	 1955	 Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 insofar as they affected their fundamental rights were unconstitutional and inoperative and for a direction that section 10 B of the said Act X of 1953 was void as violative of articles 14 and 19 (1) (f) and (g) of the Constitution. Writ Petitions Nos. 202 and 203 of 1966 were filed by different petitioners under article 32 of the Constitution for a declaration that the Mysore Land Reforms Act (Act 10 of 1962) as amended by Act 14 of 1965	 which fixed ceilings on land holdings and conferred ownership of surplus lands on tenants infringed articles 14	 19 and 31 of the Constitution and	 therefore	 was unconstitutional and void. The States of Punjab and Mysore	 inter alia	 contended that the said Acts were saved from attack on the ground that they infringed the fundamental rights of the petitioners by reason of the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 which	 by amending article 31 A of the Constitution and including the said two Arts in the 9th Schedule thereto	 had placed them beyond attack. In Writ Petition No. 153 of 1966	 7 parties intervened. In Writ Petition No. 202 of 1966 one party intervened. In addition	 in the first petition	 notice was given to the Advocates General of various States. A11 the learned counsel appearing for the parties	 the Advocates General appearing for the States and the learned counsel for the interveners have	 placed their respective viewpoints exhaustively before us. We are indebted to all of them for their thorough preparation and clear exposition of the difficult questions of law that were raised in the said petitions. At the outset it would be convenient to place briefly the respective contentions under different heads : (1) The Constitution is intended to be permanent and	 therefore	 it cannot be amended in a way which would injure	 maim or destroy its indestructible character. (2) The word "amendment" implies such an addition or change within the lines of the original instrument as will effect an improvement or better carry out the purpose for which it was framed and it cannot be so construed as to enable the Parliament to destroy the permanent character of the Constitution. (3) The fundamental rights are a part of the basic structure of the Constitution and	 therefore	 the said power can be exercised only to preserve rather than destroy the essence of those rights. (4) The limits on the power to amend are implied in article 368	 for the 782 expression "amend" has a limited meaning. The wide phraseo logy used in the Constitution in other Articles	 such as "repeal" and "re enact" indicates that article 368 only enables a modification of the Articles within the framework of the Constitution and a destruction of them. (5) The debates in the Constituent Assembly	 particularly the speech of Mr. Jawahar Lal Nehru	 the first PA= Minister of India	 and the reply of Dr. Ambedkar	 who piloted the Bill disclose clearly that it was never the intention of the makers of the Constitution by putting in article 368 to enable the Parliament to repeal the fundamental rights	 the circumstances under which the amendment moved by Mr. H. V. Kamath	 one of the members of Constituent Assembly	 was withdrawn and article 368 was finally adopted	 support the contention that amendment of Part II	 is outside the scope of article 368. (6) Part III of the Constitution is a self contained Code. and its provisions are elastic enough to meet all reasonable requirements of changing situations. (7) The power to amend is sought to be derived from three sources	 namely	 (i) by implication under article 368 itself; The procedure to amend culminating in the amendment of the Constitution necessarily implies that power	 (ii) the power and 	the limits of the power to amend are implied in the Articles sought to be amended	 and (iii) article 368 only lays down the procedure to amend	 but the power to amend is only the legislative power conferred on the Parliament under articles 245	 246 and 248 of the Constitution. (8) The definition of "law" in article 13(2) of the Constitution includes every branch of law	 statutory	 constitutional	 etc.	 ' and therefore	 the power to amend in whichever branch it may be classified	 if it takes away or abridges fundamental rights would be void thereunder. (9) The impugned amendment detracts from the jurisdiction of the High Court under article 226 of the Constitution and also the legislative powers of the States and therefore it falls within the scope of the proviso to article 368. The said summary	 though not exhaustive	 broadly gives the various nuances of the contentions raised by the learned counsel	 who question the validity of the 17th Amendment. We have not noticed the other arguments of Mr. Nambiar	 which are peculiar to the Writ Petition No. 153 of 1966 as those questions do not arise for decision	 in the view we are taking on the common questions. On behalf of the Union and the States the following points were pressed : (1) A Constitutional amendment is made in exercise of the sovereign power and not legislative power of Parliament and	. therefore	 it partakes the quality and character of the Constitution itself. (2) The real distinction is between a rigid and a flexible Constitution. The distinction is based upon the express limits of the amending power. (3) The provisions of article 783 368 axe clear and unequivocal and there is no scope for invoking implied limitations on that power: further the doctrine of impliedpower has been rejected by the American courts and jurists. (4) The object of the amending clause in a flexible Consetitution is to enable the Parliament to amend the Constitution in order to express the will of the people according to the changing course of events and if amending power is restricted by implied limitations	 the Constitution itself might be destroyed by revolution. Indeed	 it is a safety valve and an alternative for a violent change by revolution. (5) There are no basic and non basic features of the Constitution; everything in the Constitution is basic and it can be amended in order to help the future growth and progress of the country. (6) Debates. in the Constituent Assembly cannot be relied upon for construing article 368 of the Constitution and even if they can be	 there is nothing in the debates to prove	 positively that fundamental rights were excluded from amendment. (7) Most of the amendments are made out of political necessity: they involve	 questions	 such. as	 how to exercise power		 how to make the lot of the citizens better and the like and	 therefore	 not being judicial questions	 they are outside the court 's jurisdiction. (8) The language of article 368 is clear	 categorical	 imperative and universal	 on the other hand	 the language of article 13(2) is such as to admit qualifications or limitations and	 therefore	 the Court must construe them in such a manner as that Article could not control article 368. (9) In order to enforce the Directive Principles the Constitution was amended from time to time and the great fabric of the Indian Union has been built since 1950 on the basis that the Constitution could be amended and	 therefore	 any reversal of	 the previous I decisions would introduce economic chaos in our country and that	 therefore	 the burden is very heavy uponthe petitioners to establish that the fundamental rights cannot be amended under article 368 of the Constitution. (10) article 31 A and the 9th Schedule do not affect the power of the High Court under article 226 or the legislative power of the States though the area of their operation is limited and	 therefore	 they do not fall within the scope of the proviso to article 3 68. The aforesaid contentions only represent a brief summary of elaborate arguments	 advanced by learned counsel. We shall deal in appropriate context with the other points mooted before US. It will be convenient to read the material provisions of theConstitution at. this stage. Article 13(1) (2) The State shall not make any law which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by this part and any law made in contravention of this clause shall	 toy the extent of the contravention	 be void. 784 (3) In this article	 unless the context otherwise requires	 (a) "law" includes any Ordinance	 order	 bye law	 rule regulation	 notification	 custom or usage having in the territory of India the force of law. Article 31 A(1)	 Notwithstanding anything contained in article 13	 no law providing for	 (a) the acquisition by the State of any estate or of any rights therein or the extinguishment or modification of any such rights	 shall be deemed to be void on the ground that it is inconsistent with	 or takes away or abridges any of the rights conferred by article 14	 article 19 or article 31. (2) (a) the expression "estate" shall	 in relation to any local area	 have the same meaning as that expression or its local equivalent has in the existing law relating to land tenure in force in that area and shall also include	 (ii) any land held under ryotwari settlement	 (iii) any land held or let for purposes of agriculture or for purposes ancillary thereto. Article 31 D. Without prejudice to the generality of the provisions contained in article 31 A	 none of the Acts and Regulations specified in the Ninth Schedule nor any of the provisions thereof shall be deemed to be void	 or ever to have become void	 on the ground that such Act	 Regulation or provision is inconsistent with	 or takes away or abridges any of the rights conferred by	 any provisions of this Part	 and not withstanding any judgment decree or order of any court or tribunal to the contrary	 each of the said Acts and Regulations shall	 subject to the power of any competent Legislature to repeal or amend it	 continue in force. In the Ninth Schedule to the Constitution the Mysore Land Reforms Act	 1961	 (Mysore Act 10 of 1962) is included as item 51 and the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act	 1953 (Punjab Act 10 of 1953) is included as item 54. The definition of "estate" was amended and the Ninth Schedule was amended by including therein the said two Acts by the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964. 785 The result of the said amendments is that both the said Acts dealing with estates	 within their wide definition introduced by the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 having been included in the Ninth Schedule	 are placed beyond any attack on the ground that their provisions are inconsistent with or take away or abridge any of the rights conferred by Part III of the Constitution. It is common case that if the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 was constitutionally valid	 the said Acts could not be impugned on any of the said grounds. The question of the amendability of the fundamental rights was considered by this Court earlier in two decisions	 namely	 Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo vs Union of India and State of Bihar(1) and in Sajjan Singh vs State of Rajasthan (2) In the former the validity of the Constitution (First Amend ment) Act	 1951	 which inserted	 inter alia	 articles 31 A and 31 B in the Constitution	 was questioned. That amendment was made under article 368 of the Constitution by the Provisional Parliament. This Court held that Parliament had power to amend Part III of the Constitution. The Court came to that conclusion on two grounds	 namely	 (1) the word "law" in article 13(2) was one made in exercise of legislative power and not constitutional law made in exercise of constituent power; and (ii) there were two articles (articles 13(2) and 368) each of which was widely phrased and	 therefore	 harmonious construction required that one should be so read as to be controlled and qualified by the other	 and having regard to the circumstances mentioned in the judgment article 13 must be read subject to article 368. A careful perusal of ' the judgment indicates that the whole decision turned upon an assumption that the expression "law" in Art 13(2) does not include constitutional law and on that assumption an attempt was made to harmonise Article 13 (2) and 368 of the Constitution. The decision in Sajjan Singh 's case(2) was given in the con text of the question of the validity of the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964. Two questions arose in that case: (1) Whether the amendment Act insofar it purported to take away or abridge the rights conferred by Part III of the Constitution fell within the prohibition of article 13(2) and (2) Whether Articles 31 A and 31 B sought to make changes in articles 132	 136 or 226 or in any of the lists in the Seventh Schedule and therefore the requirements of the proviso to Article 368 had to be satisfied. Both the Chief Justice and Mudholkar	 J. made it clear that the first contention was not raised before the Court. The learned counsel appearing for both the parties accepted the correctness of the decision in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) in that (1) ; 	105. (2) ; 	 946	 950	 959	 961	 963. 786 regard. Yet Gajendragadkar	 C.J. speaking for the majority 	agreed with the reasons given in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) on the first question and Hidayatullah and Mudholkar	 JJ. expressed their dissent from the said view. But all of them agreed	 though for different reasons on the second question. Gajendragadkar	 C.J. speaking for himself	 Wanchoo and Raghubar Dayal	 JJ. rejected the contention that article 368 did not confer power on Parliament to take. away the fundamental rights guaranteed by Part III. When a suggestion was made that the decision in the aforesaid case should be reconsidered and reviewed	 the learned Chief Justice though he conceded that in a case where a decision had a significant impact on the fundamental rights of citizens	 the Court would be inclined to review its earlier decision in the interests of the public good	 he did not find considerations of substantial and compelling character to do so in that case. But after: referring to the reasoning given in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) the; learned Chief Justice observed "In our opinion 	 the expression "amendment of the	 Constitution" plainly and unambiguously means amendment of all the provisions of the Constitution. " Referring	 to article 13 (2)	 he restated the same reasoning found in	 the earlier decision and added that if it was the intention of the Constitution makers to save	 fundamental rights from the amending	process they should have taken the precaution of making A . clear provision in that regard. In short	 the majority	 speaking through Gajendragadkar	 C.L agreed that no case had been made	 out for reviewing the earlier decision and practically accepted the reasons given in the earlier decision. Hidyatullah J. speaking for himself	 observed "But I make it clear that I must not be understood to have subscribed to the view that the word "law" in article 13(2) does not control constitutional amendments. 	 I reserve my opinion on that case for I apprehend that it depends on how wide is the "law"in that Article." After giving his reasons for doubting the correctness of the reasoning given in Sankari Prasad 's case(1)	 the learned Judge concluded thus : "I would require stronger reasons than those given in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) to make me accept the view that Fundamental Rights were not really fundamental but were intended to be within the powers of amendment in common with the other parts of the Constitution and without the concurrence of the States." (1) ; 787 The. learned Judge continued "The Constitution gives so many assurances in Part III that it would be difficult to think that they were the playthings of a special majority. " Mudholkar	 J. was positive that the result of a legislative action of a legislature could not be other than "law" and	 therefore	 it seemed to him that the fact that the legislation dealt with the amendment of a provision of the Constitution would not make	 its results anytheless a 'law". He further pointed out that article 368 did not say that whenever Parliament made an amendment to the Constitution it assumed a different capacity from that of a constituent body. He also brought out other defects in the line of reasoning adopted in Sankari Prasad 's case(1). It will	 therefore	be seen that the correctness of the decision in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) was not questioned in Sajjan Singh 's case(2) Though it was not questioned	 three of the learned Judges agreed with the view expressed therein	 but two learned Judges were inclined to take a different view. But	 as that question was not raised	 the minority agreed with the conclusion	 arrived at by the majority on the question whether the Seventeenth Amendment Act was	 covered by the proviso. to article 368 of the Constitution. The conflict between the majority and the minority in Sajjan 's Singh 's case(1) falls to be resolved in this case. The said conflict and	 the great importance of the question raised is the justification for . the Constitution of the larger Bench. 	 The decision in Sankri Prasad 's case(1) was assumed to be correct in subsequent decisions of this Court. See section Krishnan vs State of Madras(1)	 The State ' of West Bengal vs Anwar All Sarkar(1) and Basheshar Nath vs The Commissioner of Income tax	 Delhi and Rajasthan(5). But nothing turns upon that fact	 as the correctness of the derision was not questioned . in those cases. A correct appreciation of the scope and the place of funda mental rights in our Constitution will give its the right perspective for solving the problem presented before us	 Its scope cannot be appreciated unless we have a conspectus of the Constitution	 its objects. and its machinery to achieve those object. The objective sought to be achieved by the Constitution is declared in sonorous terms. in its preamble which reads "We the people of India having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a Sovereign	 Democratic	 Republic and to secure to all its citizens justice. liberty. equality. and fraternity . (1) ; (3) ; at page 652. (2) [1965] 1 S.C.R.933. (4) ; 	 366. (5) [1959] Supp. 1 S.C.R. 528	563. 788 It contains in a nutshell	 its ideals and its aspirations. The preamble is not a platitude but the	 mode of its realisation is worked out in detail in the Constitution. The Constitution brings into existence different constitutional entities	 namely	 the Union	 the States and the Union Territories. It creates three major instruments of power	 namely	 the Legislature	 the Executive and the Judiciary. It demarcates their jurisdiction minutely and expects them to exercise their respective powers without overstepping their limits. They should function within the spheres allotted to them. Some powers overlap and some are superseded during emergencies. The mode of resolution of conflicts and conditions for supersession are also prescribed. In short	 the scope of the power and the manner of its exercise are regulated by law. No authority created under the Constitution is supreme; the Constitution is supreme; and all the authorities function under the supreme law of the land. The rule of law under the Constitution has a glorious content. It embodies the. modem concept of law evolved over the centuries. It empowers the Legislatures to make laws in respect of matters enumerated in the 3 Lists annexed to Schedule VII. In Part IV of the Constitution	 the Directive Principles of State Policy are laid down. It enjoins it to bring about a social order in which justice	 social. economic and political shall inform all the institutions of national life. It directs it to work for an egalitarian society where there is no concentration of wealth	 where there is plenty	 where there is equal opportunity for all	 to education	 to work	 to livelihood '. and where there is social justice. But	 having regard to the past history of our country	 it could not implicitly believe the representatives of the people	 for uncontrolled and unrestricted power might lead to an authoritarian State. It	 therefore	 preserves the natural rights against the State encroachment and constitutes the higher judiciary of the State as the sentinel of the said rights and the balancing wheel between the rights	 subject to social control. In short	 the fundamental rights	 subject to social control	 have been incorporated in the rule of law. That is brought about by an interesting process. In the implementation of the Directive Principles	 Parliament or the Legislature of a State makes laws in respect of matter or matters allotted to it. But the higher Judiciary tests their validity on certain objective criteria	 namely	 (i) whether the appropriate Legislature has the legislative competency to make the law; (ii) whether the said law infringes any of the fundamental rights; (iii) even if it Infringement the freedoms under article 19	 whether the infringement only amounts to "reasonable restriction" on such rights in "public interest. " By this process of scrutiny	 the court maintains the validity of only such laws as keep a just balance between freedoms and social control. The duty of reconciling fundamental rights in article 19 and the laws of social control is cast upon the courts 789 and the touchstone or the standard is contained in the said two expressions. The standard is an elastic one; it varies with time	 space and condition. What is reasonable under certain circumstances may not be so under different circumstances. The constitutional philosophy of law is reflected in Parts 1111 and IV of the Constitution. The rule of law under the Constitution serves the needs of the people without unduly infringing their rights. It recognizes the social reality and tries to adjust itself to it from time	 to time avoiding the authoritarian pat@. EKery institution or political party that functions under the Constitution must accept it; otherwise it has no place under the Constitution. Now	 what are the fundamental rights ? They are embodied in Part III of the Constitution and they may be classified thus : (i) right to equality	 (ii) right to freedom	 (iii)right against exploitation	 (iv) right to freedom of religion	 (v) cultural and educational rights	 (vi) right to property	 and (vii) right to constitutional remedies. They are the rights of the people preserved by our Constitution. "Fundamental rights" are the modern name for what have been traditionally known as "natural rights". As one author puts: "they are moral rights which every human being everywhere at all times ought to have sim y because of the fact that in contradistinction with ot moral. " They are the primordial ment of human personality. man to chalk out his own life in is rational and ry for the developrights which enable a he likes best. Our Constitution	 in addition to the well known fundamental rights	 also included the rights of the minorities	 untouchables and other backward communities	 in such rights. After having declared the fundamental rights	 our Constitution says that all laws in force in the territory of India immediately before the commencement of the Constitution	 insofar as they are inconsistent with the said rights	 are	 to the extent of such inconsistency	 void. The Constitution also enjoins the State not to make any law which takes away or abridges the said rights and declares such laws	 to the extent of such inconsistency	 to be void. As we have stated earlier	 the only limitation c)n the freedom enshrined in article 19 of the Constitution is that imposed by a valid law rating as a reasonable restriction in the interests of the public. It will	 therefore	 be seen that fundamental rights are given transcendental position under our Constitution and are kept beyond the reach of Parliament. At the same time Parts 1111 and V constituted an integrated scheme forming a self contained code. The scheme is made so elastic that all the Directive ' Principles of State Policy can reasonably be enforced 'without taking up. Cl/67 5 790 away or abridging the fundamental rights. While recognizing the immutability of fundamental rights	 subject to social control	 the Constitutional itself provides for the suspension or the modification of fundamental rights under specific circumstances	 for instance	 article 33 empowers Parliament to modify the rights conferred by Part III in their application to the members of the armed forces	 article 34 enables it to impose restrictions on the rights conferred by the said parts while martial law is in force in an area	 article 35 confers the power on it to make laws with respect to any of the matters which under clause (3) of article 16	 Clause (3) of article 32	 article 33 and article 34 may be provided for by law. The non obstante clause with which the last article opens makes it clear that all the other provisions of the Constitution are subject to this provision. Article 32 makes the right to move the Supreme Court	 by appropriate proceedings for the enforcement of the rights conferred by the said Parts a guaranteed right. Even during grave emergencies article 358 only suspends the provisions of article 19; and article 359 enables the President by order to declare the right to move any court for the enforcement of such of the rights conferred by Part III as may be mentioned in that order to be suspended; that is to say	 even during emergency	 only article 19 is suspended temporarily and all other rights are untouched except those specifically suspended by the President. In the Book "Indian Constitution Corerstone of a Nation" by Granville Austin	 the scope origin and the object of funda mental rights have been graphically stated. Therein the learned author says : ". . the core of the commitment to the social revolution lies in Parts III and IV	 in the Fundamental Rights and fit the Directive Principles of State Policy. These are the conscience of the Constitution. " Adverting to the necessity for incorporating fundamental rights in a Constitution	 the learned author says That a declaration of rights had assumed such importance was not surprising; India was a land of communities	 of minorities	 racial	 religious	 linguistic	 social and caste. For India to become a state these minorities had to agree to be governed both at the centre and in the provinces by fellow Indian members	 perhaps	 of another minority and not by a mediatory third power	 the British. On both psychological and political	 rounds. 	 therefore 	 the demand for written right rights would provide tangible safeguards	 against oppression proved overwhelming. 791 Motilal Nehru	 who presided over the Committee called for by the Madras Congress resolution	 in May	 1928 observed in his report : "It is obvious that our first care should be to have our Fundamental Rights guaranteed in a manner which will not permit their withdrawal under any circumstances . Another reason why great importance attached to a Declaration of Rights is the unfortunate existence of communal differences in the country. Certain safeguards are necessary to create and establish a sense of security among those who look upon each other with distrust and suspicion. We could dot	 better secure the full enjoyment of religious and communal rights to all communities than by including them among the basic principles of the Constitution." Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru	 on April 30	 1947 in proposing for the adoption of the Interim Report on Fundamental Rights	 said thus : "A fundamental right should be looked upon	 not from the point of view of any particular difficulty of the moment	 but as something that you want to make permanent in the Constitution. The other matter should be looked upon however important it might be not from this permanent and fundamental point of view	 but from the more temporary point of view." Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru	 who was Prime Minister at that time and. who must have had an effective voice in the framing of the Constitution	 made this distinction between fundamental rights and other provisions of the Constitution	 namely	 the former were permanent and the latter were amendable. On September 18	 1949 Dr. Ambedkar in speaking on the amendment proposed by Mr. Kamath to article 304 of the Draft Constitution corresponding to the present article 368	 namely	 "Any provision of this Constitution may be amended	 whether by way of variation	 addition or repeal	 in the manner provided in this article"	 said thus "Now	 what is it we do ? We divide the articles of the Constitution under three categories. The first category is the one which consists of articles which can be amended by Parliament by a bare majority. The second set of articles are articles which require two thirds majority. If the future Parliament wishes to amend any particular article which is not mentioned in Part III or article 304	 all that is necessary for them is to have two thirds majority. Then they can amend it. " 792 Therefore	 in Dr. Ambedkar 's view the fundamental rights were so important that they could not be amended in the manner provided by article 304 of the Draft Constitution	 which corresponds to the present article 368. We have referred to the speeches of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Dr. Ambedkar not with a view to interpret the provisions of article 368	 which we propose to do on its own terms	 but only to notice the transcendental character given to the fundamental rights by two of the important architects of the Constitution. This Court also noticed the paramountcy of the fundamental rights in many decisions. In A. K. Gopalan vs State of Mad ras(1) they are described as "paramount '	 in State of Madras vs Smt. Champakam Dorairajan(2) as "sacrosanct"	 in Pandit M. section M. Sharma vs Shri Sri Krishna Sinha(s) as "rights reserved by the people '	 in Smt. Vijam Bai vs State of Uttar Pradesh(1) as "inalienable and inviolable"	and in other cases as "transcendental". The minorities regarded them as the bedrock of their political existence and the majority considered them as a guarantee for their way of life. This	 however	 does not mean that the problem is one of mere dialectics. The Constitution has given by its scheme a place of permanence to the fundamental freedoms. In giving to themselves the Constitution	 the people have reserved the fundamental freedoms to themselves. Article 13 merely incorporates that reservation. That Article is however not the source of the protection of fundamental rights but the expression of the reservation. The importance attached to the fundamental freedoms is so transcendental that a bill enacted by a unanimous vote of all the members of both the Houses is ineffective to dero gate from its guaranteed exercise. It is not what the Parliament regards at a given moment as conducive to the public benefit	 but what Part III declares protected	 which determines the ambit of the freedom. The incapacity of the Parliament therefore in exercise of its amending power to modify	 restrict or impair fundamental freedoms in Part III arises from the scheme of the Constitution and the nature of the freedoms. Briefly stated	 the	 Constitution declares certain rights as fundamental laws infringing the said rights of social control infringing the said power on Parliament and the them in specified circumstances; if the decisions in San Prasad 's case(1) and Sajjan Singh 's case(1) laid down the correct law	 it enables the same Parliament to abrogate them with one stroke	 provided the party in power singly or in combination with other parties commands the neces (1) ; 198. (3) [1959] Supp. 1 S.C.R. 806. (5) [1952] S.C.P. 89	105. (2) ; (4) [1963] 1 S.C.R. 778. (6) ; 793 sary majority. While articles of less significance would require consent of the majority of the States	 fundamental rights can. be dropped without such consent. While a single fundamental right cannot be abridged or taken away by the entire Parliament unanimously voting to that effect	 a two thirds ' majority can do away with all the fundamental rights. The entire super structure built with precision and high ideals may crumble at one false step. Such a conclusion would attribute unreasonableness to the makers of the Constitution	 for	 in that event they would be speaking in two voices. Such an intention cannot be attributed to the makers of the Constitution unless the provisions of the Constitution compel us to do so. With this background let us proceed to consider the provisions of article 368	 vis a vis article 13(2) of the Constitution. The first question is whether amendment of the Constitution under article 368 is "law" within the meaning of article 13(2). The marginal note to article 368 describes that article as one prescribing the procedure for amendment. The article in terms only prescribes various procedural steps in the matter of amendment: it shall be initiated by the introduction of a bill in either House of Parliament; it shall be passed by the prescribed majority in both the Houses; it shall then be presented to the President for his assent; and upon such assent the Constitution shall stand amended. The article assumes the power to amend found else and says that it shall be exercised in the manner laid down therein. The argument that the completion of the procedural AM culminates in the exercise of the power to amend may be subtle but does not carry conviction. If that was the intention of the provisions	 nothing prevented the makers of the Constitution from stating that the Constitution may be amended in the manner suggested. Indeed	 whenever the Constitution sought to confer a special power to amend on any authority it expressly said so : (See articles 4 and 392). The alternative contention that the said power shall be implied either from article 368 or from the nature of the articles sought to be amended cannot be accepted	 for the simple reason that the doctrine of necessary implication cannot be invoked if there is an express sion or unless but for such implication the article will no necessity to imply any plenary power to make any Constitution subject to the Uninfluenced by any foreign doctrines let us look at the provisions of our Constitution. Under article 245	 "subject to the provisions of the Constitution	 Parliament may make laws for the whole or any part of the territory of India. . Article 246 demarcates the matters in respect of which Parliament and State 794 Legislatures may make laws. In the field reserved for Parliament there is Entry 97 which empowers it to make laws in respect of " any other matter not enumerated in Lists II and III including any tax not mentioned in either of those lists. " Article 248 expressly states that Parliament has exclusive power to make any law with respect to any matter not enumerated in the Concurrent List 	or State List. It is	 therefore	 clear that the residuary power of legislation is vested in Parliament. Subject to the argument based upon the alleged nature of the amending power as understood by jurists in other countries	 which we shal consider at a later stage	 it cannot be contended	 and indeed	 it was not contended	 that the Constituent Assembly	 if it were so minded	 could not have conferred an express legislative power on Parliament to amend the Constitution by ordinary legislative process. Articles 4 and 169	 and para 7 of the 5th Schedule and para 21 of the 6th Schedule have expressly conferred such power. There is	 therefore	 no inherent Inconsistency between legislative process and the amending one. Whether in the field of a constitutional law or statutory law amendment can be brought about only by law. The residuary power of Parliament	 unles there is anything contrary in the 	Constitution	 certainly takes in the power to amend the Constitution. It is said that two Articles 'indicate the contrary intention. As article 245	 the argument proceeds	 is subject to the provisions of the Constitution	 every law of amendment will necessarily be inconsistent with the articles sought to be amended. 'Ibis is an argument in a circle. Can it be said reasonably that a law amending an article is inconsistent with the article amended ? If an article of the Constitution expressly says that it cannot be amended	 a law cannot be made amending it	 as the power of Parliament to make a law is subject to the said Article. It may well be that in a given case such a limitation may also necessarily be implied. The limitation in article 245 is in respect of the power to make a law and not of the content of the law made Within the scope of its power. The second criticism is based upon article 39 of the Constitution. That provision confers power on the President to remove difficulties; in the circumstances mentioned in that provision	 he can by order direct that the Constitution shall during such period as may be specified in that order have effect subject to such adaptations	 whether by way of modification	 addition 	or omission	 as he may deem to be necessary or expedient. The argument is that the President 's power	 though confined to a temporqry period	is co extensive with legislative power and if the power to amend is a legislative power it would have to be held that the President can amend the Constitution in terms of article 368. Apart from the limited scope of article 392	 which is intended only for the purpose of removing difficulties and for bringing about a smooth transition	 an order made by the Presi 795 dent cannot attract article 368	 as the amendment contemplated by that provision can be initiated only by the introduction of a bill in the Parliament. There is no force in either of the two criticisms. Further	 there is	 internal evidence in the Constitution itself which indicates that amendment to the Constitution is a "law" within the meaning of article 245. Now	 what is "law" under the Constitution ? It is not denied that in its comprehensive sense it includes constitutional law and the law amending the Constitution is constitutional law. But article 13(2) for the purpose of that Article gives an inclusive definition. It does not exclude Constitutional law. It prima facie	takes in constitutional law. Article 368 itself gives the necessary clue to the problem. The amendment can be initiated by. the introduction of a bill; it shall be passed by the two Houses; it shall ' receive the assent of the President. These are well known procedural steps in the process of law making : Indeed this Court in Sankari Prasads case(1) brought out this idea in clear terms. It said "in the first place	 it is provided that the amendment must be initiated by the introduction of a "bill in either House of Parliament ' a familiar feature of Parliament procedure (of Article 107(1) which says "A bill may originate in either House of Parliament"). 'Then	 the bill must be "Passed in each House	 just what Parliament does when it is called upon to exercise its normal legisrative function Article 107(2)1; and finally, the bull thus passed must be president to the President" for his "assent"	 again a parliamentary process through which every bill must pass before it can reach the statute book	 (Article 1 1 1 ). We thus find that each of the component units of Parliament is to play its allotted part in bringing about an amendment to the Constitution. We have already seen that Parliament effects amendments of the first class mentioned above by going through the same three fold procedure but with a simple majority. The fact that a different majority in the same body is required for effecting the second and third categories of 1 amendments make the amending agency a different body. " In the same decision it is pointed out that article 368 is not a complete code in respect of the procedure. This Court said "There are gaps in the procedure as to how and after what notice a bill is to be introduced	 how it is to be passed by each House and how the President 's assent is to be obtained. Having provided for the Constitution of a Parliament and prescribed a certain procedure for the conduct of its ordinary legislative business to be supplemented by rules made by each House (Article 118)	 the makers of the Constitution must be taken to have intended Parliament to follow that procedure	 so far as they may be applicable consistently with the express provision of article 368	 when they have entrusted to it the power of =ending the Con (1) ( 1 952) S.C. R. 89. 796 stitution. " The House of the People made rules providing procedure for amendments	 the same as for other Bills with the addition of certain special provisions viz.	 Rules 155	 156	 157 and 158. If amendment is intended to be something other than law	 the constitutional insistence on the said legislative process is unnecessary. In short	 amendment cannot be made otherwise than by following the legislative process. The fact that there are other conditions	 such as	 a larger majority and in the case of articles mentioned in the proviso a ratification by Legislatures is provided	 does not make the amendment anytheless a law. The imposition of further conditions is only a safeguard against hasty action or a protection to the States	 but does not change the Legislative character of the amendment. This conclusion is reinforced by the other articles of the Constitution. Article 3 enables Parliament by law to form now States and alter areas	 boundaries or the names of existing States. imposed two	 further conditions	 of the President	 and (ii) in therein	 the views expressed by the Legislatures. Notwithstanding the said conditions it cannot be suggested that the expression "law" under the said Article is not one made by the Legislative process. Under article 4	 such a law can contain provisions for amendment of Schedules I and IV indicating thereby that amendments are only made by Legislative process. What is more	 cl. (2) thereof introduces a fiction to the affect that such a law shall not be deemed to be an amendment to the Constitution. This shows that the amendment is law and that but for the fiction it would be an amendment within the meaning of article 368. Article 169 which empowers Parliament by law to abolish or create Legislative Councils in States	 para 7 of the 5th Schedule and para 21 of the 6th Schedule which enable Parliament by law to amend the said Schedules	 also bring out the two ideas that the amendment is law made by legislative process and that but for the fiction introduced it would attract Article 368. That apart amendments under the said provisions can be made by the Union Parliament by simple majority. That an amendment is made only by legislative process with or without conditions will be clear if two decisions of the Privy Council are considered in juxta position. They are McCawley vs The King(1) and The Bribery Commissioner vs Pedrick Rana singhe(2). The facts in McCawley vs The King(1) were these: In 1859 Queensland had been granted a Constitution in the terms of an Order in Council made on June 6 of that year under powers derived by Her Majesty from the Imperial Statute	 18 & 19 Vict. (1) (2) 797 c. 54. The Order in Council had set up a legislature for the territory	 consisting of the Queen	 a Legislative Council and a. Legislative Assembly	 and the law making power was vested in Her Majesty acting with the advice and consent of the Council and Assembly. Any laws could be made for the "peace	 welfare and good government of the Colony". The said legislature of Queensland in the year 1867 passed the Constitution Act of that year. Under that Act power was given to the said legislature to make laws for "peace	 welfare and good Government of the Colony in all cases whatsoever". But	 under section 9 thereof a two thirds majority of the Council and of the Assembly %	as required as a condition precedent to the validity of legislation altering the constitution	of the Council. The Legislature	 there fore	 had	 except in the case covered by section 9 of the Act	 an unrestricted power to make laws. The Legislature passed a law which conflicted with one of the existing terms of the Constitution Act. Lord Birkenhead	 L.C.	 upheld the law	 as the Constitution Act conferred an absolute power upon the legislature to pass any law by majority even though it	 in substance	 amended the terms of the Constitution Act. In The Bribery Commissioner vs Pedrick Ranasinghe(1)	 the facts are these : By section 29 of the Ceylon (Constitution) Order in Council	 1946	 Parliament shall have power to make laws for the	 "peace. order and good government" of the Island and in the exercise of its power under the said section it may amend or repeal any of the provisions of the Order in its application to the Island. The proviso to that section says that no Bill for the amendment or repeal of any of the provisions of the Order shall be presented for the Royal assent unless it has endorsed on it a certificate under the hand of the Speaker that the number of votes cast in favour thereof in the House of Representatives amounted to not less than two thirds of the whole number of members of the House. Under section 55 of the said Order the appointment of Judicial Officers was vested in the Judicial Service Com mission. But the Parliament under section 41 of the Bribery Amendment Act	 1958	 provided for the appointment of the personnel of the Bribery Tribunals by the Governor General on the advice of the Minister of Justice. The said Amendment Act was in conflict with the said section 55 of the Order and it was passed without complying with the terms of the proviso to section 29 of the Order. The Privy Council held that the Amendment Act was void. Lord Pearce	 after considering McCawley 's case(2) made the following observations	 at p. 1310 : ". . a legislature has no power to ignore	 the conditions of law making that are imposed by the (1) ; (2) 1. 798 instrument which itself regulates its power to make law. This restriction exists independently of the 	 question whether the legislature is sovereign	 as is the legislature of Ceylon	 or whether the Constitution is "uncontrolled"	 as the Board held the Constitution of Queensland to be. Such a Constitution can	 indeed	 be altered or amended by the legislature	 if the regulating instrument so provides and if the terms of those provisions are complied with. . It will be seen from the said judgments that an amendment of the Constitution is made only by legislative process with ordinary majority or with special majority	 as the case may be. There.fore	 amendments either under article 368 or under other Articles 	axe made only by Parliament by following the legislative process adopted by it ' n making other law	. In the premises	 an amendment "Of the Constitution can be nothing but "law". A comparative study of other Constitutions indicates that no particular pattern is followed. AR the Constitutions confer an 	express power to amend	 most of them provide for legislative procedure with special majority	 referendum	 convention	 etc.	 and a few with simple majority. Indeed	 Parliament of England	 which is a supreme body	 can amend the constitution like any other :statute. As none of the Constitutions contains provisions similar to article 368 and article 13(2)	 neither the said Constitutions nor the decisions given by courts thereon would be of any assistance in construing the scope of article 368 of our Constitution. A brief survey of the nature of the amending process adopted by various constitutions will bring out the futility of any attempt to draw inspiration from the said opinions or decisions on the said constitutions. The nature of the amending power in different constitutions generally depends on the nature of the polity created by the constitution	 namely	 whether it is federal or unitary constitution or on the fact whether it is a written or an unwritten constitution or on the circumstances whether it is a rigid or a flexible constitution. Particularly the difference can be traced to the "spirit and genius of the nation in which a particular constitution has its birth". The following articles of the 'Constitution of the different countries are brought to our notice by one or other of the counsel that appeared before us. article 5 of the Constitution of the United States of America	 articles 125 and 128 of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act	 article 92 (1) of the British North American Act	 section 152 of the South African Act	 article 217 of the Constitution of	 the United States of Brazil	 Section 46 of the Constitution of Ireland	 1937	 articles 207	 208 and 209 of the Constitution of the Union of Burma	 article 88 	of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Denmark Act	 article 90 of 799 the Constitution of the French Republic	 1954	 article 135 of the United States of Mexico	 article 96 of the Constitution of Japan	 article 112 of the Constitution of Norway	 article 85 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Sweden	 articles 118	 119	 120	 121	 122 and 123 of the Constitution of the Swiss Federation	 articles 140	 141 and 142 of the Constitution of Venezuela	 and article 146 of the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics	 1936 and section 29(4) of Ceylon Constitution Order in Council	 1946. Broadly speaking amendments can be made by four methods (i) by ordinary legislative process with or without restrictions	 (ii) by the people through	 referendum	 (iii) by majority of all the units of a federal State; and (iv) by a special convention. The first method can be in four different ways	 namely	 (i) by the ordinary course of legislation by absolute majority or by special majority	 (See Section 92 (1 ) of the British North America Act	 sub section 152 South African Apt	 where under except sections 35	 137 and 152	 other provisions could be amended by ordinary legislative process by absolute majority. Many constitutions provide for special majorities.); (ii) by a fixed quorum of members for the consideration of the proposed amendment and a special majority for its passage; (see the defunct Constitution of Rumania)	 (iii) by dissolution and general election on a particular issue; (see the Constitutions of Belgium	 Holland	 Denmark and Norway)	 and (iv) by a majority of two Houses of Parliament in joint session as in the Constitution of the South Africa. The second method demands a popular vote	 referendum 	 or plebiscite as in Switzerland	 Australia	 Ireland	 Italy	 France and Denmark. The third method is by an agreement in some form or other of either of the majority or of all the federating units as in Switzerland	 Australia and the United States of America. The fourth method is generally by creation of a special body ad hoc for the purpose of constitution revision as in Latin America. Lastly	 some constitutions impose express limitation on the power to amend. (See article 5 of the United States Constitution and the Constitution of the Fourth French Republic). A more elaborate discussion of this topic may be found in the American political Constitution by Strong. It will	 therefore	 be seen that the power to amend and the procedure to amend radically differ from State to State; it is left to the constitution makers to prescribe the scope of the power and the method of amendment having regard to the requirements of the particular State. There is no article in any of the constitutions referred to us similar to article 13(2) of our Constitution. India adopted a different system altogether: it empowered the Parliament to amend the Constitution by the legislative process subject to fundamental rights. The Indian 1 Constitution has made the amending process comparatively flexible	 but it is made subject to fundamental rights. 800 Now let us consider the argument that the power to amend is a sovereign power	 that the said power is supreme to the legislative power	 that it does not permit any implied limitations and that amendments made in exercise of that power involve political questions and that	 therefore	 they are outside judicial review	 This wide proposition is sought to be supported on the basis of opinions of jurists and judicial decisions. Long extracts have been read to us from the book "The Amending of the Federal Constitution (1942)" by Lester Bernhardt Orfield	 and particular reference was made to the following passages : "At the point it may be well to note that when the Congress is engaged in the amending process it is not legislating. It is exercising a peculiar power bestowed upon it by Article Five. This Article for the most part 	controls the process; and other provisions of the Constitution	 such as those relating to the passage of legislation	 having but little bearing. " Adverting to the Bill of Rights	 the learned author remarks that they may be repealed just as any other amendment and that they are no more sacred from a legal standpoint than any other part of the Constitution. Dealing with the doctrine of implied limitations	 he says that it is clearly untenable. Posing the question 'Is other a law about the amending power of the Constitution ?"	 he answers	 "there is none". He would even go to the extent of saying that the sovereignty	 if it can be said to exist at all	 is located in the amending body. The author is certainly a strong advocate of the supremacy of the amending power and an opponent of the doctrine of implied limitations. His opinion is based upon the terms of article 5 of the Constitution of the United States of America and his interpretation of the decisions of the Supreme Court of America. Even such an extreme exponent of the doctrine does not say that a particular constitution cannot expressly impore restrictions on the power to amend or that a court cannot reconcile the articles couched in unlimited phraseology. Indeed article 5 of the American Constitution imposes express limitations on the amending power. Some passages from the book "Political Science and Government" by James Wilford Garner are cited. Garner points out : "An unamendable constitution	 said Mulford	 is the &&worst tyranny of time	 or rather the very tyranny of time" But he also notices "The provision for amendment should be neither so rigid as to make needed changes practically impossible nor so flexible as to encourage frequent and 801 unnecessary changes and thereby lower the authority of the Constitution. " Munro in his book "The Government of the United States"	 5th Edition	 uses strong words when he says ". . it is impossible to conceive of an unamendable constitution as anything but a contradiction in terms. " The learned author says that such a constitution would constitute "government by the graveyards." Hugh Evander Wills in his book "Constitutional Law of the United States" avers that the doctrine of amendability of the Constitution is grounded in the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people and that it has no such implied limitations as that an amendment shall not contain a new grant of power or change the dual form of government or change the protection of the Bill of Rights	 or make any other change in the Constitution. Herman Finer in his book "The Theory and Practice of Modem Government" defines "constitution" as its process of amendment	 for	 in his view	 to amend is to deconstitute and reconstitute. The learned author concludes that the amending clause is so fundamental to a constitution that he is tempted to call it the constitution itself. But the learned author recognizes that difficulty in amendment certainly products circumstances and makes impossible the surreptitious abrogation of rights guaranteed in the constitution. William section Livingston in "Federalism and Constitutional Change" says : "The formal procedure of amendment is of greater importance than the informal processes	 because it constitutes a higher authority to which appeal lies on any question that may arise. " But there are equally eminent authors who express a different view. In "American Jurisprudence"	 2nd Edition	 Vol. 16	 it is stated that a statute and a constitution though of unequal dignity are both laws. Another calls the constitution of a State as one of the laws of the State. Cooley in his book on "Constitutional Law" opines that changes in the fundamental laws of the State must be indicated by the people themselves. He further implies limitations to the amending power from the belief in the constitution itself	 such as	 the republican form of Government cannot be abolished as it would be revolutionary in ifs characters. In the same book it is further said that the power to amend the constitution by legislative action does not confer the power to break it any more than it confers the power to legislate on any other subject contrary to the prohibitions. C. F. Strong in his book "Modem Poliical Constitutions"	 1963 edition	 does not accept the theory of absolute sovereignty of the amending power which does not brook any limitations	 for he says. 802 "In short	 it attempts to arrange for the recreation of a constituent assembly whenever such matters are in future to be considered	 even though that assembly be nothing more than the ordinary legislature acting under certain restrictions. At the same time	 there may be some elements of the constitution which the constituent assembly wants to remain unalterable by the action of any authority whatsoever. These elements are to be distinguished from the rest	 and generally come under the heading of fundamental law. Thus	 for example	 the American Constitution	 the oldest of the existing Constitutions	 asserts that by no process of amendment shall any State	 without its own consent	 be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate	 	 while among the Constitutions more recently promulgated	 those of the Republics of; France and Italy	 each containing a clause stating that the republican form of government cannot be the subject of an amending proposals" it is not necessary to multiply citations from text books. A catena of American decisions have been cited before us in support of the contention that the unending power is a supreme power or that it involves political issues which are not justiciable. It would be futile to consider them. at length	 for after going through them carefully we find that there are no considered judgments of the American Courts	 which would have a persuasive effect in that regard. In the Constitution of the United States of America	 prepared by Edwards section Corwin	 Legislative Reference Service	 Library of Congress	 (1953 edn.)	 the following summary under the heading "Judicial Review under Article V" is given : "Prior to 1939	 the Supreme Court had taken cognizance of a number of diverse objections to the validity of specific amendments. Apart from holding that official notice of ratification by the several States was con clusive upon the Courts	 it had treated these questions as justiciable	 although it had uniformly rejected them on the merits. In that year	 however	 the whole subject was thrown into confusion by the inconclusive decision in Coleman vs Miller. This case came up on a writ of certiorari to the Supreme Court of Kansas to review the denial of a writ of mandamus to compel the Secretary of the Kansas Senate to erase an endorsement on a resolution ratifying the child labour amendment to the Constitution to re effect that it had been adopted by the Kansas Senate. The attempted ratification was 803 assailed on three grounds : (1) that the amendment had been previously rejected by the State Legislature; (2) that it was no longer open to ratification because an unreasonable period of time thirteen years	 had elapsed since its submission to the States	 and (3) that the lieutenant governor had no right to cast the deciding vote in the Senate in favour of ratification. Four opinions were written in the Supreme Court	 no one of which commanded the support of more than four mem bers of the Court. The majority ruled that the plain tiffs	 members of the Kansas State Senate	 had a sufficient interest in the controversy to give the federal courts jurisdiction to review the case. Without agreement as to the grounds for their decision	 a different majority affirmed the judgment of the Kansas court denying the relief sought. Four members who concur red in the result had voted to dismiss the writ on the ground that the amending process "is political" in its. entirety	 from submission until an amendment becomes part of the Constitution	 and is not subject to judicial guidance	 control or interference at any point. " whether the contention that the lieutenant governor should have been permitted to cast the deciding vote in favour of ratification presented a justiciable controversy was left undecided	 the court being equally divided on the point. In an opinion reported as "the opinion of the Court" ' but in which it appears that only three Justices concurred	 Chief Justice Hughes declared that the writ of ' mandamus was properly denied because the question as to the effect of the previous rejection of the amendment and the lapse of time since it was submitted to the States were political questions which should be left to Congress. On the same day	 the Court dismissed a. writ of certiorari to review a decision 'of the Kentucky Court of Appeals declaring the action of the Kentucky General Assembly purporting to ratifying the child labour amendment illegal and void. Inasmuch as the governor had forwarded the certified copy of the resolution to the Secretary of State before being served with a copy of the restraining order issued by the State Court	 the Supreme Court found that there 'was no longer a controversy susceptible of judicial determination. " This passage	 in our view	 correctly summarises the American law on the subject. It will be clear therefrom that prior to 1939 the Supreme Court of America had treated the objections to the validity of specific amendments as justiciable and that only in 1939 it rejected them in an inconclusive judgment without 804 discussion. In this state of affairs we cannot usefully draw much from the judicial wisdom of the Judges of the Supreme Court of America. One need not cavil at the description of an amending power as sovereign power	 for it is sovereign only within the scope of the power conferred by a particular constitution. All the authors also agree	 that a particular constitution can expressly limit the power of amendment	 both substantive and procedural. The only conflict lies in the fact that some authors do not pen nit implied limitations when the power of amendment is expressed in general words. But others countenance such limitations by construction or otherwise. But none of the authors goes to the extent of saying	 which is the problem before us	 that when there are conflicting articles couched in widest terms	 the court has no jurisdiction to construe and harmonize them. If some of the authors meant to say that in our view	 they did not we cannot agree with them	 for	 in that event this Court would not be discharging its duty. Nor can we appreciate the arguments repeated before us by learned counsel for the respondents that the amending process involves political questions which are	 outside the scope of judicial review. When a matter comes before the Court	 its jurisdiction does not depend upon the nature of the question raised but on die	 question whether the said matter is expressly or by necesssary implication excluded from its jurisdiction. Secondly	 it is not possible to define what is a political question and what