metadata: authors: 0: author: Chakravarty,Shubha
1: author: Botea,Ioana Alexandra
2: author: Compernolle,Nell
count: Lesotho
docna: 0: docna: Female migration in Lesotho : determinants
            and opportunities
docty: Policy Research Working Paper
subtopic: Mining & Extractive Industry (Non-Energy),Health Care Services Industry,Labor Markets,Educational Sciences
teratopic: Science and Technology Development,Macroeconomics and Economic Growth,Industry,Gender
abstracts: cdata!: Migration, internal and external,
            continues to be a dominant livelihood strategy for
            households in Lesotho, with almost half (43 percent) of
            households reporting at least one member living away. The
            past decade has seen a sharp increase in female migration,
            due to a halt in new hires of Basotho men in South African
            mines and a concomitant expansion of jobs primarily for
            women in the export garment sector in Maseru and Maputsoe.
            This study analyzes female migration using three waves of
            the Demographic and Health Survey (2004, 2009, and 2014) as
            well as primary data collected by the research team in
            March-April 2015. The findings indicate that female
            migration in Lesotho is primarily driven by economic
            "push" (rather than "pull") factors,
            often due to shocks to the household, such as job loss,
            death, or bad crops. Migrants are often seen as
            "strugglers" and their households of origin are
            just as poor as rural households with no migrants. Moreover,
            the study finds conclusive evidence that women's
            employment in sectors dominated by migrants is strongly
            correlated with HIV/AIDS: 55 percent of women working in
            garment factories and 38 percent of domestic workers are HIV
            positive, as opposed to the national average of 30 percent.
            These findings point to three policy recommendations to
            support female migrants and their families: (i) lower the
            barriers to secondary education in rural areas, (ii)
            diversify and expand employment opportunities for men and
            women, and (iii) provide HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment
            services to garment factory workers as well as migrants
            working in the informal sector.
geo_reg_key: 517195,517191
repnme: repnme: Female migration in Lesotho : determinants
            and opportunities
display_title: Female migration in Lesotho :
            determinants and opportunities
listing_relative_url: /research/2018/01/29517557/female-migration-lesotho-determinants-opportunities
topicv3: Mining Services m1326410 1701,Education m1327048 470,Mining Sector m1327113 554,Jobs m1503931 2670,Health m1504661 3480
publishtoextweb_dt: 2018-01-18T00:00:00Z
historic_topic: Science and Technology Development,Macroeconomics and Economic Growth,Industry,Gender
no_of_pages: 74
author_keys: 0: author_key: 1054765
1: author_key: 1357068
model_extractions: WPS8307 Policy Research Working Paper 8307 Female Migration in Lesotho Determinants and Opportunities _Ioana Botea Shubha Chakravarty Nell Compernolle_ Africa Region Office of the Chief Economist & Gender Global Theme January 2018
Policy Research Working Paper 8307

# **Abstract**

Migration, internal and external, continues to be a dominant livelihood strategy for households in Lesotho, with almost half (43 percent) of households reporting at least one member living away. The past decade has seen a sharp increase in female migration, due to a halt in new hires of Basotho men in South African mines and a concomitant expansion of jobs primarily for women in the export garment sector in Maseru and Maputsoe. This study analyzes female migration using three waves of the Demographic and Health Survey (2004, 2009, and 2014) as well as primary data collected by the research team in March-April 2015. The findings indicate that female migration in Lesotho is primarily driven by economic “push” (rather than “pull”) factors, often due to shocks to the household, such as job loss, death, or bad crops. Migrants are often seen as “strugglers” and their households of origin are just as poor as rural households with no migrants. Moreover, the study finds conclusive evidence that women’s employment in sectors dominated by migrants is strongly correlated with HIV/AIDS: 55 percent of women working in garment factories and 38 percent of domestic workers are HIV positive, as opposed to the national average of 30 percent. These findings point to three policy recommendations to support female migrants and their families: (i) lower the barriers to secondary education in rural areas, (ii) diversify and expand employment opportunities for men and women, and (iii) provide HIV/ AIDS prevention and treatment services to garment factory workers as well as migrants working in the informal sector.

This paper is a product of the Office of the Chief Economist, Africa Region and the Gender Global Theme. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://econ.worldbank.org. The authors may be contacted at schakravarty@worldbank.org and ibotea@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
# **Female Migration in Lesotho: Determinants and Opportunities**

Ioana Botea Shubha Chakravarty Nell Compernolle Key words: Labor migration, gender, HIV/AIDS, textile factories, domestic work, Lesotho. JEL codes: I18, J16, J61, O15, O17

## **Acknowledgments**

This report was prepared by a team consisting of Shubha Chakravarty (team leader, GSP06), Ioana Botea (analyst, AFRGI) and Nell Compernolle (consultant, AFRGI). Fieldwork was led by Maj Fiil‐Flynn, who supported the design and implementation of the research. Daniel Kirkwood provided invaluable support and guidance during the preparation of this study. The World Bank’s country management team for Lesotho has championed this study and we are grateful for their support. We also benefited from the guidance of the various agencies within the Government of Lesotho, including the Bureau of Statistics, the Ministry of Labor, and the Lesotho National Development Corporation. We are grateful to many colleagues from the World Bank and development partners for helpful discussions throughout this research. Finally, we wish to thank the team of research assistants (Benedict Setlabocha Phatsoane, Itumeleng Thoriase, Thato Mpeka, Palesa Makatise, Refiloe Nkune, Lineo Mahula, Libakiso Matlho, Mokheseng Buti, Mpeli Mohlabula) and administrative support colleagues we worked with in Lesotho and South Africa, as well as the men and women who gave their time as participants in this study. All remaining mistakes are our own.
# **List of Acronyms**

|AIDS|Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome|
|---|---|
|AGOA|African Growth and Opportunity Act|
|ALAFA|Apparel Lesotho Alliance to Fight AIDS|
|BWL|Better Work Lesotho|
|CCMA|Commission for Conciliation, Mediation, and Arbitration|
|CHAL|Christian Health Associations of Lesotho|
|COSATU|Congress of South African Trade Unions|
|CPF|Country Partnership Framework|
|DHS|Demographic and Health Survey|
|FAWU|Factory Workers’ Union|
|FGD|Focus Group Discussion|
|HBS|Household Budget Survey|
|HIV|Human Immunodeficiency Virus|
|IFC|International Finance Corporation|
|ILO|International Labor Organization|
|ISGA|Integrated Social and Gender Assessment|
|LCMPA|Legal Capacity of Married Persons Act|
|LECAWU|Lesotho Clothing and Allied Workers’ Union|
|LNDC|Lesotho National Development Corporation|
|LPPA|Lesotho Planned Parenthood Association|
|M&E|Monitoring and Evaluation|
|MCC|Millennium Challenge Corporation|
|NGO|Non‐governmental Organization|
|NUTEX|National Union of Textile|
|RSA|Republic of South Africa|
|SADC|Southern African Development Community|
|SADSAWU|South African Domestic Service and Allied Workers’ Union|
|UNCTAD|United Nations Conference on Trade and Development|
|UNITE|United Textile Employees|

2
# **Contents**

|EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................................................. 4|
|---|
|Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 9|
|Study Objectives and Rationale ................................................................................................................ 9|
|Data and Methodology ........................................................................................................................... 10|
|Part I: The Migration Experience ................................................................................................................ 14|
|1.<br>Overview of Migration Patterns ..................................................................................................... 14|
|2.<br>Migration from the Households’ Perspective ................................................................................. 17|
|3.<br>The Perspective of Female Migrants .............................................................................................. 25|
|Part II: Challenges and Opportunities ......................................................................................................... 33|
|1.<br>Quality of Employment ................................................................................................................... 33|
|2.<br>Living Conditions of Migrants ......................................................................................................... 37|
|3.<br>Vulnerability to HIV/AIDS ................................................................................................................ 41|
|4.<br>Financial Inclusion ........................................................................................................................... 45|
|5.<br>Children’s Education ....................................................................................................................... 49|
|Summary and Conclusions .......................................................................................................................... 51|
|References .................................................................................................................................................. 54|
|Annexes ....................................................................................................................................................... 56|
|Annex 1. Defining Migrants in Existing Data Sources ............................................................................. 56|
|Annex 2. Details of Fieldwork ................................................................................................................. 60|
|Annex 3. Determinants of HIV among Female Migrants ........................................................................ 65|
|Annex 4. Qualitative Analysis .................................................................................................................. 72|