is not. The character of a question depends upon the circumstances and the nature of a political society. To put if differently	 the court does not decide any political question at all in the ordinary sense of the. term	 but only ascertains whether Parliament is acting within the scope of the amending power. It may be that Parliament seeks to amend the Constitution for political reasons	 but the Court in denying that power will not be deciding on political questions	 but will only be holding that Parliament has no power to amend particular articles of the Constitution for any purpose whatsoever	 be it political or otherwise. We	 therefore	 hold that there is nothing in the nature of the amending power which enables Parliament to override all the express or implied limi tations imposed on that power. As we have pointed out earlier	 our Constitution adopted a novel method in the sense that Parliament makes the amendment by legislative process subject to certain restrictions and	that the amendment so made being law" is.subject to article 13(2). The next argument is based upon the expression "amendment" in article 368 of the Constitution and if is contended that the said 805 expression has .a Positive and a negative content and that in exercise of the power amendment parliament cannot destroy the structure of the Constitution	 but it can only modify the provisions thereof within the framework of the original instrument for its better effectuation. If the fundamentals would be amenable to the ordinary process of amendment with a special majority	 the argument proceeds	 the institutions of the President can be abolished	 the parliamentary executive can be removed	 the fundamental rights can be abrogated	 the concept of federalism ' can be obliterated and in short the sovereign democratic republic can be converted into a totalitarian system of government. There is considerable force in this argument. Learned and lengthy arguments are advanced to sustain it or to reject it. But we are relieved of the necessity to express our opinion on this all important question as	 so far as the fundamental rights are concerned	 the question raised can be answered on a narrower basis. This question may arise for consideration only if Parliament seeks to destroy the structure of the Constitution embodied in the provisions other than in Part III of the Constitution. We do not	 therefore	 propose to express our opinion in that regard. In the view we have taken on the scope of article 368 vis a vis the fundamental rights	 it is also unnecessary to express our opinion on the question whether the amendment of the fundamental rights is covered by the proviso to article 368. The result is that the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 inasmuch as it takes away or abridges the funda mental rights is void under article 13(2) of the Constitution. The next question is whether our decision should be given retrospective operation. During the period between 1950 and 1967 i.e 17 years as many as 20 amendments were made in our Constitution. But in the context of the present petitions it would be enough if we notice the amendments affecting fundamental right to property. The Constitution came into force on January 26	 1950. The Constitution (First Amendment) Act	 1951	 amended articles 15 and 19	 and articles 31 A and 31 B were inserted with retrospective effect. The object of the amendment was said to be to validate the acquisition of zamindaries or the abolition of permanent settlement without interference from courts. The occasion for the amendment was that the High Court of Patna in Kameshwar Singh v	 State of Bihar(1) held that the Bihar Land Reforms Act (30 of 1950) passed by the State of Bihar was unconstitutional	 while the High Courts of Allahabad and Nagpur upheld the validity of corresponding legislations in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh respectively. (1) A. I. R. 1951 Patna 91. C.T.167 6 806 The amendment was made when the appeals from those decisions were pending in the Supreme Court. In Sankari Prasad 's case(1) the constitutionality of the said amendment was questioned but the amendment was upheld. It may be noticed that the said amendment was not made on the basis of the power to amend fundamental rights recognized by this Court but only in view of the conflicting decisions of High Courts and without waiting for the final decision from this Court. article 31 A was again amended by the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act	 1955. Under that amendment cl. (2) of article 31 was amended and cl. (2 A) was inserted therein. While in the original article 31 A the general expression "any provisions of his Part" was found	 in the amended article the scope was restricted only.to the violation of articles 14	 19 and 31 and 4 other clauses were included	 namely	 clauses providing for (a) taking over the management of any property by the State for a limited period; (b) amalgamation of two or more corporations; (c) extinguishment or modification of rights of person; interested in corporations; and (d) extinguishment or modification of rights accruing under any agreement	 lease or licence relating to minerals	 and the definition of "estate" was enlarged in order to include the interests of raiyats and under raiyats. The expressed object of the amendment was to carry out important social welfare legislations on the desired lines	 to improve the national economy of the State and to avoid serious difficulties raised by courts in that regard. Article 31A has further been amended by the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act	 1955. By the said amendment in the Ninth Schedule to the Constitution entries 14 to 20 were added. The main objects of this amending Act was to distinguish the power of compulsory acquisition or requisitioning of private property and the deprivation of property and to extend the scope of article 31 A to cover different categories of social welfare legislations and to enable monopolies in particular trade or business to be created in favour of the State. Amended article 31(2)makes the adequacy of compensation not justiciable. It may be said that the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act	 1955 was made by Parliament as this Court recognized the power of Parliament to amend Part III of the Constitution; but it can ' also be said with some plausi bility that	 as Parliament had exercised the power even before the. decision of this Court in Sankari Prasad 's case(1)	 it would have amended the Constitution even if the said decision was not given by this Court. The Seventeenth Amendment Act was made on June 20	 1964. The occasion for this amendment was the decision of this Court in Karimbil Kunhikoman vs State of Kerala(2)	 which struck down the Kerala Agrarian Relations Act IV of 1961 relating to ryotwari lands. Under that amendment the definition of the expression "estate" was enlarged so as to take (1) ; 	 105 (2) [1962] Supp. 1 S.C.R. 829 807 in any land held under ryotwari settlement and any held or let for purposes of agriculture or for purposes ancillary thereto	 including waste land	 forest land	 land for pasture or sites of buildings and other structures occupied by cultivators of land	 agricultural labourers and village artisans. In the Ninth Schedule the amendment included items 21 to 65. In the objects and reasons it was stated that the definition" 'estate" was not wide enough	 that the courts had struck down many land reform Acts and that	 therefore	 in order to give them protection the amendment was made. The validity of the Seventeenth Amendment Act was questioned in this Court and was held to be valid in Sajian Singh 's case(1). From the history of these amendments	 two things appear	 namely	 unconstitutional laws were made and they were protected by the amendment of the Constitution or the amendments were made in order to protect the future laws which would be void but for the amendments. But the fact remains that this Court held as early as in 1951 that Parliament had power to amend the fundamental rights. It may	 therefore	 said that the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act	 1955	 and the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 were based upon the scope of the power to end recognized by this Court. Further the Seventeenth Amendment Act was also approved by this Court. Between 1950 and 1967 the Legislatures of various States made laws bringing about an agrarian revolution in our country zamindaries	 inams and other intermediary estates were abolished	 vested rights were created in tenants	 consolidation of holdings of villages was made	 ceilings were fixed and the surplus lands transferred to tenants. All these were done on the	 basis of the correctness of the decisions in Sankari Prasads case(2) and Sajjan Singh 's case(1)	 namely	 that Parliament had the power to amend the fundamental rights and that Acts in regard to estates were outside judicial scrutiny on the ground they infringed the said rights. The agrarian structure of our country has been revolutionised on the basis of the said laws. Should we now give retrospectivity to our decision	 it would introduce chaos and unsettle the conditions in our country. Should we hold that because of the said consequences Parliament had power to take away fundamental rights	 a time might come when we would gradually and imperceptibly pass under a totalitarian rate. Learned counsel for the petitioners as well as those for the respondents placed us on the horns of this dilemma	 for they have taken extreme positions leamed counsel for the petitioners want us to reach the logical position by holding that all the said laws are void and the learned counsel for the respondents persuade us to hold that Parliament has unlimited power and	 if it chooses	 it can do away with fundamental rights. We do not think that (1) ; (2) ; 	 808 this Court is so helpless. As the highest Court in the land we must evolve some reasonable principle to meet this extraordinary situation. There is an essential distinction between Constitution and statutes. Comparatively speaking	 Constitution is permanent; it is an organic statute; it grows by its own inherent force. The constitutional concepts are couched in elastic terms. Courts are expected to and indeed should interpret	 its terms without doing violence to the language	 to suit the expanding needs of the society. In this process and in a real sense they make laws. Though it is not admitted	 the said role of this Court is effective and cannot be ignored. Even in the realm of ordinary statutes	 the subtle working of the process is apparent though the approach is more conservative and inhibitive. In the constitutional field	 therefore	 to meet the present extraordinary situation that may be caused by our decision	 we must evolve some doctrine which has roots in reason and precedents so that the past may be preserved and the future protected. There are two doctrines familiar to American Jurisprudence	 one is described as Blackstonian theory and the other as "prospective over ruling"	 which may have some relevance to the present enquiry. Blackstone in his Commentaries	 69 (15th edn.	 1809) stated the common law rule that the duty of the Court was "not to pronounce a new rule but to maintain and expound .the old one". It means the Judge does not make law but only discovers or finds the true law. The law has always been the same. If a subsequent decision changes the earlier one	 the latter decision does not make law but only discovers the correct principle of law. The result of this view is that it is necessarily retrospective 	operation. But Jurists	 George F. Canfield	 Robert Hill Freeman	 John Henry Wigmore and Cardozo	 have expounded the doctrine of "prospective over ruling" and suggested it as "a useful judicial .tool". In the words of Canfield the said expression means ". a court should recognize a duty to an nounce a new and better rule for future transactions whenever the court has reached the conviction that an old rule (as established by the precedents) is unsound even though feeling compelled by stare decisis to apply the old and condemned rule to the instant case and to transactions which had already taken place. " Cardozo	 before he became a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States of America	 when he was the Chief Justice of New York State addressing the Bar Association said thus The rule (the Blackstonian rule) that we are asked to apply is out of tune with the life about us. It has been made discordant by the forces that generate a 809 living law. We apply it to this case because the repeal might work hardship to those who have trusted to its existence. We give notice however that any one trusting to it hereafter will do at his peril. " The Supreme Court of the United States of America	 in the year 1932	 after Cardozo became an Associate Justice of that Court in Great Northern Railway vs Sunburst Oil & Ref. Co.	(1) applied the said doctrine to the facts of that case. In that case the Montana Court had adhered to its previous construction of the statute in question but had announced that that interpretation would not be followed in the future. It was contended before the Supreme Court of the United States of America that a decision of a court over ruling earlier decision and not giving its ruling retroactive operation violated the due process clause of the 14th Amendment. Rejecting that plea	 Cardozo said : "This is not a case where a Court in overruling an earlier decision has come to the new ruling of retroactive dealing and thereby has made invalid what was followed in the doing. Even that may often be done though litigants not infrequently have argued to the contrary . This is a case where a Court has refused to make its ruling retroactive	 and the novel stand is taken that the Constitution of the United States is infringed by the refusal. We think that the Federal Constitution has no voice upon the subject. A state in defining the elements of adherence to precedent may make a choice for itself between the principle of forward operation and that of relation backward. It may be so that the decision of the highest courts	 though later over ruled	 was law nonetheless for intermediate transactions . On the other hand	 it may hold to the ancient dogma that the law declared by its Courts had a platonic or ideal existence before the act of declara tion	 in which event	 the discredited declaration will be viewed as if it had never been and to reconsider declaration as law from the beginning. The choice for any state maybe determined by the juristic philosophy of the Judges of her Courts	 their considerations of law	 its origin and nature. " The opinion of Cardozo tried to harmonize the doctrine of prospective over ruling with that of stare decisis. In 1940	 Hughes	 C.J.	 in Chicot County Drainage District vs Baxter State Bank(2) stated thus (1) ; 	 366. ; (2) ; 810 "The law prior to the determination of unconstitutionality is an operative fact and may have consequences which cannot justly be ignored. The past cannot always be erased by a new judicial declaration. " In Griffin vs Illionis(1) the Supreme Court of America reaffirmed the doctrine laid down in Sunburst 's case (2). There	 a statute required defendants to Submit bills of exceptions as a pre requisite to an appeal from a conviction; the Act was held unconstitutional in that it provided no means whereby indigent defendants could secure a copy of the record for this purpose. Frankfurter	 J.	 in that context observed ". in arriving at a new principle	 the judicial process is not important to	 define its scope and limits. Adjudication is not a mechanical exercise nor does it compel 'either/or ' determination." In Wolf vs Colorado(3) a majority of the Supreme Court held that in a prosecution in a State Court for a state crime	 the 14th Amendment did not forbid the admission of evidence obtained by an unreasonable search and seizure. But in Mapp. vs Ohio(4) the Supreme Court reversed that decision and held that all evidence obtained by searches and seizure in violation of the 4th Amendment of the Federal Constitution was	 by virtue of the due process clause of the 14th Amendment guaranteeing the right to privacy free from unreasonable State instrusion	 inadmissible in a State court. In Linkletter vs Walker(5) the question arose whether the exclusion of the rule enunciated in Mapp vs Ohio(4) did not apply to State Court convictions which had become final before the date of that judgment. Mr. Justice Clarke	 speaking for the majority observed "We believe that the existence of the Wolf doctrine prior to Mapp is 'an operative ' fact and may have consequences which cannot justly be ignored. The past cannot always be erased by a new judicial declaration." "Mapp had as its prima purpose the enforcement of the Fourth Amendment through the inclusion of the exclusionary rule within its rights. . . We cannot say that this purpose would be advanced by making the rule retrospective. The misconduct of the police prior to Mapp has already occurred and win (1) [1956]351U.S.12	2. (2) (1932) 287 U. section 358	366: ; (3) ; 193L.Ed. 872. (4) ; 6 L. Ed. (5) ; 1081. 811 not be corrected by releasing the prisoners involved. On the other hand	 the States relied on Wolf and followed its command. Final judgments of conviction were entered prior to Mapp. Again and again the Court refused to reconsider Wolf and gave its implicit approval to hundreds of cases in their application of its rule. In rejecting the Wolf doctrine as to	 the exclusionary rule the purpose was to deter the lawless action of the police add to effectively enforce the Fourth Amendment. That purpose will not at this late date be served by the wholesale release of the guilty victims." "Finally	 there are interests in the	 administration of justice and the integrity of the judicial process to consider. To make the rule of Mapp retrospective would tax the administration of justice to the utmost. Hearings would have to be held on the excludability of evidence long since destroyed	 misplaced or deteriorated. If it is excluded	 the witness available at the time of the original trial will not be available or if located their memory will be dimmed. To thus legitimate such an extraordinary procedural weapon that has no bearing on guilt would seriously disrupt the administration of justice. " This case has reaffirmed the doctrine of prospective overruling and has taken a pragmatic approach in refusing to give it retroactivity. In short	 in America the doctrine of prospective overruling is now accepted in all branches of law	 including constitutional law. But the carving of the limits of retrospectivity of the new rule is left to courts to be done	 having regard to the requirements of justice. Even in England the Blackstonian theory was criticized by Bentham and Austin. In Austin 's Jurisprudence	 4th Ed.	 at page 65	 the learned author says : "What hindered Blackstone was 'the childish fiction ' employed by our judges	 that the judiciary or common law is not 'Made by them	 but is a miraculous something made	 by nobody	 existing	 I suppose	 from eternity	 and merely declared from time to time by the Judges." Though English Courts in the past accepted the Blackstonian theory and though the House of Lords strictly adhered to the doctrine of 'precedent ' in the earlier years	 both the doctrines were practically given up by the "Practice Statement (Judicial Precedent)" issued by the House of Lords recorded in (1966) 1 W.L.R. 1234. Lord Gardiner L.C.	 speaking for the House of Lords made the following observations 812 "Their Lordships nevertheless recognise that too rigid adherence to precedent may lead to injustice in a particular case and also unduly restrict the proper development of the law. They propose	 therefore	 to modify their present practice and	 while treating former decisions of this House as normally binding	 to depart from a previous decision when it appears right to do so. In this connection they will bear in mind the danger of disturbing retrospectively the basis on which contracts	 settlements of property and fiscal arrangements have been entered into and also the especial need for certainty as to the criminal law." This announcement is not intended to affect the use of precedent elsewhere than in this House. " It will be seen from this passage that the House of Lords hereafter in appropriate cases may depart from its previous decision when it appears right to do so and in so departing will bear in mind the danger of giving effect to the said decision retroactivity. We consider that what the House of Lords means by this statement is that in differing from the precedents it will do so only without interefering with the transactions that had taken place on the basis of earlier decisions. This decision	 to a large extent	 modifies the Blackstonian theory and accepts	 though not expressly but by necessary implication the doctrine of "prospective overruling. " Let us now consider some of the objections to this doctrine. The objections are: (1) the doctrine involved legislation by courts; (2) it would not encourage parties to prefer appeals as they would not get any benefit therefrom; (3) the declaration for the future would only be obiter	 (4) it is not a desirable change; and (5) the doctrine of retroactivity serves as a brake on court which otherwise might be tempted to be so fascile in overruling. But in our view	 these objections are not insurmountable. If a court can over rule its earlier decision there cannot be any dis pute now that the court can do so there cannot be any valid reason why it should not restrict its ruling to the future and not to the past. Even if the party filing an appeal may not be benefited by it	 in similar appeals which he may file after the change in the law he will have the benefit. The decision cannot be obiter for what the court in effect does is to declare the law but on the basis of another doctrine restricts its scope. Stability in law does not mean that injustice shall be perpetuated. An illuminating article on the subject is found in Pennsylvania Law Review	 [Vol. I 10 p. 650]. 813 It is a modem doctrine suitable for a fast moving society. It does not do away with the doctrine of stare decisis	 but confines it to past transactions. It is true that in one sense the court only declares the law	 either customary or statutory or personal law. While in strict theory it may be said that the doctrine involves making of law	 what the court really does is to declare the law but refuses to give retroactivity to it. It is really a pragmatic solution reconciling the two conflicting doctrines	 namely	 that a court finds law and that it does make law. It finds law but restricts its operation to the future. It enables the court to bring about a smooth transition by correcting its errors without disturbing the impact of those errors on the past transactions. It is left to the discretion of the court to prescribe the limits of the retroactivity and thereby it enables it to would the relief to meet the ends of justice. In India there is no statutory prohibition against the court refusing to give retroactivity to the law declared by it. Indeed	. the doctrine of res judicata precludes any scope for retroactivity in respect of a subject matter that has been finally decided between the parties. Further	 Indian court by interpretation reject retroactivity. to statutory provisions though couched in general terms on the ground that they affect vested rights. The present case only attempts a further extension of the said rule against retroactivity. Our Constitution does not expressly or by necessary implica tion speak against the doctrine of prospective over ruling. Indeed	 articles 32	 141 and 142 are couched in such wide and elastic terms as to enable this Court to formulate legal doctrines to meet the ends of justice. The only limitation thereon is reason	 restraint and injustice. Under article 32	 for the enforcement of the fundamental rights the Supreme Court has the power to issue suitable directions or orders or writs. Article 141 says that the law declared by the Supreme Court shall be binding on all courts; and article 142 enables it in the exercise of its jurisdiction to pass such decree or make such order as is necessary for doing complete justice in any cause or matter pending before it. These articles are designedly made comprehensive to enable the Supreme Court to declare law and to give such directions or pass such orders as are necessary to do complete justice. The expression "declared" is wider than the words "found or made". To declare is to announce opinion. Indeed	 the latter involves the process	 while the former expresses result. Interpretation	 ascertainment and evolution are parts of the process	 while that interpreted	 ascertained or evolved is declared as law. The law declared by the Supreme Court is the law of the and. If so	 we do not see any acceptable reason why it	 in declaring the law in superses 814 sion of the law declared by it earlier	 could not restrict the operation of the law as declared to future and save the transactions	 whether statutory or otherwise that were effected on the basis of the earlier law. To deny this power to the Supreme Court on the basis of some outmoded theory that the Court only finds law but does not make it is to make ineffective the powerful instrument of. justice placed in the hands of the highest judiciary of this country. As this Court for the first time has been called upon to apply the doctrine evolved in a different country under different 	circumstances	 we would like to move warily in the beginning. We would lay down the following propositions : (I) The doctrine of prospective over ruling	 can be invoked only in matters arising under our Constitution; (2 it an be applied only by the highest court of the country	 i.e.	 the Supreme Court as it has the constitutional jurisdiction to declare an binding on all the courts in India; (3) the scope of the retroactive operation of the law declared by the Supreme Court superseding its earlier decisions .is left to its discretion to be moulded in accordance with the justice of the cause or matter before it. We have arrived at two conclusions	 namely	 (1) Parliament has no power to amend Part III of the Constitution so as to take away or abridge the fundamental rights; and (2) this is a fit case to invoke and apply the doctrine or prospective overruling. What then is the effect of our conclusion on the instant case ?. Having regard to the history of the amendments their impact on the social and economic affairs of our country and the chaotic situation that may be brought about by the sudden withdrawal at this stage of the amendments from the Constitution	 we think that considerable judicial restraint is called for. We	 therefore	 declare that our decision will not affect the validity of the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 or other amendments made to the Constitution taking away or abridging the fundamental rights. We further declare that in future Parliament will have no power to amend Part III of the Constitution so as to take away or abridge the fundamental rights. In this case we do not propose to express our opinion on the question of the scope of the amendability of the provisions of the Constitution other than the fundamental rights	 as it does not arise for consideration before us. Nor are we called upon to express out opinion on the question regarding the scope of the amends ability of Part Ill of the constitution otherwise than by taking away or abridging the fundamental rights. We will not also in dicate our view one way or other whether any of the Acts questioned can be sustained under the provisions of the Constitution without the aid of articles 31A	 31B and the 9th Schedule. 815 The aforesaid discussion leads to the following results (1) The power of the Parliament to amend the Constitution is derived from articles 245	 246 and 248 of the Constitution and not from article 368 thereof which only deals with procedure. Amendment is a legislative process. (2) Amendment is 'law ' within the meaning of article 13 of the Constitution and	 therefore	 if it takes away or abridges the rights conferred by Part III thereof	 it is void. (3) The Constitution (First Amendment) Act	 1951	 Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act	 1955	 and	the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 abridge the scope. of the fundamental rights. But	 on the basis of earlier decisions of this Court	 they were valid. (4) On the application of the doctrine of 'prospective over ruling '	 as explained by us earlier	 our decision will have only prospective operation and	 therefore	 the said amendments will continue to be valid. (5) We declare that the Parliament will have no power from the date of this decision to amend any of the provisions of Part III of the Constitution so as to take away or abridge the fundamental rights enshrined therein. (6) As the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act holds the field	 the validity of the two impugned Acts	 namely	 the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act X of 1953	 and the Mysore Land Reforms Act X of 1962	 as amended by Act XIV of 1965	 cannot be questioned on the ground that they offend articles 13	 14 or 31 of the Constitution. Before we close	 it would be necessary to advert to an argu ment advanced on emotional plane. It was said that if the provisions of the Constitution could not be amended it would lead to revolution. We have not said that the provisions of the Constitution cannot be amended but what we have said is that they cannot be amended so as to take away or abridge the fundamental rights. Nor can we appreciate the argument that all the agrarian reforms which the Parliament in power wants to effectuate cannot be brought about without amending the fundamental rights. It was exactly to prevent this attitude and to project the rights of the that the fundamental rights were inserted in the Constitution. If it is the duty of the Parliament to enforce the directive principles	 it is equally its duty to enforce them without infringing the fundamental rights. The Constitution makers thought that it could be done and we also think that the directive prin 816 ciples can reasonably be enforced within the self regulatory machinery provided by Part III. Indeed both Parts III and IV of the Constitution form an integrated scheme and is elastic enough to respond to the changing needs of the society. The verdict of the Parliament on the scope of the law of social control of fundamental rights is not final	 but justiciable. If not so	 the whole scheme of the Constitution will break. What we can I not understand is how the enforcement of the provisions of the Constitution can bring about a revolution. History shows that revolutions are brought about not by the majorities but by the minorities and some time by military coups. The existence of an all comprehensive amending power cannot prevent revolutions	 if there is chaos in the country brought about by mis rule or abuse of power. On the other hand	 such a restrictive power gives stability to the country and prevents it from passing under a totalitarian or dictatorial regime. We cannot obviously base our decision on such hypothetical or extraordinary situations which may be brought about with or without amendments. Indeed	 a Constitution is only permanent and not eternal. There is nothing to choose between destruction by amendment or by revolution	 the former is brought about by totalitarian rule	 which cannot brook constitutional checks and the other by the discontentment brought about by mis rule. If either happens	 the constitution will be a scrap of paper. Such considerations are out of place in construing the provisions of the Constitution by a court of law. Nor are we impressed by the argument that if the	 power of amendment is 'not all comprehensive there will be no way to change the structure of our Constitution or abridge the fundamental rights even if the whole country demands for such a change. Firstly	 this visualizes an extremely unforeseeable and extravagant demand; but even if such a contingency arises the residuary power of the Parliament may be relied upon to call for a Constituent Assembly for making a new Constitution or radically changing it. The recent Act providing for a poll in Goa	 Daman and Diu is an instance of analogous exercise of such residuary power by the Parliament. We do not express our final opinion on this important question. A final appeal is made to us that we shall not take a different view as the decision in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) held the field for many years. While ordinarily this Court will be reluctant to reverse its previous decision	 it is its duty in the constitutional field to correct itself as early as possible	 for otherwise the future progress of the country and the happiness of the people will be at stake. As we are convinced that the decision in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) is wrong	 it is pre eminently a typical case where this Court should over rule it. The longer it holds the field the greater will (1) ; 	 105 817 be the scope for erosion of fundamental rights. As it contains the seeds of destruction of the cherished rights of the people the sooner it is over ruled the better for the country. This argument is answered by the remarks made by this Court in the recent judgment in The Superintendent and Legal Remembrancer State of West Bengal vs	 The Corporation of Calcutta(1). "The third contention need not detain us ] 'or it has been rejected by this Court in The Bengal Immunity Company Limited vs The State of Bihar(2) . There a Bench of 7 Judges unanimously held that there was nothing in the Constitution that prevented the Supreme Court from departing from a previous decision of its own if it was satisfied of its error and of its baneful effect on the general interest of the public. If the aforesaid rule of construction accepted by this Court is in consistent with the legal philosophy of our Constitution	 it is our duty to correct ourselves and lay down the right rule. In constitutional matters which affect the evolution of our polity	 we must more readily do so than in other branches of law	 as perpetuation of a mistake will be harmful to public interests. While continuity and consistency are conducive to the smooth evolution of the rule of law	 hesitancy to set right deviation will retard its growth. In this case	 as we are satisfied that the said rule of construction is inconsistent with our republican polity and	 if accepted	 bristles with anomalies	 we have no hesitation to reconsider our earlier decision." In the result the petitions are dismissed	 but in the circumstances without costs. Wanchoo	 J. This Special Bench of eleven Judges of this Court has been constituted to consider the correctness of the decision of this Court in Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo vs Union of India(		) which was accepted as correct by the majority in Sajjan Singh vs State of Rajasthan (4) . The reference has been made in three petitions challenging the constitutionality of the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution. In one of the petitions	 the inclusion	 of the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act	 (No. X of 1953) in the Ninth Schedule	 which makes it immune from. attack under any provisions contained in Part III of the Constitution ' has been attacked on the ground that the Seventeenth Amendment is in itself unconstitutional. In the other two petitions	 the inclusion of the Mysore Land Reforms Act	 (No. 10 of 1962) has been attacked on the same grounds. It is not necessary to set out the facts in (1) ; 	176 (2) [1955] 2S.C.R.603. (3) ; (4) [1965] 1.C.S.R. 933. 818 the three petitions for present purposes. The main argument in all the three petitions has been as to the scope and effect of article 368 of the Constitution and the power conferred thereby to amend the Constitution. Before we come to the specific I points raised in the present petitions	 we may indicate the circumstances in which Sankari Prasad 's case(1) as well as Sajjan Singh 's case (2) came to be decided and what they actually decided. The Constitution came into force on January 26	.1950. It provides in Part III for certain fundamental rights. Article 31 which is in Part 111	 as it originally stood	 provided for compulsory acquisition of property. By clause (1) it provided that "no person shall be deprived of his property save by authority of law". Clause (2) ;hereof provided that any law authorising taking of Possession or acquisition of property must provide for compensation therefor and either fix the amount of compensation or specify the principles on which	 and the manner in which the compensation was to be determined and paid. Clause(4) made a special provision to the effect that if any Bill pending at the commencement of the Constitution in the Legislature of a State had	 after it had been passed by such Legis lature	 been reserved for the consideration of the President and had received his assent	 then such law would not be called in question though it contravened the provisions of cl. (2) relating to compensation. Clause (6) provided that any law of the State enacted not more than eighteen months before the Constitution might be submitted to the President for his certification	 and if so certified	 it could not be called in question on the ground that it contravened the provision of cl. (2) of article 31 relating to compensation. These two clauses of article 31 were meant to safeguard legislation which either had been passed by Provincial or State legislatures or which was on the anvil of State legislatures for the purpose of agrarian reforms. One such piece of legislation was the Bihar Land Reforms Act	 which was passed in 1950. That Act received the assent of the President as required under cl. (6) of article 31. It was however challenged before the Patna High Court and was struck down by that court on the ground that it violated Art ' 14 of the Constitution. Then there was an appeal before this Court	 but while that appeal was pending	 the First Amendment to the Constitution was made. We may briefly refer to what the First Amendment provided for. It was the First Amendment which was challenged and was upheld in Sankari Prasad 's case(1). The First Amendment contained a number of provisions; but it is necessary for present purposes only to refer to those provisions which made changes in Part III of the Constitution. These changes related to articles 15 (1) ; (2) ; 819 and 19 and in addition	 provided for insertion of two Articles	 numbered 31 A and 31 Bin Part III Article 31 A provided that no law providing for the acquisition by the State of any estate or of any rights therein or the extinguishment or modification of any such rights shall be deemed to be void on the ground that it was. inconsistent with	 or took away or abridged any of the rights conferred by any provision in part Ill. 'The word "estate" was also defined for the purpose of article 31 A Further Article 31 B. provided for validation of certain Acts and Regulations and specified such Acts and Regulations in the Ninth Schedule	 which was for the first time added to the Constitution. The Ninth Schedule then contained 13 Acts	 all relating to estates 	 passed by various legislatures of the Provinces or States. It laid down that those Acts and Regulations would not be deemed to be void or ever to have become void	 on the ground that they were inconsistent with. or took away or abridged any of the rights conferred by any provision of Part III. It further provided that notwithstanding any judgment	 decree or order of any court or tribunal to the contrary	 all such Acts and Regulations subject to the power of any competent legislature to repeal or amend them	 continue in force. This amendment	 and in particular articles 31 A and 31 B were. immediately challenged by various writ petitions in this Court and these came to be decided on October 5	 1951 in Sankari Prasad 's case(1). The attack on the validity of the First Amendment was made on various grounds; but three main grounds which were. taken were	 first 1 	 that amendments to the Constitution made under article 368 were liable to be tested under article 13(2); secondly that in any case as articles 31 A and 31 B insert the Constitution by the First. Amendment affected the power of the High Court under article 226 1 and of this Court under Articles 132 and 136; the amendment required ratification under the proviso to article 368; and	 thirdly that Acts. 31 A and 31 B were invalid on the ground that they related to matters covered by the State List	 namely	 item 18 of List 11	 and could not therefore be passed by Parliament. This Court rejected all the three contentions. It held that although ."law" would ordinarily include constitutional law	 there was a clear demarcation between ordinary law made in the exercise of legislative power and constitutional law made in the exercise of constituent power	 and in the context of article 13	 "law" must be taken to mean rules or regulations made. in exercise of ordinary legislative power and not amendments to	 the Constitution made in the exercise of constituent power; in consequence article 13(2) did not affect amendments made under article 3 68. It further held that articles 3 1 A and 31 B did not curtail the power of the High Court under article 226 or of this court under articles 132 and 136 and did not require ratification under the (1) ; 820 proviso contained in article 368. Finally	 it was held that articles 31. A and 31 B were essentially amendments to the Constitution and Parliament as such had the power to enact such amendments. In consequence	 the First Amendment to the Constitution was upheld as valid. After this decision	 there followed sixteen more amendment .to the Constitution till we come to the Seventeenth Amendment	 which was passed on June 20	 1964. There does not seem to have been challenge to any amendment up to the Sixteenth Amendment	 even though two of them	 namely	 the Fourth Amendment and the Sixteenth Amendment		 contained changes in the provisions of Part III of the Constitution. Further the nature of these amendments was to add to	 or alter or delete various other provisions of the Constitution contained in Part III thereof On December 5	 1961 came the decision of this Court by which the Kerala Agrarain Reforms Act (No. 4 of 1961)	 passed by the Kerala legislature	 was struck down	 among other grounds	 for the reason that ryotwari lands in South India were not estates within the meaning of article 31 A and therefore acquisition of reyotwari land was not protected under article 31 A of the Constitution : [see Karimbil Kunhikoman vs State of Kerala(1)]. This decision was followed by the Seventeenth Amendment on June 20	 1964. By this amendment	 changes were made in article 31 A of the Constitution and 44 Acts were included in the Ninth Schedule to give them complete protection from attack under any provision of Part III of the Constitution. Practically all these Acts related to land tenures and were concerned with agrarian reforms. This amendment was challenged before this 'Court in Sajjan Singh 's case(2). The points then urged were that as article 226 was likely to be affected by the Seventeenth Amendment	 it required ratification under the proviso to article 368 and that the decision in Sankari Prasads case(3) which had negatived this contention required re consideration. It was also urged that the Seventeenth Amendment was legislation with respect to land and Parliament bad no right to legislate in that behalf	 and further that as the Seventeenth Amendment provided that the Acts put in the Ninth Schedule would be valid in spite of the decision of the Courts	 it was unconstitutional. This Court by a majority of 3 to 2 upheld the correctness of the decision in Sankari Prasad 's case(		). It further held unanimously that the Seventeenth Amendment did not require ratification under the proviso to article 368 because of its indirect effect on article 226	 and that Parliament in enacting the Amendment was not legislating with respect to land and that it was open to Parliament to validate legislation which had been invalid by courts. Finally this Court held by majority (1) [1962] Supp. 1 S.C.R. 829. (2) ; (3) ; 821 that the power conferred by article 368 included the power to take away fundamental rights guaranteed by Part HI and that the power to amend was a very wide power and could not be controlled by the literal dictionary meaning of the word "amend" and that the word "law" in article 13 (2) did not include an amendment of the Constitution made in pursuance of article 368. The minority however doubted the correctness of the view taken in Sankari Prasads case(1) to the effect that the word 'law" in article 13 (2) did not include amendment to the Constitution made under article 368 and therefore doubted the competence of Parliament to make any amendment to Part III of the Constitution. One of the learned Judges further doubted whether making a change in the basic features of the Constitution could be regarded merely as an amendment or would	 in effect	 be re writing a part of the Constitution	 and if so	 whether it could ' be done under article 368. It was because of this doubt thrown on the correctness of the view taken in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) that the present reference has been made to this Special Bench. As the question referred to this Bench is of great constitutional importance and affected legislation passed by various States	 notice was issued to the Advocates General of all States and they have appeared and	 intervened before us. Further a number of persons who were also affected by the Seventeenth Amendment have been permitted to intervene. The arguments on behalf of the petitioners and the interveners who support them may now. be briefly summarised. It is urged that article 368 when it provides for the amendment of the Constitution merely ' contains the procedure for doing so and that the power to make amendment has to be found. in article 248 read with item 97 of List 1. It is further urged that the word "amendment" in article 368 means that the provisions in the Constitution can be changed so as to important upon them And that this power is of a limited character and does not authorise Parliament to make any addition to	 alteration of or deletion of any 	provision of the Constitution	 including the provision contained in Part III. So article 368 authorises only those amendments which have the effect of improving the Constitution. Then it is urged that amendment permissible under article 368 is subject to certain implied limitations and the these limitations are that basic features of the Constitution cannot be amended at all. An attempt was made to indicate some of these basic features	 as	 f( example	 the provisions in Part III	 the federal structure	 the republican character of the State	 elected Parliament and State Legislatures on the basis of adult suffrage	 control by the judiciary and so on	 and it is. said that an amendment under article 3 69 is subject to the implied limi (1) (1952] S.C.R. 89. L3Sup. CI/67 7 822 tations that these basic features and others of the kind cannot be	 changed. Thus in effect the argument is that there is a very limited power of amendment under the Constitution. It is further urged that apart from these implied limitations	 there is an express limitation under article 13(2) and the word "law in that Article includes an amendment of the Constitution. The argument thus in the alternative is that as the word "law" in article 13(2) includes a constitutional amendment	 no amendment can be made in Part HI under article 368 which would actually take away or abridge the rights guaranteed under that Part. In effect	 it is said that even if there are no implied limitations to amend the Constitution under article 368	 article 13(2) is an express limitation insofar as the power to amend Part III is concerned and by virtue of article 13(2) the rights guaranteed under Part III cannot be taken away or abridged under article 368	 though it is conceded that Part III may be amended by way of enlarging the rights contained therein. Another line of argument is that in any case it was necessary to take action under the proviso to article 368 and as that was not done the Seventeenth Amendment is not valid. It is urged that article 2	26 is seriously affected by the provisions contained in the Seventeenth Amendment and that amounts to an amendment of Aft. 226 and in consequence action under the proviso was necessary. It is also urged that article 245 was addition of a number of Acts in the Ninth 13 (2) and therefore also it was necessary to take action under the proviso. It is further urged that it was not competent for Parliament to amend the Constitution by putting a large number of Acts in the Ninth Schedule as the power to legislate with respect to land is solely within the. competence of State Legislatures and that is another reason why the addition to the Ninth Schedule read with article 31 B should be struck down. Lastly an argument had been advanced which we may call the argument of fear. It is said that if Art.368 is held to confer full to amend each and every part of the Constitution as has been held in Sankari Prasad 's case(1). Parliament May do all kinds of things	 which were never intended	 under this unfettered power and may	 for example	 abolish elected legislatures	 abolish the President or change the present form of Government into a Presedential type like the United States. Constitution or do away with the federal structure altogether. So it is urged that	 we should	interpret article 368 in such a way that Parliament may not be able to do all these things. In effect this argument of fear has been put forward to reinforce the contention that this Court should (1)[1952] S.C.R. 89. 823 hold that there are some implied limitations on the amending power and these implied limitations should be that there is no power any where in the Constitution to change the basic features of the Constitution to which reference has already been made. This is in brief the submission on behalf of the petitioners and the interveners who support them. The submission on behalf of the Union of India and the States may now be summarised. It is urged that article 368 not only provides procedure or amendment but also contains in it the power to amend the Constitution. It is further urged that the word "amendment" in law does not merely mean making such changes in the Constitution as would improve it but includes the power to make any addition to the Constitution	 any alteration of any of the existing provisions and its substitution by another provisions	 and any deletion of any particular provision of the Constitution. In .effect	 it is urged that even if the word "amendment" used in article 368 does not take in the power to abrogate the entire 'Constitu tion and replace it by another new Constitution	 it certainly means that any provisions of the Constitution may be changed and this change can be in the form of addition to	 alteration of or deletion of any provision of the Constitution. So long therefore as the Constitution is not entirely abrogated and replaced by a new Constitution at one stroke	 the power of amendment would enable Parliament to make all changes in the existing Constitution by addition	 alteration or deletion. Subject only to co repeal being not possible	 the power of amendment contained in article 368 is unfettered. It is further urged that there can be no implied limitations on the power to amend and the limitations if any on this. power must be found hi express terms in the Article providing for amendment. It is conceded that there may be an express limitation not merely in the Article providing for amendment	 but in some other part of the Constitution. But it is said that if that is so	 there must be a clear provision to that effect. In the absence of express limitations	 therefore	 there can be no implied limitations 	on the power to amend the Constitution contained in article 368 and that power will take in all changes whether by way of addition	 alteration or deletion	 subject only to this that the power of amendment may riot contain the	 power to abrogate and repeal the entire Constitution and substitute it with a new one. It is then urged that there is no express provision in Art.368 itself so far as any amendment relating to the substance of the amending power is concerned 	 die only limitations in Art	 368 are as to procedure and courts can only see that the procedure as indicated in article 368 is followed before an amendment can be said to be valid. It is further urged that the word "law"	 in article 13 does not include an amendment of the Constitution and only 824 moans law as made. under the legislative provisions contained in Chapter	 I of Part XI read with	 Chapters II and III of Part V of the. Constitution and Chapters III and V of Part VI thereof. In effect it is a law which is made under the Constitution which included in the word "law" in article 13(2) and not an amendment to the Constitution under article 368. As to Articles 226 and 245 and the necessity of taking action under the proviso to article 368	 it is urged that there is no change in articles 226 and 245on account of any provision in the Seventeenth Amendment and therefore no action under the proviso was necessary. it is only direct change in articles 226 and 245 which would require following the procedure as to ratification or at any rate such change in other Articles which would have the effect of directly compelling change in Arts 226 and 245 and that in the present case no such direct compulsion arises. Lastly as to the argument of fear it is urged that there is always a provision with respect to amendment in written federal Constitutions. Such a provision may be rigid or flexible. In our Constitution article 368 provides for a comparatively flexible provision for amendment and there is ' no reason to make it rigid by implying any limitations on that power. Further there Is no reason to suppose that all those things will be done by Parliament which are being urged to deny the power under article 368 which flows naturally from its terms. Besides the above	 reliance is also placed on behalf of the Union of India and the States on the doctrine. of stare decisis. It is urged that since the decision of this Court in Sankari Prasad 's case(1)	 sixteen further amendments have been made by Parliament on the faith of that decision involving over 200 Articles of the Constitution. The amendments relating to Part III have been mainly with respect to agrarian reforms resulting in transfers of title of millions of acres of land in favour of millions of people. Therefore '	 even though Sankari Prasad 's case(1) has stood only for fifteen years there has been a vast agrarian revolution effected on the faith of that decision and this Court should not now go back on what was decided in that case. Further	 besides the argument based on state decisis	 it is urged on the basis of certain decisions of this Court that the unanimous decision in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) which had stood practically unchallenged for about '15 'years till the decision in Sajjan Singh 's case(2)	 should not be over ruled unless it is found to be incorrect by a large majority of the Judges constituting this Special Bench. It is urged that if the present Bench is more or less evenly divided it should not over rule the unanimous decision in ' Sankari Prasad 's case(1) by a Majority of one. (1) (1952] S.C.R. 89. (2) ; 825 We shall first take Art	 368. It is found in Part XX of the Constitution which is headed. Amendment of the Constitution" and is the only Article in that Part. That Part thus provides specifically for the amendment of the Constitution	 and the first question that arises is whether it provides power for the amendment of the Constitution as well as the procedure for doing so. It is not disputed that the procedure for amendment of the Constitution is to be found in article 368	 but what is in dispute is whether article 368 confers power also in that behalf. Now the procedure for the amendment of the Constitution is this: The amendment is initiated by the introduction of a Bill in either House of Parliament. The Bill has to be passed in each House by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a Majority of not less two thirds of the members of that House present and voting. After it is so passed	 it has to be presented to the President for his assent. On such presentation if the President assents to the Bill	 article 3 68 provides that the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill. Further there is a proviso for ratification with respect to certain Articles and other provisions of the Constitution including article 368	 and those matters can only be amended if the Bill passed by the two Houses by necessary majority is ratified by the legislatures of not less than one half of the States by resolutions to that effect. In such a case the Bill cannot be presented for his assent to the President until necessary ratification is available. But when the. necessary ratification has been made	 the Bill with respect to these matters is then presented to the President and on his assent being given	 the Constitution stands amended. in accordance with the terms of the Bill. The argument is that there is no express provision in terms in article 368 conferring power on Parliament to amend the Constitution	 and in this connection our attention has been invited to an analogous provision in the Constitution of Ireland in article 46	 where cl. 1 provides that any provision of the Constitution	 may be amended in the manner provided in that Article	 and then follows the procedure for amendment in clauses 2 to 5. Reference is also made to similar provisions in. other constitutions	 but it is unnecessary to refer to them. It is urged that as article 368 has nothing comparable to cl. I of article 46 of the Irish Constitution	 the power to amend the Constitution is not in. article 3 68 and must .be. found elsewhere. We are not prepared to accept this argument. The fact that article 368 is not in two parts	 the first part indicating that the Constitution shall be amended in the manner provided thereafter	 and the second part indicating the procedure for amendment	 does not mean that the power to amend the Cons titution is not contained in article 368 itself. The very fact that a 826 separate Part has been devoted in the Constitution for amendment thereof and there is only one Article in that Part shows that both the power to amend and the procedure for amendment are to be found in article 368. Besides	 the words "the Constitution shall stands amended in accordance 'with the terms of the Bill" in article 368 clearly in our opinion provide for the power to amend after the procedure has been followed. It appears that our Constitution makers were apparently thinking of economy of words and elegance of language in enacting article 368 in the terms in which it appears and that is why it is not in two parts on the model of Art.46 of the Irish Constitution. But there can in our opinion. be not doubt	 when a separate Part was provided headed "Amendment of the Constitution" that the power to amend the Constitution must also be contained in article 368 which is the only Article in that Part. If there was any doubt about the matter	 that doubt in our opinion is resolved by the words to which we have already referred namely "the Constitution shall stand amended in the terms of the Bill". These words can only mean that the. power is there to amend the Constitution after the procedure has been followed. It is however urged that the power to amend the Constitution is not to be found in article 368 but is contained in the residuary power of Parliament in article 48 read with item 97 of List 1. It is true that article 248 read with item 97 of List I	 insofar as it provides for residuary power of legislation	 is very wide in its scope and the argument that the	 power to amend the Constitution is contained in this provision appears prima facie attractive 'in view of the width of the residuary power. But we fail to see why when there is a whole Part devoted to the amendment of the Cons titution the power to amend should not be found in that Part	 if it can be reasonably found there and why article 368 should only be confined to providing for procedure for amendment. It is true that the marginal note to article 368 is "procedure for amendment of the Constitution"	 but. the marginal note cannot control the meaning of the words in the Article itself	 and we have no doubt that the words "the Constitution shall stand amended in accord the power of amendment. If we were to compare the language of cls. 2 to 5of article 46 of the Irish Constitution which prescribes the procedure for amendment	 we find no words therein comparable to these words in article 368. These words clearly are com parable to cl. I of article 46 of the Irish Constitution and must be rod as conferring power on Parliament to amend the Constitution. Besides it is remarkable in contrast that article 248 read with List I does not in terms mention the amendment of the Constitution. while therefore there is a whole Part devoted to the amendment of the Constitution	 we do not find any specific mention of the 827 amendment of the Constitution in article 248 or in any entry of List 1. It would in the circumstances be more appropriate to read in power in article 3 68 in view of the	 words which we have already referred to than in article 248 read with item 97 of List I. Besides it is a historical fact to which we can refer that originally the intention was to vest residuary power in States	 and if that intention had been eventually carried out	 it would have been impossible for any one to argue that the power to amend the Constitution was to be found in the residuary power if it had been vested in the States and not in the Union. The mere fact that during the passage of the Constitution by the Constituent Assembly	 residuary power was finally vested in the Union would not therefore mean that it includes the power to amend the Cons titution. On a comparison of the scheme	 of the words in Art 368 and the scheme of the words in article 248 read with item 97 of List 1	 therefore	 there is no doubt in our mind that both the procedure and power to amend the Constitution are to be found in article 368 and they are not to be found in article 248 read with item 97 of List I which provides for residuary legislative power of Parliament. There is in our opinion another reason why the power to amend the Constitution cannot found in article 248 read with item 97 of List 1. The Constitution is the fundamental law and no law passed under mere legislative power conferred by the Constitution can affect any change	 in the Constitution unless there is an express power to that effect given in the Constitution itself. But subject to such express power given by the Constitution itself	 the fundamental law	 namely the Constitution	 cannot be changed by a law passed under the legislative provisions contained in the Constitution as all legislative acts passed under the power conferred by the Constitution must conform to the Constitution can make no change therein. There are a number of Articles in the Constitution	 which expressly provide for amendment by law	 as	. for example	 3	 4	 10	 59(3)	 65(3)	 73(2)	 97	 98(3)	 106	 120(2)	 135	 137	 142(1)	 146(2)	 148(3)	 149	 169	 171(2)	 196	 187(3)	 189(3)	 194(3)	 195	 210(2)	 221(2). 225	 229(2)	 239(1)	 241(3)	 283(1) and (2)	 285(2)	 287	 306(1)	 313	 345	 373	 Sch. V. cl. 7 and Sch. VI	 cl. 21		 and so far as these Articles are concerned they can be amended by Parliament by. ordinary law making process. But so far as the other Articles are concerned they can only be amended by amendment of 'the Constitution under article 368. Now article 245 which gives power to make law for the whole or any part of the territory of India by Parliament is "subject to the provisions of this Consti tution" and any law made by Parliament whether under article 246 read with List I or under article 248 read with item 97 of List I be subject to the provisions of the Constitution. If therefore the power to amend the Constitution is contained in article 248 828 read with item 97 of List 1	 that power has to be exercised subject to the provisions of the Constitution and cannot be used to change the fundamental law (namely	 the Constitution) itself. But it is argued that article 368 which provides a special procedure for amendment of the Constitution should be read along with articles 245 248	 and so read it would be open to amend any provision of the Constitution by law passed under article 248 on the ground that article 248 is subject to article 368 and therefore the two together give power to Parliament to pass a law under article 248 which will amend even those provisions of the Constitution which are not expressly made amendable by law passed under the legislative power of Parliament. This in our opinion is arguing in a circle. If the fundamental law (ie. the Constitution) cannot be I changed by any law passed under the legislative powers contained therein	 for legislation so passed must conform to the fundamental law	 we fail to see how a law	 passed under the residuary power which is nothing	 more than legislative power conferred on parliament under the Constitution	 can change the Constitution (namely	 the fundamental law) Itself. We	may in this connection refer to the following passage in The Law.and the Constitution by W. Ivor Jennings (1933 Ed.) at p. 51 onwards : "A written constitution is thus the fundamental law of a country	 the express embodiment of the doctrine of the region of law. All public uthorities legislative	 administrative and judical take their powers directly or indirectly from it. .Whatever the nature of the written constitution it is clear that there "is a fundamental distinction between constitutional law and the rest of the law. . There is a clear separation	 therefore	 between the constitutional law and the rest of the law. " It is because of this difference between the. fundamental law (namely	 the Constitution) and the law passed under the legislative provisions of the Constitution that it is not possible in the absence of an express provision to that effect in the fundamental law to 	change the fundamental law by ordinary legislation passed thereunder	 for such ordinary legislation must always conform to the fundamental law (i.e. the Constitution). If the power to amend the Constitution is to be found in article 248 read with item 97 of List 1. It will mean that ordinary legislation passed under fundamental law would amend that law and this cannot be done unless there is express provision as in article 3 etc. to that effect In the absence of such express provisions any law passed under the legislative powers granted under the fundamental ' law cannot amend it. So if we were to hold that the power to amend the 829 Constitution is comprised in article 248	 that would mean that no amendment 	of the Constitution would be possible at all except to the extent expressly provided in various Articles to which we have referred already	 for the power to legislate under article 245 read with article 248 is itself subject to the Constitution. Therefore reading article 368 and considering the scheme of the legislative powers conferred by Articles 245 and 248 read with item 97 of List I" this to our mind is clear	 firstly that the power to amend the	 Constitution is to be found in article 368 itself	 and secondly	 that the power to amend the Constitution can never reside in article 245 and article 248 read with item 97 of List 1	 for that would make any amendment of the Constitution impossible except with respect to the express provisions contained in certain Articles thereof for amendment by law . We may in this connection add that all this argument that power to amend the Constitution is to be found in article 245 and article 248 read with item 97 of List I has been based on one accidental circumstance	 and that accidental circumstance is that the procedure for amendment of the Constitution contained in article 368 is more or less assimilated to the procedure for making ordinary laws under the Constitution. The argument is that constitutional amendment is also passed by the two Houses of Parliament	 and is assented to by the President like ordinary legislation	 with this difference that a special majority is required for certain purposes and a special majority plus ratification is required for certain other purposes. It may be admitted that the procedure for amendment under article 368 is somewhat similar to the procedure for passing ordinary legislation under the Constitution. Even so	 as pointed out by Sir Ivor Jennings in the passage already quoted	 there is a clear separation between constitutional law and the rest of the law and that must never be forgotten. An amendment to the Constitution is a constitutional law and as observed in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) is in exercise of constituent power; passing of ordinary law is in exercise of ordinary legislative power and is clearly different from the power to amend the Constitution. We may in this connection refer	 for example	 to article V of other U.S. Constitution	 which provides for the	 amendment thereof. It will be clearly seen that the power contained in article V of the U.S. Constitution is not ordinary legislative power and no one can possibly call it ordinary legislative power	 because the procedure provided for the amendment of the Constitution in article V differs radically from the procedure provided for ordinary legislation	 for example	 the President 's assent is not required constitutional amendment under article V of the U.S. Constitution	; Now if article 368 also had made a similar departure from the procedure provided for ordinary legislation	 it could never have (1) [1952 ] 1 section C. R. 89 830 said that article 368 merely contained the procedure for amendment and that what emerges after that procedure is followed is ordinary law of the same quality and nature as emerges after following the procedure for passing ordinary law. If	 for example	 the assent of the President which is to be found in article 368 had not been there and the Constitution would have stood amended after the Bill had been passed by the two Houses by necessary majority and after ratification by not less than one half of the States where so required 	 it could never have been argued that the power to amend the Constitution was contained in article 245 and 248 read with item 97 of List I and article 368 merely con tained the procedure. We are however of opinion that we should look at the quality and nature of what is done under article 368 and not lay so much stress on the similarity of the procedure contained in article 368 with the procedure for ordinary lawmaking. If we thus look at the quality and nature of what is done under article 368	 we find that it is the exercise of constituent power for the purpose of amending the Constitution itself land is very different from the exercise of ordinary legislative power for passing laws which must be in conformity with the Constitution and cannot go against any provision thereof	 unless there is express provision to that effect to which we have already referred. If we thus refer to the nature and quality of what is done under article 368	 we immediately See that what emerges after the procedure in article 368 is gone through is not ordinary law which emerges after the legislative procedure contained in the Constitution is gone through. Thus article 368 provides for the coming into existence of what may be called the fundamental law in the form of an amendment of the Constitution and therefore what emerges after the procedure under article 368 is gone through is not ordinary legislation but an amendment of the Constitution which becoming a part of the fundamental law itself	 by virtue of the words contained in article 368 to the effect that the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the 'Bill. It is urged in this connection on behalf of the Union of India that even though the assent of the President is required under Aft. 368	 the ;President must assent thereto and cannot withhold his assent as is possible in the case of ordinary law in view of article III of the Constitution	 for the words "that he withholds assent therefrom" found in article III are not to be found in article 368. It is however difficult to accept the argument on behalf of the Union that the President cannot withhold his assent when a Bill for amendment of the Constitution is presented to him. Article '368 provides that a Bill for the amendment of the	 Constitution shall be presented to the President for his assent. It further provides 831 that upon such assent by the President	 the Constitution shall	 stand amended. That in our opinion postulates that if assent is not given	 the Constitution cannot be amended. Whether a President will ever withhold his assent in our form of Government is a different matter altogether	 but as we road article 368 we cannot. hold that the President is bound to assent and cannot withhold his assent when a Bill for amendment of the Constitution is presented to him. We are of opinion that 'the President can refuse to give his assent when a Bill for amendment of the Constitution is presented to him	 the result being that the Bill altogether falls	 for there is no specific provision for anything further to be done	: about the Bill in article 368 as there is in article III. We may in this. connection refer to the different language used in cl. 5 of article 46 of the Irish Constitution which says that "a Bill containing a proposal for the amendment of this Constitution shall be signed by the President Forthwith upon his being satisfied that the provisions of this Article have been complied with	 in respect thereof '. It will be seen therefore that if the intention kinder article 368 had been that the President cannot withhold his assent	 we would have found language similar in terms to that in cl. 5 of article 46 of the Irish Constitution. We thus see that in one respect at any rate article 368 even on its present terms differs from the power of the President in connection with ordinary legislation under the Constitution and that is if the President withholds his assent the Bill for amendment of ' the Constitution immediately falls. We cannot accept that the procedure provided under the proviso to article 111 can apply in such a case	 for this much cannot be disputed that so far as the procedure for amendment of the Constitution is concerned we must look to article 368 only and nothing else. In any case the mere fact that the procedure in article 368 is very much assimilated. to the procedure for passing ordinary legislation is no reason for	 holding that what emerges after the procedure under article 368 is followed is ordinary law and no more. We repeat that we must look at the quality and nature of what is done under article 368	 and that is	 the amendment of the Constitution. If we look at that we must bold that what emerges is not ordinary law passed under the Constitution but something which has the effect of amending the fundamental law itself which could not be done by ordinary legislative process under the Constitution unless there is express provision to that effect. We have already referred to such express provisions in various Articles	 but article 368 cannot be treated as such an Article	 for it deals specifically with the amendment of the Constitution as a whole. It is also remarkable to note in this connection that the	 word "law" which has been used in so many Articles of 'the Consti 832 tution has been avoided apparently with great care in article 368. We again refer to the concluding words 368 which says that the "Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill. Now it is well known that in the case of ordinary legislation as soon both Houses and has received the assent of the main part of article stand amended in ac it is well known that as the Bill is passed by of the President it becomes an Act. But article 368 provides that as soon as the Bill for amendment of the Constitution has been passed in accordance with the procedure provided there in the Constitution shall stand amendmend in accordance with the terms of the Bill. These words in our opinion have significance of their own. It is also remarkable that these words clearly show the difference between the	 quality of what emerges after the procedure under article	 368 is followed and what happens when ordinary law making procedure is followed. Under article III	 in the case of ordinary law making when a Bill is passed by the two Houses of parliament it is presented to the President and the President shall declare either that he assents to the Bill or that he withholds assent therefrom. But it is remarkable that article 111 does not provide that when the Bill has been assented to by the President it becomes an Act ' The reason for this is that the Bill assented to by the President though it may become law is still not declared by article I I I to be a law	 for such law is open to challenge in courts on various 	grounds	 namely	 on the ground that it violates any fundamental rights	 or on the ground that Parliament was not competent to pass it or on the ground that it is in breach of any provision of the Constitution. On the other hand we find that when a Bill for the amendment of the Constitution is passed by requisite majority and assented to by the President	 the Constitution itself 	declares that the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill. Thereafter what courts can see is whether the procedure provided in article 368 has been followed	 for if that is not done	 the Constitution cannot stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill. But if the procedure has been followed	 the Constitution stands amended	 and there is no question of testing the amendment of the Constitution thereafter on the anvil of fundamental rights or in any other way as in the case of ordinary legislation. In view of an this we have no doubt that even though. by accident the procedure provided in the Constitution for amendment thereof is very akin to the procedure for passing ordinary legislation	 the power contained in article 368 is still not ordinary legislative power but constituent power for the specific purpose of amendment of the Constitution; and it is the quality of that power which determines the nature of what emerges after the procedure in article 368 has been followed and what thus emerges is not ordinary legislation but fundamental law which cannot be tested	. for example	 under article 13(2) of the Constitution or under any other provision of the Constitution. 833 We may briefly refer to an argument on behalf of the Union of India that the amending power contained in article 368 is same sovereign power which was possessed by the Constituent Assembly when it made the Constitution and therefore it is not subject to any fetters of any kind. We do not think it necessary to enter into the academic question as to where sovereignty re sides and whether legal sovereignty is in the people and political. sovereignty in the body which has the power to amend the Constitution and vice versa. In our view the words of article 368 clearly confer the power to amend the Constitution and also provide the procedure for doing so	 and that in our opinion is enough for the purpose of deciding whether the Seventeenth Amendment is valid or not. Further as we have already stated	 the power conferred under article 368 is constituent power to change the fundamental law i.e. the Constitution	 and is distinct and different from the ordinary legislative power conferred on Parliament by various other provisions in the Constitution. So long as this distinction is kept in mind Parliament would have the power under article 368 to amend the Constitution and what Parliament does under article 368 is not ordinary law making which is subject to article 13 (2) or any other Article of the Constitution. What is the extent of the power conferred on Parliament and whether there are any limitations on it express or implied will be considered by us presently. But we have no doubt	 without entering into the question of sovereignty and of whether article 368 confers the same sovereign power on Parliament as the Constituent Assembly had when framing the Constitution	 that article 368 does confer power on Parliament subject to the procedure provided therein for amendment of any provision of the Constitution. This brings us to the scope and extent of the power conferred	 for amendment under article 368. It is urged that article 368 only gives power to amend the Constitution. Recourse is had on behalf of the petitioners to the dictionary meaning of the word	 "amendment". It is said that amendment implies and means improvement in detail and cannot take in any change in the basic features of the Constitution. Reference in this connection may be made to the following meaning of the word " 'amend" in the Oxford English Dictionary	 namely	 "to make professed improvements in a	 measure before Parliament; formally	 to after in detail	 though practically it may be to alter its principle	 so as to thwart ". This meaning lit any rate does not support the case of the petitioners that amendment merely means such change as results in improvement in detail. It shows that in law though amendment MAY professedly	 be intended to make improvements and to alter only in detail	 in reality	 it may make a radical change in the provision which is amended. In any case	 as was pointed out in Sajjan Singh 's case(1) the word "amend" or "amendment" ' is well under (1) ; 834 stood in law and will certainly include any change whether by way of addition or alteration or deletion of any provision in the Constitution. This is no reason to suppose that when the word. "amendment" of the Constitution was being used in article 368	 the intention was to give any meaning less than what we have stated above. To say that "amendment" in law only means a change 'which results in improvement would make amendments impossible	 for what is improvement of an existing law is a matter of opinion and what	 for example	 the legislature may consider an improvement may not be so considered by others. It is therefore in our opinion impossible to introduce in the concept of amendment as used in article 368 any idea of improvement as to details of the Constitution. The word "amendment" used in article 368 must therefore be given its full meaning as used in law and that .means that by amendment an existing Constitution or law can be changed and this change can take the form either of addition to the existing provisions	 or alteration of existing provisions and their substitution by others or deletion of certain provisions. altogether. In this connection reference has been made to contrast certain other provisions of the Constitution	 where	 for example the word "amend" has been followed by such words as "by way of addition	 variance or repeal" (see Sixth Schedule	 paragraph 2 1) and more or less similar expressions in other Articles	of the Constitution. it is very difficult to say fact	 that no such words appear in article make any difference	 for the meaning of the word why this was done. But the 368 does not in our	 mind "amendmend" in law is clearly as indicated above by us and the presence or sense	 of explanatory words of the nature indicated above do not in our opinion make any difference. The question whether the power of amendment given by article 368 also 'includes the power to abrogate the Constitution completely and to replace it by an entire new Constitution	 does not really arise in the present case	 for the Seventeenth Amendment has not done any such thing and need not be considered. It is enough to say that it may be open to doubt whether the power of amendment contained in article 568 goes to the extent of completely abrogating the present Constitution and substituting it by an entirely new one. But short of that	 we are of opinion that the power to amend includes the power to add any provision to the Constitution. to alter any provision and substitute any other provision in its place and to delete any provision. The Seventeenth Amendment is merely in exercise of the power of amendment a indicated above and cannot be struck down on the ground that it goes beyond the power conferred on Parliament to amend the Constitution by article 368. The next question that arises is whether there is any limi tation on the power of amendment as explained by us above. 835 Limitations may be of two kinds	 namely	 express or implied. So far as express limitations are concerned	 there are none such in ' article 368. When it speaks of the "amendment of this Constitution it obviously and clearly refers to amendment of any provision thereof	 including the provisions contained in Part III relating to fundamental rights. Whether article 13(2) is an express limitation on the power of amendment will be considered by us law	 but so far as	 article 368 is concerned there are no limitation whatsoever in the matter of substance on the amending power and any provision of the Constitution	 be it in Part III and any other Part	 can be amended under article 368. The next question is whether there are any implied limita tions on the power of amendment contained in article 368	 and this Wags us to the argument that there are certain basic features of the Constitution which cannot be amended at all and there is an implied limitation on the power of amendment contained in article 5 68 so far as these basic features are concerned. We may in this connection refer to the view prevailing amongst jurists in the United States of America as to whether there are any plied limitations on the power of amendment contained in article V of the U.S. Constitution. There are two lines of thought in this matter in the United States. Some jurists take the	 view that there are certain implied limitations on the power to amend contained in article V of the U.S. Constitution. These are said to be with respect to certain basic features	 like	 the republican character of Government	 the federal structure etc. On the other hand	 it is that the more prevalent view amongst jurists in the United States is that there are no implied limitations on the scope of the amending power in article V of the U.S. Constitution. Willis on the Constitutional Law of the United States of America (1936 Edition says that probably the correct position is that the amending power embraces everything; in other words there are no legal limitations whatever on the power of amendment	 except what is expressly provided	 in article V : (see discussion on pp. 1.22 to 127). Even with respect to these express limitations	 Munro in The Government of the United States (Fifth Edition) at p. 77 says that even these express limitations can be removed and one of the ways of doing so is "to remove	 the exception by a preliminary amendment and thus clear the way for further action". Besides	 as a matter of fact there is no decision of the Supreme Court of the United States holding that there are implied limitations on the power of amendment contained in article V of the U.S. Constitution and all amendments so far made in the United States have been upheld by the Supreme Court there in the few cases that have been taken to it for testing the validity of the amendments. 836 We have given careful consideration to the argument that certain basic features of our Constitution cannot be amended under article 368 and have come to	 the conclusion that no limitations can be and should be implied upon the power of amendment under article 368. reason for coming to this conclusion is that if we were to accept that certain basic features of the Constitution cannot be amended under article 368	 it will lead to the position that any amendment made to any Article of the Constitution would be liable to challenge before courts on the ground that it amounts to amendment of a basic feature. Parliament would thus never be able to know what amendments it can make in the Constitution and what it cannot; for	 till a complete catalogue of basic features of the Constitution is available	 it would be impossible to make any amendment under article 368 with any certainty that it would be upheld by courts. If such an implied limitation were to be put on the power of amendment contained in article 368	 it would only be the courts which would have the power to decide what are basic features of the Constitution and then to declare whether a particular amendment is valid or not on the ground that it amends a particular basic feature or not. The .result would be that every amendment made in the Constitution would provide a harvest of legal wrangles so much so that Parliament may never know what provisions can be amended and what cannot. The power to amend being a constituent power cannot in our opinion for these reasons be held subject to any implied limitations thereon on the ground that certain basic features of the Constitution cannot be amended. We fail to see why if there was any intention to make any part of the Constitution unamendable	 the Constituent Assembly failed to indicate it expressly in article 368. If	 for example	 the Constitution makers intended certain provisions in the Constitution	 and Part III in particular	 to be not amendable	 we can see no reason why it was not so stated in article 368. On the clear words of article 368 which provides for amendment of the Constitution which means any provision thereof	. we cannot infer an implied limitation on the power of amendment of any provision of the Constitution '	 be it basic or otherwise. Our conclusion is that constituent power	 like that contained	in article 368	 can only be subject to express limitations and not to any implied limitations so	far as substance of the amendments are concerned and in the absence of anything in article 368 making any provision of the Constitution unamendable	 it Must be held that the power to. amend in article .3 68 reaches every provision of the Constitution and can be used to amend any provision thereof provided the procedure indicated	 in article 368 is followed. Copious references were made during the course of arguments to debates in Parliament and it is urged that it is open to this 837 Court to look into the debates in order to interpret article 368 to find out the intention of the Constitution makers. We are of opinion that we cannot and should not look into the debates that took place in the Constituent Assembly to determine the interpretation of article 368 and the scope and extent of the provision contained therein. It may be conceded that historical background and perhaps what was accepted or what was rejected by the Constituent Assembly while the Constitution was being framed	 may be taken into account in finding out the scope and extent of article 368. But we have no doubt that what was spoken in the debates in the Constituent Assembly cannot and should not be looked into in order to interpret article 368. Craies on Statute Law (Sixth Edition) at p. 128 says that "it is not permissible in discussing the meaning of an obscure enactment	 to refer to 'parliamentary history ' of a statute	 in the sense of the debates which took place in Parliament when the statute was under consideration"	 and supports his view with reference to a large number of English cases. The same is the view in Maxwell on Interpretation of Statutes	 (11th Edition) p. 26. Crawford on Statutory Construction (1940 Edition) at p. 340 says that resort may not be had to debates to ascertain legislative Intent though historical background in which the legislation came to be passed	 can be taken into consideration . In Administrator General of Bengal vs Prem Lai Mullick(1)	 the Privy Council held that "proceedings of the legislature cannot be referred to as legitimate aids to the construction of the Act in which they result. " In Baxter vs Commissioner of Taxation(2)	 it was said that reference to historical facts can be made in order to interpret a statute. There was however no reference to the debates in order to arrive at the meaning of a particular provision of the Constitution there in dispute. In A. K. Gopalan vs the State of Madras(3)	 Kania C.J. re ferring to the debates and reports of the Drafting Committee of the Constituent Assembly in respect of the words of article 21 observed at p. I 10 that they might not be read to control the meaning of the Article. In that case all that was accepted was that "due process of law" which was a term used in the. U.S. Constitution	 was not accepted for the purpose of article 21 which used the words 44 the procedure established by law". Patanjali Sastri J. (at p. 202) also refused to look at the debates 'and particularly the speeches made in order to determine the meaning of article 21. Fazl Ali	 J. (at p. 158) was of opinion that the pro (1) (2) ; (3) ; Sup. CI/67 8 838 ceedings and discuss ions In Constituent Assembly were not relevant for the purpose of construing the expressions used in article 2 1. Again in The Automobile Transport (Rajasthan) Limited vs the State of Rajasthan(. ')	 this Court looked into the historical background but refused to look into the debates in order to determine the meaning of the provisions of the Constitution in dispute in that case. We are therefore of opinion that it is not possible to read the speeches made in the Constituent Assembly in order to interpret An. 368 or to define its extent and scope and to determine what it	takes in and what it does not. As to this historical facts. namely	 what was accepted or what was avoided in the Constituent Assembly in connection with article 368	 it is enough to say that we have not been able to find any help from the material relating to this. There were proposals for restricting the power of amendment under article 368 and making fundamental rights immune from and there were counter proposals before the Constituent assembly for making the power	 of amendment all embracing They were all either dropped or negatived and in the circumstanses are of no help in determining the interpretation of article 368 which must be interpreted on the words thereof as they finally found place in the Constitution	 and on those words we have no doubt that there are no implied limitations of any kind on the power to amend given therein. An argument is also raised that limitations on the power to amend the Constitution can be found in the preamble to the Constitution. As to that we may refer only to in re: the Berubari Union and Exchange of Enclaves(2) with respect to the value of the preamble to the Constitution and its importance therein. It was observed in that case unanimously by a Bench of nine judges that "although it may be correct to describe the preamble as a key to the mind of the Constitution makers	 it form no part of the Constitution and cannot be regarded as the source of any substantive power which the body of the Constitution alone can confer on the Government 	 expressly or by implication. This is equally true to prohibitions and limitations". The Court there was considering whether the preamble could in any way limit the power of Parliament to cede any part of the national teritory and held that it was not correct to say that "the preamble in any way limit the power of Parliament to cede parts of the national territory". On a parity	 of reasoning we are of opinion that the preamble cannot prohibit or control in any way or impose any implied prohibitions or limitations oft Me power to amend the Constitution contained in article 368. (1) [1963] 1 S.C.R. 491. (2) 839 This brings us to the question whether the word "law" in article 13 (2) includes an amendment of the Constitution	 and therefore there is an express provision in article 1 3 (2) which at least limits the power of amendment under article 3 68 to this extent that by such amendment fundamental rights guaranteed by Part 111 cannot be taken away or abridged. We have already pointed out that in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) as well as Sajjan Singh 's case(1) it has already been held	 in one case unanimously and in the other by majority	 that the word "law" in article 13(2) does not include an amendment of the Constitution	 and it is the correctness of this view which is being imputed before this Bench	 Article 13 is in three parts. The first part lays down that "all laws in force in the territory of India immediately before the commencement of this Constitution	 insofar as they are inconsistent with the provisions of this Part	 shall	 to the extent of such inconsistency	 be void". Further all previous constitutional	provisions were repealed by article 395 which provided that " 'the Indian Independence Act	 1947	 and the Government of India Act	 1935	 together with all enactments amending or supplementing the latter Act	 but not including the Abolition of Privy Council Jurisdiction Act	 1949	 are hereby repealed." ' Thus it is clear that the word "law" in article 13(1) does not include any law in the nature of a constitutional provision	 for no such law remained after the repeal 'in article 395. Then comes the second part of article 13	 which says that State shall not make any law which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by this Part and any law made in contravention of this clause shall	 to the extent of the contravention	 be void". The third part defines the word "law" for the purpose of article 13; the definition is inclusive and not exhaustive. It is because of the definition in cl. (3 ) of article 13 being inclusive that it is urged that the word "law" in article 13 (2) includes an amendment of the Constitution also. Now we see no reason why if the word "law" in article 13(1) relating to past laws does not include any constitutional provision the word "law" in cl. (2) would take in an amendment of the Constitution	 for it would be reasonable to the word "law" 'in article 13(2) includes an amendment of the 13. But apart from this consideration	 we are of opinion that the word "law" in Art 13(2) could never have been intended to take in an amendment of the Constitution. What article 13(2) means is that a law made under the constitutional provisions would	 be tested on the anvil of Part III and if it takes away or abridges rights conferred by Part III it would be void to the extent of the contraventions. There are many Articles in the Con stitution	 which directly for making law in addition to Articles 245	 246	 248	 etc. and the three Lists and Aft. 13(2) (1) ; (2) ; 840 prohibits the State from making any law under these provisions. We see no difficulty in the circumstances in holding that article 13 (2) when it talks of the State making any law	 refers to the law made under the provisions contained in Ch. I of Part XI of the Constitution beginning with article 245 and also other provisions already referred to earlier. Article 246 provides that Parliament may make laws for the whole or any part of the territory of India and the legislature of a State may make laws for the whole or any part of the State. Article 246(1) gives exclusive power to Parliament to make laws with respect to subjects enumerated in List 1. Article 246(3) gives exclusive power to State legislatures to make laws with respect to List II. Article 248(1) gives exclusive power to Parliament to make laws with respect to any matter not enumerated in the Concurrent List or the State List. We are referring to these provisions merely to show that the various provisions in Chapter I of Part XI provide for making laws	and these laws are all laws which are made under the legislative power conferred on Parliament or on State legislatures under the Constitution. Therefore when in article 13( ) it is said that the State shall not make any law (State there including Parliament and legislature of each State)	 its meaning could only take in laws made by Parliament and State legislatures under the powers conferred under Chapter I of Part XI. and also other provisions already referred to earlier. We have already held that the power to amend the Constitution is to be found in article 368 along with the procedure and that such power is not to be found in article 248 read item 97 of List I. Therefore an amendment of the Constitution is not an ordinary law made under the powers conferred under Chapter I of Part XI of the Constitution and cannot be subject to article 13(2) where the word "law" must be read as meaning law made under the ordinary legislative power. We have already referred to a large number of Articles where Parliament is given the power to make law with respect to those Articles. So far as this power of Parliament is concerned it is ordi nary legislative power and it will certainly be subject to article 13 (2). But there can in our opinion be no doubt that when article 13(2) prohibits the State from making any law which takes away or abridges rights conferred by Part III	 it is only referring to ordinary legislative power conferred on Parliament and legislatures of States and cannot halve any reference to the constituent power for amendment of the Constitution contained in article 368. We have already pointed out that there are no implied limitative on the power to amend under article 368 and it is open to Parliament under that Article to amend any part of the Constitution	 including Part M. It is worth remembering that a whole Part XX is devoted by the Constitution makers to the subject of 841 amendment of the Constitution. If it was their intention that Part III of the Constitution will not be liable to amendment by way of abridgement or abrogation under the amending power contained in article 368 we see no reason why an express provision to that effect was not made in article 368. We cannot see what prevented the Constituent Assembly from making that clear by an express provision in article 368. It is however said that it was not necessary to say so in article 368	 because the provision was already made in article 13(2). We are unable to accept this contention	 for we have no doubt that article 13(2)	 when it refers to making of laws is only referring to the ordinary legislative power and not to the constituent power which results in amendment of the Con stitution. In any case it seems to us somewhat contradictory that in article 368 power should have been given to amend any provision of the Constitution without any limitations but indirectly that power is limited by using words of doubtful import in article 13(2). It is remarkable that in article 13(2) there is no express provision that amendment of the Constitution	 under article 368	 would be subject thereto. It seems strange indeed that no express provision was made in Part XX in this matter and even in article 13(2) no express provision is made to this effect	 and in both places the matter is left in a state of uncertainty. It is also remarkable that in article 368 the word "law"	 which we find so often used in so many Articles of the Constitution is conspicuously avoided	 and it is specifically provided that after the procedure has been gone through the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill. This language of article 368 is very significant and clearly makes a distinction between a constitutional Amendment and an ordinary law passed as an Amending Act. The validity of a law has to be determined at the time when the Bill actually matures into an Act and not at the stage while it is still a Bill. The provision in article 368 has the effect that when a Bill amending the Constitution receives the assent of the President	 the Constitution stands amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill. The Constitution thus stands amended in terms of the Bill if the Bill has been introduced	 passed and assented to by the President in accordance with the procedure laid down in article 368 and not as a result of the Bill becoming an Amendment Act introducing amendment in the Constitution. The provision that the Constitution shall stand amended in terms of the Bill was thus clearly intended to indicate that the amendment of the Constitution is not dependent on the Bill being treated as a law or an Act duly passed by Parliament. Thus it is clear that by indicating that the Constitution is to stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill	 article 368 clearly envisages that the power of amendment of the Constitution stands on an entirely different footing from an ordinary law made by Parliament in exercise of its legislative power. 842 If We keep in mind this difference	 between constitutional amendment or constitutional law and an ordinary amending Act or law	 it should not be difficult to hold that when Art 13 (2)	 speaks of the St ate making a law	 it is referring to ordinary law made under the powers conferred by article 245 etc read with various Lists and various provisions of the Constitution where express provision to that effect has been made and is not referring to the amendment of the Constitution which is made under the 'constituent power. Once it is held that the power to amend is found in article 368 and is not to be found in article 248 read with item 97 of List I	 it must follow that the power to amend the Constitution under article 368 is a different power (namely	 constituent power) and when article 13 (2) speaks of making 'law	 it can only refer to making ordinary law	 particularly when we compare the words of article 13 (2) (namely	 the State shall not make any law) and the words of articles 245	 248	 and 250 (which all speak of Parliament making law	 State legislatures making law	 and so on). Lastly	 as the power to amend is in article 368 and on the words	 as they stand in that Article	 that power is unfettered and includes the power to amend Part III	 it is strange that that power should be limited by putting an interpretation on the word "law" in article 13(2)	 which would include constitutional law also. There is nothing to suggest this even in the inclusive definition of the words "law" and "laws in force" in article 13(3). Besides	 it is conceded on behalf of the petitioners that article 368 gives power to amend Part 111	 but that power is only to amend one way	 namely	 towards enlargement of the rights contained therein	 and not the other way	 namely	 for	 abridging or taking away the rights contained therein. W. 	 must say that it would require a very clear provision in the Constitution to read the power to amend the Constitution relating to Part III in this manner. We cannot find that clear provision in article 1 3 (2). We repeat that when the Constituent Assembly was taking the trouble of providing a whole Part for amendment of the Constitution and when the words in article 368 clearly give the power to amend the Constitution and are subject to no implied limitations and contain no express limitations	 it is strange indeed that it should have omitted to provide in that very Article that Part III is not liable to amendment thereunder. In any case if the power of amendment conferred by the words of article 368 is unfettered	 we must avoid any inconsistency between that power and the provision contained in article 13 (2). We avoid that in keeping with the unfettered power in article 368 by reading the word "law" in article 13 (2) as meaning law passed under: ordinary legislative power and thus not including an amendment of the Constitution therein. The words in article II (2) are in our opinion not specific and clear ' enough to take in 843 the power of amendment under article 368 and must be confined only to the power of ordinary law making contained in articles 245 etc.	 and other provisions of the Constitution read with various Lists. We have therefore no hesitation in agreeing with the view taken in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) which was upheld by the majority in Sajjan Singh 's case(2). The next argument is that action under the proviso to article 368 is necessary as the Seventeenth Amendment affects the power of the High Court contained in article 226. It is said that by including various Acts in the Ninth Schedule and making them immune from challenge under the provisions contained in Part III	 the power of the High Court under article 226 is affected inasmuch as the High Court cannot strike down any of the Acts included in the Ninth Schedule on the ground that they take away or abridge the rights conferred by Part III. So it is said that there has been a change in article 226 and it was necessary that the Seventeenth Amendment should have been ratified by more than half the States under the proviso. A similar argument was raised in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) and was turned down unanimously. The same argument was again raised in Sajjan Singh 's case(2) and was also turned down. Now ratification is required under the proviso if the amendment seeks to make any change in various provisions mentioned therein and one such provision is article 226. The question therefore is whether the Seventeenth Amendment makes any change in article 226 and whether this change has to be a direct change in the words of article 226 or whether merely because there may be some effect by the Seventeenth Amendment on the	 content of the power in article 226 it will amount to change in article 226. We are of opinion that when the proviso lays down that there must be ratification when there is any change in the entrenched provisions	 including article 226	 it means that there must be actual change in the terms of the provision concerned. If there is no actual change directly in the entrenched provision	 no ratification is required	 even if any amendment of any other provision of the Constitution may have some effect indirectly on the entrenched provisions mentioned in the proviso. But it is urged that there may be such a change in some other provision as would seriously affect an entrenched provision	 and in such a case ratification should be necessary. This argument was also dealt with 'in the majority judgment in Sajjan Singh 's case(2) where the doctrine of pith and substance was applied and it was held that where the amendment in any other Article so affects the entrenched Article as to amount to an amendment therein	 then ratification may be necessary	 even though the entrenched Article may not be directly touched. Perhaps the use of the doctrine of pith and substance (1) ; (2) [1965] 1 S.C.P. 933. 844 in such a case is not quite apt. But what was meant in Sajjan Singh 's case(1) was that if there is such an amendment of an unentrenched Article that it will directly affect an entrenched Article and necessitate a change therein	 then recourse must be had to ratification under the proviso. We may illustrate this by two examples. Article 226 lays down inter alia that the High Court shall have power to issue writs for the enforcement of any of the rights conferred by Part III and for any other purpose. Now assume that Part III is completely deleted by amendment of the Constitution. If that takes place	 it will necessitate an amendment of article 226 also and deletion therefrom of the words "for the enforcement of any of the rights conferred by Part III". We have no doubt that if such a contingency ever happens and Part III is completely deleted	 Parliament will amend article 226 also and that will necessitate ratification under the proviso. But suppose Parliament merely deletes Part III and does not make the necessary consequential amendment in article 226	 it can then be said that deletion of Part III necessitates change in article 226 also	 and therefore in such a case ratification is necessary	 even though Parliament may not have in fact provided for amendment of Art 226. Take another example. Article 54 is an entrenched Article and provides for the election of the President. So is article 55 which provides for the manner of election. Article 52 which lays down that there shall be a President is on the other hand not an entrenched Article. It is said that article 52 may be altered and something else may be substituted in its place and that would not require ratification in terms as article 52 is not among the entrenched Articles. But we are of opinion that if Parliament amends article 52	 it is bound to make consequential amendments in articles 54 and 55 which deal with the election of the President and the manner thereof and if it is so the entire amendment must be submitted for ratification. But suppose Parliament merely amends article 52 and makes no change in articles 54 and 55 (a supposition which is impossible to visualise). In that case it would in our opinion be right to hold that article 52 could not be altered by abolition of the office of the President without necessi tating a change in articles 54 and 55 and in such a case if article 52 alone is altered by Parliament	 to abolish the office of President	 it will require ratification. These two examples will show where alteration or deletion of an unentrenched Article would necessitate amendment of an entrenched Article	 and in such a case if Parliament takes the incredible course of amending only the unentrenched Article and not amending the entrenched Article	 courts can say that ratifi (1) ; 845 cation is necessary even for amending the unentrenched Article	 for it directly necessitates	 a change in an entrenched Article. But short of that we are of opinion that merely because there is some effect indirectly on an entrenched Article by amendment of an unentrenched Article it is not necessary that there should be ratification in such circumstances also. Besides	 let us consider what would happen if the argument on behalf of the petitioners is accepted that ratification is necessary whenever there is even indirect effect on an entrenched Article by amending an unentrenched Article. Take the case of article 226 itself. It gives power to the High Court not only to issue writs for the enforcement of fundamental rights but to issue them for any other purpose. Writs have thus been issued by High Courts for enforcing other rights conferred by ordinary laws as well as under other provisions of the Constitution	 like articles 301 and 311. On this argument if any change is made in articles 301 and 311 there is bound to be an effect on article 216 and therefore ratification would be necessary	 even though both articles 301 and 311 are not entrenched in the proviso. Further	 take an ordinary law which confers certain rights and it is amended and those rights are taken away. Article 226 would be clearly affected. Before the amendment those rights may be enforced through article 226 while after the amendment the rights having disappeared there can be no enforcement thereof. Therefore	 on this argument even if there is amendment of ordinary law there would be an effect on article 226 and it must therefore be amended every time even when ordinary law is changed and the entire procedure under article 368 must be gone through including ratification under the proviso. It is however said that when ordinary law is amended	 rights disappear and therefore there is no question of enforcement thereof; if that is correct with respect to ordinary law	 it is in our opinion equally correct with respect to the amendment of an unentrenched provision of the Constitution. The answer given in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) to this argument was that article 226 remained just the same as it was before	 and only a certain class of cases had been excluded from the purview of Part III and the courts could no longer interfere	 not because their powers were curtailed in any manner or to any extent	 but because there would be no occasion thereafter for the exercise of their power in such cases. We respectfully agree with these observations and are of opinion that merely because there is some indirect effect on article 226 it was not necessary that the Seventeenth Amendment should have been ratified by more than one half of the States. It is only in the extreme case	 the examples of which we have given above	 that an amendment of an unentrenched Article without amendment of entrenched Article (1) ; 846 might be had for want of ratification	 and this is what was intended by the majority judgment in Sajjan Singh 's case(1)	 when it applied the doctrine of pith and substance in these circumstances. The argument that ratification is necessary as article 226 is indirectly affected has therefore no force and must be rejected. This is equally true with respect to the power of this Court under articles 132 and 136. Then it is urged that article 245 is enlarged by the Seventeenth Amendment inasmuch as State legislatures and Parliament were freed from the control of Part III in the matter of certain laws affecting	 for example. ryotwari lands	 and therefore as article 245 is an entrenched Article there should have been ratification under the proviso. This argument in our opinion is of the same type as the argument with respect to the effect on article 226 and our answer is the same	 namely	 that there is no direct effect on article 245 by the amendment and the indirect effect	 if. any	 does not require that there should have been ratification in the present case. It is then urged that ratification is necessary as article 31 B deals with State legislation and in any case Parliament cannot make	 any law with respect to Acts which were put in the Ninth Schedule and therefore Parliament could not amend the Constitution in the manner in which it was done by making additions in the Ninth Schedule	 both for want of ratification and for want of legislative competence. The answer to this argument was given in Sahkari Prasad 's case(2) and it was observed there that "Article 31 A and 31 B really seek to save a certain class of laws and certain specified laws already passed from the combined operation of article 13 read with other relevant Articles of Part III. The new Articles being thus essentially amendments of the Con stitution	 Parliament had the power of enacting them. That laws thus saved relate to matters covered by List II does not in any way affect the position. It was said that Parliament could not validate a law which it had no power to enact. The proposition holds good where. the validity of the impugned provision turns on whether the subject matter	 falls within or without the jurisdiction of the legislature which passed it. But to make a law which contravenes the Constitution	 constitutionally valid is a matter of constitutional amendment and as such it falls within the exclusive power of Parliament." (1) ; (2) ; 847 We respectfully agree with these observations. They succinctly put the legal and constitutional position with respect to the 'validity of Arts	 3 1 A and 3 1 B. It seems to us that article 3 1 B in particular is a legislative drafting device which compendiously puts in one place amendments which would otherwise have been added to the Constitution under various Articles in Part III. The laws in the Ninth Schedule have by the device of article 3 1 B been excepted from the various provisions in Part ]III	 which affected them and this exception could only be made by Parliament. The infirmity in the Arts put in the Ninth Schedule was apprehended to be a constitutional infirmity on the ground that those laws might take away or abridge rights conferred by Part HI. Such a constitutional infirmity could not be cured by State legislatures in any way and could only be cured by Parliament by constitutional amendment. What Parliament in fact did by including various Acts in the Ninth Schedule read with article 3 1 B was to amend the various provisions in Part III	 which affected these Acts by making them an exception to those provisions in Part III. This could only be done by Parliament under the constituent power it had under article 368 and there was no question of the application of the proviso in such a case	 for Parliament was amending Part III only with respect to these laws. The laws had already been passed by State legislatures and it was their constitutional infirmity	 if any	 which was being cured by the device adopted in article 3 1 B read with the Ninth Schedule	 the amendment 'being only of the relevant provisions of Part III which was compendiously put in one place in article 3 1 B. Parliament could alone do it under article 368 and there was no necessity for any ratification under the proviso	 for amendment of Part III is not entrenched in the proviso. Nor is there any force in the argument that Parliament could ' not validate those laws by curing the constitutional infirmity because they dealt with land which is in List 11 of the Seventh Schedule to the Constitution over which State Legislatures have exclusive legislative power. The laws had already been passed by State legislatures under their exclusive powers; what has been done by the Seventeenth Amendment is to cure the constitutional ' infirmity	 if any	 in these laws in relation to Part III. That could only be done by Parliament and in so doing Parliament was not encroaching on the exclusive legislative power of the State. The States had already passed the laws and all that was done by the Seventeenth Amendment was to cure any constitutional infirmity in the laws by including them in the Ninth Schedule read with article 31 B. We must therefore reject the argument that the Seventeenth Amendment required ratification because laws put in the Ninth Schedule were State law 	. We must equally reject the argument that as these laws dealt with land	 which is in the 848 exclusive legislative power of State legislature	 Parliament could not cure the constitutional infirmity	 if any	 in these laws by putting them in the Ninth Schedule. We now come to what may be called the argument of fear. It is urged that if article 368 confers complete power to amend each and every provision of the Constitution as we have held that it does frightful consequences will follow on such an interpretation. If Parliament is clothed with such a power to amend the Constitution it may proceed to do away with fundamental rights altogether	 it may abolish elected legislatures	 it may change the present form of Government	 it may do away with the federal structure and create a unitary state instead	 and so on. It is therefore argued that we should give a limited interpretation to the power of amendment contained in article 368	 as otherwise we shall be giving power to Parliament to destroy the Constitution itself. This argument is really a political argument and cannot be taken into account in interpreting article 368 when its meaning to our mind is clear. But as the argument was urged with a good deal of force on behalf of the petitioners and was met with equal force on behalf of the Union and the States	 we propose to deal with it briefly. Now	 if this argument means that Parliament may abuse its power of amendment conferred by article 368	 all that need be said in reply is that mere possibility of abuse cannot result in courts withholding the power if the Constitution grants it. It is well settled so far as ordinary laws are concerned that mere possibility of abuse will not induce courts to hold that the power is not there	 if the law is valid and its terms clearly confer the power. The same principle in our opinion applies to the Constitution. If the Constitution gives a certain power and its terms are clear	 there is no reason why that power should be withheld simply because of possibility of abuse. If we may say so	 possibility of abuse of any power granted to any authority is always there; and if possibility of abuse is a reason for withholding the power	 no power whatever can ever be conferred on any authority	 be it "executive	 legislative or even judicial. Therefore	 the so called fear of frightful consequences	 which has been urged on behalf of the Petitioners (if we hold	 as we do	 that the power to amend the Constitution is unfettered by any implied limitations)	 is no ground for withholding the power	 for we have no reason to suppose that Parliament on whom such power is 	conferred will abuse it. Further even if it abuses the power of constitutional amendment under article 368 the check in such circumstances is not in courts but is in the people who elect members of Parliament. The argument for giving a limited 849 meaning to article 368 because of possibility of abuse must therefore be rejected. The other aspect of this argument of fear is that we should not make the Constitution too flexible so that it may be open to the requisite majority with the requisite ratification to make changes too frequently in the Constitution. It is said that the Constitution is an organic document for the governance of the country and it is expected to endure and give stability to the institution which it provides. That is undoubtedly so and this is. very true of a written federal Constitution. But a perusal of. various Constitutions of the world shows that there are usually provisions for amendment of the Constitution in the Constitution itself. This power to amend a Constitution may be rigid or flexible in varying degrees. Jurists have felt that where the power to amend the Constitution is made too rigid and the people outgrow a particular Constitution and feel that it should be amended but cannot do so because of the rigidity of the Constitution	 they break the Constitution	 and this breaking is more often than not by violent revolution. It is admitted by even those writers on the United States Constitution who are of the view that there are certain basic features which cannot be amended and who would thus make the U. section Constitution even more rigid ' than it is; that howsoever rigid the Constitution may be its rigidity will not stop the people from breaking it if they have outgrown it and this breaking is	 generally speaking	 by violent revolution. So	 making our Constitution rigid by putting the interpretation which the petitioners want us to put on it will not stop the frightfulness which is conjured up before us on behalf of the petitioners. If anything	 an interpretation which will make our Constitution rigid in the manner in which the petitioner want the amending power in article 368 to be interpreted will make a violent revolution	 followed by frightfulness of which the petitioners are afraid	 a nearer possibility than an interpretation which will make it flexible. It is clear that our Constitution makers wanted to avoid ' making the Constitution too rigid. It is equally clear that they did not want to make an amendment of the Constitution too easy. They preferred an intermediate course which would make	the Constitution flexible and would still not allow it to be amended too easily. That is why article 368 provides for special majorities of the two Houses for the purpose of amendment of the Constitution. Besides it also provides for ratification by more than half the States in case of entrenched Provisions in the proviso. Subject to these limitations	 the Constitution has been	 made moderately flexible to allow any change when the people feel that change is necessary. The necessity for special majorities 850 in each House separately and	 the necessity for	 ratification by more than half the States in certain cases appear to us to be sufficient safeguards to prevent too easy change in the Constitution without making it too rigid. But it is said that	 in the last sixteen Years	 a large number of amendments have been made to the constitution and that shows that the power to amend is much too easy and should be restricted by judicial interpretation. Now	 judicial interpretation cannot restrict the power on the basis of a political argument. It has to interpret the Constitution and finds it on the basis of well known	canons of construction	and on the terms of article 368 in particular. If on those terms it is clear we think it is that power to amend is subject to no limitations except those to be expressly found in the Constitution	 courts must give effect to that. The fact that 'm the last sixteen years a large number of amendments could be made and have been made is in our opinion due to the accident that one party has been returned by electors in sufficient strength to be able to command the special majorities which are required under article 368	 not only at the Centre but also in all the Stites. It ' is because of this circumstance that we have had so many amendments in the course of the last sixteen years. But that in our opinion is no ground for limiting the clear words of article 368. The power of amendment contained in a written federal Con stitution is a safety valve which to a large extent provides for stable growth and makes violent revolution more or less unnecessary. It has been said by text book writers that the power of amendment	 though it allows for change	 also makes a Constitution long lived and stable and serves the needs of the people from time to time. If this power to amend is made too rigid it loses its value as a safety valve. The more rigid a Constitution the more likely it is that people will outgrow it and throw it over board violently. On the other hand	 if the Constitution is flexible (though it may not be made too easy to modify it) the power of amendment provides for stability of the Constitution itself and for ordered progress of the nation. If therefore there had to be a choice between giving an interpretation to article 368 which would make our Constitution rigid and giving an interpretation which would make it flexible	 we would prefer to make it flexible	 so that it may endure for a long period of time and may	 if necessary	 be amended from time to time in accordance with the progress in the ideas of the people for whom it is meant. But we feel that it is not necessary to go to this extent	 for that would be entering into the field of politics. As we see the terms of article 368	 we are clearly Df opinion that the Constitutionmakers wanted to make our Constitution reasonably flexible and 	.that the interpretation that we have given to article 368 is in 851 consonance with the terms thereof and the intention of those who made it. We therefore reject the argument of fear altogether. This brings us to the argument of stare decisis raised on behalf of the Union of India and the States. The argument is put thus. After the decision of the Patna High Court invalidating the Bihar Land Reforms Act	 1950	 Parliament passed the First Amendment to the Constitution. That Amendment was challenged in this Court by a number of writ petitions and was upheld in Sankari Prasad 's case( ) in 1951. That case practically stood unchallenged till Sajjan Singh 's case(2) in 1964 after the Seventeenth Amendment was passed. Thus in the course of these fifteen years or so a large number of State Acts were passed on the basis of the First Amendment by which in particular articles 31 A and 31 B were introduced in the Constitution. It is said that though Sankari Prasad 's case (1) has stood for less than 15 years there have been so many laws dealing with agrarian reforms passed on the basis of the First Amendment which was upheld by this Court that the short period for which that case has stood should not stand in the way of this Court acting an the principle of	 stare decisis. The reason for this is that an agrarian revolution	 has taken place all over the country after the First Amendment by State laws passed on the faith of the decision of this Court in Sankari Prasad 's case(1). This agrarian revolution has led to millions of acres of land having changed hands and millions of now titles having been created. So it is urged that the un animous decision in Sankari Prasad 's case(2)	 which was challenged when the Seventeenth Amendment was passed and was upheld by majority in Sajjan Singh 's case(2) should not now be disturbed as its disturbance would create chaos in the country	 particularly in the agrarian sector which constitutes the vast majority of the population in this country. We are of opinion that there is force in this argument . Though the period for which Sankari Prasad 's case(1) has stood unchallenged is not long	 the effects which have followed in	 the passing of State laws on the faith of that decision '	 are so overwhelming that we should not disturb the decision in that case. It is not disputed that millions of acres of land have changed hands and millions of new titles in agricultural lands have been created and the State laws dealing with Agricultural land which have been passed in the course of the last fifteen years after the decision in Samkari Prasad 's case(1) have brought about an agrarian revolution. Agricultural population constitutes a vast majority of the population in this country. In these circumstances it would in our opinion be wrong to hold now that (1) ; (2) ; 852 Sankari Prasad 's case (1) was not correctly decided and thus disturb all that has been done during the last fifteen years and create chaos into the lives of millions. of our countrymen who have benefited by these laws relating	 to agrarian reforms. We would in the circumstances accept the argument on behalf of the Union of India and the States that this is the fittest possible case in which the principle of stare decisis should be applied. On this basis also	 apart from our view that Sankari Prasad 's case (1) was in fact rightly decided	 we would not interfere with that decision now. But it is urged that instead of following the principle of stare decisis which would make die decision in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) good for all times. 	 