3
# EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

**Migration, both internal and external, continues to be a dominant livelihood strategy for households in Lesotho, with almost half (43%) of households reporting at least one member living away (DHS 2014).** Female migration is on the rise, as a result of two concomitant trends. First, since the 1990s the number of male migrants to South African mining jobs has dwindled, leaving households who were dependent on remittances struggling to make ends meet. Concurrently, there has been a tremendous expansion of job opportunities primarily for women in the export garment sector in Maseru and Maputsoe, driven in large part by the preferential trade terms under the United States’ African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Coupled with a continued large demand for domestic work, the consequent increase in female migration – which has not entirely replaced male migration but occurs increasingly alongside and, more recently, in place of it – has fundamentally altered gender roles and family structures, with important implications for the welfare of migrants and their families.

This study analyzes female migration using existing nationally representative data sources and primary data collected by the research team in March‐April 2015. The study proceeds in two parts. **Part I offers an in‐depth exploration of the migration experience from the perspective of rural households and migrants themselves.** Due to the limited scope and budget for this study, the fieldwork focused exclusively on women migrating internally within Lesotho. After reviewing the patterns of migration in Lesotho today, we examine the perspective of rural communities on the role of migration in sustaining households. We also elaborate the experience of female migrants, highlighting the benefits and challenges of moving away from one’s family to work.

From the households’ perspective, three main findings emerge: First, female migration in Lesotho is primarily driven by economic “push” factors, often due to shocks to the family household, such as job loss, death, or crop failure, rather than “pull” factors. Second, rural perceptions of migration are overwhelmingly negative: many understand migrants to be those who move away and come home just to die from illness, and they believe that migrants do not make enough money for the hard work and rough treatment to be worth it. And third, even with remittances, households that send internal migrants are struggling financially and are not seen as better off than non‐sending households. Households only experience substantial improvements in living standards when they have a male working in the mines in South Africa, consistent with previous evidence suggesting that migration is only effective in sheltering 4
households from poverty “when it is directed outside the country and the migrants are men”.<sup>1</sup> Taken together, the conclusion of many rural households is that migration, and female migration in particular, is a “necessary evil”, separating women from their families and offering not much more than survival in return.

From the migrants’ perspective, a few general patterns emerge. Education is a primary motivation for migrating: younger women migrate after having to drop out because their families can no longer afford secondary school, and older women migrate to support their children’s education. Although they tend to move with short‐term goals in mind, most stay longer than they wish because their earnings do not allow them to accumulate savings or other assets, and their families grow dependent on their remittances to meet basic needs. A minority of migrants remains in urban areas out of choice (because they have grown used to the higher living standards and independence). Overall they find their working and living arrangements to conform to their expectations: they expect it to be hard work and it is.

**In Part II, in light of the overwhelming need for female migration to support rural households, we identify potential entry points for policy to better support the needs of migrant workers, particularly those in two primary employment sectors for women ‐ domestic and textile, and those of their families.** Specifically, we review the challenges faced by workers in five key areas and the opportunities for policy to better support them to obtain quality employment, find low‐cost and safe urban housing, protect their health, access financial services, and care for their children.

- _Quality employment:_ Our findings show that, as formal sector workers, textile workers have enjoyed and valued basic labor protections, even though the work still comes with many challenges. Policies to fill the gap left by the conclusion of the Better Work initiative<sup>2</sup> by continuing to improve the working conditions in textile factories as well as supporting migrants working in the informal sector would boost the welfare of workers and their families back home. Despite the recent 10‐year extension of AGOA, significant uncertainty regarding Lesotho’s continued eligibility in light of political and security challenges remains, as do fears of massive layoffs in the textile industry. Improving the quality of informal employment, where the majority of workers are concentrated, therefore remains critical. Organizations of informal workers, such as those that exist in South Africa, offer a way to extend some

> 1 World Bank  (2010).