we should follow the doctrine of prospective over ruling	 which has been evolved by some United States courts so that everything that has been done up to now	 including the Seventeenth Amendment would be held good but in future it would not be open to Parliament to amend Part III by taking away or abridging any of the rights conferred thereby and	 if the argument as to implied limitations on the power to amend is accepted	 further limit the power of Parliament to amend what may be called basic features of the Constitution. We must say that we are not prepared to accept the doctrine of prospective over ruling. We do not know whether this doctrine which it is urged should be applied to constitutional amendment would also be applied to amendments of ordinary laws. We find it difficult to visualise what would be the effect of this doctrine if it is applied to amendment of ordinary laws. We have so far been following in this country the well known doctrine that courts declare law and that a declaration made by a court is the law of the land and takes effect from the date the law came into force. We would on principle be loath to change that well known doctrine and supersede it by the doctrine of prospective over ruling. Further it seems to us that in view of the provisions of article 13(2) it would be impossible to apply the doctrine of prospective over ruling in our country	 particularly where a law infringes fundamental rights. Article 13(2) lays down that all. laws taking away or abridging fundamental rights would be void to the extent of contravention. It has been held by this Court in Deep Chand vs The State of Uttar Pradesh (2) that a law made after the Constitution came into force which infringes fundamental rights is a stillborn law and that the prohibition contained in article 13(2) went to the root of the State power of legislation and any law made in contravention of that provision was void ab initio. This case has been followed in Mahendra Lal Jaini vs The State of Uttar Pradesh(3). In the face of these (1) ; (2) [1959] Supp. 2 S.C.R. 8. (3) [1963] Supp. 1. S.C.R. 912. 853 decisions it is impossible to apply the principle of prospective over ruling in this country so far as ordinary laws are concerned. Further	 if the word "law" in article 13(2) includes an amendment of the Constitution	 the same principle will apply	 for that amendment would be stillborn if it infringes any fundamental rights contained in Part III. In these circumstances	 it would be impossible to apply the principle of prospective over ruling to constitutional amendments also. On the other hand	 if the word "law" in article 13(2) does not include an amendment of the Constitution	 then there is no necessity of applying the principle of prospective over ruling	 for in that case unless some limitations on the power of amendment of the Constitution are implied the amendment under article 368 would not be liable to be tested under article 13(2). We are therefore unable to apply the doctrine of prospective over ruling in the circumstances. Further as we are of opinion that this is the fittest possible case in which the prin ciple of stare decisis applies	we must uphold Sankari Prasad 's case (1) for this reason also. Lastly we would refer to the following observations in Sajjan Singh 's case(2) (at pp. 947 48) with respect to over ruling earlier judgments of this Court and specially those which are unanimious like Sankari Prasad 's case(1): "It is true that the Constitution does not place any restriction on our powers to review our earlier decisions or even to depart from them and there can be no doubt that in matters relating to the decision of constitutional points which have a significant impact on the fundamental rights of citizens	 we would be prepared to. ' review our earlier decisions in the interest of public good. . . Even so	 the normal principle that "judgments pronounced by this Court would be final	 cannot be ignored and unless considerations of a substantial and compelling character make it necessary to. do so	 we should be slow to doubt the correctness of previous decisions.or to depart from them. "It is universally recognised that in regard to a large number of constitutional problems which are brought before this Court for its decision	 complex and difficult questions arise and on many of such questions two views are possible. Therefore	 if one view has been taken. by this Court after mature deliberation	 the fact that another Bench is inclined to take a different view may not justify the Court in reconsidering the earlier decision or in departing from	 it. . . Even so	 the Court should be re (1) (1952] S.C.R. 89. (2) [1965] 1 S.C.R. 933. p. CI/67 9 854 luctant to accede to the suggestion that its earlier decisions should be light heartedly reviewed and departed from. In such a case the test should be: is it absolutely necessary and essential that the question already decided should be reopened The answer to this question would depend on the nature of the infirmity alleged in the earlier decision	 its impact on public good	 and the validity and compelling character of the considerations urged in support of the contrary view. If the said decision has been followed in a large number of cases	 that again is a factor which must be taken into account. " A similar view was taken in the Keshav Mills Company Limited vs Commissioner of Income tax	(1) where it was observed that ". before a previous decision is pronounced to be plainly erroneous	 the Court must be satisfied with a fair amount of unanimity amongst its members that a revision of the said view is fully justified. " These principles were applied in Sajjan Singh 's case(2) and it was observed that if Sankari Prasad 's case(3) were to be overruled	 "it would lead to the inevitable consequence that the amendments made in the Constitution both in 1951 and 1955 would be rendered invalid and a large number of decisions dealing with the validity of the Acts included in the Ninth Schedule which have been pronounced by	 different High Courts ever since the decision of this Court in Sankari Prasad 's case(3) was declared	 would also be exposed. to serious jeopardy. " The majority in that case therefore was not in favour of reviewing Sankari Prasad 's case(".) even so in View of the argument raised and the importance of the question it considered the arguments against that decision and came to the conclusion its that that case was rightly decided We may add that besides so many cases in the High Courts there have been a large number of cases in this Court to which it is unnecessary to refer where on the faith of various amendments made in the Constitution	 particularly the First	 the Fourth and the Sixteenth	 amending fundamental rights	 this Court has upheld the	 validity of various Acts on the basis of these amendments. Further we would be very reluctant to over rule the unanimous decision in Sankari Prasad 's case.(3) or any other unanimous decision by the slender majority of one in a larger Bench constituted for the purpose. We say this with great respect and would hold that apart 'from the principle of stare decisis we should not say that the (1) ; (2) ; (3) ; 855 unanimous judgment in Sankari Prasad 's case(	) was wrongly decided by such a slender majority in this Special Bench. We therefore hold that Sankari Prasad 's cases(1) was correctly decided and that the majority	in Sajjan Singh 's case(2) WAS Correct in following that decision. We would follow the decision in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) even now as in our opinion it was correctly decided. ' Following that decision we hold that the Seventeenth Amendment is good. In view of this decision it is unnecessary to refer to other arguments raised with respect to the two petitions challenging the Mysore Land Reforms Act. In our view therefore all the three petitions should fail and we would dismiss them. In the circumstances we would pass no order as to costs. Hidayatulla. J In these three writ petitions	 the facts of which appear in the two judgment just delivered	 the validity of the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act	 1953 and the Mysore Land Reforms Act	 1953	 is principally involved. ' Since these Acts are protected by the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 the validity of the constitutional amendment is also questioned. Therefore	 a much larger field must be traversed because of the claim of the State that no part of the Constitution from the Preamble to the Ninth Schedule	 is beyond the provision for amendment contained in article 368. The article	 forms the Twentieth Part of the Constitution and is said to be a code by itself in which reposes a sovereign power	 transcending anything elsewhere in the Constitution. The State submits that (except as stated in the article) there are no limitations on the amending power and denies that there are any implied restrictions. It claims	 therefore	 that an amendment of the Constitution Or of any of its part can never be a justiciable issue if the procedure for amendment has been duly followed. In this claim no exception is made the Preamble	 the Fundamental Rights	 the guaranteed remedy to uphold them all of them severally and together are said to be capable of being Partially or wholly abrogated by an amendment. Looked at from	 this Point of view the Seven teenth Amendment Act not only 'must be valid but also beyond the Power of the courts to question. The petitioners	 on the other hand	 contend that this is to deny the real importance and inviolability of the Fundamental Rights which the Constitution itself	 paramount even to article	 368 consideration. ' before we can Acts are valid or not. (1) ; (2) ; 856 The same questions were before this Court on two earlier occasions. They arose for the first time immediately after the Constitution (First Amendment) Act	 1951 was adopted and became the subject of a decision of this Court reported in Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo vs Union of India(1). There Patanjali Sastri J. speaking for Harilal Kania C.J.	 Mukherjea	 Das and Chandrasekhara Aiyar	 JJ.and himself upholds the First Amendment on the grounds that the power conferred by Part XX is constituent	 paramount and sovereign and is	 therefore	 not subject to article 13(2) which prohibits the making of ordinary laws tending to abridge or take away Fundamental Rights. The questions were again before the Court in sajjan Singh c. State of Rajasthan(2) when the Seventeenth Amendment was impugned. The authority of Sankari Prasad 's case(1) was the ministry ofof the argument in support of the validity of the new amendment. This time the Court was not unanimous although the Court as aas a whole did not strike down the Act. Three opinions weredelivered by Gajendragadkar	 C.J. on behalf of Wanchoo and Raghubar Dayal	 JJ. and himself	 by Mudholkar	 J. and by me. I found the reasoning in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) to be unaccept able	 although for reasons which I shall give	 I refrained from expressing a final opinion. Mudholkar	 J. in his opinion supported me with additional and forceful reasons but he also did not express himself finally on the broader question. I closed my opinion with the following observations : "I would require stronger reasons than those given in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) to make me accept the view that Fundamental Rights were not really fundamental but were intended to be within the powers of amendment in common with the other parts of the Constitution and without the concurrence of the States. No doubt article 19 by clauses numbered 2 to 6 allows a curtailment of rights in the public interest. Ibis shows that Part III is not static. It Visualises changes and progress but at the same time it preserves the individual rights. There is hardly any measure of reform which cannot be introduced reasonably	 the guarantee of individual liberty notwithstanding. Even the agrarian reforms could have been partly carried out without Article 31 A and 31 B but they would have cost more to the public exchequer. 'the rights of society are made paramount and they ire placed above those of the individual. This is as it should be. But restricting the Fundamental Rights by resort to cls. 2 to 6 of Mt. 19 is (1) ; (2) ; 857 one thing and removing the rights from the Constitution or debilitating them by an amendment is quite another. This is the implication of Sankari Prasad 's case(1). It is true that such things would never be	 but one is concerned to know if such a doing would be possible." "The Constitution gives so many assurances in Part III that it would be difficult to think that they were the playthings of a special majority. To hold this would prima facie that the most solemn parts of our Constitution stand on the same footing as any other provision and even on a less firm ground than one on which the articles mentioned in the proviso stand. The anomaly that article 226 should be somewhat protected but not article 32 must give us pause. Article 32 does not erect a shield against private conduct but against state conduct including the legislatures (See article 12). Can the legislature take away this shield ? Perhaps by adopting a liberal construction of article 368 one can say that. But I am not inclined to play a grammarian 's role. As at present advised I can only say that the power to make amendments ought not ordinarily to be a means of escape from absolute constitutional restrictions. " My opposition (lest one misunderstands its veridical charac ter) appears to be cautious and even timid but this was because it was attended by an uneasy feeling that I might have missed some immanent truth beyond what was said in Sankari Prasad 's case(1). The arguments then were extremely brief. After hearing full arguments in this case	 which have not added to the reasoning of the earlier cases	 I am not satisfied that the reasons are cogent enough for me to accept them. I say it with respect that I felt then	 as I do so even more strongly now	 that in the two earlier cases	 the result was reached by a mechanical juris prudence in which harmonious construction was taken to mean that unless article 368 itself made an exception the existence of any other provision indicative of an implied limitation on the amending power	 could not be considered. This was really to refuse to consider any argument which did not square with the a priori view of the omnicompetence of article 368. Such reasoning appears to me to be a kind of doctrinaire conceptualism based on an and textual approach supplemented by one concept that an amendment of the Constitution is not an exercise of legislative (1) ; 858 power but of constituent Dower and	 therefore	 an amendment of the Constitution is not law at all as contemplated by article 13(2). I. am reminded of the. words of. Justice Holmes that "we 	must think things and not words". The true principle is that if there are two provisions in the Constitution which seem to be hostile	 juridical hermeneutics requires the Court to interpret them by combining them and not by destroying one with the aid of the other. No part in a Constitution is superior to another part unless the Constitution itself says so and there is no accession 'of strength to any provision by calling it a code. Portalis	 the great. French Jurist .(who helped in the making of the Code Napole on) supplied the correct principle when he said that it is the context of the legal provisions which serves to illustrate the meaning. of the different parts	 so that among them and between them there should be correspondence and harmony. We have two provisions to reconcile. Article 368 which says that the Constitution may be amended by	 following this and this. procedure	 and article 13(2) which says	 the State shall not make any law which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by Part III and that any law made in contravention of the clause shall	 to the extent of the contravention	 be void. The question	 therefore	 is : does this create any limitation upon the amending process ? On the answer to this question depends the solution of all the problems in this case. It is an error to view our Constitution as if it were a mere organisational document by which the people established the atructure and the mechanism of their Government. Our Constitution is intended to be much more because it aims at being a social document In which the relationship of society to the indiVidual and of Government to both and the rights of the minorities and the backward classes are clearly laid down. This social document is headed by a Preamble* which epitomizes the principles on which the Government is intended to function and these principles are later expanded into Fundamental Rights in Part III and the Directive Principles of Policy in Part TV. The former 'are protected but the latter are not. The former represent the "PREAMBLE WE THE PEOPLE OF INDIA having solemnly Resolved to .constitute India into a SOVEREIGN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure all Its citizens: JUSTICE	 social	 economic and political; EQUALITY of status and of opportunity; and to promote among them.all FRATERNITY assuring the	 dignity of the individual and.the unity of Nation: IN OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this twenty sixth day of November	1949	do HEREBY ADOPT	ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTffUTION. " 859 limits of State action and the latter are the obligations and the duties of the Government as a good and social Government. Why was it necessary to have the Fundamental Rights at all and make them justiciable ? As we seem to be forgetting our own history so soon let me say that the answer lies there the Nationalist Movement and the birth of the Indian National Congm in 1885 were the direct result of the discriminatory treatment of the Indians in their own country. The demand for the guarantee of Fundamental Rights had unfortunately to be made. then to a foreign ruler and it appeared in the Constitution of India Bill framed by the Indian National Congress ten years later. All that is valuable to an Individual in civilized society	 including free speech	 imprisonment only by a competent authority	 free law education	 etc. were claimed therein. Resolutions of the Congress since then reiterated this demand and the securing of Fundamental Rights in any future Constitution became one of the articles of faith. To cut the narration short	 the main steps may only be mentioned. Mrs. Besant 's Commonwealth of India Bill 1925 with its seven fundamental rights (the precursor of article 19)	 the Madras Congress Resolution of 1927 "a constitution on the basis of declaration of rights" the Nehru Report it is obviour	 that our first care should be to have the Fundamental Rights guaranteed in a manner which will not permit their withdrawal in any circumstancees 	 the draft article in the Nehru Constitution "No person shall be deprived of his liberty	 nor shall his dwelling or property be entered	 requisitioned or confiscated save in accordance with law" 	 the Independence Resolution of 26th January	 1930 We believe that it is the inalienable right of the Indian people	 as of any other people	 to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of their toil and have the necessities of life	 so that they may have full opportunities of growth" the Karachi Resolution on Fundamental Rights	 Economic and Social Change (1931)	 the Sapru Report (1945) which for the first time distinguished between justiciable and non 	justiciable rights	 the Suggestion of the Cabinet Mission for the constitution of an Advisory Committee on Fundamental and Minority Rights	 and	 lastly the Committee on Fundamental Rights of the Constituent Assembly	 are just a few of the steps to be remembered. The Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles were the result. Fundamental laws are needed to make a Government of laws and not of men and the Directive Principles are needed to lay down the objectives of a good Government. Our Constitution was not the cause but the result of political and personal freedom". Since Dicey had said that "the proclamation . in a Constitution or Charter of the right to personal freedom	 or indeed of any other right	 gives of itself but slight security that the right has more than a 860 nominal existence"	(1) provision had to be made for guaranteeing them andto make them justiciable and enforceable. This result is reachedby means of articles 12	 13	 32	 136	 141	 144 and 226. The The High Courts and finally this Court have been made the Judges of whether any legislative or executive action on the part oft the State considered as comprehensively as is possible	 offends the Fundamental Rights and article 13(2) declares that legislation which so offends is to be deemed to be void. It is thus that Parliament cannot today abridge or take away a single Fundamental Right even by a 'unanimous vote in both the Chambers. But on the argument of the State it has only 'to change the title of the same Act to an Amendment of the Constitution Act and then a majority of the total strength and a 2/3rds majority of the members present and voting in each House may remove not only any of the Fundamental Rights	 but the whole Chapter giving them. And this is said to be possible because of article 368 and its general language which	 it is claimed	 makes no exception in its text and	 therefore	 no exception can be implied. It is obvious that if an Act amending the Constitution is treated as a law it must also be subject to the provisions of article 13(2). Since the definition of the word 'law '	 makes no exception a strenuous eeffort is made on the basis of argument and authority to establish that a constituent power does not result in a law in the ordinary sense. Distinction is thus made between laws made ordinarily that is to say	 from day to day by ordinary majority and laws made occasionally for the amendment of the Constitution by a slightly enhanced majority. In our Constitution this distinction is not valid in the eye of article 13(2). It is not essential		 of course	 that a difference must always exist in the procedure for the exercise of constituent and ordinary	 legislative power. One has not to go far to find the example of a country in which constitutional law as such may be made by the same agency which makes ordinary laws. The most outstanding	 example is that of England about which de Tocqueville observed. "the Parliament has an acknowledged right to modify the Constitution; as	 therefore	 the Constitution may undergo perpetual changes	 it does not in reality exist; the Parliament is at once a legislative and a constituent assembly:"(2) of course	 the dictum of de Tocqueville that the English Constitution "elle n 'existe point" (it does not exist) is far from accu (1)Dicey: "Law of the Constitution" 10th Edn. p. 207. (2)Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution A.V. Dicey Tenth Edn p. 88 quoting from OEuvres completes (14th ed.	1864) (Democratie en Amerique)	 pp. 166	 167. 861 rate. There is a vast body of constitutional laws in England which is written and statutory but it is not all found in one place and arranged as a written Constitution usually is. The Act of Settlement (1701)	 the Act of Union with Scotland (1707)	 the Act of Union with Ireland (1800) the Parliament Act (1911) the Representation of the Peoples Acts of 1832	 1867	 1884	 1918	 1928 and 1948	 the Ballot Act (1872)	 the Judicature Acts 1873	 1875 and 1925	 the Incitement to Disaffection Act (1934)	 His Majesty 's Declaration of Abdication Act (1936)	 the Regency Act (1937) and the various Acts setting up different ministries are examples of what will pass for constitutional law under our system(1). The Bill of Rights (1689) lays down the fundamental rule in England that taxation may not be levied without the consent of Parliament which in our Constitution has its counterpart in article 265. In our Constitution also the laws relating to delimitation of constituencies or allotment of seats to such constituencies made or purporting to be made under article 327 or article 328	 by reason of the exclusion of the powers of the courts to question them	 are rendered constitutional instruments. Other examples of constitutions which	 in addition to constitution proper	 contain certain ordinary legislation	 having constitutional qualities	 also exist. (2) What then is the real distinction between ordinary law and the law made in the exercise of constituent power? I would say under the scheme of our Constitution none at all. This distinction has been attempted to be worked out by several authors. It is not necessary to quote them. Taking the results obtained by Willoughby(3) it may be said that the fact that a Constitution is written as a Constitution is no distinction because in Britain constitutional law is of both kinds and both parts coexist. The test that the Constitution requires a different kind of procedure for amendment	 also fails because in Britain Parliament by a simple majority makes laws and also amends constitutional statutes. In our Constitution too	 in spite of the claim that article 368 is a code (whatever is meant by the word 	code	 here)	 articles 4	 11 and 169 show that the amendment of the Constitution can be by the ordinary law making procedure. By this method one of the legislative limbs in a State can be removed or created. 'This destroys at one stroke the claim that article 368 is a code arid also that any special method of amendment of the Constitution is fundamentally necessary. (1) The list is raken from K. C. Wheare 's: "The Statute of Westminster and Dominion Status" (4th Edn) p. 8. Dicey and others give different list. (2) See Constitutions of Austria	 Honduras	 Nicaragua Peru	 Spain and Sweden among others. The Constitution of Spain	 in particular is in several Instruments. The Constitution of Austria (A t. 149) makes special mention of these constitutional instruments. (3) Tagore Law Lectures (1924) p. 83. 862 The next test that the courts must apply the Constitution in preference to the ordinary law may also be rejected on the ansalogy of the British practice. There	 every statute has equal standing. Therefore	 the only difference can be said to arise from the fact that.constitutional laws are generally amendable under a process which in varying degrees	 is more difficult or elaborate. This may give a distinct character to the law of the Constitution but it does not serve to distinguish it from the other laws of the land for purposes of article 13(2). Another difference is that in the written constitutions the form and power of Government alone are to be found and not rules of private law as is the case with ordinary laws. But this is also not an invariable rule. The Ame Constitution and our Constitution itself are outstanding examples There are certain other differences of degree	 such as that nary _legislation may be tentative or temporary	 more detailed or secondary	 while the Constitution is intended to be permanent	 general and primary. Because it creates limitations on the ordinary legislative power	 constitutional law in a sense is fundamental law	 but if the legislative and constituent processes can become one	 Ls there any reason why the result should be regarded as law in the one case and not in the other ? On the whole	 therefore	 as observed in the American Jurisprudence "It should be noticed however that a statute and a constitution	 though of unequal dignity are both laws and each rests on the will of the people. . " A Constitution is law which is intended to be	 for all time and is difficult to change so that it may not be subject to "impulses ofmajority" "temporary excitement and popular caprice or passion"(2). I agree with the authors cited before us that the power of amendment must be possessed by the State. I do not take a narrow view of the word "amendment" as including only minor changes within the general framework. By an amendment new matter may be added	 old matter removed or altered. I alm concede that the reason for the amendment of the Constitution is a political matter although I do not go as far as some Justice of the Supreme court of the United States did in Coleman vs Miller(3) that the whole process is "political in its entirely from submission until an Amendment becomes part of the Constitution and is not subject to judicial guidance	 control or interference at any point. " There are fundamental differences between our Con (1) American Jurispruence Vol. II Section 3. (2) Amendment is expressly called a legislative process in the Constitutions of Colombia:	 Costa Rica	 Hungary	 Panama and Peru. In Portugal the ordinary legislatures enjoy constituent powers every 10 years. (3) 3)7 U.S. 443 ; 863 stitution and the Constitution of the United States of America. Indeed this: dictum of the four Justices based upon	 the case of Luther vs Borden(1) has lost some of its force after Baker vs Carr(2) A Republic must	 as says Story	 (8) possess the means for altering and improving the fabric of the Government so as	 to promote the happiness and safety of the people. The power is also needed to disarm opposition and prevent factions over the Constitution. The power	 however	 is not intended to be used for experiments or as an escape from restrictions against undue state action enacted in the Constitution itself. Nor % 'LS the power of amendment available for the purpose of removing express or fmplied restrictions against the State. Here I make a difference between Government and State which I shall explain presently. As Willoughby(4) points out constitutional law ordinarily limits Government but not the State because a constitutional law is the creation of the State for its own purpose. But there is nothing to prevent the State from limiting itself. The rights and duties of the individual and the manner in which such rights are to be exercised and enforced ;ire ordinarily to be found in the laws though some of the Constitutions also fix them. It is now customary to have such rights guaranteed in the Constitution. Peaslee	(5) writing in 1956 says that about 88% of the national Constitutions contain clauses respecting individual liberty and fair legal process; 83% respecting freedom of speech and the press; 82% respecting property right; 80% respecting rights of assembly and association; 80% respecting rights of conscience and religion; 79% res pecting secrecy of correspondence and inviolability of domi cile; 78% respecting education; 73% respecting equality 64% respecting right to petition; 56% respecting labour; 51% respecting social security; 47% respecting rights of movement within	 and to and from the nation; 47% respecting health and motherhood; and 35% respecting the non retroactivity of laws. In some of the Constitutions there is an attempt to put a restriction against the State seeking to whittle down the rights conferred on the individual. Our Constitution is the most outstanding example of this restriction which is to be found in article 13(2). 'The State is no doubt legally supreme but in the supremacy of its powers it may create	 impediments on its own sovereignty. Government is always bound by the restrictions created in favour of fundamental Rights but the State may or may not be. Amendment may be open to the State according to the procedure laid (1) (2) ; (7 L. Ed. 2d 633). (3) Commentaries on the Constittition of the United States (1833) Vol. III pp 686 687. (4) Tagore Law Lectures	 p. 84. (5) Constitutions of Nations	 Vol. I (2nd Edn.) p. 7. 863 stitution and the Constitution of the United States of America.this: dicttan of the four Justices based upon	 the case of Luther vs Borden(1) has lost some of its force after Baker vs Carr(2). A Republic must	 as says Story	 (		) ssess the means for ai and:improving the 'fabric of tc Government so as	 to promote the happiness and safety	 of the people. The power	 is dw needed to disarm opposition and prevent factions over theThe power	 however	 is not intended to be used for experiments or as an escape from restrictions against undue state action enacted in the Constitution itself. Nor is the power of amendment available for the purpose of removing express or implied restrictions against the State. Here I make a difference between Government and Statewhich I shall explain presently. As Willoughby(4) points out wmtitutional law ordinarily limits Government but not the State because a constitutional la	* is the creation of the State for its own pu	 se. But there is nothing to prevent the State from rpo limiting itself. The rights and duties of the individual and the. manner in which such rights are to be exercised and enforced are ordinarily to be found in the laws though some of the Constitutions also fix them. It now customary to have such rights guaranteed in the Constitution. Peaslee	(5) writing in 1956 says that about 88	Yo of the	 national Constitutions contain clauses respecting individual liberty and fair legal process; 83% respecting freedom of speech and the press; 82% respecting property right; 80% respecting rights of assembly and association; 80% respecting rights of conscience and religion; 79% respecting secrecy of correspondence and ' inviolability of domicile; 78% respecting education; 73% respecting equality; .64% respecting right to petition; 56% respecting labour; 51% respecting social security; 47% respecting rights of movement within	 and to and from the nation; 47% respecting health and motherhood; and 35% respecting the non retroactivity of laws. In some of the Constitutions there is an attempt to put a restriction Against the State seeking to whittle down the rights conferred ' on the 'individual. Our Constitution is the most outstanding i6xample of this restriction Which is to be found in article 1.3(2). 	Tbe State is no doubt legally supreme but in the supremacy of its powers it may creat e impediments on its OI%M sovereignty. Govent is always bound by the restrictions created in favour of Fundamental Rights but the State may or may not be. Amendment may be open to the State according to the procedure lai(r (1)7 How. 1 (2) ; (7 L. Ed. 2d 633). (3) Commentaries on the Constitution of the United	 Sta:tes (1 833) 'Vol. III PP	 686 687. (4)Tagore Law Lectures	 p. 84. (5)Constitutions of Nations	 Vol. I (2nd Edn.) p. 7. 864 down by the Constitution. There is nothing	 however	 to prevent the State from placing certain matters outside the amending procedure( '). Examples of this exist in several Constitutions of the world : see article 5 of the American Constitution; article 95 of the Constitution of France	; article 95 of the Constitution of Finland; article 97 of the Constitution of Cambodia; article 183 of the Constitution of Greece; article 97 of the Japanese Constitution; article 139 of the Italian Constitution	 to mention only a few. When this happens the ordinary procedure of amendment 	ceases to apply. The unlimited competence (the kompetenz kompetenz of the Germans) does not flow from the amendatory process. Amendment can then be by a fresh constituent body. To attempt to do this otherwise is to attempt a revolution. I do not known why the word "revolution"	 which I have used before	 should evoke in some persons an image of violence and subversion. The whole American Constitution was the result of a bloodless revolution and in a sense so was ours. The adoption of the whole Constitution and the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution have much in common. An amendment of the Constitution has been aptly called a Constitution in little and the same question arises whether it is by a legal process or by revolution. There is no third alternative. An amendment	 which repeals the earlier Constitution	 unless legal	 is achieved by revolution. As stated in the American Jurisprudence : "An attempt by the majority to change the fundamental law in violation of self imposed restrictions is unconstitutional and revolutionary". ( ') There are illegal and violent revolutions and illegal and peaceful revolutions. Modification of Constitution can only be by the operation of a certain number of wills acting on other wills. The pressure runs through a broad spectrum	 harsh at one end and gentle at the other. But whatever the pressure may be	 kind or cruel	 the revolution is always there if the change is not legal. The difference is one of method	 not of kind. Political thinking starts from the few at the top and works downward more often than in the reverse direction. It is wrong to think that masses alone	 called "the people" after Mazini	 or "the proletariate" after Marx	 'begin a revolutionary change. Political changes are always preceded by changes in thought in a few. They may be outside the (1) In the Constitution of Honduras	 partial amendment only is possible. For a complete amendment a Constituent Assembly has to be convoked. In the Constitution of Brazil	 the Constitution cannot be amended when there is a state of seige (our emergency). In Turkey an amendment of Article 1 cannot even be proposed. (2) Vol. 12	 Section 25 pp. 629 630. 865 Government or in it. It is a revolution nevertheless	 if an attempt is made to alter the will of the people in an illegal manner. A revolution is successful only if there is consent and acquiescence and a failure if there is not. Courts can interfere to nullify the revolutionary change because in all cases of revolution there is infraction of existing legality. It is wrong to classify as revolution some thing coming from outside the Government and an illegality committed by the Government against the Constitution as evolution. I am mindful of the observations of Justice Holmes	 that "We need education in the obvious to learn to transcend our own convictions and to leave room for much that we hold dear to be done away with short of revolution	 by the orderly change of law. "(1) But the problem we are faced with is not an orderly change of law but of a claim to a revolutionary change against the vitals of the Constitution. In such a case the apprehension is that democracy may be lost if there is no liberty based on law and law based on equality. The protection of the fundamental Rights is necessary so that we may not walk in fear of democracy itself. Having assumed the distinction between Government and ' State let me now explain what I mean by that distinction and what the force of article 13(2) in that context is. I shall begin first by reading the pertinent article. Article 13 (2)	 which I quoted earlier	 may again be read here: "13. . . . . . (2)The State shall not make any law which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by this Part and any law made in contravention of this clause shall	 to the extent of contravention	 be void. " The definition of the State in article 12 reads "12. In this Part	 unless the context otherwise requires	 "the State" includes.the Government and Parliament of India and the Government and the Legislature of each of the States and all local or other authorities within the territory of India or under the control of the Government of India. " The State is the sum total of all the agencies which are also individually mentioned in article 12 and by the definition all the parts severally are also included in the prohibition. Now see how 'law ' is defined: "13. . . . . (1) The Mind and Faith of Justice Holmes p. 390. 866 (3)In this article	 unless the context otherwise requires	 (a) "law" includes any ordinance	 order	 bye law	 rule	 regulation	 notification	 custom or usage having in the territory of India the force of law;" In Sajjan Singh 's case(1) I said that if amendments of the constitution were meant to be excluded from the word "law" it was the easiest thing to add to the definition the further words "but shall not include an amendment of the Constitution". it 'LS argued now before us that this wag not necessary because article 368 does not make any exception. This argument came at all stages like a refrain and is the real cause of the obfuscation in the opposite view. Those who entertain this thought do not pause to consider : why make a prohibition against the State? As Cooley said: "there never was a republican Constitution which delegated to functionaries all the latent powers which lie dormant in every nation and are boundless in extent. and incapable of definition. "	 If the State wields more power than the functionaries there must be a difference between the. State and its agencies such as Government	 Parliament	 the Legislatures of the States and the local and other authorities. Obviously	 the State means more than any of there or all of them put together. By making the State subject 'to Fundamental Rights it is clearly stated in article 13 (2) that any ' 	of the agencies acting alone or all the agencies	 acting together are not above the Fundamental Rights. Therefore	 when the House .of the People or the Council of States introduces a Bill for the abridgement of the Fundamental Rights	 it ignores the injunction against it and even if the two Houses pass the Bill the injunction is next operative against the President since the expression "Government of India" in the General Clauses Act means the President of India. This is equally true of ordinary laws and laws seeking to amend the Constitution. The meaning of the word "State" will become clear if I draw attention at this stage to article 325 of the Constitution of Nicargua	 which reads as follows: "325. The agencies of the Government	 jointly or separately	 are	 for bidden to suspend the Constitution or to restrict she rights granted by it	 except in the cases provided therein. " In our Constitution the agencies of the State are controlled jointly and separately and the prohibition is against the whole force of (1) ; 867 the State acting either in its executive or legislative capacity. Ile of the Executive is more important than even the Legislature. In modem politics run on parliamentary democracy the Cabinet attains a position of dominance over the Legislature. The Executive	 therefore	 can use the Legislature as a means of securing changes in the laws which it desires. It happened in Germany under Hitler. The fact has been noticed by numerous writers. for example	 Wade and Philips(1)	 Sir Ivor Jennings(2) 	 Dawson(3)	 Keith(4) and Ramsay Muir(5). Dawson in particular said that a Cabinet is no longer responsible to the Commons but the Commons has become instead responsible to the Government. Ivor Jennings added that if a Government had majority it could always secure the legislation. The others pointed out that the position of the Cabinet towards Parliament tends to assume more or less dictatorial powers and that was why people blamed Government	 this is to say	 the Cabinet rather than Parliament for ineffective and harsh laws. This is true of our country also regarding administration and Station. Fortunately	 this is avoided at least in so far as the Fundamental Rights are concerned. Absolute	 arbitrary power in defiance of Fundamental Rights exist nowhere under our Constitution	 not even in the largest majority. The people 's representatives have	 of course	 inalienable and undisputable right to alter	 reform or abolish the Government in any manner they think fit	 but the declarations of the Fundamental Rights of the citizens are the inalienable rights of the people. Ile extent of the power of the rulers at any time is	 measured by the Fundamental Rights. It is wrong to think of them as rights within the Parliament 's giving or taking. Our Constitution enables an individual to oppose successfully the whole community and the State and claim his rights. This is because the Fundamental Rights are I so safe guarded that within the limits set by the Constitution they are inviolate. The Constitution has itself said what protection has been created round the person and property of the citi zens and to what extent this protection may give way to the general good. it is wrong to invoke the Directive Principles as if there is some antinomy between them and the Fundamental Rights. The Directive Principles lay down the routes of State but such action must avoid the restrictions stated in the Fundamental Rights. Prof. Anderson (6) taking the constitutional amendments	 as they have been in our country	 considered the Directive principles to be more potent than the Fundamental (1) Constitutional Law	 6th Edn. p. 27. (2) Parliament (1957) pp. 11 12. (3) Government of Canada (1952) Chapter XIX. (4) An Introduction to British Constitutional Law (1931) P. 48	 (5) How Britain is Governed P. 5	6. (6) Changing Law in Developing Countries	 pp. 88	 89. 868 Rights. That they are not	 is clear when one takes the Fundamental Rights. with the guaranteed remedies. The Directive Principles are not justiciable but the Fundamental Rights are ' made justiciable. This gives a judicial control and check over State action even within the four corners of the Directive Principles. It cannot be conceived that in following the Directive Principles the Fundamental Rights (say for example	 the equality clause) can be ignored. If it is attempted	 then . the action is capable of being struck down. In the same way	 if an amendment of the Constitution is law for the reasons explained by me	 such an amendment is also open to challenge under article 32	 if it offends against the Fundamental Rights by abridging or taking them away. Of course	 it is always open to better Fundamental Rights. A law or amendment of the Constitution would offend the Fundamental Rights only when it attempts to abridge or take them away. The importance of Fundamental Rights in the world of today cannot be lost sight of. On December 10	 1948	 the General. Assembly of the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights without a dissent. This draft was made after the Third Committee of the United Nations had devoted 85 meetings to it. The Declaration represents the civil	 political and religious liberties for which men have struggled through the centuries and those new social and economic rights of the Individual which the Nations are increasingly recognising in their Constitutions. Some of these were proclaimed during the French Revolution and areincluded in the declarations of Nations taking pride in the dignity and liberty of the Individual. They are epitomized in the Preamble	 and more fully expressed in Parts III and IV of our Constitution. These Declarations wherever found are intended to give a key to social progress by envisaging rights to work	 to education and to 'social insurance. The Nations of the world are now in the second stage	 where Covenants are being signed on the part of the States to respect such rights. United Nations Human Rights Commission has worked to produce two drafts one dealing	 with civil and political rights and the other with economic	 social and cultural rights. 	 The third stage is still in its infancy in which it is hoped to provide for the enforcement of these rights on an international basis. The Regional Charter of the Human Rights under which there is established already a European Commission of Human Rights to investigate and report on violations of Human Rights	 is a significant step in that direction. After 1955 the European Commission has become competent to receive complaints from individuals although the enforceability of Human Rights on an international basis is still far from being achieved. If one compares the Uni 869 versal Declaration with Parts III and IV of our Constitution one finds remarkable similarity in the two. It is significant that our Committee on Fundamental Rights was deliberating when the This Committee of the United Nations was deliberating on the. Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Both are manifestos of man 's inviolable and fundamental freedoms. While the world is anxious to secure Fundamental Rights in ternationally	 it is a little surprising that some intellectuals in our country	 whom we may call "classe non classe" after Hegel	 think of the Directive Principles in our Constitution as if they were superior to Fundamental Rights. As a modern philosopher(1) said such people 'do lip service ' to freedom thinking all the time in terms of social justice "with 'freedom ' as a by product". Therefore	 in. their scheme of things Fundamental Rights become only an epitheton ornans. One does not know what they believe in the communistic millennium of Marx or the individualistic Utopia of Bastiat. To them an amendment of the Fundamental Rights is permissible if it can be said to be within a scheme of a supposed socioeconomic reform	 however	 much the danger to liberty	 dignity and freedom of the Individual. There are others who hold to liberty and freedom of the. Individual under all conditions. Compare the attitude of Middleton Murray who would have Communism provided "there was universal freedom of speech	 of association	 of elections and of Parliament" To such the liberty and dignity of the Individual are inviolable. Of course	 the liberty of the individual under our Constitution	 though meant to be fundamental	 is subject to such restrictions as the . needs of society dictate. These are expressly mentioned in the Constitution itself in the hope that no further limitations would require to be imposed at any time. I do not for a moment suggest that the question about reasonableness	 expediency or desirability of the amendments of the Constitution from a political angle is to be considered by the courts. But what I do say is that the possession of the necessary majority does not put 'any party above the constitutional limitations implicit in the Constitution. It is obvious that the Constituent Assembly in making the Fundamental Rights justiciable was not justisfied with reliance on the sense of self restraint or public opinion(2) on which the majority in Sajjan Singh 's(3) case does. This is not argument of fear: The question to ask is : can a party	 which enjoys 2/3rds majority today	 before it (1)Benedetto Croce. (2)Sir Robert Peel calls it "that great compound of foiiy	 weakness	 prejudice	 wrong feeling	 right feeling	 obstinacy and newspaper paragraphs" (3)[1965] 1 S.C.R. 933. CI/67 10 870 loses it	 amend article 368 in such wise that a simple majority would be sufficient for the future amendments of the constitution ? Suppose it did so	 would there be any difference between the constitutional and the Ordinary laws made thereafter ? The liberty of the Individual has to be fundamental and it has been so declared by the people. Parliament today is not the constituent body as the Constituent Assembly was	 but is a constituted body which must bear true	 allegiance to the Constitution 'as by law established. To change the Fundamental part of the Individual 's liberty is a usurpation of constituent functions be cause they have been placed outside the scope of the power of constituted. Parliament. It is obvious that Parliament need not now legislate at all. It has spread the umbrella of article 31 B and .has only to add	 a clause that all legislation involving Fundamental Rights would be deemed to be within that protection hereafter. Thus the only palladium against legislative dictatorship may be removed by a 2/3rds majority not only in praesanti but	 defuturo. This can hardly be open to a constituted Parliament. Having established	 that there is no difference between the ordinary legislative and the amending processes in so far as cl.(2) of Aft. 13 is concerned	 because both being laws in their true character	 come within the prohibition created	 by that	 clause against the State and that the Directive Principles cannot be invoked to destroy Fundamental Rights. I proceed now to examine whether the English and Amercan precedents lay down any principle applicable to amendments of our Constitution. In	 Britain the question whether a constitutional amendment is valid or not at arise because the courts are powerless ' Parliamentary Sovereignty under the English Constitution means that Parliament enjoys the right to make or unmake any law whatever and no person or body has any right to question the legislation. The utmost and absolute despotic power belongs to Parliament. It "make	 confirm	 enlarge	 restrain	 abrogate	 repeal	 revise and expand law concerning matters of all possible denominations". What Parliament does	 no authority on earth can undo. The The Queen	 each House of Parliament the constituencies and the law courts have in the past claimed independent legislative powers but these claims are unfounded. It is impossible to compare the Indian Parliament with the Brittsh Parliament as the former con codedly in the ordinary legislation is subject to judicial review	 both on the ground of competence arising from a federal structure And the existence of Fundamental Rights. The question of competence in the matter of amendment of the Constitution depends upon	 firstly	 compliance with the procedure laid down in article 368 and	 secondly	 upon the question whether	the.process is in 871 any manner restricted by the Fundamental Rights. Such questions cannot obviously arise in the British Parliament( '). The example of the Constitution of the United States cannot also serve any purpose although the greatest amount of support was sought to be derived from the decisions of the Supreme Court and the institutional writings in the United States. The power of amend in the United States Constitution flows from article V. (1). It must be noticed that the power is clearly not made equal to ordinary legislative process. One salient point of difference is that the President is nowhere in ' this scheme because his negative does not run. ( ') The amendment is thus not of the same quality as ordinary legislation. The Supreme Court of the United States has no doubt brushed aside objections to amendments of the Constitution on the score of incompetence	 but has refrained from giving any reasons. In the most important of them	 which questioned the 18th Amendment	 the Court only stated its conclusions. After recalling the texts of the Article under which Amendments may be made and of the 18th Amendment proposed by the Congress in 1917 and proclaimed as ratified by the States in 1919	 the Court announced : "4. The prohibition of the manufacture	 sale	 trans portation	 importation	 and exportation of intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes	 as embodied in the 18th amendment	 Is within the power to amend reserved by article 5 of the Constitution." (emphasis supplied) (4) One would have very much liked to know why this proposition was laid down in the terms emphasised above if the effective exercise of the. power depended upon a particular procedure which was immaculately followed. The silence of the Court about its reasons has been noticed in the same judgment by Mr. Justice (1) Dicey gives three supposed limitations on the power of Parliament. Of these one that language has been used in Acts of Parliament which implies that one Parliament can make laws which cannot be touched by any subsequent Parliament	 is not true. The best examples are Act of treaties with Scotland and Ireland but these same Acts have been amended later. Francis Bacon found this claim to be untenable. See Dicey 'The Law of the Constitution pp. 64	 65. (2) Article V. The Congress	 whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary	 shall propose amendments to this Constitution	 or	 on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States	 shall call a convention for proposing amendments	 which	 in either case	 shall be valid to all intents and purposes	 as part of this Constitution	 when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several States	 or by conventions in three fourths thereof	 as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress	 provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year ' one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no State	 without its consent	 shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate." (3) Hollingsworth vs Virginia ; (4) National Prohibition Cases; 	 872 Mckenna. In feser vs Garnett(1) the Court was hardly more expressive. The only question considered by the Court was "The first contention is that the power of amendment conferred by the ' Federal Constitution	 and sought to be exercised	 does not dxtend to this Amendment	 because of its character." (emphasis supplied). This was repelled by Brandeis	 J on behalf of the unanimous court on the grx)und that the Amendment was in character and phraseology similar to the 15th Amendment and was adopted by following the same method. As the	lsth Amendment had been accepted for half a century the suggestion that it was not in accordance with law	 but as a war measure validated by acquiescence was not accepted. It is significant	 however	 that at the time of the 18th Amendment	 the arguments were (a) that 'amendment ' was ' limited to the correction of error in the framing of the Constitution	 (b) Article V did not comprehend the adoption of additional or supplementary provisions	 (c) ordinary legislation could not be embodied. in the constitutional amendment	 and (d) Congress could not 'propose amendment which pared the sovereign power of the States. None of these at I guin ents was accepted. At the time of the 19th Amendment	 which increased the franchise in the States	 the narrow ground was that a State which had not ratified the Amendment would be	 deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate because its representatives in that body would be persons not of its choosing	 i.e. persons	chosen by voters whom the State itself had not authorised to vote for Senators. This argument was rejected. However	 in Dillion vs Gloss(2) the Supreme Court held that Congress had the	 power to a time limit for ratification because article V implied that application must be within some reasonable time after. the proposal". The fixation of 7 years was held by the Court to be reasonable. In 1939 came the case of Coleman vs Miller(3) which dealt with the Child Labour Amendment. Such a law was earlier re jected by the Kansas Leizislature. Later the State ratified the amendment after a lapse of 13 years by the casting vote of the Lt. Governor. Mandamus was asked against the Secretary of Kansas Senate to erase the endorsement of ratification from its record and it was denied. The Supreme Court of Kansas refused to review this denial on certiorari. The Supreme Court of the United States in an opinion	 in which not more than 4 Justices (1) 258 U.S. 130. (2)256 U.S. 368. (3) 307 U.S. 443. 873 took any particular view	. declined to interfere. Majority affirmed the decision of Supreme Court of Kansas. Four Justices considered that the question was political from start to finish and three Justices that the previous rejection of the law and the extraordinary time taken to ratify were political questions. Although the Supreme Court has scrupulously refrained from passing on the ambit of article V it has nowhere said that it will not take jurisdiction in any case involving the amending process. (1) In Hollingsworth vs Virginia(2) the supreme Court assumed that the question was legal. The Attorney General did not even raise an objection. In Luther vs Borden($) the matter was finally held to be political which opinion prevailed unimpaired 'till some doubts have arisen after Baker vs Carr(4). In the case the Court remarked "We conclude. that the non justiciability of claims resting on the guarantee clause which arises from the embodiment of questions that were thought 'Political ' can have no bearing upon the justiciability of the	 equal protection claim presented in this case. We ernphasise that it is the involvement in guarantee clause claims of the elements thought to define "political questions" and no other feature	 which could render them non justiciable. specifically	 We have said that such claims are not held non justiciable because they touch matters of State governmental Organisation. It would appear that the Equal Protection Clause was held to supply a guide for examination of apportionment methods better than the Guarantee Clause. Although there is no clear pronouncement	 a great contro versy exists whether questions of substance can ever come before the Court and whether there are any implied limitations upon the amendatory Power. In the cases above noted	 the other articles (particularly the Bill of Rights) were not read as limitations and no limitation outside the amending clause was implied. In the two cases inwhich the express limitation of Equal suffrage Clause was involved the Court did not enter the question. Thus the 15th and	 on its strength	 the 19th Amendments were upheld. In Coleman vs Miller(5) the political question doctrine brought the support of only four Justices and in Baker vs Carr(4) the Federal	 Courts were held to have jurisdiction to scrutinise the fairness of legislative apportionment	 under the 14th Amendment and to take steps to assure that serious inequities were wiped out. The (1) See Rottschaeffer: Handbook of American Constitutional Law (1939) pp. 397	 398	 though the author 's opinion is that it will deny jurisdiction. (2) ; (3) (4) ; (5) 307 U. section 443 874 courts have thus entered the political thicket '.The question of delimitation of constituencies cannot	 of	 course	 arise before courts under our Constitution because of article 329. Baker vs Carr(1) makes the Court sit in judgement over the possession and distribution of politcal power which is an essential part of a Constitution. The magical formula of "political questions" is losing ground and it is to be hoped that a change may be Soon. coming. Many of the attacks on the amendments were the result of a misunderstanding that the Constitution Was a compact between States and that the allocation of powers was not to be changed at all. This was finally decided by Texas vs White (2) as far back as 1869. The main question of implied limitations has evoked a spate of writings. Bryce(s)	 Weaver(4)	 Mathews(5)	 Burdick(6)	 Willoughby(7)	 Willis(8)	 Rottshaefer(9)	 Orfield(10) (to name only a few) are of the opinion that there are no	 implied limitations	 although	 as Cooley points out	 "it is sometimes expressly declared what indeed is implied without the declaration that everything in the declaration of rights contained is excepted out of the general powers of Government	 and all laws contrary thereto shall be void(11). " Ex press checks there are only three. Two temporary checks were operative till 1808 and dealt with interference with importation of slaves and the levying of a direct tax without apportionment among then States according to population. Permanent check that now remains is equality of representation of States in the Senate. Some writers suggest that this	 check may also be removed in two moves. By the first the Article can be	 amended and by the second the equality removed. When this happens it will be seen whether the Supreme Court invokes any doctrine such as achieving. indirectly what cannot be done directly. It will	 of course	 be completely out of place in a judgment to discuss the. views of the several writers and so I shall confine myself to the observation of Orfield to whom again and again counsel for the State turned either for support or inspiration. Accord. ing to him	 there are ' no implied limitations unless the Courts adopt (1) ; (2) Wall.700. (3) The American Commonwealth Vol. I. (4) Constitutional law and its Administration (1946). (5) American Constitutional System (2nd Edn.) p. 43 45. (6)The Law of the American Constitution (7th Imp.) p. 45. (7) Tagore Law Lectures (1924). (8)constitutionaI Law of United States (1936). (9) Handbook of American Constitutional Law. (10)The Amending of the Federal Constitution (11)Constitutional Limitations Vol. I	 8th Edn. 95	 96. 875 that view and therefore no limitations on the substance of the amendments except the Equality Clause. His view is that when Congress is in the amending process	 it is not legislating but exercising a peculiar power bestowed by article V. I have already shown that under our Constitution the amending process is a legislative process	 the only difference being a special majority and the existence of article 13(2). Orfield brushes aside the argument that this would destroy the very concept of the Union which	 as Chief Justice. Marshall had said	 was indestructible. Orfield faces boldly the question whether the whole Constitution can be overthrown by an amendment and answers yes. But he says that the amendment must not be in violation of the Equality Clause. This seems to be a great concession. He makes this exception but Munro( ')	 who finds it difficult to conceive of an unamendable constitution suggests that it should be possible to begin with that clause and then the door to amendments would be wide open. Of course	 the Supreme	 Court has not yet faced an amendment of this. character and it has not yet denied jurisdiction to itself. In the. United States the Constitution works because	 as observed by Willis	 the Supreme Court is allowed to do " 'the work of remolding the Constitution to keep it abreast with new conditions and new times	 and to allow the agencies expressly endowed with the; amending process to act only in extraordinary emergencies or when	 the general opinion disagrees with the opinion of the Supreme Court. " In our country amendments	 so far have bean made only with the object of negativing the Supreme Court	decisions	 but more of it later. I have referred to Orfield although there are greater names than his expounding the same views. I have refrained from referring to the opposite view which in the words of Willoughby has been "strenuously argued by reputable writers" although Willis discourteously referred to them in his book. My reason for not doing so is plainly this. The process of amendment in the United States is clearly not a legislative process and there is no provision like article 13 (2) under which "laws" abridging or taking away Fundamental Rights can be declared void. Our liberal Constitution has given to the Individual all that he should have freedom of speech	 of association	 of assembly	 of religion	 of motion and locomotion	 of property and trade and profession. In addition it has made the State incapable of abridging or taking away these rights to the extent guaranteed	 and has itself shown how far the enjoyment of those rights can be curtailed. It; has given a guaranteed right 'to the person affected to move the Court. 	 I le guarantee is worthless if the rights are capable of being taken away. This makes our Constitution unique and the American precedents cannot be of much assistance. (1) The Govenment of the United States (5th Edn.) p. 77. 876 The Advocate General of Madras relied upon Vedel.(1) According to Vedel	 a prohibition in the Constitution against its own amendment has a political but not juridical value	 and from the juridical point of view	 a declaration of absolute constitutional immutability cannot be imagined. The constituent power being supreme	 the State cannot be fettered even by itself. He notices	 however	 that the Constitution of 1791 limited the power of amendment (revision) for a certain time and that of 1875 prohibited the alteration of the Republican form of Govermment. He thinks that this hindrance can be removed by a two step amendment. He concludes that the constituent of today cannot bind the nation of tomorrow and no Constitution can prohibit its amend Of course	 the French have experimented with over a dozen Constitutions	 all very much alike	 while the British have slowly changed their entire structure from a monarchical executive to an executive from Parliament and have reduced the power of the House of Lords. Cambell Bannerman former Prime Minister of England summed up the difference to Ambassador M. de Fleurian thus : ". Quand nous faisons une Revolution	 nous ne ditruisons pas notre maison	 nous en conservons avec soin la facade	 et	 derriere cette facade	 nous reconstruisons une nouvelle maison. Vous	 Francais	 agissez autrement; vous jetez bas le vieil edifice et vous reconstruisez la mime maison avec une autre facade et sous un nom different." (When we make a Revolution we do not destroy an house	 we save with care the facade and behind construct a new house. You	 Frenchmen	 act differently. You throw down the old edifice and you reconstruct the same house with a different facade and under a different name). M.de Fleurian agreed that there was a lot of truth in it (ll ya du vrai dans cette boutade) (2). But of course to a Frenchman brought up in a legal system in which the Courts do not declare even an ordinary statute to be invalid	 the idea of the unconstitutionality of a constitutional amendment does not even occur. France and Belgium have created no machinery for questioning legislation and rely on moral and political sanctions. Even an English lawyer and less so an American lawyer find it difficult to understand how the legality of an amendment of the Constitution can ever be questioned. It (1) Mannual Elementaire da Droil Constitutional (Sirey) p. 117. (2) Recounted by M. de Fleuriau in the Preface to J. Magnan de Bornier	 L 'Empire Britannique	 son evolution politique et constitutionnelle p. 6	 quoted in Wheare: The Statute of Westminster and Dominion status	 P. 9 10. 877 appears to them that the procedure for the amendment being gone through there is no one to question and what emerges is the Constitution as valid as the old Constitution and just as binding. The matter	 however	 has to be looked at in this way. Where the Constitution is overthrown and the Courts lose their position under the old Constitution	 they may not be able to pass on the validity of the new Constitution. This is the	 result of a revolution pure and simple. Where the new Constitution is not accepted and the people have not acquiesced in the change and the courts under the old Constitution function	 the courts can declare the new Constitution to be void. Perhaps even when the people acquiesce and a new Government comes into being	 the courts may still declare the new Constitution to be invalid but only if moved to do so. It is only when the courts begin to function under the new Constitution that they cannot consider the vires of that Constitution because then they owe their existence to it. I agree with Or field in these observations taken from his book. He	 however	 does not include amendments of the Constitution in these remarks and expressly omits them. His opinion seems to indicate that in the case of amendments courts are completely free to see that the prescribed constitutional mode	 of alteration is complied with and the alteration is within the permissive limits to which the Constitution wishes the amendments to go. This is true of all amendments but particularly of an amendment seeking to repeal the courts ' decision and being small in dimension	 leaves the courts free to consider its validity. The courts derive the power from the existing terms of the Constitution and the amendment fails if it seeks to overbear some existing restriction on legislation. What I have said does not mean that Fundamental Rights are not subject to change or modification. In the most inalienable of such rights a distinction must be made between possession of a right and its exercise. The first is fixed and the latter controlled by justice and necessity. Take for example article 21 : "No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law". Of all the rights	 the right to one 's life	 is the most valuable. This article of the Constitution	 therefore	 makes. the right fundamental. But the inalienable right is curtailed by a murderer 's conduct as viewed under law. The deprivation	 when it takes place	 is not of the right which was immutable but of the continued exercise of the right. Take a Directive Principle which is not enforceable at law but where the same result is reached. The right to employ ment is a directive principle. Some countries even view it as a Fundamental Right. The exercise	 however	 of that right must depend upon the capacity of Society to afford employment to all 878 and sundry. The possession of this right cannot be confused with its exercise. One right here is positive and can be enforced although its	 exercise can be curtailed or taken away	 the other is a right which	 the State must try to give but which cannot be enforced. The Constitution permits a curtailment of the exercise of most of the Fundamental Rights by stating the limits of that curtailment. But this power does not permit the	 State itself	 to take away or abridge the right beyond the limits set by the Constitution. It must also be remembered that the rights of one% individual are often opposed by the rights of another individual and thus also become limitative. The Constitution in this way" permits the Fundamental Rights to be controlled in their exercise but prohibits their erasure. It is argued that such approach makes Society static and robs the State of its sovereignty. It is submitted that it leaves revolution as the holy alternative if change is necessary. This is not right. The whole Constitution is open to amendment only two dozen articles are outside the reach of article 368. That too because the Constitution has made them fundamental. What is being suggested by the counsel or the State is itself a revolution	 because as things are that method of	amendment is illegal. There is a legal method. Parliament must act in a different way reach the Fundamental Rights. The State must reproduce the power which it has chosen to put under a restraint. Just as the French or the Japanese	etc. cannot change the articles of their Constitution which are	 made free	 from the power of amendment and ' must call a convention or a constituent body	 so also we ' India cannot abridge or take away the Fundamental Rights by the ordinary amending process. Parliament must amend article 369 to convoke another Constituent Assembly pass a law under item 97 of the First List of Schedule VII to call a Constituent Assembly and then that assembly may be able to abridge or take away the Fundamental Rights if desired. It cannot be done otherwise. The majority in Sajjan Singh 's case(1) suggested bringing article 32 under the Proviso to improve protection to the Fundamental Rights. Article 32 does not stand in need of this Protection. To abridge or take away that article (and the same is true of all other Fundamental Rights) a constituent body and not a constituted body is required. Parliament today is a constituted body with powers of legislation which include amendments of the Constitution by a special majority but only so far as article 13 (2) allows. To bring into existence a constituent body is not impossible as	 I had ventured to suggest during the hearing and which I have now more fully explained here. It may be said that. this is not necessary because article 368 can be amended by Parliament to confer on itself constituent powers over the Fundamental Rights. This would he wrong and against article 13 (2). Parliament cannot. increase its (1) ; 879 powers in this way and do indirectly which it is intended not to de. directly. The State does not lose its sovereignty. but as it has chosen. to create	 self imposed restrictions through one constituent body those restrictions cannot be ignored by a constituted body which makes laws. Laws so made can affect those parts of the Constitution which are outside the restriction in article 13 (2) but any 'law (legislative or mendatory) passed by such a body must conform to that article. To be able to abridge	 or take away the Fundamental Rights which give so many assurances and guarantees a fresh Constituent Assembly must be	 convoked. Without such action the protection of the Fundamental Rights must remain immutable and any attempt to abridge or take them away in any other way must be regarded as revolutionary. I shall now consider the amendments of the Fundamental Rights made since the adoption of the Constitution	 with a view to illustrating my meaning. Part III is divided under different headings. They are (a)	 General (b) Right to Eqility (c) Right to Freedom (d) Right against exploitation (e) Right to Freedom of Religion (f) Cultural and Educational Rights (g) Right to Property (h) Right to Constitutional Remedies. I shall first deal with amendments of topics other than the topic (g) Right to Property. 'The articles which are amended in the past are Art 15 & and 19 by the 1st Amendment (18th June 1951) and Art	 16 by the 7th Amendment (19th October 1956). The 16th Amendment added the words "the sovereignty and integrity of India to some clauses. As that does not abridge or take away any Fundamental Right	 I shall not refer to the 16th Amendment hereafter. That Amendment was valid. The changes so made may be summarized. In article 15	 which deals with. prohibition or discrimination on the ground of religion	 race	 caste	 sex or place of birth	 clause (3) allowed the State to make special provision for women and children. A new clause was added which reads: "(4) Nothing in this article or in clause (2) of article 29 shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes". It is argued by counsel for the State that by lifting the ban to make special provision for backward classes of citizens	 there is discrimination against the higher classes. This is the view which classes in a privileged position who had discriminated against the backward 	classes for centuries	 might indeed take. But I cannot accept this contention. The Constitution is intended to secure to all citizens "Justice	 social	 economic and political and Equality of status and opportunity" (vide the Preamble) and the Directive Principles include article 38 which provides: 880 .lm15 "38 The State shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in which justice	 social	 economic and political	 shall inform all the institutions of the national life." To remove the effect of centuries of discriminatory treatment and to raise the down trodden to an equal status cannot be regarded 	as discriminatory against any one. It is no doubt true that in State of Madras vs Champakam(1) the reservation of seats for Backward Classes	 Scheduled Castes and Tribes in public educational institutions was considered invalid. Articles 16(4) and 340 had already provided for special treatment for these backward 	classes and article 46 had provided that the State shall promote	 with special care their educational and economic interests. With all 	due respects the question of discrimination hardly arose because in view of these provisions any reasonable attempt to raise the status of the backward classes could have been upheld on the principle of classification. In any event	 the inclusion of this clause to article 16 does not abridge or take away any one 's Fundamental Rights unless the view be taken that the backward classes for ever must remain backward. By the First Amendment the second and the sixth clauses of article 19 were also amended. The original cl. (2) was substituted by a new clause and certain words were added in clause (6). The changes may be seen by comparing the unamended and the amended clauses side by side : "19( 1) All citizens shall have the right (a) to freedom of speech and expression; (2) (Before Amendment) (After Amendment) Nothing in sub clause (a) of clause (1)	 Nothing in sub clause (a) of clause (1)shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it relates to	 or prevent the State from making any law relating to libel	 slander	 defamation	 contempt of Court or any matter which offends against decency or morality or which undermines the security or tends to overthrow	 the State. shall affect the operation of any existing law	 or prevent the State from making any law. in so far as such law imposes reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub clause in the interest of the. security of the State	 friendly relations with foreign States	 public order	 decency or morality	 or in relation to contempt of court	 defamation or incitement to an offence	 The amendment was necessary because in Romesh Thapar v State of Madras(2) it was held that disturbances of public tranquallity did not come within the expression "undermines the secu (1)[1951]S.C.R.525. (2) ; 881 rity of the State". Later the Supreme Court itself observed in the State of Bihar vs Shailabala Devi(1) that this Court did not intend to lay down that an offence against public order could not in any case come within that expression. The changes related to (a) "friendly relations with foreign States"	 (b) "public order" and (c) "incitement to an offence" and the words ."undermines the security of the State or tends to	 overthrow the State". were replaced by the words "in the interests of the security of the State". This change could be made in view of the existing provisions of the clause as the later decision of this Court above cited 'clearly show that "public order" and "incitement to offence" were already comprehended. The amendment was within the permissible limits as it did not abridge or take away any Fundamental Right. The Amending Act passed by Parliament also included a sub section which read "(2) No law in force in the territory of India	 immediately before the commencement of the Constitution which is consistent with the provisions of article 19 of the Constitution as amended by sub section (1) of this section shall be deemed to be void	 or ever to have become void	 on the ground only that being a law which takes away or abridges the right conferred by sub clause (a) of clause ( I ) of the said article	 its operation was not saved by clause (2) of that article as originally enacted. Explanation. In this sub section	 the expression "law in force" has the same meaning as in clause (1) of article 1 3 of this Constitution". This sub section was not included in the Constitution. That device was followed in respect of certain State statutes dealing with property rights by including them in a now Schedule. It did not then occur to Parliament that the laws could be placed. under a special umbrella of constitutional protection. Perhaps it was not considered ' necessary because article 19(2) was retrospectively changed	 and the	 enactment of this sub section was an ordinary legislative action. If the amendment had failed	 the second subsection of section 3 would not have availed at all. Tuming now to clause (6)	 we may read the original and the amended clause side by side "19(1) All citizens shall have the right= (g) to practise any profession	 or to carry on any occupation	 trade or business. (1) ; 882 (6) (Before	 Amendment) Nothing	 in sub clause (g) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes	 or prevent the State from making any law imposing	 in the interests of the general public	 reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub clause	 and	 in particular nothing in the said sub clause	 shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it prescribes or empowers any authority to prescribe	 or prevent the State from making any law prescribing or empowering any authority to prescribe	 the professional or technical qualifications necessary for practising any profession or carrying on any occupation	 trade or business. (After Amendment) Nothing in sub clause (g) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes	 or prevent the State from making any law imposing	 in the interests of the general public	 reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub clause	 and	 in particular	 nothing in the said sub clause	 shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it relates to	 or prevent the State from making any law relating to	 (i)the professional or technical qualifications necessary for practising any profession or carrying on any occupation	 trade or business	 or (ii)the carrying on by the State	 or a corporation owned or controlled by the State	 of any trade	 business	 industry or service	 whether to the exclusion	 complete or partial	 of citizens or otherwise	 The first change is in the verbiage and is not one of substance. It only removes some unnecessary words. The new sub clause is innocuous except where it provides for the exclusion of citizens. It enables nationalisation of industries and trade. Sub clause (g) (to the generality of which the original clause (6) created some exceptions) allowed the State to make laws imposing	 in the interests of the general public	 reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the sub clause. A law creating restrictions can	 of course	 be made outside the Constitution or inside it. If it was considered that this right in the state was required in the interests of the general public	 then the exercise of the right to practise profession or to carry on an occupation	 trade or business could be suitably curtailed. It cannot be said that nationalisation is never in the interest of the general public. This amendment was thus within the provision for restricting the exercise of the Fundamental Right in sub cl. (g) and was perfectly in order. The Seventh Amendment introduced certain words in article 16 (3). 'no clauses may be	 compared: " 16. (3) (Before Amendment) Nothing in this article shall prevent Parliament from making any law prescribing	 in regard to a class or classes of employment or appointment to an office under any State specified in the First Schedule or any local or other authority within its territory	 any requirement as to residence within the 'State prior to such employment or appointment. (After Amendment) Nothing in this article shall prevent Parliament from making any law prescribing	 in regard to a class or classes of employment or appointment to an office under the Government of	 or any local authority within	 a State or Union territory	 any requirement as to residence within that State or Union territory prior to such employment or appointment. " 883 The change	 is necessary to include a reference to Union territory. It has no breaking upon Fundamental Rights.	 and	 neither abridges nor	 takes away any of them. In the result none of the	 amendments	 of the article. in parts other than that dealing with Right to property is	 outside the amending process because article 13(2) is in no manner breached. This brings me	 to the main question in this case		 It is whether the amendments of the part Right to Property in Part	 III of the Constitution were legally made or not. To understand this part of the case I must first begin by discussing what property rights mean and how they were safeguarded by the Constitution as it was originally framed. "Right to Property"in Part III was originally the subject of one article	 namely	 article 31. Today there are three articles 3 1	 3 1 A and 31 B and the Ninth Schedule. The original thirty first article read: "31 Compulsory acquisition of property. (1) Nov person shall be deprived of his property save by authority of law. (2) 'No property	 movable or immovable	 including any interest in or in any company owning	 any commercial or industrial undertaking	 shall be taken possession of or acquired for public purposes under any law authorising the taking of such possession or such acquisition	 unless the law provides for compensation for the property taken possession of or acquired and either fixes the amount of the compensation	 or specifies the principle on which	 and the manner. in which	 the compensation is	 to be determined and given. No such law as is referred to in clause. (2) made by the Legislature of the State shall have effect unless such law	 having been reserved for the consideration of the President	 has received his assent. (4) If any Bill pending at the commencement of this Constitution in the Legislature of a State has	 'after it has been passed by such Legislature	 been reserved for the consideration of the President and has received his assent	 then	 notwithstanding anything in this constitution	 the law so assented to shall not be Called in question in any	 court on the ground that it contravenes the provisions of clause (2). (5) Nothing in clause(2) shall affect (a) the provisions of any existing law other than a law to which the provisions of clause (6) apply	.or 884 (b) the provisions of any law which the State may hereafter make (i) for the 	purpose of imposing or levying any tax or penalty	 or (ii) for the promotion of public health or the prevention of danger to life or property	 or (iii) in pursuance of any agreement entered into between the Government of the Dominion of India or the Government of India and the Government of . any other country	 or otherwise	 with respect to property declared by law to be evacuee property. (6) Any law of the State enacted not more than eighteen months before the commencement of this Constitution may within three months from such commencement be submitted to the President for his certification; and thereupon	 if the President by public notification so certifies	 it shall not be called in question in any court on the ground that it contravenes the provisions of clause (2) of this article or has contravened the provisions of sub section (2) of section 299 of the Government of India	 Act	 1935". The provisions of this article are intended to be read with article 19(1) (f) which reads "19(1) All citizens shall have the right (f) to acquire	 hold and dispose of property". Article 19 1 ) (f ) 'is subject to clause (6) which I have already set out elsewhere and considered. Ownership and exchange of property are thus recognised by the article. The word "property" is is not defined and I shall presently consider what may be included in 'property '. Whatever the nature of property	 it is clear that by the first clause of article 3 1 the right to property may be taken away under authority of law. This was subject to one condition under the original article 3 1	 namely	 that the law must either fix the compensation for the deprivation or specify the principles on which and the manner in which compensation was to	 be determined and given. This was the heart of the institution 'of property as understood by the Constituent Assembly. The rest of the article only gave constitutional support against the second clause	 to legislation already on foot in the States. This created a Fundamental Right in property. The question may now be 885	 asked	:why was it necessary to make such a Fundamental Right at all ? There is no natural right in property and as Burke said in his Reflections	 Government is not made in virtue of natural rights	 which may and do exist in total independence of it. Natural rights embrace activity outside the status of citizen. Legal rights are required for free existence as a social being and the State undertakes to protect them. Fundamental Rights are those rights which the State enforces against itself. Looking at the matter briefly but historically	 it may be said that the Greeks were not aware of these distinctions for as Gierke(1) points out they did not distinguish between personality as a citizen and personality as a human being. For them the Individual was merged in the citizen and the citizen in the State. There was personal liberty and private law but there was no sharp division between the different kinds of laws. The Romans evolved this gradually not when the Roman Republic existed	 but when the notion of a Fiscus developed in the Empire And the legal personality of the Individual was separated from his membership of the State. It was then that the State began to recognize the rights of the Individual in his dealings with the State. It was Cicero(2) who was the first to declare that the ' primary duty of the Governor of a State was to secure to each individual in the possession of his property. Here we may see a recognition of the ownership of property as a Fundamental Right. This idea wasso engrained in early social philosophy that we find Locke opining in his Civil Government ' (Ch. 7) that "Government has no other end but the preservation of property". The concepts of liberty	 equality and religious freedom were well known. To them was added the concept of property rights. Later the list included "equalitas	 libertas ius securitatis	 ius defensionis and ius puniendi. The concept of property right gained further support from Bentham and Spencer and Kant and Hegel(3). The term property in its pristine meaning embraced only land but it soon came to mean much more. According to Noyes(4)_ "Property is any protected right or bundle of rights (interest or thing) with direct	 or indirect regard to any external object (i.e. other than the person himself) which is material or quasi material (i.e. a protected 	process) and which the then and there Organisation of Society permits to be either private or public	 which is connoted by the legal concepts of occupying	 possessing or	 using". (1) Das Doutscheg Genossenschaftrecht (III	 10). (2) De Off. (The Offices) It Ch. XXI (Everyman) p. 105. (3) W. Friedman:Legal Theory (4th Edn.) see pp. 373 376. (4) The Institution of Property (1936) p. 436. L3Sup CI/67 11 886 The right is enforced by excluding entry or interference by a per. son not legally entitled. The position of the State vis a vis the individual is the subject of articles 19 and 31	 31 A and 31 B. Now in the enjoyment	 the ultimate right may be an interest which is connected to the object through a series of intermediaries in which each 'holder ' from the last to the first 'holds of ' 'the holder ' before him. Time was when there was a lot of 'free property ' which was open for appropriation. As Noyes( ') puts it	 "all physical manifestations capable of being detected	 localised and identified" can be the objects of property. One exception now made by all civilized nations is that humanbeings are no longer appropriable. If any free property was available then it could be brought into possession and ownership by mere taking. It has been very aptly said that all private property is a system of monopolies and the right to monopolise lies at the foundation of the institution of property. Pound( ) in classifying right in rem puts private property along with personal integrity [right against injury to life	 body and health (bodily or mental)	 personal liberty (free motion and locomotion)]	 Society and control of one 's family and dependents. An extremely valuable definition of ownership is to be found in the Restatement of the Law of Property where it is said : "It is the totality of rights as to any specific objects which are accorded by law	 at any time and place	 after deducting social reservations". This is the core from which some rights may be detached but to which they must return when liberated. The right to property in its primordial meaning involved the acquisition	 of 'a free object by possession and conversion of this possession into ownership by the protection of State or the ability to exclude interference. As the notion of a State grew	 the right of property was strong or we according to the force of political opinion backing it or the legislative support of the State. The English considered the right as the	 foundation of society. Blackstone(&) explained it on religious; and social ground% claiming universality for it and called it the right of the English people. William ' Paley(4)	although he thought the institution paradoxical and unnatural found it full of advantage and Mackintosh in his famous diatribe against the French Revolution described it as the "sheet anchorof society". This in"stitution ' appeared in the Magna Carta	 in the American Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of Rights of Man. Later we find it in many (1) The Institution of Property (1936)p. (2) Readings; p. 420. 3) Commentaries. (4) Moral Philosophy. 887 Constitutions described as Fundamental	 general and guaran teed(1). Our Constitution accepted the theory that Right of Property is a fundamental right. In my opinion it was an error to place it in that category. Like the original article 16 of the Draft Bill of the Constitution which assured freedom of trade	 commerce and intercourse within the territory of India as a fundamental right but was later removed	 the right of property should have been placed in a different chapter. Of all the fundamental rights it is the weakest. Even in the most democratic of Constitutions	 (namely	 the West German Constitution of 1949) there was a provision that lands	 minerals and means of production might be socialised or subjected to control. article 31	 if it contemplated socialization in the same way in India should not have insisted so plainly upon payment of compensation. Several speakers warned Pandit Nehru and others of the danger of the second clause of article 31	 but it seems that the Constituent Assembly was quite content that under it the Judiciary would have no say in the matter of compensation. Perhaps the dead hand of section 299 of the Constitution Act of 1935 was upon the Constituent Assembly. Ignored were the resolutions passed by the National Planning Committee of the Congress (1941) which had advocated the co operative principle for exploitation of land	 the Resolution of 1947 that land with its mineral resources and all other means of production as well as distribution and exchange must belong to and be regulated by the Community	 and the warning of Mahatma Gandhi that if compensation had to be paid we would have to rob Peter to pay Paul(2) In the Constituent Assembly	 the Congress (Which wielded the majority then	 as it does today) was satisfied with the Reprt of the Congress Agrarian Reforms Committee 1949 which declared itself in favour of the elimination of all intermediaries between the State and the tiller and imposition of prohibition against subletting. The Abolition Bills were the result. Obviously the Sardar Patel Committee on Fundamental Rights was not prepared to go far. In the debates that followed	 many amendments and suggestions to alter the draft article protecting property	 failed. The attitude was summed up by Sardar Patel. He conceded that land would be required for public purposes but hopefully added : "not only land but so many other things may have to be acquired. And the State will acquire them after paying compensation and not expropriate thenm". (3) (1) Under the Constitution of Norway the rights (Odels and Asaete rights) cannot be abolished but if the State requires the owner must surrender the property and he is compensated. (2) Gandhi : Constituent Assembly Debates Vol. IX pp. 1204 06. (3) Patel : Constituent Assembly Debates Vol. I p. 517. 888 What was then the theory about Right to Property accepted by the Constituent Assembly ? Again I can only describe it historically. Grotius(1) had treated the right as acquired right (ius quaesitum) and ownership (dominium) as either serving individual interests (vulgare) or for the public good (eminens). According to him	 the acquired right had to give way to eminent domain (ex vi auper eminentis dominii) but there must be public interest (publicautilitas) and if possible compensation. In the social contract theory also . the contract included protection of property with recognition of the power of the ruler to act in the public interest and emergency. Our constitutional theory treated property rights as inviolable except through law for public good and on payment of compensation. Our Constitution saw the matter in the way of Grotius but overlooked the possibility that just compensation may. not be possible. It follows almost literally the German jurist Ulrich Zasius (except in one respect) : Princeps non potest auferee mihi rem mean sive iure gentium	 sive civile sit facta mea. All would	 have been well if the Courts had construed Article 31 differently. However	 the decisions of the High Courts and the Supreme Court	 interpreting and expounding this philosophy took a different view of compensation. I shall refer only to some of them. 	 First the Patna High Court in. Kameshwar vs Bihar(2) applied article 14 to strike down the Reforms Act in Bihar holding it to be discriminatory. This need not have occasioned an amendment because the matter could have been righted	 as indeed it wag	 by	an appeal to the Supreme Court [see State of Bihar vs Kameshwar(3)].The Constitution (First Amendment) Act	 1951 followed. It left article 31 intact but added two fresh articles	 articles 31 A and 31 B which are respectively headed "saving of laws providing for acquisition of estates etc." and "Validation of certain Acts and Regulations" and added a schedule (Ninth) to be read with Art 31 B naming thirteen Acts of the State Legislatures. Article 31 A was deemed always to have been inserted and article 31 B wiped out retrospectively all decisions of the courts which had. declared any of the scheduled Acts to be invalid. The texts of these new articles may now be seen: "31A. Saving of laws providing for acquisition of estates	 etc. (1) Notwithstanding anything in foregoing provisions of this Part	 no law providing for the acquisition by the State of any estate or of any rights therein or for (1) Grotius : De jure Belli ac Pacis. 11 c. 2 2 (5)6. 1 c. I 6 and II c. 14 7 and 8. (2) A.L.R. 1951 Patna 91. (3) 889 the extinguishment or modification of any such rights shall be deemed to be void on the: ground that it is consistent with	 or takes away or abridges any of the rights conferred by	 any provisions of this Part Provided that where such law is a law made by the Legislature of a State	 the provisions of this article shall not apply thereto unless such law	 having been reserved for the consideration of the President	 has received his assent. (2) In this article	 (a) the expression "estate" shall	 in relation to any local area	 have the same meaning as that expression or its local equivalent has in the existing law relating to land tenures in force in that area	 and shall also include any jagir	 inam or muafi or other similar grant; (b) the expression "right" in relation to an estate shall include 'any rights vesting in a proprietor	 sub proprietor	 tenure holder or other intermediary and any rights or privileges in respect of land revenue." "31 B. Validation of certain Acts and Regulations. Without prejudice to the generality of the provisions contained in article 31A	 none of the Acts and Regulations specified in the Ninth Schedule nor any of the provisions thereof shall be deemed to be void	 or ever to have become void	 on the ground that such Act	 Regulation or provision is inconsistent with	 or takes away or abridges any of the rights conferred by	 any provision of this Part	 and notwithstanding any judgment	 decree or order of any court or tribunal to the	 contrary	 each of the said Acts and Regulations shall	 subject to the power of any competent Legislature to repeat or amend it	 continue in force '. " Article 31 A has been a Protean article. It has changed its face many times. Article 31 B has remained the same till today but the Ninth Schedule has grown. The Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act	 1955	 took the number of the Scheduled statutes to 20 and the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964 to 64 and a so called explanation which saved the application of the Proviso in article 31 A	 was also added. The device [approved by Sankari Prasad 's case(1)] was	found so (1) ; 890 attractive that many more Acts were sought to be included but were dropped on second thoughts. Even so	 one wonders how the 	 The West Bengal Land Development and Planning Act and some others could have been thought of in this connection. By this device	 which can be extended easily to other spheres	 the Fundamental Rights can be completely emasculated by a 2/3 majority	 even though they cannot be touched in the ordinary way by a unanimousvote of the same body of men! The State Legislatures may drive a coach and pair through the Fundamental Rights and the Parliament by 2/3 majority will then put them outside the jurisdiction of the courts. Was it really intended that the restriction against the State in articles 13(2) might be overcome by the two agencies acting hand in hand ? Article 3 1 A dealt with the acquisition by the State of an .estate ' or of any rights therein or the extinguishment or modification of any such rights. A law of the State could do these with the President 's assent	 although	it took away or abridged any of the rights conferred by any provisions of Part Ill. The words 'estate ' and 'rights in relation to an estate ' were defined. The constitutional amendment was challenged in Sankari Prasad 's case(1) on various grounds but was upheld mainly on two grounds to which I objected in Sajjan Singh 's case(2). I have shown in this judgment	 for reasons which I need not repeat and which must be read in addition to what I said on the earlier occasion	 that I disagree respectfully but strongly with the view of the Court in those two cases. This touches the first part of the amendment which created Art.31 A. I do not and cannot question Art.31 A because (a) it was not considered at the hearing of this case	 and (b) it has stood for a long time as part of the Constitution under the decision of this Court and has been acquiesced in by the people. If I was free I should say that the amendment was not legal and certainly not justified by the reasons given in the earlier cases of this Court. Under the original article 31	 compensation had to be paid for acquisition by the State. This was the minimum requirement of article 31 (1) and (2) and no amendment could be made by a constituted parliament to avoid compensation. A law made by a constituted Parliament had to conform to article 13(2) and article 31 could not be ignored. In 1954 the Supreme Court in a series of cases drew the dis tinction between article 19(1)(f) and article 31	 particularly in West Bengal vs Subodh Gopal(3)	 Dwarkadas Srinivas vs Sholapur Spinning Co. (4). In State of I West Bengal vs Mrs. Bela Banerjee and Others(5)	 this Court held a compensation in article 31(2) meant (1) ; (2) ; (3)[1954] S.CR. (4) ; (5) 891 just equivalent	 i.e. full and fair money equivalent ' thus making the adequacy of compensation justiciable. The Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act	 1955 then amended both article 31 and article 31 A. Clause (2) of article 31 was substituted by "(2) No property shall be compulsorily acquired or requisitioned save for a public purpose and save by authority of a law which provides for compensation for the property so acquired or requisitioned and other fixes the amount of the compensation or specifies the principles on which	 and the manner in which	 the compensation is to be determined and given; and no such law shall be called in question in any court on the ground that the compensation provided by that law is not adequate". The opening words of the former second clause were modified to make them more effective but the muzzling of courts in the matter of adequacy of the compensation was the important move. As Basu says : "It is evident that the 1955 amendment of clause (2) eats into the vitals of the constitutional mandate to pay Compensation and demonstrate a drift from the meetings of the American concept of private Property and judicial review to which our Constitution was hitherto tied	 to that of socialism. "(1) It is appropriate to recall here that as expounded by Professor Beard (2) (whose views offended Holmes and the Times of New York but which are now being recognised after his further explanation(3) the Constitution of the United States is an economic document prepared by men who were wealthy or allied with property rights	 that it is based on the concept that the fundamental rights of property are anterior to Government and morally beyond the	 reach of popular majorities and that the Supreme Court of the United States preserved the property rights till the New Deal era. The	 threat at that time was to enlarge the Supreme Court but not to amend the Constitution. It appears that the Indian Socialists charged with the idea of Marx	 the Webbs	 Green	 Laski and others viewed property rights in a different way. Pandit Nehru once said that he had no property sense	meaning that he did not value property at all. The Constitution seems to have changed its property significantly. In addition to avoiding (1) Basu : commentaries on the Constitution of India (5th Edn.) Vol. 2 p. 230. (2) An Economic Interpretation of the United States Constitution (3) See Laski : The American democracy; Weaver : Constitutional Law	 Brown: Charles Beard and the constitution; will is constitutional Law. 892 the concept of just compensation	 the amendment added a new clause (2A) as follows : "(2A) Where a law does not provide for the transfer of the ownership or right to possession of	 any property to the State or to a corporation owned or control led by the State	 it shall not be deemed to provide for the compulsory acquisition or requisitioning of property	 notwithstanding that ' it deprives any person of his property." This narrowed the field in which compensation was payable. In addition to this	 clause (1) of article 31 A was substituted and was deemed to be always substituted by a new clause which provided: "(1) Notwithstanding anything contained in article 13	 no law providing for (a) the acquisition by the State of any estate or of any rights therein or the extinguishment or modification of any such rights	 or (b) the taking over of the management of any property by the State for a limited period either in the public interest 'or in order to secure the proper management of the property	 or (c) amalgamation of two or more corporations either in the public interest or in order to secure the proper management of any of the corporation	 or (d) the extinguishment or modification of any rights of 'managing agents secretaries and treasurers	 managing directors	 directors or managers of corporations	 or of any voting rights of shareholders thereof	 or (e) the extinguishment or modification of any rights accruing by virtue of any agreement	 lease or licence for the purpose of searching for	 or winning	 any mineral or mineral oil	 or the premature termination or cancellation of any such agreement	 lease or licence	 shall be deemed to be void on the ground that it is inconsistent with	 or takes away or abridges any of the rights conferred by article 14	 article 19 or article 31 Provided that where such law is a law made by the Legislature of a State	 the provisions of this article shall not apply thereto unless such law	 having been reserved 893 for the consideration of the President	 has received assent." In clause (2)(a) after the word 'grant '	 the words "and in any State of Madras and Travancore Cochin any	 Janmam right" were inserted 'and deemed always to have been inserted and in clause (2) (b) after the words 'tenure holder ' the words "raiyat	 under raiyat" were inserted and deemed always to have been inserted. Once again the reach of the State towards private property was made longer and curiously enough it was done retrospectively from the time of the Constituent Assembly and so to speak	 in its name. As to the retrospective operation of these	 Constitutional amendment. I entertain considerable doubt. A Constituent Assembly makes a new Constitution for itself. Parliament is not even a Constituent Assembly and to. abridge fundamental rights in the name of the Constituent Assembly appears anomalous. I am reminded of the conversation between apo leon and Abe . Sieyes	 the	 great jurist whose ability to draw up one Constitution after another has been recognised and none of whose efforts lasted for long. When Napoleon asked him "what has survived ?" Abe Sieyes answered "I have survived". I wonder if the Constituent Assembly will be able to say the same thing What it had written or the	 subject of property rights	 appears to have been written on water. The Fourth Amendment served to do away with the distinction made by this Court between articles 19 and 31 and the theory of just compensation. The Fourth Amendment has not been challenged before us. Nor was it challenged at any time before. For the reasons for which I have declined to consider the First Amendment I refrain from considering the validity of the Fourth Amendment. It may	 however	 be stated here that if I was free to consider it		 I would have found great difficulty in accepting that the constitutional guarantee could be abridged in this way. I may say here that the method I have followed in not recon 	 sidering an amendment which has stood for a long time	 was also invoked by the Supreme Court of United: States in Leser vs Garnett(1). A constitution works only because of universal recognition. This recognition may. be voluntary or forced where people have lost liberty of speech. But the acquiescence of the people is necessary for the working of the Constitution. The examples of our neighbours	 of Germany	 of Rhodesia and others illustrates the recognition of Constitutions by acquiescence. It is obvious that it is good sense and sound policy for the 'Courts to decline to take 'up an amendment for consideration after a considerable lapse of time when it was not challenged before	 or was sustained on an earlier occasion after challenge. (1) ; 894 It is necessary to pause here and see what the property rights have become under the repeated and retrospective amendments of the Constitution. I have already said that the Constitution started with the concept of which	 Grotius may ' be said to be the author	 although his name is not particularly famous for theories of constitutional or municipal laws. The socialistic tendencies which the amendments now manifest take into consideration some later theories about the institution of property. When the original article 31 was moved by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru	 he had described it as a compromise between various approaches to the question and said that it did justice and equality not only to the individual but also to the community ' He accepted the principle of compensation but compensation as determined by the Legislature and not the Judiciary. His words were "The law should do it. Parliament should do it. There is no reference in this to any judiciary coming into the picture. Much thought has been given to it and there has been much debate as to where the judiciary comes in. Eminent lawyers have told us that on a proper construction of this clause	 normally speaking the judiciary should not come in. Parliament fixes either the compensation itself or the principle governing that compensation and they should not be challenged except for one reason	 where it is thought that there has been a gross abuse of the law	 where	 in fact	 there has been a fraud on the Constitution. Naturally the judiciary comes in to see if there has been a fraud on the Constitution or not. "(1) He traced the evolution of property and observed that property was becoming a question of credit	 of monopolies	 that there were two approaches	 the approach of the Individual and the approach of the community. He expressed for the for protection of the indi vidual 's rights.(2) The attitude changed at the time of the First Amendment. Pandit Nehru propheised that the basic problem would come before the House from time to	 time. That it has	 there is no doubt	 just as there is no doubt that each time the individual 's rights have suffered. Of course	 the growth of collectivist theories have made elsewhere considerable inroads into the right of property. In Russia there is no private ownership of. land and even in the Federal Capital Territory of Australia	 the ownership of land is with the Crown and the individual can get a leasehold right only. Justification for this is found in the fact that the State must benefit from (1) Constituent Assemembly Debates Vol. IX pp. 1193 1195. (2) Constituent Assembly Debates Vol. IX p. 1135. 895 the rise in the value of land. The paucity of land and of dwelling houses have led to the control of urban properties and creation of statutory tenancies. In our country a ceiling is put on agricultural land held by an individual. The Supreme Court	 in spite of this	 has not frustrated any genuine legislation for agrarian reform. It has upheld the laws by which the lands from latifundia have been distributed among the landless. It seems that as the Constitutions of Peru	 Brazil	 Poland	 Latvia	 Lethuania and Mexico contain provisions for such reforms	 mainly without payment of compensation	 our Parliament has taken the same road. Of course	 the modem theory regards the institution of proper on a functional basis(1) which means that property to be productive must be property distributed. As many writers have said property is now a duty more than a right and ownership of property entails a social obligation. Although Duguit(2)	 who is ahead of others	 thinks that the institution of property has undergone a revolution	 the rights of the Individual are not quite gone	 except where Communism is firmly entrenched. The rights are qualified but property belongs still to the owner. The Seventeenth Amendment	 however	 seems to take us far away	 from even this qualified concept	 at least in so far as "estates" as defined by article 31 A. This is the culmination of a process. Previous to the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act the Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act	 1956 had given power indirectly by altering entry No. 42 in List III. The entries may be read side by side : "42. (Before Amendment) (After Amendment) Principles on which compensation for Acquisition and requisitioning	 of pro property acquired or requisitioned for perty. the purposes of the Union or of a State or for any other public purpose is to be determined	 and the form and the manner in which such compensation is to be given. " This removed the last reference to compensation in respect of acquisition and requisition. What this amendment began	 the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964 achieved in full. The Fourth Amendment had added to the comprehensive definition of 'right in relation to an estate	 the rights of raiyats and under raiyats. This time the expression 'estate ' in article 31 A was amended retrospectively by a new definition which reads: "the expression "estate" shall	 in relation to any local area	 have the same meaning as that expression or its local equivalent has in the existing law relating to (1) See G.W. Paton : Text Book of Jurisprudence (1964) pp. 484 485. (2) Transformations du droit prive. 