> 2 The second phase of Better Work (2013‐2016) was still ongoing at the time of the data collection in March‐April 2015, but has been concluded by the time the report has been published.

5
basic legal representation to informal workers, including domestic workers, even for occupations where formalization is not yet feasible. Such organizations could also serve as a vehicle through which to provide information on informal workers’ basic rights. Promoting the diversification of economic opportunities for women into other productive sectors should also be prioritized.

- _Living conditions of migrants_ : Female migrants interviewed for this study value the independence and infrastructure available in Maseru and Maputsoe, but they struggle to find affordable housing in safe neighborhoods that are close to work. Governments around the world respond to heavy influxes of migrants through a variety of urban planning efforts, often in collaboration with employers, but the predominance of female migrants in urban Lesotho raises particular concerns. Improving the safety of neighborhoods where large concentrations of female migrants live, including safe passage corridors, street lights, and increased and more affordable public transportation, could allay security issues. Policy could also prioritize the creation of more affordable housing for both informal and formal workers, enabling women to save and remit as much as possible to their families back home. The implications of absent wives and mothers further highlight the need for housing policies and programs to focus on facilitating the movement of entire families to urban areas, should women and their families choose to do so.

- _HIV response_ : Previous research has documented the role of migration in fueling the HIV epidemic in Lesotho, which has the second highest prevalence rate (25%) in the world. Textile workers in Lesotho are already well‐recognized as an at‐risk population (with HIV prevalence of 59%) and have received specialized HIV prevention and response efforts through the Apparel Lesotho Alliance to Fight AIDS (ALAFA). This study makes an important contribution to the research on HIV in Lesotho by applying the methodology of a previous study on HIV and male miners in Lesotho<sup>3</sup> to the case of female migrants. We find that, after controlling for demographic and social factors, both textile and domestic work is significantly associated with HIV status, even after controlling for other factors.  In light of ALAFA’s recent discontinuation, these findings highlight the urgent need for alternative efforts to recover the gains made in the textile sector and extend the reach of services to migrants in the informal sector as a high‐risk population.

> 3 Corno and de Walque (2012).

6
- _Financial inclusion_ : Our findings highlight the need for accessible financial services for migrants from and within Lesotho. Formal sector employment seems to offer a route to financial inclusion, as textile workers are much more likely to have bank accounts (set up with help from employers) and use savings groups. Two policy recommendations emerge. First, efforts to promote financial inclusion should leverage the fact that migration is so common and use remittances as their entry‐point, and should include informal migrant workers as a key underserved population. Lower‐cost remittance services, particularly using mobile money technologies, would benefit migrants and their families, although our findings indicate that special efforts may be needed for women to try them out. Second, female migrants could be targeted for specialized financial products to help meet their financial goals, such as financing and saving for children’s education.

- _Access to secondary education_ : The challenges associated with accessing education underpin female migration in Lesotho in a number of ways. Respondents interviewed for this study repeatedly emphasized that the reason why Basotho women live apart from their families, and the primary use of their remittances, are children’s educational expenses. Schooling also drives where children live: they tend to remain with grandparents in rural areas during primary school, which is fully government‐ funded, but later join their mothers in urban areas where secondary school is more accessible. In light of this, any efforts to improve access to quality education in rural areas, particularly secondary education, would greatly benefit the welfare of migrants and their families and potentially reduce the need for female migration.

The study’s findings point to a number of priority areas to support female migrants and their families:

- First, the sheer prevalence of migration as a livelihood strategy emphasizes the need for better migration indicators in nationally‐representative data. For example, embedding questions on family members living elsewhere and respondents’ former residence would allow for tracking of internal and external migration. Annex 1 makes specific and actionable recommendations.