896 land tenures in force in that area	 and shall also include (i) any jagir	 inam or muafi or other similar grant and in the States of Madras and Kerala	 any janmam right; (ii) any land held under ryotwari settlement; (iii) any land held or let for purposes of agriculture or for purposes ancillary thereto	 including waste land	 forest land	 land for pasture or sites of buildings and other structures occupied by cultivators of land	 agricultural labourers and village artisans	 The only saving of compensation is now to be found in the second proviso added to clause (1) of the article which reads Provided further that	 where any law makes any provision for the acquisition by the State of any estate. and where any land comprised therein is held by a per 	 son under his personal cultivation	 it shall not be lawful for the State to acquire any portion of such land as is within the ceiling limit applicable to him under any law for. the time being in force or any building or structure standing thereon or appurtenant thereto	 unless the law relating to the acquisition of such land	 building or structure	 provides for payment of compensation at a rate which shall not be less than the market value thereof. " There is also the provision for compensation introduced indirectly in an Explanation at the end of the Ninth Schedule	 in respect of the Rajasthan Tenancy Act	 1955. By this explanation the provisions of this Tenancy Act in conflict with the proviso last last quoted are declared to be void. The sum total of this amendment is that except for land within the ceiling	all other land can be acquired ed or rights therein extinguished or modified without compensation and No. challenge to the law can be made under articles 14	 19 or 31 of the Constitution. The same is also true of the taking over: of 'the management of any property by the State for a limited period either in the public interest or in order to secure the proper management of the property	 or the amalgamation of two or more companies	 or the extinguishment or modification of any rights of managing agents		 secretaries	 treasurers	 managing directors	 directors or managers	 of corporations or of any voting right	 of shareholders thereof any rights by virtue of an)	 agreement	 lease	 or licence for the purpose of searching for	 or winning	 any mineral or mineral oil	 or of the premature 897 termination. or cancellation of any such agreement	 lease or licence. It will be noticed further that deprivation of property of any person is not to be regarded as acquisition or requisition unless the benefit of the transfer of the ownership or right to possession goes to the State or to a corporation owned or controlled by the State. Acquisition or requisition in this limited sense alone requires that it should be for public purpose and under authority of law which fixes the compensation or lays down the principles on which and. the manner in which compensation is to be deter mined. and given	 and the adequacy of the compensation cannot be any ground of attack. Further still acquisition of estates and of rights therein and the taking over of property	 amalgamation of corporations	 extinguishment or modification of rights in companies and mines may be made regardless of articles 14	 19 and 31. In addition 64 State Acts are given special protection from the courts regardless of therein contents which 'may be in derogation of the Fundamental Rights. This is the kind of amendment which has been upheld in Sajjan Singh(1) case on the theory of the omnipotence of article 368. The State had bound itself not to ' enact any law in derogation of Fundamental Rights. Is the Seventeenth Amendment a law ? To this question my answer is a categoric yes. It is no answer to gay that this is an amendment and; therefore; not a law	 or that it is passed by a special power of voting. It is the action of the State all the same. The State had put restraints on itself in law making whether the laws were made without Dr. within the Constitution. it is also ' no answer to say that this Court in a Bench of five Judges on one	 occasion and by a majority of 3 to 2 on another	 has said the	same thing. In a. matter of the interpretation of the Constitution this Court must	look at the functioning of the Constitution as a whole. The rules of res indicate and stare decisis are not	 always appropriate in interpreting a Constitution	 particularly when article 13(2) itself declares a law to be void. The sanctity of a former judgment is for the matter then decided . In Plessy vs Fergusson(2)	 Harlan	 J. alone	 dissented against the "separate but equal doctrine uttering the memorable words that there was no caste and that the Constitution of the United States was 'colour blind. This dissent made some Southern Senators to oppose his grandson (Mr. Justice John Marshall Harlan) in 1954. It took fifty eight years for the words of Harlan	 J. 's lone dissent (8 to 1) to become	 the law of the united states at least in respect of segregation in the public schools [See Brown vs Board of Education(3)]. As Mark Twain (1) (1965] 1 section C. R. 933. (2)163 U. section 537. (3) ; 898 said very truly "Loyality to a petrified opinion never yet broke a chain or freed a human soul" I am apprehensive that the erosion of the right to property may be practised against other Fundamental Rights. If a halt is to be called	 we must declare the right of Parliament to abridge or take away Fundamental Rights. Small inroads lead to larger inroads and become as habitual as before our freedom won The history of freedom is not only how freedom is achieved but how it is preserved. I am of opinion that an attempt to abridge or take away Fundamental Rights by a constituted Parliament even through an amendment of the Constitution can be declared void. This Court has the power and jurisdiction to make the declaration. I dissent from the opposite view expressed in Sajjan Singh 's(1) case and I overrule that decision. It remains to consider what is the extent of contravention. Here I must make it clear that since the First	 Fourth and Seventh Amendments are not before me and I have not	 therefore	 questioned them	 I must start with the provisions of articles 31	 31 A	 31 B	 List III and the Ninth Schedule as they were immediately preceding the Seventeenth Amendment. I have elsewhere given a summary of the inroads made into property rights of individuals and Corporations by these earlier amendments. By this amendment the definition of 'estate ' was repeated for the most part but was extended to include: "(ii) any land held under ryotwari settlement; (iii) any land held or let for purposes ancillary thereto	 including waste land	 forest land	 land for pasture or sites of buildings and other structures occupied by cultivators of land	 agricultural labourers and village artisans." Further reach of acquisition or requisition without adequate compensation and without a challenge under articles 14	 19 and 31 has now been made possible. There is no kind of agricultural estate or land which cannot be acquired by the State even though it pays an illusory compensation. The only exception is the second proviso added to article 31 A(1) by which	 lands within the ceiling limit applicable for the time being to a person personally cultivating his land	 may be acquired only on paying compensation at a rate which shall not be less than the market value. This may prove: to be an illusory protection. The ceiling may be lowered by legislation. The State may leave the person an owner in name and acquire all his. other rights. The latter question did come before this Court in two cases Ajit Singh vs State of Punjab (2) (1) (1965] 1 & C. R. 933 (2) ; 899 and Bhagat Ram and Ors. vs State of Punjab	 and Ors. (1) decided on December 2	 1966. My brother Shelat and	 I described the device as a fraud upon this proviso but it is obvious that a law lowering the ceiling to almost nothing cannot be declared a fraud on the Constitution. In other words	 the agricultural landholders hold land as tenants at will. To achieve this a large number of Acts of the State Legislatures have been added to the Ninth Schedule to bring them under the umbrella of article 31 B. This list may grow. In my opinion the extension of the definition of 'estate ' to include ryotwari and agricultural lands is an inroad into the Fundamental Rights but it cannot be questioned in view of the existence of article 31 A(1) (a) as already amended. The constitutional amendment is a law and article 31 (I) permits the deprivation of property by authority of law. The law may be made outside the Constitution or within it. The word 'law ' in this clause includes both ordinary law or an amendment of the Constitution. Since "no law providing for the acquisition by the State of any estate or of any rights therein or the extinguishment or modification of any such rights shall be deemed to be void on the ground that it is inconsistent with	 or takes away or abridges any of the rights conferred by article 14	 article 19 or article 31"	 the Seventeenth Amendment when it gives a new definition of the word 'estate cannot be questioned by reason of the Constitution as it exists. The new definition of estate introduced by the amendment is beyond the reach of the courts not because it is not law but because it is "law" and falls within that word in article 31 (1) (2) (2 A) and article 31 A(1). 1	 therefore	 sustain the new definition	 not on the erroneous reasoning in Sajjan Singh 's case (2 ) but on the true construction of the word 'law ' as used in articles 13(2)	 31(1)(2 A) and 31 A(1). The above reason applies a fortiori to the inclusion of the proviso which preserves (for the time being) the notion of compensation for deprivation of a cultural property. The proviso at least saves something. It prevents the	 agricultural lands below the ceiling from being appropriated without payment of pro per compensation. It is clear	that the proviso at least cannot be held to abridge or take away fundamental rights. In the result I uphold the second section of the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964. This brings me to the third section of the Act. That does no more than add 44 State Acts to the Ninth Schedule. The object of article 31 B	 when it was enacted	 was to save certain State Acts notwithstanding judicial decision to the contrary. These Acts were already protected by article 31. One can with difficulty understand such a provision. Now the Schedule is being used to (1) 11967] 2 section C. R. 165. (2) ; 900 give advance protection to legislation which is known appre hended to derogate from the Fundamental Rights. The power under article 368	 whatever it may be	 was given to amend the Constitution. Giving. protection to statutes of State Legislatures which offend the Constitution in its most fundamental part	 can hardly merit the description amendment of the Constitution in fact in so cases it is not even known whether the statues in question stand in need of such aid. The intent is to silence the courts and not to amend the Constitution. If these Acts were '	 not included in the Schedule they would have to face the Fundamental Rights and rely on articles 31 and 31 A to save them. By this device protection far in excess of 'these articles is afforded to them. This in my judgment is not a matter of amendment at all. The power which is given is for the specific purpose of amending the Constitution and not to confer validity on State Acts against the rest of the Constitution. If the President 's assent did not do this	 no more would this section. I consider section 3 of the Act.	 to be invalid as an illegitimate exercise of the powers . of amendment however generous. Ours is the only Constitution in the world which carries a long list of ordinary laws which it protects against itself	. In the result I declare section 3 to be ultra vires the amending process. As stated by me in Sajjan Singh 's case(1) article 368 outlines process	 which if followed strictly results in the amendment of the Constitution. The article gives power to no particular person or persons. All the named authorities have to act according to the letter of the article to achieve the result. The procedure of	 amendment	 if it can be called a 'power at all is a legislative power but it is sui generi and outside the three lists in Schedule 7 of the Constitution. 'It does 'not ' have to depend. upon any entry	in the lusts. Ordinarily there would be no limit to the extent of the 	 amendatory legislation but. the Constitution itself makes distinctions. It states three methods and places certain bars. For some amendments an ordinary	 majority fs sufficient; for some others 'a 2/3rd majority of the	 members present and voting with a majority of the total members	 in each House is necessary: and for some others in addition to the second requirement	 ratification by at least one	half of the legislatures of the States must be forthcom ing. Besides these methods	 article 13(2) puts an embargo on the legislative power of the State and consequently upon the agencies of the State. By its means the boundaries of legislative action of any of including legislation to amend the Constitution have been marked out. (1) [1965]1 S.C.R 933. 901 I have attempted to show hem that under our Constitution revolution is not the only alternative to change of Constitution under article 368. A Constitution can. be changed by consent or	 revolution Rodee	 Anderson and Christol (1) have shown the sovereignty of the People is either electoral or constituent. When the People elect the Parliament and the Legislatures they exercise their electoral sovereignty. I includes some constituent sovereignty also but only in so far as conceded. The remaining constituent sovereignty which is contained in the Preamble and Part III is in abeyance because of the curb placed by the People on the state under article 13(2). It is this power which can be reproduced. I have indicated the method. Watson(2) quoting Ames On Amendments p. 1 note 2) points out that the idea that provision should be made in the instrument of Government itself for the method of its amendment is peculiarly American. But even in the Constitution of the United States of America some matters were kept away from the amendatory process Other temporarily or permanently. Our Constitution has done the same . Our Constitution provides for minorities	 religions	 socially and educationally backward peoples	 for ameliorating the condition of depressed classes	 for removing class distinctions	 titles	 etc. This reservation was made so that in the words of Madison(3)	 men of factious tempers	 of local prejudices	 or sinister designs may not by intrigue	 by corruption	 or other means 	 first obtain the suffrages and then betray the interests of the people. It was to plug the loophole such as existed in section 48 of the Weimar Constitution( 4) that article 13 (2) was. adopted. of course	 as. Story( ' ') says	 an amendment process is a safety valve to	 let off all temporary effervescence and excitement	 as an effective instrument to control and adjust the Movements of the machinery when out of order or in danger of self d tion but is not an open valve to let	 out ' even that which was intended to be retained. In the words of Wheare(6) the people or a Constituent Assembly acting on their behalf	 has authority to enact a Constitution and by the same token a portion of the Constitution placed outside the amenditory process by one Constituent body can only be amended by another Constituent body. In the Commonwealth of	 Australia Act the provisions of the last Paragraph of section 128 have been regarded as	 mandatory	 and held to be clear limitations of the power of amendment. Dr. Jethro Brown considered that the amendment of the paragraph was logically impossible even by a two step amendment. Similarly	 section 105 A has been judicially (1) Introduction to Political Science	 p. 32 et seq. (2) Constitution" Its History	 Application and Construction Vol. II (1910) p. 1301. (3) Federalist No. 10. (4) See Louis L. Snyder: The Weimar Constitution	 p. 42 et seq. (5) Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States (I 833) Vol. (6) K. C. Wheare: Modern Constitutions	 p. 78. sup Cl/67 12 902 considered in the Garnishee case( ') to be an exception to the power of amendment in section 128 although Wynes(2) does not agree. I prefer the judicial view to that of Wynes. The same position obtains under our Constitution in article 35 where the opening words	 are more than a non obstante clause. They exclude article 368 and even amendment of that article under the proviso. It is	 therefore	 a grave error to think of article 368 as a code ;Dr as omnicompetent. It is the duty of this Court to find the limits which the Constitution has set on the amendatory power and to enforce those limits. This is what I have attempted to do in this judgment. My conclusions are (i) that the Fundamental Rights are outside the amendatory process if the amendment seeks to abridge or take away any of the rights; (ii) that Sankari Prasad 's case (and Sajjan Singh 's case which followed it) conceded the power of amendment over Part III of the Constitution on an erroneous view of articles 13(2) and 368; (iii) that the First	 Fourth and Seventh Amendments being part of the Constitution by acquiescence for a long time	 cannot now be challenged and they contain authority for the Seventeenth Amendment; (iv) that this Court having now laid down that Fundamental Rights cannot be abridged or taken away by the exercise of amendatory process in article 368	 any further inroad into these rights as they exist today will be illegal and unconstitutional unless it complies with Part III in general and article 13(2) in particular	 (v) that for abridging or taking away Fundamental Rights	 a Constituent body will have to be	 convoked; and (vi) that the two impugned Acts	 namely	 the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act	 1953 (X of 1953) and the Mysore Land Reforms Act	 1961 (X of 1962) as amended by act XIV of 1965 are valid under the Constitution not because they are included in schedule 9 of the Constitution but because the	 are protected by article 31 A	 and the President 's assent. (1) ; (2) Legislative	 Executive and Judicial Powers in Australia pp. 695 698. 903 In view of my decision the several petit ions will be dismissed	 but without costs. The State Acts Nos. 21 64 in the Ninth Schedule will have to be tested under Part HI with such protection as articles 31 and 31 A give to them. Before parting with this case I only hope that the Fundamental Rights will be able to withstand the pressure of textual readings by "the depth and toughness of their roots". Bachawat	 J The constitutionality of the Constitution First	 Fourth and Seventeenth Amendment Acts is challenged on the . ground that the fundamental rights conferred by Part HI are inviolable and immune from amendment. It is said that article 368 does not give any power of amendment and	 in any event	 the amending power is limited expressly by article 13(2) and impliedly by the language of article 368 and other articles as also the preamble. It is then said that the power of amendment is abused and should be subject to restrictions. The Acts are attacked also on the ground that they made changes in articles 226 and 245 and such changes could not be made without complying with the proviso to article 368. Article 31 B is subjected to attack on several other grounds. The constitutionality of the First Amendment was upheld in Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo vs Union	 of India and State of Bihar(1)	 and that of the Seventeenth amendment	 in Sajjan Singh is that these cases were Part XX of the Constitution specifically provides for its amendment. It consists of a single article . Part XX is as follows "PART XX. Amendment of the Constitution Procedure for amendment of the Constitution 368. An amendment of this Constitution may be initiated only by the introduction of a Bill for the purpose in either House of Parliament	 and when the Bill is passed in each House by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two thirds of the members of that House present and voting	 it shall be presented to the President for his assent and upon such assent being given to the Bill the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill : Provided that if such amendment seeks to make any change in (a) article 54. article 55	 article 73	 article 162 or (1) ; (2) ; 1196712 S.C.IL 904 (b) Chapter IV of Part V	 Chapter V of Part VI	 or Chapter 1 of Part XI	 or (c) any of the Lists in the Seventh Schedule	 or (d) the representation of States in Parliament	 or (e) the provisions of this article	 the amendment shall also require to be ratified by the Legislatures of not less than one half of the States by resolutions to that effect passed by those Legislatures before the Bill making provision for such amendment is presented to the President for assent. " The contention that article 368 prescribes only the procedure of amendment cannot be accepted. The article not only prescribes the procedure but also gives the power of amendment. If the procedure of art.368 is followed	 the Constitution "shall stand amended" in accordance with the terms of the bill. It is because the power to amend is given by the article that the Constitution stands amended. The proviso is enacted on the assumption that the several articles mentioned in it are amendable. The object of the proviso is to lay down a stricter procedure for amendment of the articles which would otherwise have been amendable under the easier procedure of the main part. There is no other provision in the Constitution under which these articles can be amended. Articles 4	 169	 Fifth Schedule Part D	 and Sixth Schedule Para 21 empower the Parliament to. pass laws amending the provisions of the First	 Fourth	 Fifth and Sixth Schedules and making amendments of the Constitution consequential on the abolition or creation of the legislative councils in States	 and by express provision no such law is deemed to be an amendment of the Constitution for the purposes of article 368. All other provisions of the Constitution can be amended by recourse to article 368 only. No other article confers the power of amending the Constitution. Some articles are expressed to continue until provision is made by law [see articles 59(3)	 65(3)	 73(2)	 97	 98(3)	 106	 135	 142(1)	 148(3)	 149	 171(2)	 186	 187(3)	 189(3)	 194(3)	 195	 221(2)	 283(1) and (2)	 285	 313	 345	 372(1)	 373]. Some articles continue unless provision is made otherwise by law [see articles 120(2)	 133(3)	 210(2) and some continue save as otherwise provided by law [see articles 239(1)	 287]. Some articles are subject to the provisions of any law to be made [see articles 137	 146(2)	 225	 229(2)	 241(3)	 300(1)	 309]	 and some are expressed not to derogate from the power of making laws [see articles 5 to 11	 289(2)]. All these articles are transitory in nature and cease to operate when provision is made by law on the subject. None of them can be regarded as conferring 905 the power of 'amendment of the Constitution. Most of articles continue until provision is made by law made by the Parliament. But some of them continue until or unless provision is made by the State Legislature (see articles 189 (3)	 194 (3)	 195	 210(2)	 229(2)	 300(1)	 345) or by the appropriate legislature (see articles 225	 241(3)); these articles do not confer a power of amendment	 for the State legislature cannot amend the Constitution. Many of the above mentioned articles and also other articles (see articles 22(7)	 32(3)	 33 to 35	 139	140	 239A	 241	 245 to 250	 252	 253	 258(2)	 286(2)	 302	 307	 315(2)	 327	 369 delegate powers of making laws to the legislature. None of these articles gives the power of amending the Constitution. It is said that article 248 and List 1 item 97 of the 7th Schedule read with article 246 give the Parliament the power of amending the Constitution. This argument does not bear scrutiny. article 248 and List I item 97 vest the residual power of legislation in the Parliament. Like other powers of legislation	 the residual power of the Parliament to make laws is by virtue of article 245 subject to the provisions of the Constitution. No law made under the residual power can derogate from the Constitution or amend it. If such a law purports to amend the Constitution	 it will 'be void. Under the residual power of legislation	 the Parliament has no power to make any law with respect to any matter enumerated in Lists II and III of the 7th Schedule but under article 368 even Lists II and III can be amended. The procedure for constitutional amendments under article 368 is different from the legislative procedure for passing laws under the residual power of legislation. If a constitutional amendment could be made by recourse to the residual power of legislation and the ordinary legislative procedure	 article 368 would be meaningless. The power of amending the Con stitution is to be found in article 368 and not in article 248 and List I item 97. Like other Constitutions	 our Constitution makes express provisions for amending the Constitution. The heading of article 368 shows that it is a provision for amendment of the Constitution	 the marginal note refers to the procedure for amendment and the body shows that if the procedure is followed	 the Constitution shall stand amended by the power of the article. Chapter VIII of the Australian Constitution consists of a single section (section 128). The heading is "Alteration of the Constitution". The marginal note is "Mode of altering the Constitution". The body lays down the procedure for alteration. The opening words are : "This Constitution shall not be altered except in the following manner". Nobody has doubted that the section gives the power of amending the Constitution. Wynes in his book on Legislative Executive and Judicial Powers in Australia	 third edition	 906 p. 695	 stated "The power	 of amendment extends to alteration of this Constitution ' which includes section 128 itself. It is true that section 128 is negative in form	 but the power is impled by the terms of the section. " Article 5 of the United States Constitution provides that a proposal for amendment of the constitution by the Congress on being ratified by the three fourth of the states "shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this Constitution". The accepted view is that "power to amend the Constitution was reserved by article 5"	 Per Van Devanter	 J	 in Rhode Island vs Palmer(1): Art .368 uses stronger words. On the passing of the bill for amendment under article 368	 "the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the bill". Article 368 gives the power of amending "this Constitution". This Constitution means any of the provisions of the Constitution. No limitation on the amending power can be gathered from the language of this article. Unless this power is restricted by some 	other provision of the Constitution	 each and every part of the Constitution may be amended under article 368. AR the articles mentioned in the proviso are necessarily within this amending power. From time to time major amendments have been made in the articles mentioned in the proviso (see articles 80 to 82	 124 (2A)	131	214	217(3)	222	(k2) 224A	226(IA) 230	231	241 and Seventh Schedule) and other articles (see articles 1	 3	 66	 71	 85	 153. 158	 170	 174	 239	 239A	 240	 258A	 2	69	 280	 286	 290A	 291	 298	 305	 311	 316	 350A	 350B	 371	 371A	 372A	 376	 379 to 391	 the first third and fourth schedules)	 and minor amendments have been made in innumerable articles. No one has doubted so far that these articles are amendable. Part III is a part of the Constitution and is equally amendable. It is argued that a Constitution Amendment Act.is a law and therefore the power of amendment given by article 368 is limited by article 13(2). 	 article 13(2) is in these terms: "13(1). . . . . . . (2) The State shall not make any law which takes away or abridges the tights conferred by this Part and any law made in contravention of this clause shall	 to the extent of the contravention	 be void." Now article 3 68 gives	 the power of amending each and every provision of the Constitution article 13 (2) is a part of the Constitution and is within the reach of the amending power. In other words art 13 (2) is subject to the overriding power of an. 368 and is controlled by it. article 368 is not controlled by article 13 (2) and the (1) ; : ; 907 prohibitory injunction in article 13(2) is not directed against the amending power Looked at from this broad angle	 article 13 (2) does not forbid the making of a constitutional amendment abridaing or taking away any right confesed by Part III. Let us now view the matter from a narrower angle. The con tention is that a constitutional amendment under article 368 is a law within the meaning of article 13. 1 am inclined to think that this narrow contention must also be rejected. In article 13 unless the context otherwise provides 'law ' includes any ordinance	 order	 bye law	 rule	 regulation	 notification	 custom or usage having in the territory of India the force of law [article 13(3).(a)]. The inclusive definition of law in article 13 (3) (c) neither expressly excludes nor expressly includes the Constitution or a constitutional amendment. Now the term law ' in its widest and generic sense includes the Constitution and a constitutional amendment. But in the constitution this term is employed to designate an ordinary statute or legislative act in contradistinction to the Constitution or a constitutional amendment. The Constitution is the basic law providing the framework of government and creating the organs for the making of the laws. The distinction between the Constitution and the laws is so fundamental that the Constitution is not regarded as a law or a legislative act. The Constitution means the Constitution as amended. An amendment made in conformity with article 368 is a part of the. Constitution and is likewise not a law. The basic theory of our Constitution is that it cannot be changed by a law or legislative Act. It is be cause special provision is made by articles 4	 169	 Fifth Schedule Part D and Sixth Schedule para 21 that some parts of the Constitution are amendable by ordinary laws. But by express provision no such law is deemed to be a constitutional amendment. Save as express.1y provided in articles 4	 169	 Fifth Schedule Part D and Sixth Schedule para 21	 no law can amend the Constitution	 and a law which purports to make such an amendment is void. In Marbury vs Madison(1)	 Marshall	 C.J.	 said: "It is a proposition too plain to be contested	 that the Constitution controls any legislative Act repugnant to it; or	 that the legislature may alter the Constitution by an ordinary Act. Between these alternatives there is no middle ground. The Constitution is either a superior paramount law	 unchangeable by ordinary means	 or it is on a level with (1) ; 	177:. ; 	 73. 908 Ordinary legislative Acts	 and	 like other Acts	 is alter able when the legislature shall please to alter it. If the former part of the alternative be true	 then a legislative Act contrary to the Constitution is not law; if the	 latter part be true	 then written constitutions are absurd attempts	 on the part of the people	 to limit a power in its own nature illimitable. Certainly all those who have framed written constitutions contemplate them as forming the fundamental and paramount law of the nation	 and	 consequently	 the theory of every such government must be	 that an Act of the Legislature	 repugnant to the Constitution	 is void. This theory is essentially attached to a written constitution	 and is consequently to be considered	 by this court	 as one of the fundamental principles of our society. " It is because a Constitution Amendment Act can amend the Constitution and is not a law that article 368 avoids all reference to law making by the Parliament. As soon as a bill is passed in conformity with article 368 the Constitution stands amended in accordance with the terms of the bill. The power of amending the Constitution is not an ordinary law making power. It is to be found in article 368 and not in articles 245	 246 and 248 and the Seventh Schedule. Nor is the procedure for amending the Constitution under article 368 an ordinary law making procedure. The common feature of the amending process under art	 368 and the legislative procedure is that a bill must be passed by each House of Parliament and assented to by the President. In other respects the amending process under article 368 is very different from the ordinary legislative proms. A constitution amendment Act must be initiated by a bill introduced for that purpose in either House of Parliament. The bill must be passed in each House by not less than two thirds of the members present and voting	 the requisite quorum in each House being a majority of its total membership; and in cases coming under the proviso	 the amendment must be ratified by the legislature of not less than one half of the States. Upon the bill so passed being assented to by the President	 the Constitution stands. amended in accordance with the terms of the bill. The ordinary legislative process is much easier. A bill initiating a law may be passed by a majority of the members present and voting at a sitting of each House or at a joint sitting of the Houses	 the quorum for the meeting of either House being one tenth of the total number of members of the House. The bill so passed on being assented to by the President becomes a law. A bill though passed by all the members of both Houses cannot take effect as a 909 Constitution amendment Act unless it is initiated for the express purpose of amending the Constitution. The essence of 	a written Constitution is that it cannot be changed by an ordinary law. But most written Constitutions Provide for their organic growth by constitutional amendments. The main method of constitutional amendments are (1) by the ordinary legislature but under certain restrictions	 (2) by the people through a referendum	 (3) by a majority of all the units of a Federal State; (4) by a special convocation	 see C.F. strong Modem Political institutions	 5th Edition	 pp. 133 4	146. Our Constitution hag by article 368 chosen the first and a combination of the first and the third methods. The special attributes of constitutional amendment under article 368 indicate that it is not a law or a legislative act. Moreover it will be seen presently that the Constitution makers could not have intended that the term "law" in article 13 (2) would include a consti tutional amendment under article 368. If a constitutional amendment creating a new fundamental right and incorporating it in Part III were a law	 it would not be open to the. parliament by a subsequent constitution to abrogate the new fundamental right for such an amendment would be repugnant to Part ]III. Bit the conclusion is absurd for. the body which created the right can surely take it away by the same process. Shri A. K. Sen relied upon a decision of the Oklahoma Supreme Court in Riley vs Carter(1) where it was held that for some purposes the Constitution of a State was one of the laws of the State. But even in America	 the term "law ' does not ordinary include the Constitution or a constitutional amendment in this connection	 I will read the following passage in Corpus Juris Secundum	 Vol	 XVI Title Constitutional Law article .lm15 "The term 'constitution ' is ordinarily employed to designate the organic law in contradistinction to the term law	 which is generally used to designate statutes Or legislative enactments. Accordingly the term 'law. ' under this distinction does not include a constitutional amendment. However	 the term "law ' may	 in accordance with the context in which it is used	 comprehend or included the constitution or a constitutional provision or amendment. A statute and a constitution	 although of unequal dignity		 are both 'laws '	 and rest on the will of the people." (1) 88 A:A.L.R. 1008. 910 In our Constitution	 the expression "law" does not include either the constitution or a constitutional amendment. For all these reasons we must hold that a constitutional amendment under article 368 is not a law within the meaning of article 13 (2). I find no conflict between articles 13(2) and 368. The two articles operate in different fields. article 13(2) operates on laws; it makes no express exception regarding a constitutional amendment	 because a constitutional amendment is not a law and is outside its purview. article 368 occupies the field of constitutional amendments. It does not particularly refer to the	 articles in Part III and many other articles	 but on its true construction it gives the power of amending each and every provision of the Constitu tion and necessarily takes in Part III. Moreover	 article 368 gives the power of amending itself	 and if express power for amending the provisions of Part III were needed	 such a power could be taken by an amendment of the article. It is said that the non obstante clause in article 35 shows that the article is not amendable. No one has amended article 35 and the point does not arise. Moreover	 the non obstante clause is to be found in articles 258(1)	 364	 369	 370 and 371A. No one has suggested that these articles are not amendable. The next contention is that there are implied limitations on the amending power. It is said that apart from article 13 (2) there are expressions in Part III which indicate that the amending power 	cannot touch Part III. Part III is headed " fundamental rights". The right to move the Supreme Court for enforcement of the rights conferred by this Part is guaranteed by article 32 and cannot be suspended except as otherwise provided for by the Constitution (article 32(4)). It is said that the terms "fundamental" and "guarantee" indicate that the rights conferred by Part HI are not amendable. The argument overlooks the dynamic character of the Constitution. While the Constitution is static	 it is the fundamental law of the country	 the rights conferred by Part III are	 fundamental	 the right under article 32 is guaranteed	 and the principles of State policy enshrined in Part IV are fundamental 'm the governance of the country. But the Constitution is never at rest; it changes with the progress of time. article 368 provides the means for the dynamic changes in the Constitution. The scale cf values embodied in Parts III and IV is not immortal. Parts III and IV being parts of the Constitution are not immune from amendment under article 368. Demands for safeguards of the rights embodied in Part III and IV may be traced to the Constitution of India Bill 1895	 the Congress Resolutions between 1917 and 1919	 Mrs. Beasan 's Commonwealth of India Bill of 1925	 the Report of the Nehru Committee set up under the Congress Resolution in 1927	 the Congress 911 Resolution of March. 1931 and the Sapru Report of 1945. The American bill of rights	the constitutions of other countries the declaration of human rights by the United Nations and other declarations and charters gave impetus to the demand. In this background the Constituent Assembly embodied in preamble to the Constitution the resolution to secure to all citizens social	 economic and political justice	 liberty of thought	 expression	 belief	 faith and worship	 equality of status and opportunity and fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity of the nation and incorporated safeguards as to some human rights in Parts III and IV of the Constitution after separating them into two parts on the Irish model. Part III contains the passive obligations of the State. It enshrines the right of life	 personal liberty	 expression	 assembly	 movement	 residence	 avocation	 property	 culture and education	 constitutional remedies	 and protection against exploitation and obnoxious penal laws. The State shall not deny these rights save as provided in the Constitution. Part IV contains the active obligations of the State. The State shall secure a social order in which social	 economic and political justice shall inform all the institutions of national life. Wealth and its source of production shall not be concentrated in the hands of the few but shall be distributed so as to subserve the common good	 and there shall be adequate means of livelihood for all and equal pay for equal work. The State shall endeavour to secure the health and strength of workers	 the right to work	 to education and to assistance in cases of want	 just and humane conditions of work	 a living wage for workers	 a uniform civil code	 free and compulsory education for children. The State shall take steps to organize village panchayats	 promote the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people	 raise the level of nutrition and standard of living	 improve public health. organize agricultural and animal husbandry separate the judiciary from executive and promote international peace and security. The active obligations of the State under Part IV are not justiciable. If a law made by the State in accordance with the fundamental directives of Part IV comes in conflict with the fundamental rights embodied in Part II the law to the extent of repugnancy is void. Soon after the Constitution came into force	 it became apparent that laws for agrarian and other reforms for implementing the directives of Part IV were liable to be struck down as they infringed the provisions of Part III. From time to time constitutional amendments were proposed with the professed object of validating these laws	 superseding certain judicial inter pretations of the Constitution and curing defects in the original Constitution. The First	 Fourth	 Sixteenth and Seventeenth Amendments made important changes in the fundamental rights. The First amendment introduced cl. (4) in article 15 enabling the State to make special provisions for the benefit of the socially and 912 educationally backward class of citizens	 the	scheduled castes and the scheduled tribes in derogation of articles 15 and 29	(2) with a view to implement article 46 and to supersede the decision in State of Madras vs Champakam(1)	 substituted a new cl. (2) in article 19 with retrospective effect chiefly with a view to be in public order within the permissible restrictions and to supersede the decisions in Romesh Thappar vs State of Madras( ')	 Brij Bhushan vs State of Delhi( ')		 amended cl. (6) of article 19 with a view to free state trading monopoly from the test of reasonable ness and to supersede the decision in Moti Lal vs Government of State of Uttar Pradesh(). Under the stress of the First amendment it is now suggested that Champakam 's case( ')	 Romesh Thappar 's case( ') and Motilal 's(4) case were wrongly decided	 and the amendments of articles 15 and 19 were in harmony with the original Constitution and made no real change in it. It is to be	 noticed however that before the First amendment no attempt was made to overrule these cases	 and but for the amendments	 these judicial interpretations of the Constitution would have continued to be the law of the land. The Zamindari Abolition Acts were the subject of bitter attack by the zamindars. The Bihar Act though protected by cl. 6 of article 31 from attack under article 31 was struck down as violative of article 14 by the Patna High Court (see the State of Bihar vs Maharajadhiraj Sri Kameshwar Singh(5)	 while the Uttar Pradesh Act (see Raja Surya Pal Singh vs The State. of U.P.) (6) and the Madhya Pradesh Act (see Visweshwar Rao vs State.of Madhya Pradesh (7)	 though upheld by the High Courts were under challenge in this Court. The First amendment therefore introduced article 31A	 31B and the Ninth Schedule with a view to give effect to the policy of agrarian reforms	 to secure distribution of large blocks of land in the hands of the zamindars in conformity with article 39	 and to immunize specially 13 State Acts form attack under Part Ill. The validity of the First Amendment was upheld in Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo 's case(8). The Fourth amendment changed article 31(2) with a view to supersede the decision in State of West Bengal vs Bela Banerjee(9) and to provide that the adequacy of compensation for property compulsorily acquired would not be justiciable	 inserted Cl. (2A) in article 31 with a view to supersede the decisions in the State of West Bengal vs Subodh Gopal Bose(")	 Dwarka Das Shrinivas vs Sholapur Spinning and Weaving Co.	 Ltd.	(")	 (1) ; (2) ; (3) ; (4) I.L.R. [1951] 1 All. (5) 1951 Pat. 91). (6) (1952] S.C.R. 1056 (A.I.R. 1961). (7) All. 674.) (8) ; (9) ; (10) 11954] S.C.R. 587.(11) ; 913 Saghir Ahmad vs The State of Uttar Pradesh	(1) and to make it clear that clauses (1) and (2) of article 31 relate to different subject ' matters and a deprivation of property short of transference of ownership or right to possession to the State should not be treated as compulsory acquisition of property. The Fourth amendment also amended article 31A with a view to protect certain laws other than agrarian laws and to give effect to the policy of fixing ceiling limits on land holdings and included seven more Acts in the Ninth Schedule. One of the Acts (item 17) though upheld in Jupiter General Insurance Co. vs Rajgopalan(2) was the subject of criticism in Dwarka Das 's case (3 ) . The Sixteenth amendment amended clauses (2)	 (3) and (4) of article 19 to enable the imposition of reasonable restrictions in the interest of the sovereignty and integrity of India. The Seventeenth amendment amended the definition of estate in article 31A with a view to supersede the decisions in Karimbil Kunhikoman vs State of Kerala (4 ) and A. P. Krishnaswami Naidu vs State of Madras( ') and added a proviso to article 31A and included 44 more Acts in the Ninth Schedule	 as some of the Acts had been struck down as unconstitutional. The validity of the Seventeenth amendment was upheld in Sajjan Singh 's case( '). Since 1951	 numerous decisions of this Court have recognised the validity of the First	 Fourth and Seventeenth amendments. If the rights conferred by Part III cannot be abridged or taken away by constitutional amendments	 all these amendments would be invalid. The Constitution makers could not have intended that the rights conferred by Part TIT could not be altered for giving effect to the policy of Part TV. Nor was it intended that defects in Part III could not be cured or that possible errors in judicial interpretations of Part III could not be rectified by constitutional amendments. There are	 other indications in the Constitution that the fundamental rights are not intended to be inviolable. Some of the articles make express provision for abridgement of some of the fundamental rights by law (see articles 16(3)	 19(1) to (6)	 22(3)	 23(2)	 25(2)	 28(2)	 31(4) to (6)	 33	 34). Articles 358 and 359 enable the suspension of fundamental rights during emergency. Likewise	 article 368 enables amendment of the Constitution including all the provisions of Part Ill. It is argued that the preamble secures the liberties grouped together in Part III and as the preamble cannot be amended	 Part III is not amendable. The argument overlooks that the preamble is mirrored in the entire Constitution. 	 If the rest of the Constitution is amendable	 Part III cannot stand on a higher (1) [1954) S.C.R. 1218. (3) ; 	706. (5) ; (2) A.I.R. 1952 Pun. (4) [1962] Supp. I S.C.R. 829. (6) ; 914 control the unambiguous language of the articles of the Constitution	 see ' Wynes	 Legislative Executive and Judicial Powers in Australia third edition	 pp. 694 5; in Re Berubari Union & Exchange of Enclaves("). The last case decided that the Parliament can under article 368 amend article 1 of the Constitution so as to enable the cession of a part of the national territory to a foreign power	 The Court brushed aside the argument that "in the transfer of the areas of Berubari to Pakistan the fundamental rights of thousands of persons are involved. " The case is an authority for the proposition that the Parliament can lawfully make a con stitutional amendment under article 368 authorising cession of a part of the national territory and thereby destroying the fundamental rights of the citizens of the Effected territory	 and this power under article 368 is not limited by the preamble. It is next argued that the people of India in exercise of their sovereign power have placed the fundamental rights beyond the reach of the amending power. Reliance is place on the following passage in the judgment of Patanjali Sastri	 J.	 in A. K. Gopalan V. The State of Madras(2): "There can be no doubt that	the people of India have	 in exercise of their sovereign will as expressed in the Preamble	 adopted the democratic ideal which assures to the citizen the dignity of the	 individual and other cherished human values as a means to the full evolution and expression of his personality	 and in delegating to the Legislature the executive and the Judiciary their respective powers in the Constitution	 reserved to themselves certain fundamental rights	 so called	 I apprehend	 because they have been retained by the people and made	 paramount to the delegated powers	 as in the American Model. " I find nothing in the passage contrary to the view unequivocally expressed by the same learned Judge in Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo 's(3) case that the fundamental rights are amendable. The power to frame the Constitution was vested in the Constituent Assembly by section 8 (1 ) of the Indian Independence Act	 1947. 'The Constitution though legal in its origin was revolutionary in character and accordingly the Constituent Assembly exercised its powers of framing the Constitution in the name of the people. The objective resolution of the Assembly passed on January 22	 1947 (1) 	261 2	281 (2)[1950] S.C.R. 88	 98. (3) (1952] S.C.R. 89. 915 solemnly declared that all power and authority of sovereign independent India	 its constituent parts	 and organs and the Government were derived from the people. The preamble to the Constitution declares that the people of India adopts	 enacts and gives to themselves the Constitution. In form and in substance the Constitution emanates from the people. By the Constitution. the people constituted themselves into a republic. Under the republic all public power is derived from the people and is exercised by functionaries chosen either directly or 'indirectly by the people. The Parliament can exercise only such powers as are delegated to it under the Constitution. The people acting through the Constituent Assembly reserved for themselves certain rights and liberties and ordained that they shall not be curtailed by ordinary legislation. But the people by the same Con stitution also authorised the Parliament to make amendments to	 the Constitution. In the exercise of the amending power the Parliament has ample authority to abridge or take away the fundamental rights under Part III. It is urged that the word 'amend ' imposes the limitation that an amendment must be an improvement of the Constitution. Reliance is placed on the dictum in Livermore vs E. C. Waite(1): "On	 the other hand	 the significance of the term 'amendment ' implies such an addition or change within the lines of the original instrument as will effect an improvement	 or better carry out the purpose for which it was framed." Now an attack on the eighteenth amendment of the U.S. Constitution based on this passage was brushed aside by the U.S. Supreme Court in the decision in the National Prohibition(2) case. The decision totally negatived the contention that "an amendment must be confined in its scope to	 an alteration or improvement of that which is already contained in the Constitution and cannot change its basic structure	 include new grants of power to the Federal Government nor relinquish	 in the State those which already have been granted to it"	 see Cooley on Constitutional Law	 Chapter III article 5	 pp. 46 & 47. 1 may also read a passage from Corpus Juris Secundum Vol. XVI	 title 'Constitutional Law	 p. 26 thus : "The term 'amendment a 	 used in the constitutional article giving Congress a power of proposal includes additions to	 as well as corrections of	 matters. already treated	 and there is nothing there which suggests that it is used in a restricted sense. " Article 368 indicates that the term "amend" means "change". The proviso is expressed to apply to amendments which seek to make any "change" in certain articles. The main part of article 368 (1) (2) Rhode Island vs Palmer 253 U.S. 350 : 64 L. ed. 947	 960	 978. 916 thus gives the power to amend or to make changes in the Constitution. A change is not necessarily an unprovement. Normally the change is made with the object of making an improvement	 but the experiment may fail to achieve the purpose. Even the plain dictionary meaning of the word "amend" does not support the contention that an amendment must take an improvement	 see Oxford English Dictionary where the word "amend" is defined thus : "4. to make professed improvements (in a measure before Parliament); formally to alter 'in detail	 though practically it may be to alter its principle so as to thwart it. " The 1st	 4th	 16th and. 17th Amendment Acts made changes in Part III of the Constitution. All the changes are authorized by article 368. It is argued that under the amending power	 the basic features .	of the Constitution cannot be amended. Counsel said that they could not give an exhaustive catalogue of the basic features	 but sovereignty	 the republican form of government the federal structure and the fundamental rights were some of the features. The Seventeenth Amendment has not derogated from the sovereignty	 	the republican form of government and the federal structure	 and 'the question whether they can be touched by amendment does not arise for decision. For the purposes of these cases	 it is sufficient to say that the fundamental rights are within the reach of the amending power. It is said that in the course of the last 16 years there have been numerous amendments in our Constitution whereas there have been very few amendments of the American Constitution during 'the last 175 years. Our condition is not comparable with the American. The dynamics of the social revolution in our country may require more rapid changes. Moreover every part of our Constitution is more easily amendable than the American. Alan Gledhill in his book "The Republic of India"	 1951 Edition	 pp. 74 & 75 	 said: "The Indian Founding	 Fathers were less determined than were their American predecessors to impose rigidity on their Constitution. . . . The Indian Constitution assigns different degrees of rigidity to its different parts	 but any part of it can be more easily amended than the American Constitution. " It is said that the Parliament is abusing its power of amendment by making too many frequent changes. If the Parliament 'has the power to make the amendments	 the choice of making any particular amendment must be left to it. Questions of policy cannot be debated in ' this Court. The possibility of	 abuse of a power is not the test of its existence. In Webb vs Outrim(1) lord (1) 917 Hobhouse said	 "If they find that on the due construction of the Act a legislative power falls within section 92	 it would be quite wrong of them to deny its existence because by some possibility it may be abused	 or limit the range which otherwise would be open to the Dominion Parliament". With reference to the doctrine of implied prohibition against the exercise of power ascertained in accordance with ordinary rules of construction	 Knox C.J.	 in the Amalgamated Society of Engineers vs The Adelaide Steams Company Limited and others(1) said	 "It means the necessity of protection against the aggression of some outside and possibly hostile body. :It is based on distrust	 lest powers	 if once conceded to the least degree	 might be abused to the point of destruction. But possible abuse of powers is no reason in British law for Emiting the natural force of the language creating them The historical background in which the Constitution was framed shows that the ideas embodied in Part III were not intended to be immutable. The Constituent Assembly was corn of representatives of the provinces elected by	the members of the lower houses of the provincial legislatures and representatives of the Indian States elected by electoral colleges constituted by the rules. The draft Constitution was released on February 26	 1948While the Constitution was on the anvil it was envisaged the	 future Parliaments would be elected on the basis of adult suffrage. Such a provision was later incorporated in article 326 of the Constitution. In a special article written on August 15	 1948	 Sir B.	 N. Rau remarked: "It seems rather illogical that a constitution should be settled by a simple majority by an assembly elected indirectly on a very limited franchise and that it should not be capable of being amended in the same way by a Parliament elected and perhaps for the most Part elected directly by adult suffrage"	 (see B. N. Rau ' India 's Constitution in the making	 2nd Edition p. 394). The conditions in India were rapidly changing and the country was in a state of flux politically and economically. Sir B. N. Rau therefore recommended that the Parliament should be empowered to amend the Constitution by its ordinary law making process for at least the first five years. Earlier	 para 8 of the Suggestions of the Indian National Congress of May 12	 1946 and para 15 of the Proposal of the Cabinet Mission of May 16	 1946 had recom mended similar powers of revision by the Parliament during the initial years or at stated intervals. The Constituent Assembly did not accept these recommendations. On September 17	 1949 an amendment (No. 304) moved by Dr. Deshmukh providing (1) ; 	151. Cf/67 13 918 for amendment of the Constitution at any time by a clear majority in each house of Parliament was negatived. The Assembly was conscious that future Parliaments	 elected on the basis of adult suffrage would be more representative	 but they took the view that article 368 provided a sufficiently flexible machinery for amending all part 	 of the Constitution. The Assembly never entertain the proposal that any part of the Constitution including Part III should be beyond the reach of the	 amending power. As a matter of fact	 Dr. Deshmukh proposed an amendment (No. 212) habiting any amendment of the rights with respect to property or otherwise but on September 17	 1949 he withdrew this proposal (we Constituent Assembly Debates Vol. IV pp. 1 642 43). The best exposition of the Constitution is that which it has received from contemporaneous judicial decisions and enactments. We find a rare unanimity of view among Judges and legislators from the very commencement of the Constitution that the fundamental rights are within the reach of the amending power. No one in the Parliament doubted this proposition when the Constitution First Amendment Act of 1951 was passed. It is remarkable that most of the members of this Parliament were also. members of the Constituent Assembly. In	 section Krishnan and Others vs The state of Madras(1)	 a case decided on May 7	 1951 Bose	 J. said: "My concept of a fundamental right is something which Parliament cannot touch save by an amendment of the Constitution". 	 In Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo 's case(2)	 decided on October 5	 1951	 this Court expressly decided that fundamental rights could be abridged by a constitutional amendment. This view was acted upon in all the subsequent decisions and was reaffirmed in Sajjan Singh 's case(3). Two learned Judges then expressed some doubt but even they agreed with the rest of the Court in upholding the validity of the amendments. A static system of. laws is the worst tyranny that any constitution can impose upon a country. An unamendable constitution means that all. reform and progress are at a standstill. If Parliament cannot amend Part III of the Constitution even by recourse to article 368	 no other power can do so. There is no	 provision in the Constitution for calling a convention for its revision or for submission of any proposal for amendment to the referendum. Even if power to call a convention or to submit a proposal. to the refere be taken by amendment of article 368	 Part III. would sip remain unamendable on the assumption that a constitutional amendment is a law. Not even the unanimous vote of the 500 (1) ; 	 652. (2) ; (3) ; 919 million citizens or their representatives	 at a special convocation could amend Part III. The deadlock could be resolved by revolution only. Such a consequence was not intended by the framers of the Constitution. The Constitution is meant to endure. It has been suggested that the Parliament may provide for another Constituent Assembly by amending the Constitution and that Assembly can amend Part III and take away or abridge "the fundamental rights. Now if this proposition is correct	 a suitable amendment of the Constitution may provide that the Parliament will be the Constituent Assembly and there upon the Parliament may amend Part III. If so	 I do not see why under the Constitution as it stands now	 the Parliament cannot be regarded as a recreation of the Constituent Assembly. for the special purpose of making a constitutional amendments under article 368	 and why the amending power cannot be regarded a a constituent power as was held in Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo 's (1) case. The contention that the constitutional amendments of Part III had the effect (I changing articles 226 and 245 and could not be passed without complying with the proviso to article 368 is not tenable; A constitutional amendment which does not profess to amend article 226 directly or by inserting or striking words therein cannot be regarded as seeking to make	 any change in it and thus falling within the constitutional inhibition of the proviso. article 226 gives power to the High Court throughout the territories in relation to which it exercises jurisdiction to issue to any person or authority within those territories directions	 orders and Writs for the enforcement of any of the rights conferred by Part III and for any purpose The Seventeenth Amendment made no direct change in article 226. It made changes in Part In and abridged or took away some of the rights conferred by that Part. As a result of the changes	 some of those rights no longer exist and as the High Court cannot issue writs for the enforcement of those rights its power under article 226 is affected incidentally. But an alteration in the area of its territories or in the number of persons or authorities within those territories or in the number of enforceable rights under Part III or other rights incidentally affecting the Power of the High Court under article 226 cannot be regarded as an ' amendment of that article. article 245 empowers the Parliament and the Legislatures of	 the States to make laws subject to the provisions of the Constitution. This power to make laws is subject to the limitations imposed by Part M. The abridgement of the rights conferred by Part III by the Seventeenth Amendment necessarily enlarged the scope of the legislate power	 and thus affected article 245 indirectly. But the Seventeenth amendment made no direct change in article 145 and did not amend it. (1) ; 920 Art 3 1B retrospectively validated the Acts mentioned in the Ninth Schedule notwithstanding any judgment decree or order of any court though they take away or abridge the rights conferred by Part Ill. It is said that the Acts are still bom and cannot be validated. But by force of article 31B the Acts are deemed never to have become void and must be regarded as valid from their inception. The power to amend the Constitution carries with it the power to make a retrospective amendment. It is Said that article 3 1B amends article 141 as it alters the law declared by this Court on the validity of the Acts. This argument is baseless. As the Constitution is amended retrospectively	 the basis upon which the judgments of this Court were pronounced no longer exists	 and the law declared by this Court can have no application. It is said that article 3 1B is a law with respect to land and other matters within the competence of the State Legislature	 and the Parliament has no power to enact such a law. The argument is based on a misconception. The Parliament has not passed any of the Acts mentioned in the Ninth Schedule. article 3 IB removed the constitutional bar on the making of the Acts. Only the Parliament could remove the bar by the Constitution amendment. It has done so by article 3 1 B. The Parliament could amend each article in Part III separately and provide that the Acts would be protected from attack under each article. Instead of amend ing each article separately	 the Parliament has by article 3 1 B made a comprehensive amendment of all the articles by providing that the Acts shall not be deemed to be void on the ground that they are inconsistent with any of them. The Acts as they stood on the date of the Constitution Amendments are validated. By the last part of article 31B the competent legislatures will continue to the power to repeal or amend the Acts. The subsequent repeals and amendments are not validated. If in future the competent legislature passes a repealing or amending Act which is inconsistent with Part III it will be void. I have	 therefore	 coma to the conclusion that the First	 Fourth	 Sixteenth and Seventeenth Amendments are constitutional and am not void. If so	 it is common ground that these petitions must be For the last 16 years the validity of constitutional amendments of fundamental rights have been recognized by the people and all the organs of the government 'including the legislature	 the judiciary and the executive. Revolutionary	 social and economic changes have taken place on the strength of the First	 Fourth and Seventeenth Amendments. Even if two views were possible on the question of	 the validity of the amendments	 we should not now reverse our previous decisions and pronounce them to be invalid. Having heard lengthy arguments on the question I have 921 come to the conclusion that the validity of the constitutional amendments was rightly upheld in Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo 's(1) and Sajjan Singh 's(2) cases and I find no reason for over ruling them. The First	 Fourth and Seventeenth amendment Acts are sub jected to bitter attacks because they strike it the entrenched property rights. But the abolition of the zemindari was a necessary reform. It is the First Constitution Amendment Act that made this reform possible. No legal argument can restore the outmoded feudal zemindari system. What has been done cannot be undone. The battle for the past is lost. The legal argument necessarily shifts. The proposition now is that the Constitution Amendment Acts must be recognized to be valid in the past but they must be struck down for the future. The argument leans on the ready made American doctrine of prospective overruling. Now the First	 Fourth	 Sixteenth and Seventeenth Amendment Acts take away and abridge the rights conferred by Part M. If they are laws they are necessarily rendered void by article 13(2). If they are void	 they do not legally exist from their very inception. They cannot be valid from 1951 to 1967 and invalid thereafter. To say that they were valid in the past and will be invalid in the future is to amend the Constitution. Such a naked power of amendment of the Constitution is not given to the Judges. The argument for the petitioners suffers from a double fallacy	 the first that the Parliament has no power to amend Part III so as to abridge or take away the entrenched property rights	 and the second that the Judges have the power to make such an amend ment. I may add that if the First and the Fourth amendments are valid	 the Seventeenth must necessarily be valid. It is not possible to say that the First and Fourth amendments though originally invalid have now been validated by acquiescence. If they infringed article 13(2)	t they were void from their inception. Referring to the 19th amendment of the U.S. Constitution	 Brandeis	 J. said in Leser vs Garnett(3) "This Amendment is in character and phraseology precisely similar to the 15th. For each the same method of adoption was pursued. One cannot be valid and the other invalid. That the 15th is valid	 although rejected by six states	 including Maryland	 has been recognized and acted on for half a century. . The suggestion that the 15th was incorporated in the Constitution	 (1) ; (2) [1965] 1 S.C.R. 933. (3) ; : ; 	 51 1. 