- Second, the study further justifies the need to lower barriers to secondary education particularly in rural areas. The cost of secondary education is both a driver of female migration and consumes a significant portion of the remittances that female migrants are able to send home. Lowering the cost or otherwise increasing access to secondary education would ease this

7
financial pressure on migrant households, and possibly lessen the need for women to leave home in the first place.

- Third, the study clearly indicates the pressing need for diversification and expansion of employment opportunities for both men and women. The sex‐specific migration patterns documented in the study derive from the gendered occupational choices available in Lesotho (mining for men, textile factories and domestic work for women). Particularly in light of the decline in mining jobs and the persistent uncertainty around the AGOA, it will be critical to create new opportunities for gainful employment for retrenched miners and textile workers.

8
# Introduction

## Study Objectives and Rationale

A number of factors make this a compelling moment to study the role of women in economic development in Lesotho. On the surface, Lesotho offers a relatively positive environment for women compared to many countries in Sub‐Saharan Africa, with small or nonexistent gender gaps in education and poverty, equal status under the law, and relatively high representation of women in government. However, digging a little deeper reveals a more complex picture. Only in 2006 were women freed from the legal authority of their husbands, through the Legal Capacity of Married Persons Act (LCMPA), and implementation has lagged behind in a cultural environment rooted in patriarchal norms. Rates of maternal mortality and HIV, which affect women at higher rates than men, are persistently high, and opportunities for productive employment are few for both men and women, especially for the bulk of the population in rural areas.

The purpose of this gender study is to explore in depth the role of female migration in Lesotho’s economic development **.** Why female migrants? First, although migration as a livelihood strategy has a long history in Lesotho, it is only in the past 20 years that females have increasingly left their families in search of work, due to a decline in job opportunities for men in the South African mining sector and a concurrent increase in jobs for women textile factories in Lesotho. Despite the large economic and social implications of female migrants replacing males as breadwinners, almost no previous research has explored their experiences or how rural households have adjusted to this trend. Second, female migration is a useful lens through which to explore some of the most pressing development concerns in Lesotho, including employment and HIV. Since most employment opportunities for Basotho men and women involve migration, which in turn is a known driver of HIV, it is essential to consider the motivations, needs, and challenges of migrants when designing development policies around jobs and health.

The overarching questions for this study are: **(i) What are the drivers of female migration, from the perspective of households and migrants?** After reviewing the patterns of migration in Lesotho today, we examine the perspective of rural households, those that send migrants and those that do not. We also examine the experience of female migrants, highlighting their motivations, intentions, and process of obtaining work. After providing the current context for female migration in Lesotho, we ask **(ii) How can policy better adapt to the needs of female migrants and their families to respond to development** 9
**challenges?** In particular, we highlight key areas where, in the context of an increasing preponderance of female migration, policy recommendations might differ from situations with lower levels of migration.

After describing the data and methods used, this study proceeds in two parts. Part I offers an in‐depth exploration of the experience of female migrants in the formal sector (using textile workers as an example) and informal (through domestic workers). In Part II, we examine the challenges faced by female migrants in five specific areas, with an eye to understanding how policy can adapt to better serve the needs of migrants and their families: quality of employment, living conditions of migrants, financial inclusion, protection from HIV, and support for migrants’ children.

# Data and Methodology

This study includes qualitative and quantitative analysis of both primary and secondary data sources. We used existing nationally representative data sources to investigate a number of relevant aspects of female migration, including the determinants of migration, individual and household characteristics, and HIV prevalence among migrants. It included both internal and external migrants and disaggregated among the different occupations of migrants to the extent possible.

Among the nationally‐representative data from Lesotho, the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) provided the most comprehensive information on socio‐economic and health indicators at both individual and household levels. Using the most recent wave of the DHS available (DHS 2014), migrants were identified in two ways: (i) the residence status of listed household members, and (ii) whether or not surveyed individuals have undergone at least one trip of three months or longer during the previous 5 years (see Annex 1 for more detailed information). To focus our analysis on labor migration, only a subsample of individuals who traveled for work<sup>4</sup> was retained as our base specification. The DHS was also particularly appropriate for the analysis of migrants’ vulnerability to HIV infection, because it contains HIV test results that can be merged with socio‐demographic and health data collected in the individual questionnaires. Based on the methodology employed by a previous study,<sup>5</sup> we conducted multivariate regression analysis to estimate the effect of working in predominantly migrant occupations on the probability of being HIV positive.

> 4 The reason for their most recent trip of three months or more was work.

> 5 Corno and de Walque (2012).

10
The analysis of DHS data was complemented and cross‐checked with the 2010/2011 wave of the Household and Budget Survey (HBS), administered quarterly by Lesotho’s Bureau of Statistics. Data on financial inclusion was obtained from the 2011 Global Findex database.

However, the range of analyses that were feasible using existing nationally representative data was limited, especially because of restrictions in how data on migrants are collected in these surveys.<sup>6</sup> To complement the available data sources, we conducted fieldwork to collect primary data in March‐April 2015 in Lesotho. Utilizing a mixed methods approach, this fieldwork focused on female migrants engaged in formal (textile) and informal (domestic) sectors, and their sending households and communities. With the assistance from nine local research assistants, the mission undertook (i) a survey with 210 female migrants, (ii) seven in‐depth, semi‐structured, interviews with selected migrant women, as well as five of these women’s family households in rural sending communities, (iii) four urban focus group discussions with migrants, and (iv) six focus group discussions with women and men from sending communities.

First, the survey included 210 female migrants in urban Maseru and Maputsoe: 103 textile workers, most of whom worked at three selected factories of varying size and ownership, and 107 domestic workers from four neighborhoods of diverse income levels located throughout urban Maseru. Two cases were ultimately dropped from analyses based on their migration and current work status, resulting in a working sample of 208 female migrants. Concurrent with the structured interview, we conducted four separate focus group discussions with textile and domestic workers: one group consisted of two domestic workers and three groups consisted of 8 to 11 textile workers. Details on factory and neighborhood selection and sampling of workers are provided in Annex 2.

_Table 1: Descriptive statistics of survey respondents_

||All|Textile|Domestic|
|---|---|---|---|
|**N**|208|102|106|
|**Age (years)**|31.2|32.2|30.3|
|**Marital Status**||||
|Single/never married|36.41|25.49|47.12|
|Married (monogamously)|33.98|37.25|30.77|
|Married (polygamously)|0.97|1.96|0.00|
|Living together/cohabitating|0.97|1.96|0.00|
|Widowed|14.08|18.63|9.62|

> 6 Discussed further in Annex 1.

11
|Divorced|3.88|4.90|2.88|
|---|---|---|---|
|Separated|9.71|9.80|9.62|
|_Total_|_100_|_100_|_100_|
|**Marriage**||||
|Civil rites only|4.94|6.52|2.86|
|Customary rites only|88.89|89.13|88.57|
|Both civil and customary|6.17|4.35|8.57|
|_Total_|_100_|_100_|_100_|
|**Parental status**||||
|Has children|74.27|87.13|61.9|
|Number living children|1.39|1.57|1.22|
|**Education**||||
|No education|0.48|0.00|0.94|
|Primary, not completed|11.54|7.84|15.09|
|Primary completed|34.62|33.33|35.85|
|Secondary, not completed|26.92|27.45|26.42|
|Secondary, completed|15.87|21.57|10.38|
|High school completed|7.69|5.88|9.43|
|Vocational training|0.48|0.00|0.94|
|Tertiary certificate|1.92|2.94|0.94|
|Other (diploma)|0.48|0.98|0.00|
|_Total_|_100_|_100_|_100_|

Next, from the survey data, five women were selected as case studies for further in‐depth interview based on survey responses regarding current and family household compositions,<sup>7</sup> marital and motherhood status, and work history. Four were textile workers and one was a domestic worker. We contacted these selected women’s family households in three rural locations, where we conducted in‐depth interviews with the migrant‐sending households, with similar non‐migrant‐sending households nearby, and separate focus groups with rural men and women. Because domestic workers had unforeseen difficulties in

> 7 “Current household” consists of those individuals living and eating in the migrant’s home in urban Maseru or Maputsoe at least four days a week. “Family household” consists of those individuals living and eating in the migrant’s family home outside of urban Maseru or Maputsoe at least four days a week.