922 not in accordance with law	 but practically as a war measure	 which has been validated by acquiescence	 cannot be entertained. " Moreover the Seventeenth amendment has been acted upon and its validity has been upheld by this Court in Sajjan Singh 's case. If the First and the Fourth Amendments are validated by acquiescence	 the Seventeenth is equally validated. Before concluding this judgment I must refer to some of the speeches made by the members of the Constituent Assembly in the course of debates on the draft Constitution. These speeches cannot be used as aids for interpreting the Constitution. See State of Travancore Cochin and others vs The Bombay Co. Ltd.( ' ). Accordingly	 I do not rely on them as aids to construction. But I propose to refer to them	 as Shri A K. Sen relied heavily on the speeches of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. According to him	 the speeches of Dr. Ambedkar show that he did not regard the fundamental rights as amendable. This contention is not supported by the speeches. Sri Sen relied on the following passage in the speech of Dr. Ambedkar on September 17	 1949 "We divide the articles of the Constitution under three categories. The first category is the one which consists of articles which can be	 amended by Parliament by a bare majority. The second set of articles are articles which require two thirds majority. If the future Parliament wishes to amend any particular article .which is not mentioned in Part III or article 304	 all that is necessary for them is to have two thirds majority. They can amend it. Mr. President : Of Members present. Now	 we have no doubt put articles in a third .category where for the purposes of amendment the .mechanism is somewhat different or double. It requires two thirds majority plus ratification by the	 States. "(2) I understand this passage to mean that according to Dr. Am bedkar an amendment of the articles mentioned in Part. III and 368 requires two thirds majority plus ratification by the States He seems to have assumed (as reported) that the provisions of Part III fall within the. proviso to article 368. But he never said that part III was s not amendale. He maintained consistently that all the articles of the Constitution are amendable under article 368 On November 4	 1948	 be. said : "The second means adopted to avoid rigidity and legalism is the provision for facility with which the (1) (1952] S.C.R. 1112. (2) Constituent Assembly Debat Vol. IX p. 1661. 923 Constitution could be amended. The provisions of the Constitution relating to the amendment of the Constitution divide the Articles of the Constitution into two groups. In the one group are placed Articles relating to (a) the distribution of legislative powers between the Centre and the States	 (b) the representation of the States in Parliament	 and (c) the powers of I the Courts. All other Articles are placed in another group. Articles placed in the second group cover a very large part of the Constitution and can be amended by Parliament by a double majority	 namely	 a majority of not less than two thirds of the members of each House present and voting and by a majority of the total membership of each House. The amendment of these Articles does not require ratification by the States. It is only in those Articles which are placed in group one that an additional safeguard of ratification by the States is introduced. One can therefore safely sky that the Indian Federation will not suffer from the faults of rigidity or legalism. Its distinguishing feature is that it is a flexible Federation. The provisions relating to amendment of the Constitution have come in for a virulent attack at the hands of the critics of the Draft Constitution. it is said that the provisions contained in the Draft make amendment difficult. It is proposed that the Constitution should be amendable by a simple majority at least for some. years. The argument is subtle and ingenious. It is said that this Constituent Assembly is not elected on adult suffrage while the future Parliament will be elected on adult suffrage and yet the former has been given the right to pass the Constitution by a simple majority while 'the latter has been denied the same right. It is paraded as one of the absurdities of the Draft Constitution. I must repudiate the charge because it is without foundation. To know how simple are the provisions of the Draft Constitution in respect of amending the Constitution one has only to study the provisions for amendment contained in the American and Australian Constitutions. 'Compared to them those contained in the Draft Constitution will be found to be the simplest. 'The Draft Constitution has eliminated the elaborate and difficult procedures such as a decision by a convention or are ferenduni. The Powers of amendments left with the Legislatures Central and Provincial. It is only	 for amendment 	 or specific matters and they are only few	 that the ratification of the State Legislatures is required. 924 All other Articles of the Constitution are left to be amended by Parliament. The only limitation is that it shall be done by a majority	 of not less than two thirds of the members of each House present and voting and a majority of the total membership of each House. It is difficult to conceive a simpler method of amending the Constitution."(	 ') On December 9	 1948 	 Dr. Ambedkar said with reference to article 32: "The Constitution has invested the Supreme Court with these rights and these writs could not be taken away unless and until the Constitution itself is amended by means left open to the legislature. "(2) On November 25	 1949	 Dr. Ambedkar strongly refuted the suggestion that fundamental rights should ' be absolute and unalterable. He said: "The condemnation of the Constitution largely comes from two quarters	 the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. . The second thing that the Socialists want is that the Fundamental Rights mentioned in the Constitution must be absolute and without any limitations so that if their Party comes into power	 they would have the unfettered freedom not merely to criticize	 but also to overthrow the State. . Jefferson	 the great American statesman who played so great a part in the making of the American Constitution	 has expressed some very weighty views which makers of Constitution can never afford to ignore. In one place	 he has said: 'We may consider each generation as a distinct nation	 with a right	 by the will of the majority	 to bind themselves	 but none to bind the succeeding generation	 more than the inhabitants of another country. In another place	 he has said: 'The idea that institutions established for the use of the nation cannot be touched or modified	 even to make them answer their end	 because of rights gratuitously supposed in those employed to manage the min the trust for the public	 may perhaps be a Salutary provision against the abuses of a monarch	 but is most absurd against the nation itself. Yet our lawyers and priests generally inculcate this doctrine	 and suppose that preceding generations held the earth more freely than we do; had a right to impose laws on us	 unalterable by ourselves	 and (1) Constituent Assembly Debates Vol. 7	 pp. 35 6	 43 4. (2) Constituent Assembly Debates Vol. 7	 953. 925 that we	 in the like manner	 can make laws and impose burdens on future generations	 which they will have no right to alter; in fine	 that the earth belongs to the dead and not the living. I admit that what Jefferson has said is not merely true	 but is absolutely true. There can be no question about it. Had the Constituent Assembly departed from this principle laid down by Jefferson it would certainly be liable to blame	 even to condemnation. But I ask	 has it? Quite the contrary. One has only to examine the provision relating to the amendment of the Constitution. The Assembly has not only refrained from putting a seal of finality and infallibility upon this Constitution by denying to the people the right to amend the Constitution as in Canada or by making the amendment of the Constitution subject to the fulfilment of extraordinary terms and conditions as in America of Australia but has provided a most facile procedure for amending the Constitution. I challenge any of the critics of the Constitution to prove that any Constituent Assembly anywhere in the world has	 in the circumstances in which this country finds itself	 provided such a facile procedure for the amendment of the Constitu tion. If those who are dissatisfied with the Constitution have only to obtain a 2/3 majority and if they cannot obtain even a two thirds majority in the parliament elected on adult franchise in their favour	 their dissatisfaction with the Constitution cannot be deemed to be shared by the general public. '(1) On November 11	 1948	 Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru said: "And remember this	 that while we want this Constitution to be as solid and as permanent a structure as we can make it	 nevertheless there is no permanence in Constitutions. There should be a certain flexibility. If you make anything rigid and permanent	 you stop a Nation 's growth	 the growth of living vital organic people. Therefore it has to be flexible. "(2) The views of Jefferson echoed by Ambedkar and Nehru were more powerful expressed by Thomas Paine in 1791 "There never did	 there never will	 and there never can	 exist a parliament	 or any description of men	 or any generation of men	 in any country	 possessed of the (1) Constituent Assembly Debates Vol. I 1	 pp. 975 6. (2) Constituent Assembly Debates Vol. 7	 p. 322. 926 right or the power of binding and controuling posterity to the end of time '	 or of commanding for ever how the world. shall be governed	 or who shall govern it 	 and therefore all such clauses	 acts or declarations by which the makers of them attempt to do what they have neither the right nor the power to do	 nor take power to execute	 are in themselves null and void. Every age and generation must be as free to act for itself in all cases as the ages and generations which preceded it. The vanity and presumption of governing beyond the grave is the most ridiculous and insolent of all tyrannies. Man has no property in man; neither has any generation a property in the generations which are to follow. The parlia ment of the people of 1688 or of any other period	 had no more right to dispose of the people of the present day	 or to bind or to controul them in any shape whatever	 than the parliament or the people of the present day have to dispose of	 bind or controul those who are to live a hundred or a thousand years hence. Every Generation is	 and must be	 competent to all the purposes which its occasions require. It is the living	 and not the dead	 that are to be accommodated. When man ceases to be	 his power and his wants cease with him; and having no longer any participation in the concerns of this World	 he has no longer any authority in directing who shall be its governors	 or how its government shall be organized	 or how administered." (See 'Rights of Man ' by Thomas Paine	 unabridged edition by H. B. Bonner	 pp. 3 & 4). For the reasons given above	 I agree with Wanchoo	 J. that the writ petitions must be dismissed. In the result	 the writ petitions are dismissed without costs. Ramaswami	 J. I have perused the judgment of my learned Brother Wanchoo	 J. and I agree with his conclusion that the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964 is legally valid	 but in view of the importance.of the constitutional issues raised in this case I would prefer to state	 my own reasons in a separate judgment. In these petitions which have been filed under article 32 of the Constitution	 a common question arises for determination	 viz.	. whether the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964 which amends article 31 A and 3 1 B of the Constitution is ultra vires and unconstitutional	 . 927 The petitioners are affected either by the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act	 1954. (Act X of 1953) or by the Mysore Land Reforms Act (Act 10 of 1962) as amended by Act 1 1965 which were added to the 9th Schedule of the Constitution by the impugned Act and	 their contention is that the impugned Act being unconstitutional and invalid 	 the validity of the two Acts by which they are affected cannot be saved. The impugned Act consists of three sections. The first section. gives its short title. Section 2 (i) adds a proviso to Cl. ( 1 ) of article 3 I A after the existing proviso. This proviso reads	 thus: "Provided further that where any law makes any provision for the acquisition by the State of any estate and where any land comprised therein is held by a person under his personal cultivation	 it shall not be lawful for the State to acquire any portion of such land as is within the ceiling limit applicable to him under any law for the time being in force or any building or structure standing thereon or appurtenant thereto	 unless the law relating to the acquisition of such land	 building or structure	 provides for payment of compensation at a rate which shall not be less than the market value thereof." Section 2(ii) substitutes the following sub clause for sub cl. (a) of cl. (2) of article 31 A "(a) the expression 'estate ' shall	 in relation to any local area	 have the same meaning as that expression or its local equivalent has in the existing law relating force in that area and all to land tenures in also include (i) any jagir	 inam or muafi or other similar grant and in the States of Madras and Kerala	 any ianmam right; (ii) any land held under ryotwari settlement; (iii) any land held or let for purposes of agriculture or for purposes ancillary there to	 including wast land	 forest land	 land for posture or ones of buildings and other structures occupied by cultivators of land	 agricultural labourers and village artisans;" Section 3 amends the 9th Schedule by adding 44 entries to it. In dealing with the question about the validity of the im pugned Act	 it is necessary to consider the scope and effect of the provisions contained in article 368 of the Constitution	 because the main controversy in the present applications turns upon:the 928 decision of the question as to what is the construction of that Article. Article 368 reads as follows: "An amendment of this Constitution may be initiated only by the introduction of a Bill for the purpose in either House of Parliament	 and when the Bill is passed in each House by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two thirds of the members of that House present and voting	 it shall be presented to the President for his assent and upon such assent being given to the Bill	 the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill . Provided that if such amendment seeks to make any change (a) Article 5	 article 55	 article	 73	 article 162 or article 241	 or (b) Chapter IV of Part V	 Chapter V of Part VI	 or Chapter I of Part XI	 or (c) any of the Lists in the Seventh Schedule	 or (d) the representation of States in Parliament	 or (e) the provisions of this article	 the amendment shall also require to be ratified by the Legislatures of not less than one half of the States by resolutions to that effect passed by those. Legislatures before the Bill making provision for such amendment is presented to the President for assent. " It is necessary at this stage to set out briefly the history of articles . 31 A and 31 B. These Articles were added to the Constitution with retrospective effect by section 4 of the Constitution (First Amendment) Act	 1951. Soon after the promulgation of the Constitution	 the political party in power	 commanding as it did a majority of votes in the several State legislatures as well as in Parliament	 carried out radical measures of agrarian reform in Bihar	 may be referred to as Zamindari Abolition Acts. Certain zamindars	 feeling themselves aggrieved	 attacked the validity of those Acts in courts of law on the ground that they contravened the 'fundamental rights conferred on them by Part III of the Constitution. The High Court of Patna held that the Act passed iii Bihar was unconstitutional while the High Courts of Allahabad and Nagpur upheld the validity of the corresponding legislation in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh respectively (See Kameshwar Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh by enacting legislation which 929 vs State of Bihar(1) and Surya Pal vs U.P. Government(1). The parties aggrieved by these respective decisions had filed appeals by special leave before this Court. At the same time petitions had also been preferred before this Court under article 32 by certain other Zamindars	 seeking the determination of the same issues It was atstage that the Union Government	 with a view to put an endall this litigation and to remedy what they considered to be certain defects brought to light in the work of the Constitution	 brought forward a bill to amend the Constitution	 which	. after undergoing amendments in various particulars	 was passed by the require majority as the Constitution (First Amendment) Act	 1951 by which articles 31 A and 31 B were added to the Constitution. That was the first step taken by Parliament to assist the process of legislation to bring about agrarian reform	 by introducing Articles 31 A and 31 B. The second step in the same direction was taken by Parliament in 1955 by amending article 31 A by the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act	 1955. The object of this amendment was to widen the scope of agrarian reform and to confer on the legislative measures adopted in that behalf immunity from a possible attack that they contravened ' the fundamental rights of citizens. In other words	 the amendment Protected the legislative measures in respect of certain other items of agrarian and social welfare legislation	 which affected the proprietary rights of certain citizens. At the time when the first amendment was made	 article 31 B expressly provided that none	 of the	 Acts and Regulations specified in the 9th Schedule	 nor any of the provisions thereof	 shall be deemed to be void or ever to have become void on the ground that they were inconsistent with or took: away or abridged any of the rights conferred by Part III	 and it added that notwithstanding any judgment	 decree or order of any Court or tribunal to the contrary	 each of the said Acts and Regulations shall subject to the power of any competent legislature to repeal or amend	 continue in force. At this time	 19 Acts were listed in Schedule 9	 and they were thus effectively validated. One more Act was added to this list by the Amendment Act of 1955	 so that as a result of the second amendment	 the Schedule contained 20 Acts which were validated. It appears that notwithstanding these amendments	 certain other legislative measures adopted by different States for the purpose of giving effect to the agrarian policy of the party in power	 were effectively challenged. For instance	 the Karimbil Kunhikoman vs State of Kerala(3)	 the validity of the Kerala Agrarian Relations Act (IV of 1961) was challenged by writ petitions filed under article 32	 and as a result of the majority decision of this Court	 the whole Act was struck down. The decision of this (1) A I R. 1951 Pat. 91 (2) A.I.R. 1951 All. 674. (3)[1962] Supp. 1 S.CR. 829. 930 Court was pronounced on December 5	 1961. In A. P. Krishna swami Naidu vs The State of Madras(1) the constitutionality of the Madras Land Reforms (Fixation of Ceiling on Land) Act (146. 58 of 1961) was the subject matter of debate	 and by the decision of this Court pronounced	 on March 9	 1964	 it was declared that the whole Act was invalid. It appears that the Rajas than Tenancy Act III of 1955 and the Maharashtra Agricultural Lands (Ceiling and Holdings) Act 27 of 1961 had been similarly declared invalid	 and in consequence	 Parliament thought it necessary to make a further amendment in Art: 31 B so as to gave the validity of these Acts which had been struck down and of other similar Acts which were likely to be challenged. With that object in view	 the impugned Act has enacted section 3 by which 44 Acts have been added to Schedule 9. It is therefore clear that the object of the First	 Fourth and the Seventeenth Amendments of the Constitution was to help the State Legislatures to give effect to measures of agrarian reform in a broad and comprehensive sense in the interests of a very large section of Indian 	citizens whose social and economic welfare closely depends on the persuit of progressive agrarian policy. The first question presented for determination in this case is whether the impugned Act	 in so far as it purports to take away or abridge any of the fundamental rights conferred by Part III .or the Constitution	falls within the prohibition of article 13 (2) which provides that "the State	 'shall	 not make any law which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by this Part and any law made in contravention of this clause shall to the extent of the Contravention	 be void". In other words	 the argument	 of the petitioners was that the law to which Art	 13(2) applies	 would include a law passed by Parliament by virtue of its constituent power to amend the Constitution	 and so	 its validity will have. to be tested by article 13(2) itself. It was contended that the State" includes Parliament within article 12 and "law" must include	 a constitutional amendment. It was said that it was the deliberate intention of the framers of the Constitution	 who realised the sanctity of the fundamental rights conferred by Part III	 to make them immune from interference not only by ordinary laws passed by the legislatures in the country but also from constitutional amendments. In my opinion	 there is no substance in this argument. Although "law" must ordinarily include constitutional law	 there is 'a juristic distinction between ordinary law made in exercise of legislative power and constitutional law which is Made in exercise of constituent power. In a written federal form of Constitution there is a clear and well known distinction between the law of the Constitution and ordinary law made by the legislature on the basis of separation of powers and (1)[1964]7 S.C.R.82. 931 pursuant to the power of law making conferred by the Consti tution (See Dicey on 'Law of the Constitution	 Tenth: Edn. p. 110	 Jennings	 'Law and the Constitution ' pp. 62 64	 and 'American Jurisprudence '	 2nd Edn. 16	 p. 181). In such a written Constitution	 the amendment of the Constitution is .a substantive	 constituent act which is made in the exercise	 of the sovereign power which created the Constitution and which is effected by a special means	 namely	 by a predesigned fundamental procedure unconnected with ordinary legislation. The amending power under article 368 is hence sui generis and cannot be	 compared to the law making power of Parliament pursuant to article 246 read with List I and 111. It follows that the expresSion "law" in article 13(2) of the Constitution cannot be construed as including an amendment of the Constitution which is by Parliament in exercise of	 its sovereign constituent power	 but must mean law made by Parliament in its legislative capacity :pursuant to the powers of law making given by the Constitution itself under article 246 read with Lists I and In of the 7th Schedule. It is also clear	 on the same line of reasoning	 that 'law ' in article 13(2) cannot be construed so as to include 'law ' made by Parliament under articles 4	 169	 392	 5th Schedule Part D and 6th Schedule para 2 1. The amending power of Parliament exercised under these Articles stands on the same as the constitutional amendment made under article U8 so far as article 13(2) is concerned and does not fall within the definition of law within the meaning of this last article. It is necessary to add that the definition of 'law ' in article 13(3) does not include in terms a constitutional amendments though it includes "any Ordinance		 order	 bye law	 rule	 regulation	 notification	 custom or usage ". It should be noticed that The language. of article 3 6 8 is perfectly general and empowers Parliament to amend the Constitution without any exception Whatsoever. H I ad it been intended by the Constitution makers that the fundamental rights guaranteed under Part III should be completely outside the scope of article 368	 it is reasonable to assume that they would have made an express provision to that effect. It was stressed by the petitioners during the course 'of the	 argument that Part III is headed as 'Fundamental Rights" and that article 32 "guarantee 's ' the right to move the Supreme Court by appropriate proceedings for enforcement of rights conferred by Part M. But the expression "fundamental" in the phrase "Fundamental Rights" means that such rights are fundamental vis a vis the laws of the legislatures and the acts of the executive authorities mentioned in article 12. It cannot be suggested	 that the expression "fundamental" lifts the fundamental rights above the Constitution itself. Similarly	 the expression "guaranteed ' in article 32(1) and 32(4) means that the right to move the Supreme Court for enforcement of fundamental rights without 932 exhausting the	 normal channels through the High Courts or the lower courts is guaranteed. This expression also does not place the fundamental rights above the Constitution. I proceed to consider the next question arising in this case	 the scope of the amending power under article 368 of the Constitution. It is contended on behalf of the petitioners that article 368 merely lays down the procedure for amendment and does not vest the amending power as such in any agency constituted under that article. I am unable to accept this argument as correct Part XX of the Constitution which contains only article 368 is described as a Part dealing with the Amendment of the Constitution and article 368 which prescribes the procedure for amendment of the Constitution	 begins by saying that an amendment of this Constitution may be initiated in the manner therein indicated. In MY Opinion	 the expression "amendment of the Constitution" in article 368 plainly and unambiguously means amendment of all the provisions of the Constitution. It is unreasonable to suggest that what article 368 provides is only the mechanics of the procedure to be followed in amending the Constitution without indicating which provisions of the Constitution can be amended and which cannot. Such a restrictive construction of the substantive part of article 368 would be clearly untenable. The significant fact 	 that a separate Part has been devoted in the Constitution for "amendment of the Constitution and there is only one Article in that Part shows that both the power to amend and the procedure to amend are enacted in article 368. Again	 the words "the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill" in article 368 clearly contemplate and provide for the power to amend after the requisite procedure has been followed. Besides	 the words used in the proviso unambiguously indicate that the substantive part of the article applied to all the provisions of the Constitution. It is on that basic assumption that the proviso prescribes a specific procedure in respect of the amendment of 	the articles mentioned in cls. (a) to (e) thereof. Therefore it must be held that when article 368 confers on Parliament the right to amend the Constitution the power in question can be exercised over all the provisions of the Constitution. How the power should be exercised	 has to be determined by reference to the question as to whether the proposed amendment falls under the substantive part of article 368	 or whether it attracts the procedure contained in the proviso. It was suggested for the petitioners that the power of amendment is to be found in articles 246 and 248 of the constitution read with item 97 of List I of the 7th Schedule. I do not think that it is possible to accept this argument. Article 246 stats that 933 Parliament has exclusive power to make laws with respect to matters enumerated in List I in the Seventh Schedule	 and article 248	 similarly	 confers power on Parliament to make any law with respect to any matter not enumerated in the Concurrent List or State List. But the power of law making in articles 246 and 248 is "subject to the provisions of this Constitution". It is apparent that the power of constitutional amendment cannot fall within these Articles	 because it is illogical and a contradiction in terms to say that the amending power can be exercised and at the same time it is "subject to the provisions of	 the Constitution". It was then submitted on behalf of the petitioners that the amending power under article 368 is subject to the doctrine of implied limitations. In other words	 it was contended that even if article 368 confers the power of. amendment	 it was not a general but restricted power confined only to the amendable provisions of the Constitution	 the amendability of such provision being determined by the nature and character of the respective provision. It was argued	 for instance	 that the amending power cannot be used to abolish the compact of the Union or to destroy the democratic character of the Constitution teeing individual and minority rights. It was said that the Constitution was a permanent compact of the States	 that the federal character of the States was individual	 and that the existence of any. of the States as part of the federal Compact Cannot4be put an end to by the power of amendment. It was also said that the chapter of fundamental rights of the Constitution cannot be the subject matter of any amendment under article 368. It was contended that the preamble to the Constitution declaring that India was a sovereign democratic republic was beyond the scope of the amending Power. it	 was suggested that other basic	 features of the Constitution were the Articles relating to. distribution of legislative powers	 the Parliamentary form of Government and the establishment of Supreme Court and the High	 Courts in the various States. I am unable to accept this argument as correct. If the Constitution makers considered that there were certain basic features of the Constitution which were permanent it. is must unlikely that they should not have expressly said in Art 368 that these basic features were. not amendable. On the contrary	 the Constitution makers have expressly provided. that article 368 itself should be amendable by the process indicated in the proviso to that Article. This cir cumstance is significant and suggests. that all the articles of the Constitution are amendable either under the proviso to article 368 or under the main part of that Article. In MY opinion	 there is no room for an. implication in the construction of article 368. So far as the federal character of the Constitution is concerned	 it was held by this Court in State of West Bengal vs Union of Cl/67 14 934 India(1) that the federal structure is not an essential pan of our Constitution and there is no compact between the States and them is no dual citizenship in India. It was pointed out in that case that there was no constitutional guarantee against the alteration of boundaries of the States. By An. 3 the Parliament is by law authorised to form a new State by redistribution of the territory of a. State or by uniting two or more States or parts of States or by uniting any territory to a part of any State	 to increase the area of any State	 to diminish the area of any State to alter the boundaries of any State	 and to alter the name of any State. In In Re The Berubari Union and Exchange of Enclaves (2) it was argued that the Indo Pakistan agreement with regard to Berubari could not be implemented even by legislation under article 368 because of the limitation imposed by the preamble to the Constitution and that such an agreement could not be implemented by a referendum. The argument was rejected by this Court and it was held that the preamble could not	 'in i any way	 limit the power of Parliament to cede parts of the national territory. On behalf of the petitioners the argument was s that the chapter on fundamental rights was the basic feature	 of the Constitution and cannot be the subject of the amending power under Art 368. It was argued that the freedoms of democratic life are secured by the chapter on fundamental rig its and dignity of the individual cannot be preserved if any of the fundamental rights is altered or diminished. It is not possible to accept this argument as correct. The concepts of liberty and equality are changing and dynamic and hence the notion of permanency or immutability cannot be attached to any of the fundamental rights. The Directive Principles of Part IV are as fundamental as the constitutional rights embodied in Part III and article 37 imposes a constitutional duty upon the States to apply these principles in making laws. Reference should in particular be made to article 39(b) which enjoins upon the State to direct its policy towards securing that the ownership and control of the material resources of the community are so distributed as best to subserve the common good. article 3 8 imposes a duty upon	 the State to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may	 a social order in which justice	 social	 economic and political	 shall inform all the institutions of the national life. I have already said that the language of article 368 is clear and unambiguous in support of	 the view that there is no implied limitation on the amending power. In Principle also it aPPears unreasonable to suggest that the Constitution makers wanted to provide that the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution should never be touched by way of	 amendment. In modern democratic thought I there are two main trends the liberal idea of individual 'rights (1) [1964] 1 S.C.R. 371 p 405. (2) 935 protecting the individual and the democratic idea proper pro claiming the equality of rights and popular sovereignty . The gradual extension of the idea of equality from political to economic and social fields in the modern State has led to the problems of social security	 economic planning and industrial welfare legislation. The implementation and harmonisation of these. somewhat conflicting principles is a dynamic task. The adjustment between freedom and compulsion	 between the rights of individuals and the social interest and welfare must necessarily be a matter for changing needs and conditions. The proper approach is therefore to look upon the fundamental rights of the individual as conditioned by the social responsibility	 by the necessities of the Society	 by the balancing of interests and not as pre ordained and untouchable private rights. As pointed out forcefully by Laski: "The struggle for freedom is largely transferred from the plane of political to that of economic rights. Men become less interested in the abstract fragment of politi cal power an individual can secure than in the use of massed pressure of the groups to which they belong to secure an increasing share of the social Product. Individualism gives way before socialism. The roots of liberty are held to be in the ownership and control of the instruments of production by the state	 the latter using its power to distribute the results of its regulation with increasing approximation to equality. So long	 as there is inequality	 it is argued	 there cannot be liberty. The historic inevitability of this evolution was seen a century ago by de tocqueville. It is interesting to compare his insistence that the democratization of political power meant equality and that its absence would be regarded by the masses as oppression with the argument of Lord Action that liberty and equality are antitheses. To the latter liberty was essentially an autocratic ideal; democracy destroyed individuality	 which was the very pith of liberty	 by seeking identity of conditions. The modem emphasis is rather toward the principle that material equality is growing inescapable and that the affirmation of personality must be effective upon an immaterial plane. it is found that doing as one likes	 subject only to the demands of peace	 is incompatible with either international or municipal necessities. We pass from contract to relation as we have passed from status to contract. Men are so involved in intricate networks of relations that the place for their 936 liberty is in a sphere where their behaviour does not impinge upon that self affirmation of others which is liberty." (Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences	 Vol. IX	 445.). It must :not be forgotten that the fundamental right guaran teed by article 31	 for. instance. is not absolute. It should be not that cl. (4) of that Article	 provides an exception to the requirements of cl. (2). 'Clause (4) relates 'to Bills of a State Legislature relating to public acquisition which were pending at the commencement of fhe Co 'stitution. If such a Bill has been passed and assented to by the President	 the Courts shall have no jurisdiction to question the validity of such law on the of contravention of cl. (2)	 ie.	 on the ground that it does not provide for compensation or that it has been enacted without a public purpose. Clause (6) of the	 Article is another exception to cl. (2) and provides for ouster of jurisdiction of the Courts. While cl. (4) relates to Bills pending in the State Legislature at the encement of the Consistitution	 cl. (6) relates to Bills enacted by the State within IS I months before commencement of the Constitution i.e.	 Acts providing for public acquisition which were enacted not earlier than July 26	 1948. If the President certifies ' 'such an Act within 3 months from the commencement of the Constitution	 the Courts shall have no jurisdiction to invalidate that Act on the ground of contravention of cl. (2) of that Article Similarly	 the scheme of Art 19 indicates that the fundamental rights guaranted by sub cls. (a) to (g) of cl	 (1) can be validly regulated in the light of the provisions contained in cls. (2) to (6) of article 19. In other words	 the scheme of Art.19 is two fold; the fundamental rights of the citizens are of paramount importance	 but even the said fundamental rights can be regulated to serve the interests of the general public or other objects mentioned respectively in cls. (2) to (6) of article 19. It is right to state that the purposes for which fundamental rights can be regulated which are s specified in cls. (2) to (6)	 could not have been assumed by the Constitution makers to be static and incapable of expansion. It cannot be assumed that the Constitution makers intended to forge a political strait jacket for generations to come. The Constitution makers 	 must have anticipated that in dealing with	 socioeconomic problems which the 1egislatures may have to face from time to time	 the concepts of public interest and other important considerations which are the basis of cls. (2) to (6)	 may change and may even expand. As Holmes ' J. has said in Abrams vs United States (1) : "the .	Constitution is an experiMent	 as all life is an experiment". It is therefore legitimate to assume that the Constitution makers (1) ; 	 630. 937 intended that Parliament should be competent to make amend ments in these rights so as to meet the challenge of the problems which may arise in the course of socioeconomic progress and development of the country. I find it therefore difficult to accept the argument of the petitioners thal the Constitution makers contemplated that fundamental rights enshrined in Part III were finally and immutably settled and determined once and for all and these rights are beyond the ambit of any future amendment. Today at a time when absolutes are discredited	 it must riot be too readily assumed that there are basic features of the Constitution which shackle the amending power and which take precedence over the general welfare of the nation and the need for agrarian and social reform. In construing article 368 it is moreover essential to remember the nature and subject matter of that Article and to interpret it subjectae materies. The power of amendment is in point of quality an adjunct of sovereignty. It is in truth the exercise of the highest sovereign :power in the State. If the amending power is an adjunct of sovereignty it does not Admit of any limitations. This view is expressed by Dicey in "Law of the Constitution"	 10th Edn.	 at page 148 as follows "Hence the power of amending the constitution has been placed	 so to speak	 outside the constitution	 and that the legal sovereignty of the United States resides in the States ' governments as forming one aggregate body represented by three fourths of the several States at any time. belonging to the Union. " A similar view is stated by Lord Bryce in" "The" American Commonwealth"	 Vol. 1	 ch. XXXII	 page 366. Lester Bernhardt Orfield states	as follows in his book he Amending of the Federal Constitution" "In the last analysis	 one is brought to the conclusion that sovereignty in the United States	 if it can be said to exist at all	 is located in the amending body. The amending body has often beep referred to as the sovereign	 because it meets the fest of the location of sovereignty. As Willoughby has said: 'In all those cases in which	 owing to the distribution of governing power	 there is doubt as to the political body in which the Sovereignty rests	 the test to be applied is the determination of which authority has	 in the last instance	 the legal power to determine its own competence as well as that of others '. 938 Applying the criteria of sovereignty which were laid down at the beginning of this chapter	 the amending	 body is sovereign as a matter of both law and fact. Article Five expressly creates the amending body. Yet in a certain manner of speaking the amending body may be said to exist as a matter of fact since it could proceed to alter Article Five or any other part of the Constitution. While it is true that the sovereign cannot act otherwise than in compliance with law	 it is equally true that it creates the law in accordance with which it is to act. " In his book "Constitutional Law of the United States"	 Hugh Evander Willis says that the doctrine of amendability of the Constitution is based on the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people 	and that it has no such implied limitations as that an amendment shall not contain a new grant of 	 power nor be in the form of legislation	 nor change "our dual form of government nor change the protection of the Bill of Rights	 nor make any other change in the Constitution." James G. Randall also enunciates the proposition that when a constitutional amendment is adopted "it is done not by the 'general government	 but by the supreme sovereign power of the nation i.e.	 the people	 acting through State Legis latures or State conventions" and that "the amending power is 'equivalent to the Constitution makin power and is wholly above 'the authority of the Federal Government" ( 'Constitutional Pro Under Lincoln '	 p. 395). 	 The legal position is summarised 'by Burdick at page 48 of his treaties "The Law of the American Constitution as follows : "The result of the National Prohibition Cases ; seems to be that there is no limit to the power to amend the Constitution	 except that a State may not without its consent be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. To out the case most extremely	 this means that by action of two third	 of both Houses of Congress and of the	 legislatures in three fourths 	 of the states all of the powers of the national government could be surrendered to the States	 or all of the reserved powers of the States could be transferred to the federal government. It is only public opinion acting upon these agencies which places any check upon the amending power. But the alternative to this result would be to recognize the power of the Supreme Court to veto the will of the people expressed in a constitutional amendment without any possibility of the reversal of the court 's action except through revolution. " 939 The matter has been clearly put by George Vedel in Manuel Elementaire De Droit Constitutionnel (Recueil Sirey) at page 117 as follows : "Truly speaking no constitution prohibits for ever its amendment or its amendment in all its aspects. But it can prohibit for example	 the amendment (revision) during a certain time (the Constitution of 1791) or it can prohibit the amendment (revision) on this or that point (as in the Constitution of 1875) which prohibits amendment of the republican form of Government and the present Constitution follows the same rule. But this prohibition has only a political but no juridical value. In truth from the juridical viewpoint a declaration of absolute 	 constitutional immutability cannot be imagined. The Constituent power being the supreme power in the state cannot be fettered	 even by itself. For example	article 95 of our constitution stipulates	 "The republican form of Government cannot be the subject of a proposal for amendment. But juridically the obstacle which this provision puts in the way of an amendment of the republican form of government can be lifted as follows. It is enough to abrogate	 by way of amendment (revision) the article 95 cited	 above. After this	 the obstacle being removed	 a second amendment can deal with the republican form of Government. In practice	 this corresponds to the idea that the constituent assembly of today cannot bind the nation of tomorrow. " the argument of implied limitation was advanced by Mr. N. C. Chatterji and it was contended that item No. 3 of the Indo Pakistan Agreement providing for a division of Berubari Union between India and Pakistan was outside the power of constitutional amendment and that the preamble to the	 Constitution did not permit the dismemberment of India but preserved the integrity of the territory of India. The argument was rejected by this Court and it was held that Parliament acting under article 368 can make a law to give effect to and implement the Agreement in question or to pass a law amending article 3 so as to cover cases of cession of the territory of India and thereafter make a law under the amended article 3 to implement the Agreement. (1) 940 There is also another aspect of the matter to be taken into account. If the fundamental rights are unamendable and if article 368 does not include any such power it follows that the amendment of	 say	 article 31 by insertion of articles 31 A and 31 B can only be made by a violent revolution. It was suggested for the petitioners that an alteration of fundamental rights could be made by convening a new Constituent Assembly outside the frame work of the present Constitution	 but it is doubtful if the proceeding	.	 of the new Constituent Assembly will have	 'any legal validity	 for the reason is that if the Constitution provides its own method of amendment	 any other method of amendment of the Constitution will be unconstitutional and void. For instance	 in George section Hawke vs Harvey C. Smith	 as Secretairy of State of Ohio(1) it was held by the Supreme Court of the U.S.A. that Referendum provisions. of State Constitutions ' and statutes cannot be applied in the 'ratification or rejection of amendments to the Federal Constitution without violating the requirements of Article 5 of such Constitution and that such ratification shall be by the legislatures of the several states	 or by conventions therein	 as Congress shall decide. It was held in that case that the injunction was properly issued against the calling of a referendum election on the act of the legislature of a State ratifying an amendment to the Federal Constitution. If	 therefore	 the petitioners are right in their contention that article 31 is not amendable within the frame work of the present Constitution	 the only other recourse for making the amendment would	 as I have already said	 be by revolution and not through	 peaceful means	 It cannot be reasonably supposed. that the Constitution makers contem plated that article 31 or any other article on fundamental rights should be altered by a violent revolution and not by peaceful change. It was observed in Feigenspan vs Bodine (2) "If the plaintiff is right in its contention of lack of power to insert the Eighteenth Amendment into the United States Constitution because of its subject matter. it follows that there is no way to incorporate it and others of like character into the national organic law	 except	 through revolution. This	 the plaintiff concedes	 is the inevitable conclusion of its contention. This is so starting a proposition that the judicial mind may be pardoned for not readily acceding to it	 and for insisting that only the most convincing reasons will justify 'its acceptance. " I am	 therefore	 of the opinion that the petitioners Are unable to make good their argument on this aspect of: the case. It was then contended for the petitioners	that there would be anomalies if article 368 is interpreted to have no implied limita (1) ; (2)264 Fed. 941 tions. It was said that the more important articles of the Constitution can be amended by the procedure mentioned in the substantive part of article 368 but the less important articles would require ratification by the legislatures of not less than half of the States under the proviso to that Article. It was argued that the fundamental rights and also article 32 could be amended by the majority of two thirds of the members of Parliament but article 226 cannot be amended unless there was ratification of the legislatures of not less than half of the States	 It was pointed out that articles 54 and 55 were more difficult to amend but not article 52. Similarly	 article ' 162 required ratification of the States but not article 163 which related to the 'Council of Ministers to aid and advise the Governor in the exercise of his functions. In my opinion the argument proceeds on a misconception. The scheme of article 368 is not to divide the Articles of the Constitution into two categories	 viz.	 important and not so important Article. It was contemplated by the Constitution makers that the amending power in the main part of article 368 should extend to each and every article of the Constitution but in the case of such articles which related to the federal principles or the relation of the States with the Union	 the ratification of the legislatures of at least half the States should be obtained for any amendment. It was also contended that if article 368 was construed without any implied limitation the amending power under that Article could be used for subverting the Constitution. Both Mr. Asoke	 Sen and Mr. Palkiwala resorted to the method of reduction ad absurdem 'MI pointing out the abuses that might occur if there were no limitations on the power to amend. It was suggested that Parliament may	 by a constitutional amendment	 abolish the parliamentary system of government or repeal the chapter of fundamental rights or divide India into. two States	 or even reintroduce the rule of a monarch. It. is inconceivable that 'Parliament should utilise the amending power for bringing about any of these contingencies. It is	 however	 not permissible	 in the first place	 to assume that in a matter of constitutional amendment there will be abuse of power and then utilise it as a test for finding out the scope of the amending power. This Court has declared repeatedly that the possibility of abuse is not to be used as a test of the existence or extent of a legal power [See for example	 State of West Bengal vs Union of India(1)	 at page 407]. In the second place	 the amending power is a power	 of an altogether different kind from the ordinary governmental power and if an abuse occurs		 it occurs at the hands of Parliament and the State Legislatures representing an extraordinary majority of the people	 so that for all practical purposes it may be said to be the people	 or at least. the highest agent of the people	 and one exercising sovereign powers. It is therefore (1) [1964]1 S.C.R. 371. 942 anomalous to speak of 'abuse ' of a power of this description. In the last analysis	 political machinery and artificial limitations will not protect the people from themselves. The perpetuity of our democratic institutions will depend not upon special mechanisms or devices	 nor even upon any particular legislation	 but rather upon the character and intelligence and the good conscience of our people themselves. As observed by Frankfurter	 1. in American Federation of Labour vs American Sash & Door Co.(1) "But a democracy need rely on the courts to save it from its own unwisdom. If it is alert and without alertness by the people there can be no enduring democracy unwise or unfair legislation can readily be removed from the statute books. It is by such vigilance over its representatives that democracy proves itself" I pass on to consider the next objection of the petitioners that the true purpose and object of the impugned Act was to legislate in respect of land and that legislation 1n respect of land falls within the jurisdiction of State legislatures under Entry 18 of List 11	 and the argument was. that since the State Legislatures alone can make laws in respect of land	 Parliament had no right to pass the impugned Act. The argument was based on the assumption that the impugned Act purports to be	 and in fact is	 a piece of land legislation. It was urged. that the scheme of articles 245 and 246 of the Constitution 'clearly showS that Parliament has no right to make a law in respect of land	 and since the impugned Act is a legislative measure in relation to land	 it is in Valid. In my opinion	 the argument is based upon a misconception. Whet the impugned Act purports to do is not to make any land legislation but to protect and validate the legislative measures in respect of agrarian reforms passed by the different State Legislatures in the country by granting them immunity from attack based on the plea that they contravene fundamental rights. The impugned Act was passed by Parliament in exercise of the amending power conferred by article 368 and it is impossible to accept the argument that the constitutional power of amendment can be fettered by articles 245 and 246 or by the legislative Lists. It was argued for	 the petitioners that Parliament cannot validate a law Which it has no Power to enact. The proposition holds good where the validity on impugned Act turns on whether the subject matter falls within or without the jurisdiction of the legislature which passed it. But to make a law which contravenes the Constitution constitutionally valid is a matter of constitutional amendment	 and as such it falls within the exclusive power of Parliament and within the amending power conferred by article 368. I am accordingly of the opinion that the petitioners are unable to (1) ; 	556. 943 substantiate their argument on this aspect of the case. I should like to add that in Lesser vs Garnett(1)	 in National Prohibition Cases(2 ) and in United States vs Sprague(3)	 a similar argument Was advanced to the effect that a constitutional amendment was not valid if it was in the form of legislation. But the argument was rejected by the Supreme Court of the U.S.A. in all the three cases. It remains to deal with the objection of the petitioners that the newly inserted articles 31 A and 31 B require ratification of the State legislatures under the proviso to article 368 of the Constitution because these articles deprive the High Courts of the power to issue appropriate writs under article 226 of the Constitution. I do not "think there is any substance in this argument. The impugned Act does not purport to change the provisions of article 226 and it cannot be	 said even to have that effect directly or in any substantial measure. It is manifest that the newly inserted articles do I not either in terms or in effect seek to make any change in article 226 of the Constitution. Article 31 A aims 'at saving laws providing for the compulsory acquisition by the State of a certain kind of property from the operation of article 1 3 read with other relevant articles in Part III	 while article 31 b purports to validate certain specified Acts g Regulations	 already passed	 which	 but for such a; provision 	 would be liable to be impugned under article 13 It is therefore ' not correct to say that the powers of High Courts to issue writs is	 in 'any way	 affected. The jurisdiaction 'of the High Courts remains just the same as it Was before. Only 'a certain category of cases has been excluded from the purview of Part III and the High Courts can no longer intervene	 not because their Jurisdiction or powers have been curtailed in any manner or to. any but because there would be no occasion hereafter for the exercise of their power in such cases. As I have already said	 the effect of the impugned Act on the jurisdiction of the High Courts under article 226 of the	 Con stitution is not direct but only incidental in character and therefore the contention " of the petitioners on this point against the validity of the impugned Act must be rejected. It is well settled that in examining a constitutional question of this character	 it is legitimate to consider whether the impugned legislation is a legislation directly in respect of the subject matter covered by any particular article of the Constitution or whether touches the said articles only incidentally or indirectly. In A. K. Gopalan vs The State of Madras (4)	 kania 	 C.J.	 had occasion to consider the validity of the argument that	 the Preventive detention order resulted in the detention of the applicant in a cell	 and so	 it contravened his fundamental rights guaranteed by (1) ; (2)253 U.S. 350. (3) ; (4) ; 101. 944 article 19(1)(a)	 (b)	 (c)	 (d)	 (e) and (g). 	 Rejecting this argument	 the learned Chief Justice observed that the true approach in dealing with such a question was only to consider the directness of the legislation and not what will be the result of the detention otherwise valid	 on the mode of the detenu 's life. On that ground alone	 he was inclined to reject the contention that the order of detention.contravened the fundamental rights guaranteed to the petitioner under article 19(1). At page 100 of the report	 Kania	 C.J.	 stated as follows : "As the preventive detention order results in the detention of the applicant in a cell it was contended on his behalf that the rights specified in Article 19(1) (a)	 (b)	 (c)	 (d)	 (e) and (g) have been infringed. It was argued that because of his detention he cannot have a free right to speech as and where he desired and the same argument was urged in respect of the rest of the rights mentioned in sub clauses (b)	 (c)	 (d) (e) and (g). Although this argument is advanced in a case which deals with preventive detention	 if correct	 it should be applicable in the case of punitive detention also to any one sentenced to a term of imprisonment under the relevant section of the Indian Penal Code. So considered	 the argument must clearly be rejected. In spite of the saving clauses (2) to (6)	 permitting abridgement of the rights connected with each of them	 punitive detention under several sections of the Penal Code	 i.e.	 for theft	 cheating	 forgery and even ordinary assault	 will be illegaL Unless such conclusion necessarily follows from the article	 it is obvious that such construction should be avoided. In my opinion	 suc h result is. clearly not the outcome of the Constitution. The article has to be read without any pre conceived notions. So read	 it clearly means that the legislation to be examined must be directly in respect of one of the rights mentioned in the sub clauses. If there is a legislation directly attempting to control a citizen 's freedom of speech or ex pression	 or his right to assemble peaceably and without arms	 etc.	 the question whether that legislation is saved by the relevant saving clause of article 19 will arise. If	 however	 the legislation is not directly in respect of any of these subjects but as a	 result of the operation of other legislation	 for instance	 for punitive or preventive detention	 his right under any of these sub clauses is abridged	 the question of the application of article 19 does not arise. 'Me true approach is only to consider the direct ness of the legislation and not what will be the result of the detention otherwise valid	 on the mode of the detenu 's 945 life. On that 	 short ground	 in my opinion	 this argument about the infringement of the rights mentioned in article 19(1) generally must fail. Arty other construction put on the article	 it seems to me 	 will be unreason It is true that the opinion thus expressed by Kania	 C.J. in the case of A. K. Gopalan vs The State of Madras( ) did not receive	 the concurrence of the other learned Judges who heard the said case. Subsequently	 however	 in Ram Singh & Others vs The State of Delhi & Anr.(2) the said observations were cited with approval by the Full Court. The same. principle was accepted by this Court in Express Newspapers (Pvt.) Ltd. vs The Union of India( ')	 in the majority judgment in Atiabari Tea Co. Ltd. vs The State of Assam (4 ) and in Naresh Shridhar Mirajkar vs The State of Maharashtra(")	. Applying the same principle to the present case	 consider that the effect of the impugned Act on the powers of the High Court under article 226 is indirect and incidental and not direct. I hold that the impugned Act falls under the substantive part of article 368 because the object of the impugned Act is to amend the relevant Articles in Part III which confer fundamental rights on citizens and not to change the power of the High Courts under article 226. In this connection I should like to refer to another aspect of the matter. The question about the validity of the Constitution (First Amendment) Act has been considered by	 this Court in Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo vs Union of India and State of Bihar(6). In that case	 the validity of the said Amendment Act was challenged	 firstly	 on the ground that the newly inserted articles 31 A and 31 B sought to make changes in articles 132 and 136 in Ch. IV of Part V and article 226 in Ch. V of Part VI. The second ground was that the amendment was invalid because it related to legislation in respect of land. It was also urged	 in the third place	 that though it may be open to Parliament to amend the provisions in respect of fundamental rights contained in Part ITT	 the amendment made in that behalf would have to be tested in the light of provisions of article 13(2) of the Constitution. The argument was that the law to which article 13(2) applied would include a law passed by Parliament by virtue of its constituent power to amend the Constitution	 and so	 its validity will have to be tested by article 13(2) itself. All these arguments were rejected by this Court and it was held in that case that the Constitution (First Amendment) Act was legally valid. The same question arose for consideration in Sajjan Singh vs State of Rajasthan (7) with regard to the validity of the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964. In that case	 the petitioners in their (1) ; (2) ; 	456. (3) 	129 30. (4) ; 	 864. (5) ; (6) [1995] 1 S.C.R. 89. (7) 946 Writ Petitions in this Court contended that the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) ' Act was constitutionally invalid since the powers Prescribed by article 226 which is in Ch. V	 Part VI of the Constitution Were likely to be affected by the Seventeenth Amendment	 and therefore the special procedure laid down under article 368 should have been followed. It was further contended in that case that the decision of this court in Sankari Prasads(1) case should be reconsidered. 'Both the contentions were re 	 rejected by this Court by ' a majority Judgment and it was held that the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act amended the fundamental rights solely with the object of assisting the State Legislatures to give effect to the socioeconomic policy of the party inpower and its effect on article 226 was incident and insignificant and the impugned Act therefore fell under the substantive part of article 368 and did not attract the proviso to that article. It was further held. by this Court that there Was no justification for re considering Sankari Prasad 's(1) case. On behalf of the respondents it was submitted by the Additional Solicitor Generat that this was a very strong case for the application of the principle of stare decisis. In my opinion	 this contention must be accepted as correct. If the arguments urged by the petitioners are to prevail it would leadto the inevitable consequence that the amendments made to the Constitution both in 1951 and in 1955 would be rendered invalid and. a large number of decisions dealing with the validity of the Acts included in the 9th Schedule which were pronounced by this Court ever since	 the decision in Sankari Prasad 's(1) case was dec lared	 would also have to be overruled. It was also pointed out that Parliament	 the Government and the people have acted on the	 faith of the decision of this Court in Sankari Prasad 's(1) case and titles to property have been transferred	 obligations have been incurred and rights have been acquird in the implementation of the legislation included in the 9th Schedule. The	 effect of land reform legislation has been clearly summarised in ch. VIII of Draft Outline on Fourth Plan as follows "Fifteen years ago when the First Plan was being formulated	 intermediary tenures like zamindaris	 jagirs and inams covered more than 40 per cent of the area. There were large disparities in the ownership of land held under ryotwari tenurer which covered the other 60 per cent area; and ' a substantial portion of the land was cultivated through tenants at will and share croppers who paid about one half the produce as rent. Most holdings were small and fragmented. Besides	 there was a large population of landless agricultural labourers. In these conditions	 the	 principal. measures recommended for securing the objec (1)[1952] S.C.R. 89. 947 tives of the land policy were the abolition of intermediary tenures	 reform of the tenancy system	 including fixation of fair rent at one fifth to one fourth of the grossproduce	 security of I tenure for the tenant	 bringing tenants into direct relationship with the State and investing in them ownership of land. A ceiling on land holding was also recmmended so that some surplus land	 may be made available for redistribution to the landless agricultural workers. Another important part of	 the progamme was consolidation of agricultural holdings and increse in the size of the operational unit to an economic scale through cooperative methods. Aboiition of Intermediaries. During the past 15 years	 progress has been made in several directions. Theprogramme for the abolition of intermediaries has been carried out practically all over	 the country. About 20 million tenants of former intermediaries came into direct relationship with the State and became owners of their holdings. State Governments are now engaged in the assessment and payment of compensation. There were some initial delays but a considerable progress hag been made in this direction in recent years and it is hoped that the issue of compensatory bonds will be completed in another two years. Tenancy Reform. TO deal with the problem of tenants at will in the ryotwari areas and of 'sub ' tenants in the zamindari areas	 a good deal of legislation has been enacted. Provisions for security of tenure	 for bringing them into direct relation with the State and converting them into owners have 'been made in several States. As a result	 about 3 million tenants and share croppers have acquired ownership of 'More than 7 million acres. Ceiling on Holdings. Laws imposing ceiling on agri	cultural holdings bave been enacted in all the States. In the former Punjab area	 however the State Government has the power to settle tenants on land in excess of the permissible limit although it has not set a ceiling on ownership. According to available reports over 2 million acres of surplus areas in excess of the ceiling limits have	 been declared or taken possession of by Government. " It is true that the principle of stare decisis may not strictly apply to	 a decision on a constitutional point. There is no restriction in the Constitution itself which prevents this Court from reviewing its earlier decisions or even to depart from them in the interest of public good. It is true that the problem of construing constitutional provisions cannot be adequately solved by merely adopting 948 the literal construction of the words used in	 the various articles. The Constitution is an organic document and it is intended to serve as a guide to the solution of changing problems which the Court ' may have to face from time to time. It is manifest that in a progressive and dynamic society the character of these problems is bound to change with the inevitable consequence that the relevant words used in the Constitution may also change their meaning and significance. Even so.	 the Court is reluctant to accede to	 the suggestion that its earlier decisions should be frequently reviewed or departed from. In such a case the test should be : what is the nature of the error alleged in the earlier decision	 what is its impact on the public good and what is the compelling character of the considerations urged in support of the contrary view. It is also a relevant factor that the earlier decision has been followed in	 a large number of cases	 that titles to property have passed and multitude of rights and obligations have been created in consequence of the earlier decision. I have already dealt with the merits of the contention of the petitioners with regard to the validity of the impugned Act and I have given reasons for holding that the impugned Act is constitutionally valid and the contentions 	of the petitioners are unsound. Even on the assumption that it is possible to take a different view and to hold that the impugned Act is unconstitutional I am of opinion that the principle of state decisis must be applied to the present case and the plea made by the	 petitioners for reconsideration of Sankari Prasad(1) case and the decision in Sajjan Singh vs State of Rajasohan(2) is wholly unjustified and must be rejected. In Writ Petition No. 202 of 1966	 it was contended by Mr. Nambyar that the continuance of the Proclamation of Emergency under article 352 of the Constitution was a gross violation of power because the emergency had ceased to exist. It was also contended that article 358 should be so construed as to confine its operation on to legislative or executive action relevant to the Proclamation of Emergency. It was submitted that the Mysore State was rot a border area and the land reform legislation of that State had no relevant connection with the Proclamation of Emergency and the fundamental rights conferred by article 19 cannot be suspended so far as the petitions are concerned. I do not think that it is necessary to express any opinion on these points because the Writ Petition must fail on the other grounds which I have already discussed above. It is also not necessary for me to express an opinion on the doctrine of prospective overruling of legislation. For the reasons already expressed I hold that all these petitions fail and should be dismissed	 but there will be no order as to Petitions dismissed. Costs.

The validity of the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act	 1953 (Act 10 of 1953) and of the Mysore Land Reforms Act (Act 10 of 1962) as amended by Act 14 of 1965 was challenged by the petitioners under article 32 of the Constitution. Since these Acts were included in the 9th Schedule to the Constitution by the Constitution (Seventeenth) Amendment Act	 1964	 the validity of the said Amendment Act was also challenged. In this connection it was urged that Sankari Prasad 's case in which the validity of the constitution (First) Amendment Act	 1951 had been upheld and Sajjan Singh 's case in which the validity of the Constitution (Seventeenth) Amendment Act	 1964	 had been upheld by this Court	 had been wrongly decided. It was contended that Parliament had no power to amend fundamental rights in Part III of the Constitution. HELD: Per Subba Rao	 C.J.	 Shah	 Sikri	 Shelat and Vaidialingam	 JJ. (Hidayatullah	 J. Concurring) : Fundamental Rights cannot be abridged or taken away by the amending procedure in Ail. 368 of the Constitution. An amendment to the Constitution is 'law ' within the meaning of article 13(2) and is therefore subject to Part III of the Constitution. Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo vs Union of India Rajasthan; 	 	 reversed. Per Subba	 Rao	 C.J.	 Shah	 Sikri	 Shelat and Vaidialingam	 JJ. (i) Fundamental rights are the primordial rights necessary for the development of human personality. They are the rights which enable a 763 man to chalk out his own life in the manner he likes best. Our Constitution	 in addition to the well known fundamental rights	 also included the rights of minorities and other backward communities in such rights. [789 E] The fundamental rights are given a transcendental position under our Constitution and are kept beyond the reach of Parliament. At the same time Parts III and IV of the Constitution constituted an integrated scheme forming a self contained code. The scheme is made so elastic that all the Directive Principles of State Policy can reasonably be enforced without taking away or abridging the fundamental rights. While recognisingthe immutability of the fundamental rights	 subject to social control the Constitution itself provides for the suspension or the modification of fundamental rights under specific circumstances	 as in articles 33	 34 and 35. The non obstante clause with which the last article opens makes it clear that all the other provisions of the Constitution are subject to this provision. Article 32 makes the right to move the Supreme Court by appropriate proceedings for the enforcement of the rights conferred by the said Parts a fundamental right. Even during grave emergencies article 358 only suspends article 19 and all other rights are untouched except those specifically suspended by the President under article 359. [789 H; 790 D] The Constitution has given a place of permanence to the fundamental freedoms. In giving to themselves the Constitution the people have reserved the fundamental freedoms to themselves. article 13 merely in corporates that reservation. The Article is however not the source of the protection of fundamental rights but the expression of the reservation. The importance attached to the fundamental freedoms is so transcendatal that a bill enacted by a unanimous vote of all the members of both Houses is ineffective to derogate from its guaranteed exercise. It is not what Parliament regards at a given moment as conducive to the public benefit but what Part III declarer. protected	 which determines the ambit of the freedom. The incapacity of Parliament therefore in exercise of its amending power to modify	 restrict	 or imposefundamental freedoms in Part III arises from the scheme of theConstitution and the nature of the freedoms. [792 D F] A. K. Gopalan vs State of Madras	 [1950] S.C.R.88	 State of Madras vs Smt. Champakam Dorairajan	 (1951) S.C.R. 525	 Pandit M. section M. Sharma vs Shri Sri Krishna Sinha	 [1959] Supp. 1 S.C.R. 806 and Ujjam Bai vs State of Uttar Pradesh	 [1963] 1 S.C.R. 778	 referred to. If it is the duty of Parliament to enforce directive principles it is equally its duty to enforce them without infringing the fundamental rights. The verdict of Parliament on the scope of the law of social control of fundamental rights is not final but justiciable. If it were not so	 the whole scheme of the Constitution would break. [815 H; 816 A B] 	 (ii)Article 368 in terms only prescribes various steps in the matter of amendment. The article assumes the power to amend found else where. The completion of the procedural steps cannot be said to culminate in the power to amend for if that was so the Constitution makers could have stated that in the Constitution. Nor can the power be implied either from article 368 or from the nature of the articles sought to be amended; the doctrine of necessary implication cannot be invoked if there is an express provision. There is no necessity to imply any such power as Parliament has the plenary power to make any law including the law to amend the Constitution subject to the limitations laid down therein [793 E G] (iii)The power of Parliament to amend the Constitution is derived from articles 245	 246 and 248 read with item 97 in List I. The residuary 764 power of Parliament can certainly take in the power to amend the Constitution. [794 A D] Though a law made under article 245 is subject to the provisions of the Constitution it would be wrong to say that every law of amendment made under it would necessarily be inconsistent with the articles sought to be amended. It cannot reasonably be said that a law amending an article is inconsistent with it. The limitation in article 245 is in respect of the power to make a law and not of the content of the law made within the scope of its power. [794 E F] An order by the President under article 392 cannot attract Art 368 as the amendment contemplated by the latter provisions can be initiated only by the introduction of a bill in Parliament. It cannot therefore be said that if the power of amendment is held to be a legislative power the President acting under article 392 can amend the Constitution in terms of article 368. [794 G H] (iv) The Constituent Assembly	 it so minded	 could certainly have conferred an express legislative power on Parliament to amend the Constitution by ordinary legislative process. There is	 therefore	 no inherent inconsistency between legislative process and the amending one. Whether in the field of a constitutional law or statutory law amendment can be brought about only by 'law '. [794 C D] Article 13(2)	 for the purpose of that Article	 gives an inclusive definition of 'law '. It does not Prima facie exclude constitutional law. The process under article 368 itself closely resemble the legislative process. Article 368 is not a complete code in respect of the procedure of amendment. The details of procedure in respect of other bills have to be followed so far as possible in respect of a Bill under article 368 also	 The rules made by the House of the People providing procedure for amendments lay down a procedure similar to that of other bills with the addition of certain special provisions. If amendment is intended to be Something other than law the constitutional insistence on the said legislative process is unnecessary. The imposition of further conditions is only a safeguard against the hasty action or a protection to the states but does not change the legislative character of the amendment [795 G 796 C] Article 3 of the Constitution permits changes in States and their boundaries by a legislative process under articles 4 and 169 amendments in the Solution are made by 'law ' but by a fiction are deemed not to be amendments for the purpose of article 368. This shows that amendment is law and that but for the fiction it would be an amendment within the meaning of Art	 368. [796 C F] Therefore amendments either under article 368 or under other Articles are only made by Parliament following the legislative process and are 'law ' for the purpose of article 13(2). [798 C] Mccawley vs The king	 [1920]A.C.	 691 and The Bribery Commissioner vs Pedrick Ransinghe	 ; 	 referred to. (v) One need not cavil at the description of amending power as a sovereign power for it is sovereign only viithin the scope of the power conferred by a particular Constitution which may expressly limit the power of amendment both substantive and procedural. If cannot therefore be said that amending power can have no limitations being a sovere4p power. [804] The argument that the amending process involves political questions and is therefore outside.the scope of judicial re view cannot also be aeCePted It may be. Parliament seeks to amend the Constitution for political reasons but the court in denying that power will not be deciding 765 a political question; it will only be holding that Parliament has no power to armed Particular articles of the Constitution for any purpose whatsoever	 be it political or otherwise. [804 E G] (vi) If power to abridge the fundamental rights is denied to Parliament revolution is not a necessary result. The existence of an all comprehensive power cannot prevent revolution if there is chaos in the country brought about by misrule or abuse of power. Such considerations are out of place in construing the provisions of the Constitution by a Court of law. [816 B C] (vii) While ordinarily @ Court will be reluctant to reverse its previous decisions it is its duty in the constitutional field to correct itself as early as possible	 for otherwise the future progress of the country and happiness of the people will be at stake. As it was clear that the decision in Sankari Prasad 's case was wrong	 it was pre eminently a typical case where this Court should overrule it. The longer it held the field the greater the scope for erosion of fundamental rights. As it contained the seeds of destruction of the cherished rights of the people	 the sooner it was overruled the better for the country. [816 G H] The Superintendent and Legal Remembrancer Stale of West Bengal vs The Corporation at Calcutta; 	 relied on. (viii) The Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act	 1964	 inasmuch as it takes away or abridges fundamental rights was beyond 'the amending power of Parliament and void because of contravention of article 13(2). But having regard to the history of this and earlier amendment to the Constitution	 their effect on the social and economic affairs of the country and the chaotic situation that may be brought about by the sudden withdrawl at this stage of the amendments from the Constitution it was undesirable to give retroactivity of this decision. The present was therefore a fit case for the application of the doctrine of "prospective. overruling	 evolved by the courts in the United States of America. [805 E; 807 E	 G; 808 C D] Great Northern Railway vs Sunburst Oil & Ref. Co. ; 	 Chicot County Drainage vs Baxter State Bank; 	 	 Griffin vs Illionis	 ; 	 Wolf vs Colorado	 ; : 193 L. Ed. 872	 Mapp vs Ohio	 ; : 6 L. Ed. (2nd Edn.) 1081 and Link letter vs Walker; 	 	 referred to. (ix)	 The doctrine of "prospective overruling" is a modern doctrine suitable for a fast moving society. It does not do away with the doctrine of state decision but confines it to past transactions. While in Strict theory it may be said that the doctrine 'involves the making of law	 *hat the court really does is to declare the law but refuse to give retroactivity to it. It is really a pragmatic solution reconciling the two conflicting doctrines	 namely	 that a court finds the law and that it does make law It finds law but restricts its operation to the future. It enables the court to bring about a smooth transition by correcting	 its errors without disturbing the impact of those errors on past transactions. By the application of this doctrine the past may be preserved and the future protected. [913 A C; 814 E F] Our Constitution does not expressly of by necessary implication speak against the doctrine of prospective overruling. Articles 32	 141 and 142 are designedly made comprehensive to enable the Supreme Court to declare law and to give such directions or pass such orders as are necessary to do complete justice. The expression 'declared ' in article 141 is wider than the words 'found or made '. The law declared by the Supreme Court is the law of the land. If so	 there is no acceptable reason why 7 66 the Court	 in declaring the law in supersession of the law declared by it earlier	 could not restrict the operation of the law as declared to the future and save the transactions whether statutory or otherwise that were affected on the basis of the earlier law. [813 F H] As this Court for the first time has been called upon to apply the doctrine evolved in a different country under different circumstances	 it would like to move warily in the beginning and would lay down the following propositions : (1) The doctrine of prospective overruling can be invoked only in matters arising under our Constitution; (2) it can be applied only by highest court of the country	 ie. the Supreme Court as it has the constitutional jurisdiction to declare law binding on all the Courts as it has India; (3) the scope of the retrospective operation of the law declared by the supreme Court superseding its earlier decisions is left to its discretion to be moulded in accordance with the justice of the cause or matter before it. [814 C D] Applying the doctrine of prospective overruling in the circumstances of the present case the Court declared that this decision would not affect the validity of the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act 1964	 or other amendments to the Constitution taking away or abridge the fundamental rights. It further declared that in future Parliament will have no power to amend Part III of Abe Constitution so as to take away or abridge the fundamental rights. [814 F G] (x) As according to the above decision the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act held the field the validity of the two impugned Acts	 namely the Punjab Security of Land Tennures Act	 10 of 1953 and the Mysore Land Reforms Act	 10 of 1962	 as amended by Act 14 of 1965	 could	 not be questioned on the ground that they offended Art 13	 14 or 31 of the Constitution. [815 E] (xi) On the findings the following	 questions did not fall to be considered : (a) Whether in the exercise of the power of amendment the fundamental structure of the Constitution may be changed or even destroyed or whether the power is restricted to making modification within the framework of the original instrument for its better effectuation ? (b) Whether the amendment of fundamental rights is covered by the proviso to article 368 ? (c) To what extent can the provisions of die Constitution other than fundamental rights be amended ? (d) To what extent can Part III be amended otherwise thin by taking away or abridging the fundamental rights ? (e) Whether the impugned Act could be sustained under the provisions of the Constitution without the aid of articles 31A and 31B of the Schedule. Obiter If necessity to abridge the fundamental rights does arise the residuary power of Parliament may be relied upon to call for a constituent bly for making a new Constitution or radically changing it. The recent Act providing for a poll in Goa	 Daman and Diu was an instance of analogus exercise of such residuary power by the Parliament	 [816 E F] Per Hidayatullah. J. : (i) The scope of the amending power under the COnstitution is not to be determined by taking an apriori view of the 767 omnicompetence of article 368. When there is conflict between that Article and article 13(2) juridical hermeneutics requires the Court to interpret them by combining 'them and not by destroying one with the aid of the other. No part in a Constitution is superior to another part unless the Constitution itself says so and there is no accession of strength to any provision. by calling it a code. It is	 the context of the legal provisions that illustrates the meaning of the different parts so that among them and between them there should be correspondence and harmony. [857 H 858C] (ii) It is wrong to think of the Fundamental Rights as within Parliament 's giving or taking. They are secured to the people by articles 12	 13	 32	 136	 141		144 and 226. The High Courts and finally this Court have been made the Judges of whether any lagislative or executive action on the part of the State	 considered as comprehensively as is possible	offends the Fundamental Rights and article 13(2)declares that legislation which so offends is to be deemed to be void. The general words of article 368 cannot be taken to mean that by calling an Act an Amendment of the Constitution Act a majority of total strengths and a 2/3rds majority of the members presnt and voting in each House may remove not only any of the Fundamental Rights but the whole Chapter giving them. [860 A D; 867 FF] (iii) In Britain there is no distinction between constitutional law and ' ordinary law as to the procedure of their enactment. In our Constitution too in spite of the claim that article 368 is a Code articles 4	 11 and 169 show that the amendment of the Constitution can be by the ordinary law making procedure. By this method one of the legislative limbs in a State can be removed or created. This destroys at one stroke the claim that article 368 is a code and. also that any special method of amendment of the Constitution is fundamentally necessary. [861 E G] The only difference between constitutional law and ordinary law can	 be said to arise from the fact that constitutional laws are generally amend able under a process which in varying degrees	 is more difficult or elaborate. This may give a distinct character to the law of the Constitutionbut it does not serve to distinguish it from the other laws of the land for the purpose of article 13(2). The Article itself does not exclude constitutional law which could have been easily done had the constitution makers. so intended. [862 B; 866 B] An amendment to the Constitution is not made under power derived ' from articles 245 or 248 of the Constitution read with entry 97 of List 1. The power of amendment is sui generis. [900 E] (iv) A narrow view need not be taken of the word amendment '. By an amendment new matter may be added	 old matter removed or altered. The power of amending the Constitution is however not intended to be used for experiments or as an escape	 from restrictions against undue State action enacted in the Constitution itself. Nor is the power of amendment available for the purpose of remoing express or implied restrictions against the State. [862 F; 863 B C] Coleman vs Milter	 ; 307 U.S. 443 	 Luther V. Borden		 and Baker vs Carr	 369 U.S. 186 ; 	 633)	 referred to. The State is no doubt supreme but in the supremacy of its powers it may create impediments on its own sovereignty. There is nothing to prevent the State from placing certain matters outside the amending procedure. When this happens the ordinary procedure of amendment ceases to apply. Amendment can then only be by a freshly constituted body. 768 To attempt to do this otherwise is to attempt revolution which is to alter the will of the people in an illegal manner. Courts can interfere to nullify the revolutionary change because there is an infraction of exiting legality. Democracy may be lost if there is no liberty based on law and law based on equality. The protection of the fundamental rights is necessary so that we may not walk in fear of democracy itself. [863 G; 864 A C; 865 A D] (v) In article 13(2) the restriction is against the State. There is a difference between the State and its agencies such as Government	 Parliament	 the Legislature of the States	 and the local and other authorities. The State means more than any of these or all of them put together. By making the State subject to Fundamental Rights it is clearly stated in article 13(2) that any of the agencies acting alone or all the agencies acting together are not above the Fundamental Rights. Therefore when the House of the People or the Council of States introduces a Bill for the abridgement of the Fundamental Rights	 it ignores the injunction against it and even if the two Houses pass the Bill the injunction is next operative against the President since the expression Government of India in the General Clauses Act means the President of India. Thus the injunction in article 13(2) is against the whole force of the State acting either in its executive or legislative capacity. [866 E H] (vi) It is wrong to invoke the Directive Principles as if there is some antinomy between them and the Fundamental Rights. The Directive Principles lay down the routes of State action but such action must avoid the restrictions stated in the Fundamental Rights. It cannot be conceived that in following the Directive Principles the Fundamental Rights can be ignored. [867 G	 868 B] (vii) Our Constitution has given a guaranteed right to the persons whose fundamental rights are affected to move the Court. The guarantee is worthless if the rights are capable of being taken away. This makes our Constitution unique and the American or other foreign precedents cannot be of much assistance. [875 H] Hollingsworth vs Virginia	 ; 	 Leser vs Garnett	 ; 	 Dillon vs Gloss	 ; and Texas vs White; 	 	 referred to. It is not that Fundamental Rights are not subject to any change or modification. The Constitution permits a curtailment of the exercise of most of the Fundamental Rights by stating the limits of that curtailment. It permits the Fundamental Rights to be controlled but prohibits their erasure. [878 B] (viii) Parliament today is not the constituent body as the constituent 'assembly was but a constituted body which must bear true allegiance to the Constitution as by law established. To change the Fundamental Part of the individuals liberty is a usurpation of the constituent functions because they have been placed outside the scope of the power of the constituted Parliament. [870 B D] Our Constitution like some others has kept certain matters outside the amendatory process so that the their representatives. In article 35 obstante clause. They exclude Article under the proviso. It is therefore a great error to think of article 368 as a code or as omnicompetent. [901 C E; 902 A B] 769 Garnishee case; 	 	 referred to. Article 368 cannot directly be amended by Parliament to confer power on itself over the fundamental rights	 It would be against article 13(2). Parliament cannot do indirectly what it cannot do directly. [878 H] (ix) If it is desired to abridge the Fundamental Rights the legal method is that the State must reproduce the power which it has chosen to put under restraint. Parliament must amend article 368 to convoke another constituent assembly	 pass a law under item 97 of the List 1 of Schedule 7 to call a constituent assembly	 and then that assembly may be able to abridge or take away the fundamental rights. Any other method must be regarded as revolutionary. [878 D E; 879 B] (x) The various amendments that have been made by Parliament in articles 15	 16 and 19 did not abridge fundamental rights and were therefore valid. [879 C	 883 B] (xi) Our Constitution accepted the theory that Right of Property is a fundamental right though perhaps it was an error to do so if socialisation was desired. It treated property rights as inviolable except through law for public good and on payment of compensation. However the various amendments have significantly changed the position. As a result of them	 except for land within the prescribed ceiling	 all other land can be acquired or rights therein extinguished or modified without compensation and no challenge to the law can be made under articles 14	 19 or 31 of the Constitution. [887 B; 888 B C; 896 F G] As there is apprehension that the erosion of the right to property may be practised against other fundamental rights it is necessary to call a halt. An attempt to abridge or take away Fundamental Rights by a constituted Parliament even through an amendment of the Constitution can I declared void. This Court has the power and the jurisdiction to do so. The opposite view expressed in Sajjan Singh 's case was wrong. [898 B C] (xii) The First	 Fourth and Seventh amendments of the Constitution	 cannot now be challenged because of long acquiescence. It is good sense and sound policy for the courts to decline to take up an amendment for consideration after a considerable lapse of time when it was not challenged before or was sustained on an earlier occasion after challenge. [893 O	 H 1902 D E] Lesser vs Garnett	 ; (1922)	 referred to. (xiii) In the Seventeenth Amendment	 the extension of the definition of 'estate ' to include ryotwari and agricultural lands is an inroad into the Fundamental Rights but it cannot be questioned in view	 of the existence of article 3 1A(1) (a) whose validity cannot now be challenged. The new definition of estate introduced by the amendment is beyond the reach of the Courts not because it is not law but because it is "law" and fills within that word in article 31(1) (2) (2A) and article 3 1 A(1). [899 C G] The third section of the Act is however invalid. It adds 44 State Acts to the ninth schedule. The Schedule is being used to give advance protection to legislation which is known or apprehended to derogate	from the Fundamental Rights. The power under article 368 was not meant to give protection to State statute 	 which offend the Constitution. The intent here is to silence the courts and not to amend the Constitution. [900 A D] 770 (xiv) The two impugned Acts namely the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act	 1953 and the Mysore Land Reforms Act	 1962 as amended are valid under the Constitution not because they are included in Schedule 9 of the Constitution but because they are protected by article 3 1 A and the President 's assent. [902 G H] Per Wanchoo	 Bachawat	 Ramaswami	 Bhargava and Mitter	 JJ. (dissenting): Article 368 carries the power to amend all parts of the Constitution including the fundamental rights in Part III of the Constitution. An amendment is not 'law ' for the purpose of article 13(2) and cannot be tested under that Article. Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo vs Union of India	 ; and Sajjan Singh vs State of Rajasthan	 ; 	 reaffirmed. Per Wanchoo	 Bhargava and Mitter	 JJ. (i) The Constitution provides a separate part headed 'Amendment of the Constitution ' and article 368 is the only article in that Part. There can therefore	 be no doubt that the power to amend the Constitution must be contained in article 368. If there was any doubt in the matter it is resolved by the words	 namely	 "the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the bill". These words can only mean that the power is there to amend 	the Constitution after the procedure has been followed. [826 A D] (ii) While there is a whole part devoted to the amendment of the Constitution there is no specific mention of the amendment of the Constitution in article 248 or in any entry of List 1. It would in the circumstances 'be more appropriate to read the power in article 368 than in article 248 read with item 97 of List I. [826 H 827 A] The original intention of the Constitution makers was to give residuary power to the States. The mere fact that during the passage of the Constitution by the Constituent Assembly residuary power was finally vested in the Union would not therefore mean that it includes the power to amend the Constitution. Moreover residuary power cannot be used to change the fundamental law of the Constitution because all legislation is under article 245 "subject to the provisions of this Constitution". [827 B	 H] Mere accident of similarity of procedure provided in article 368 to that provided for ordinary legislation cannot obliterate the basic difference 'between constitutional law and ordinary law. It is the quality and nature of what is done under article 368 and not its similarity to other procedure that should be stressed. What emerges after the procedure in article 368 has been followed is not ordinary law but fundamental law. [829 D; 830 C D] (iii) The procedure under the proviso to article III cannot apply to a 'bill to amend the Constitution. If the President refused to	 give his assent to such a bill 	 the proposed amendment falls. In this respect at any rate the procedure under article 368 differs from	 the ordinary legislative process. [831 B E] (iv) The word 'law ' has been avoided apparently with great care in Art.368. What emerges after the procedure has been followed is not an Act but the Constitution stands amended. After that the courts can only see whether the procedure in article 368 was followed. If it has been followed there is no question of testing the amendment of the Constitution On the avail of fundamental rights or in any other way as in the case of ordinary legislation. [832 A G] 771 (v) To say that 'amendment ' in law only means a change which results in improvement would make amendment impossible for what is improvement is a matter of opinion. [834 B] It may be open to doubt whether the power of amendment contained in article 368 goes to the extent of completely abrogating the present Constitution and substituting I it by an entirely new one. But short of that the power to amend includes the power to add any provision to the Constitution to alter any provision and substitute any other provision in its place or to delete any provision. [834 F G] The seventeenth amendment is merely in exercise of the power of amendment as indicated above and cannot be struck down on the ground that it goes beyond the power conferred by Parliament to amend the Constitution by article 368. [834 H] (vi) There is no express limitation on power of amendment in article 368 and no limitation can or should be implied therein. If the Constitution makers intended certain basic provisions in the Constitution	 and Part III in particular	 to be not amendable there is no reason why it was not so stated in article 3 68. The acceptance of the principle that them is an implied bar to amendment of basic features of the Constitution would lead to the position that any amendment to any article would be liable to challenge before the courts on the ground that it amounted to amendment of a basic feature. Constituent power like that in Art 368 can only be subject to express limitations so far as the substance of the amendments is concerned. [835 A; 836 D	 G] (vii) For interpreting article 369 it is not permissible to read the speeches made in the Constituent Assembly. Historical facts namely what was accepted or what was not accepted or what was avoided in the Constituent Assembly can be looked into; but in connection with article 368 no help can be got from the historical material available. [838 C] Administrator General	 of Bengal vs Prem Lal Mullick	 (1895) XXII I.A 107	 Baxter vs Commissioner of Taxation	 (1907) 4 C.I.R. 1087	 A. K. Gopalan vs State of Madras [1950] S.C.R. 88 and The Automobile Transport (Rajasthan) Ltd. vs State of Rajasthan	 [1963] 1 S.C.R. 491	 referred to. (viii) The preamble to the Constitution cannot prohibit or control in any way or impose any implied restrictions or limitations on the power to amend the Constitution contained in Aft. 368. [838 H] In re the Berubari Union and Exchange of Enclaves	 	 referred to. (ix) The word 'law ' in article 13(1) does not include. any law in the nature of a constitutional.provision for no such law remained in view of article 395 which provided that "the Indian Independence Act	 1947 and the Government of India Act	 1935	 together with all enactments amending or supplementing the latter Act	 but not including the Abolition of Privy Council Jurisdiction Act	 1949	 are hereby repealed. There is no reason why if the word 'law ' in article 13(1) relating to past laws does not include any constitutional provision the word 'law ' in cl. (2) would take in an amount of the Constitution for it would be reasonable to read the word in the same sense in both the clauses. [839 D F] Article 13 (2) when it talks of the State making any law	 refers to the law made under the provisions contained in Ch. 1 of Part XI of the Constitution beginning with article 245. It can have no reference to the 772 Constituent power of amendment under article 368. For it is somewhat contradictory that in article 368 power should have been given to amend any provision of the Constitution without any limitations but indirectly that power should be limited by using words of doubtful import in article 13(25.[841 C] The power conferred by the words of article 368 being unfettered	 inconsistency between. that power and the provision in article 13(2) must be avoided. Therefore in keeping with the unfettered power in article 368 the word 'law ' in article 13(2) must be read as meaning law passed under the ordinary legislative power and not a constitutional amendment. The words in article 13(2) are not specific and clear enough to be regarded as an express limitation on article 368. [842 G H] (x) Merely because there was some indirect effect on article 226 it was not necessary that the Seventeenth Amendment should have been ratified under the proviso to article 368. article 245 had not also been directly affected by the said Act and no ratification % as required on this ground either. [843 G H; 846 C] (xi) The laws added to the Ninth Schedule by the Seventeenth Amendment Act had already been passed by the State Legislatures and it was their constitutional infirmity	 if any	 which was being cured by the device adopted in article 31B read with the Ninth Schedule	 the amendment being only of the relevant provisions of Part III which were compendiously put in one place in article 31B. Parliament could alone do it under article 368 and there was no necessity for any ratification under the proviso	 for amendment of Part HI is not entrenched in the proviso. [847 E] In curing the infirmity of the said laws Parliament was not encroaching on the exclusive legislative powers of the States because only Partiament could card the infirmity. For the same reason the fact that the laws in question were State laws did. not make ratification obligatory. [847 G] A limited meaning cannot be given to Art	 368 because of the possibility of abuse of the power. The check is not in the courts but in the people who plect members of Parliament. [848 F] The power of amendment contained in a written federal constitution is a safety valve which to a large extent provides for stable growth and makes violent revolution more or less unnecessary. The fact that in the last sixteen years a large number of amendments 	 could be made and have been made is due to the accident that one party has been returned by electors in sufficient strength to be able to command Special majorities which are required in article 368	 not only at the Centre but in all the States. But that is no ground for limiting the clear words of article 368. [850 C D	 E] (xii)Though the period for which Sankari Prasad 's case has stood unchallenged is not long	 the effects which have followed on the passing of State laws on the faith of that decision	 are so overwhelming that the decision should not be disturbed otherwise chaos will follow. This is the fittest possible case in which the principle of stare decisis should be applied [851 G] Keshav Mills: Company	 Ltd V Commissioner of Income tax; 	 	 referred to. (xii)The doctrine of prospective overruling cannot be accepted in this country. The doctrine accepted here is that courts declare law and that a declaration made by a court is the law of the land and takes effect 773 from the date the law came into force. It would be undesirable to give up that doctrine and supersede it with the doctrine of prospective overruling. [852	D F] Moreover a law contravening article 13(2) is void ab initio as held by this Court in Deep Chand 's case and Mahendra Lal Jaini 's case. In the face of these decisions it is impowible to apply the doctrine of prospective overruling to ordinary laws. If constitutional law is to be treated as ordinary law the same principle applies. If however it is not treated as 'law ' under article 13(2) then there is no necessity of applying the principle of prospective overruling for in that case the amendment under article 368 does not have to be tested under article 13(2). [852 G H; 853 B] Deep Chand vs St ate of Uttar Pradesh	 [1959] Supp. 2 S.C.R. 8 and Mahendra	 Lal Jaini vs State of Uttar Pradesh	 [1963] Supp. 1 S.C.R. 912	 referred to. Per Bachawat J. (i) Article 368 not only prescribes the procedure but also gives the power of amendment. It is because the power to amend is given by the article that by following its procedure the Constitution stands amended. The proviso is enacted on the assumption that the several articles mentioned in it are amendable; but for the proviso they would have been amendable under the main part. There is no other provision in the Constitution under which these articles ' can be amended. [904 D] Articles 4	 169	 Fifth Schedule Part D and Sixth Schedule Para 21 empower the Parliament to make amendments to certain parts of the Constitution by law	 and by	 express provision such law is deemed not to be amendment for the purpose of article 368. All other provisions of the Constitution can be amended by recourse to article 368 only. No other article confers the power of amending the Constitution. [904E F] (ii) The power to amend the Constitution cannot be said to reside in article 248 and List 1	 item 97 because if amendment could be made by ordinary legislative process article 368 would be meaningless. Under the residual power the Parliament has no competence to make any law with respect to any matter enumerated in Lists II and III of the 7th Schedule	 but under article 368 even Lists 11 and III can be amended. Moreover a law passed by residual power is passed by virtue of article 245 and must be subject to the provisions of the Constitution so that it cannot derogate from the Constitution or amend it. Such a law would be void. [905 C P] (iii) Article 368 gives the power of amending 'this Constitution '. This Constitution means every part of the Constitution including Part ITT and article 13(2). Thus article 13(2) is also within the reach of the amending power. Instead of controlling article 368 it is controlled by that Article. [906 C D; H] (iv) The contention that a constitutional amendment under article 368 is a law within the meaning of article 13 must be rejected. The distinction between the Constitution and law is so fundamental that the Constitution is not regarded as a law or a legislative act. The Constitution mean 	 the Constitution as amended. An amendment made in conformity with article 368 is a part of the Constitution and is likewise not law. Save as expressly provided in articles 4	 169 Fifth Schedule Part D and Sixth Schedule para 21 no law can amend the Constitution and a law which purports to make such an amendment is void. It is for this reason that article 368 avoids all reference to law making by the Parliament. There 3 Sup. CI./67 4 774 are. also material differences between the ordinary law making procedure and the procedure under the Article. [907 B F; 908 D H] If a constitutional amendment creating a new fundamental rights and incorporating it in Part III were a law	 it would not be open to the Parliament by a subsequent amendment to abrogate the new fundamental right for such an amendment would be repugnant to Part 111. But the conclusion is absurd for the body which enacted the right can surely take it away by the same process. [909 E] Marbury vs Madison	 ; :2 L.Ed. 60 and Riley vs Carter	 	 referred to. (v) There is no conflict between articles 13(2) and 368. The two articles operate in different fields	 the former in the field of law	 the latter in that of constitutional amendment. [910 B] (vi) The non obstante clause in article 35 does not show that the article is not amendable. The non obstante clause is to be found also in	 articles 258(1). 364	 369	 370 and 371A. No one has suggested that these articles are not amendable. [910 D] (vii) The words 'fundamental ' used in regard to rights in Part III and the word guaranteed in article 32 do not mean that the said rights cannot be amended. The constitution is never at rest; it changes with the progress of time. The scale of values in Parts III and IV is not immortal and these Parts being parts of the Constitution are not immune from amendment under article 368. [910 F G] The impugned amendments to be Constitution were made to meet the situations created by decisions of this Court and to carry out urgent agrarian reforms. If it is held that the rights	 conferred by Part III cannot be abridged or taken away by constitutional amendments	 all these amendments would be invalid. The Constitution makers could not have intended that the ' rights conferred by Part III could not be altered for ' giving effect to the policy of Part. Nor was it intended that defects in Part III could not be cured or that possible errors in judicial interpretations of Part III could not be rectified by constitutional amendments. [913 D E] (viii) It cannot be said that the people in exercise of their sovereign power have placed the fundamental rights beyond the reach of the amending power. The people acting through the Constituent Assembly reserved for themselves certain rights and liberties and ordained that they shalt not be curtailed by ordinary legislation. But the people by the same Constitution also authorised the Parliament to make amendments to the Constitution. In exercise of the amending power the Parliament has ample authority to	 abridge or take away the fundamental rights under Part III [915 B C] Merely because of possibility of abuse	 the power cannot be denied. [916 H] Webb vs Outrim	 and amalgamated Society of Engineers '. The Adelaide Steamship Company Limited & Ors. ; 	 referred to. (ix) The main part of article 368 gives the power to amend or make changes in the Constitution. A change is not necessarily an improvement. Normally the change is made with the object of making an improvement but the experiment may fail to achieve the purpose. [916 A] Livermore vs E. G. Waite	 L.R.A. 312 and National Prohibition case. ; 	 referred to. 77 5 (x) The best exposition of the Constitution is that which it has received from contemporaneous judicial decisions and enactments. No one in Parliament doubted the proposition that fundamental rights could be amended	 when the First Amendment Act of 1951 was passed. The concept of amendability was upheld in section Krishnan & Ors. vs State of Madras ; decided in 1951	 'in Sankari Prasad decided in 1952 and Sajjan Singh decided in 1964. [918 C D] (xi) There is no provision in the Constitution for calling a convention for its revision or far submission of any proposal for amendment to the referendum. [918 G] (xii) The impugned amendments affected articles 226 and 245 only indirectly and did not require ratification under the proviso to article 168. [919 D H] In validating the impugned laws Parliament was not encroaching on .the State List. It was only validating the said laws and such constitutional validating was within its competence. [920 C E] (xiii) The abolition of Zamindari was a necessary reform. It is the First Constitution Amendment Act that made this reform possible. 	 No legal argument ' can restore the outmoded feudal Zamindari system. What has been done cannot be undone. The battle for the put is lost. [921 B C] If the First Fourth	 Sixteenth & Seventeenth Amendments Acts are void they do not legally exist from their inception. They cannot be	 valid from 1951 to 1967 and invalid thereafter. To say that they were valid in the past and Will be invalid in the future is to amend the. Constitution. Such a naked power of amendment is not given to the Judges and therefore the doctrine of prospective overruling cannot be	 adopted. [921 D E] It is not possible to say that the First and Fourth Amendments though originally valid have now been validated by acquiescence. If they infringe article 13(2) they were void from their inception. If these ammendments are validated by acquiescence the Seventeenth Amendment is equally validated. B] (xv) The contention that Dr. Ambedkar did not regard the fundamental rights as amendable is not supported by the speeches in the ' Constituent Assembly. [922 C D] Per Ramaswami J.(i) In a written Constitution the amendment of the Constitution is a substantive constituent act which	 is made in the exercise of the sovereign power through a predesigned procedure unconnected with ordinary legislation. The amending power in article 368 is hence sui generis and cannot be compared to the law making power of Parliament pursuant to article 246 read with Lists II and Ill. It follows that the expression 'law ' in article 13(2) cannot be construed as including an amendment of the Constitution which is achieved by Parliament in exercise of its sovereign constituent power but must mean law made by Parliament in its legislative capacity under article 246 read 'with I List I and III of the 7th Schedule. It is also clear on the same line of reasoning that law in article 13(2) cannot be construed so as to include "law ' made by Parliament under articles 4	 169	 392	 5th Schedule Part 1 and 6th Schedule para 21. The amending power of Parliament exercised under these Articles stands on the same pedestal as the constitutional amend ment made under article 368 so far as article 13(2) is concerned. [930 H 931 E] (ii) The language of article 368 is perfectly general and empowers Parliament to amend the Constitution without any exception whatsoever. 776 The use of the word 'fundamental ' to describe the rights in Part III and the word 'guaranteed ' in article 32 cannot lift the fundamental rights above the Constitution itself [931 F	 H] (iii) It is unreasonable to suggest that what article 368 provides is only the mechanics of the procedure for amendment and not the power to amend. The significant fact that a separate part has been devoted in the Constitution for "amendment of the constitution" and there is only one Article in that Part shows that both the power and the procedure to amend are enacted in article 368. Again the words "the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill" in article 368 clearly contemplate and provide for the power to amend after the requisite procedure has been followed. [932 C E] (iv) The power of constitutional amendment cannot fall within articles 246 and 248 read with item 97 of List I because it is illogical and a contradiction in terms to say that the amending power can be exercised "subject to the provisions of the Constitution" as the power under these articles must be. [933 B] (v) There is no room for an implication in the construction ofArt. If the Constitution makers wanted certain basic features to be unamendable they would have said so. [933 G H] State of West Bengal vs Union of India	 [1964] 1 S.C.R. 371 and In re The Berubari Union and Exchange of Enclaves 	 referred to. The concepts of liberty and equality are changing and dynamic and hence the notion of permanency or immutability cannot be attached to any of the fundamental rights. The adjustment between freedom and compulsion	 between the rights of individuals and the social interest and welfare must necessarily be a matter for changing needs and conditions. The proper approach is therefore to look upon the fundamental rights of the individual as conditioned by social responsibility	 by the necessities of the society	 by the balancing of interests and not as pre ordained and untouchable private rights. [934 E 935 C] (vi) It must not be forgotten that neither the rights in article 31 nor those in article 19 are absolute. The purposes for which fundamental rights can be regulated which are specified in cls. (2) to (6) could not have been assumed by the Constitution makers to be static and incapable of expansion. It cannot be assumed that the Constitution makers intended to forge a political strait jacket for generations to come. Today at a time when absolutes are discredited	 it must not be too readily assumed that there are basic features of the Constitution which shackle the amending power and which take precedence over the general welfare of nation and the need for agrarian and social reform. [936 B 937 C] (vii) In construing article 368 it is essential to remember the nature and subject matter of that Article and to interpret it subjectae materies. The power of amendment is in point of quality an adjunct of sovereignty. It is in truth the exercise of the highest sovereign power in the State. if the amending power is an adjunct of sovereignty it does not admit of any limitations. [937 D] (viii) If the fundamental rights are unamendable and if article 368 does not include any such power it follows that the amendment of	 say	 article 31 by insertions of articles 31A and 31B can only be made by a violent revolution. It is doubtful if the proceedings of a new Constituent Assembly that may be called will have any legal validity for if the 777 Constitution provides its own method of amendment	 any other method will be unconstitutional and void. [490 A B] George section Hawke vs Harvey C. Smith	 ; and Feigenspan vs Bodine	 	 referred to. (ix) It is not permissible in the first place to assume that in a matter of constitutional amendment there will be abuse of power and then utilise it as a test for finding out the scope of the amending power. In the last analysis political machinery and artificial limitations will not protect the people from themselves. [941 F G] State of West Bengal vs Union of India	 [1964] 1 S.C.R. 371 and American Federation of Labour vs American Sash & Door Co. ; 	 referred to. (x) What the impugned Act purports to do is not to make any and legislation but to protect and validate the legislative measure passed by different State legislatures. This was within the legislative competence of Parliament. [942 F] Leser vs Garnett	 ; 	 National Prohibition Cases. ; and United States vs Sprague	 ; 	 referred to. Articles 226 and 245. were not directly affected by the impugned Act and therefore no ratification by the State Legislatures was necessary. [942 D H; 945 D] A. K. Gopalan vs State of Madras	 ; 	 Ram Singh & Ors. vs State of Delhi & Anr. 	 ; 	 Express Newspapers (Pvt.) Ltd. vs Union of India	 	 Atiabari Tea Co. Ltd. vs State of Assam	 ; and Naresh Shridhar Mirajkar vs State of Maharashtra ; 	 referred to. (xi) Even on the assumption that the impugned Act is unconstitutional the principle of stare decisis must be applied to the present case and the plea made by the petitioners for reconsideration of Sankari Prasad 's case and Sajjan Singh 's case must be rejected. [948 D E] On the landings it was not necessary to express an opinion on the doctrine of prospective overruling of legislation.