12
participating in group discussions due to employment demands, two additional domestic worker case studies were selected and interviewed in‐depth, although their family households were not visited.

Each activity provided unique insight into the lives of Basotho female migrants and their families. While the sample was not representative, we endeavored to minimize bias by applying objective criteria to the choice of locations and within those locations, choosing respondents as randomly as possible. The survey provided a more nuanced and detailed picture of the migration experience than the nationally representative data, but on a larger scale than the qualitative methods allowed. It also provided context for the qualitative interviews and focus group discussions. Case studies involving in‐depth interviews with selected respondents provided a fuller picture of the internal female migrant experience, both the process of migrating, and of living and working away from the family home, including work conditions, living arrangements, financial activities, and sexual behaviors and relationships. Focus group discussions with textile and domestic workers complemented these detailed stories, providing broader, migrant‐level perceptions of these women’s everyday realities. Next, in‐depth interviews with the case study families shed light on to the migration decision process – how the decision to send or not send someone is made, who makes the decision, why is the decision made regarding who/where/what/when – as well as how households manage their finances and household members’ health and education (particularly children). Interviews also provided detailed history of household migration and future migration plans, and captured the sending household’s perspectives on how it is to have a female member working away from home. Last, rural focus group discussions provided insight into communities’ attitudes toward and perceptions of migration, particularly perceived risks involved, challenges migrants and their households might face, and how migrants and their families are perceived in their sending communities.

13
# Part I: The Migration Experience

## 1. Overview of Migration Patterns

Reliance on migration is deeply entrenched in Lesotho and has historically been dominated by male employment in South African gold and diamond mines. For most of the 20<sup>th</sup> century, moving across the border to work in the mining industry was considered a rite of passage, with almost all able‐bodied men being offered a job in the mines. Up to 40 percent of Lesotho’s male labor force was employed in South Africa in the 1980s, when remittances accounted for a third of GNP.<sup>8</sup> The situation changed dramatically in the 1990s, however, as the shift to more capital‐intensive production, stagnant gold prices, and pressure from the post‐Apartheid government to employ more locals led to a drop in demand for Basotho miners. By 2002, only 12 percent of households had someone working in the South African mines, down from 50 percent 20 years earlier.<sup>9</sup> According to the National Union of Mineworkers, no new workers (‘novices’) have been recruited from Lesotho since 2002,<sup>10</sup> thus undermining what used to be the economic backbone of Basotho villages and rural communities for generations.

The retrenchment of miners from South Africa has led households to develop new livelihood strategies, which, in the absence of local economic opportunities, continue to involve migration. Notably, the decline in mining jobs for men has coincided with a growing stream of female migrants seeking employment in export garment factories in urban Lesotho (see Figure 1). Fostered by a preferential trade agreement with the United States under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), the textile sector has become the single largest formal employer in Lesotho, providing 39,000 jobs in 2011 and up to 50,000 jobs at its peak in the mid‐2000s.<sup>11</sup> Despite dominating this area of employment – 90 percent of textile workers are women ‐ the majority of female migrants still end up working informally in domestic service or as street vendors, and even those employed in textile factories face a high level of insecurity and often bounce between the formal and informal sectors. These figures highlight an unforeseen consequence of male migrants’ retrenchment from the mines: Basotho women are increasingly compelled to migrate in order to support their families, but they are limited to less stable and lower‐paying income opportunities than the mining jobs formerly held by the male migrants.

> 8 World Bank (1995), citing 1986 Lesotho census.

> 9 Boehm (2003).

> 10 Interview with Head of Lesotho Office, National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), Maseru, January 2009 (Crush et al., 2010). 11 UNCTAD (2012).

14
<!-- Start of picture text --> 120 000<br>100 000<br>—— Mine workers<br>Textile workers<br>80 C00<br>60 000<br>40 000<br>20 000<br>0<br>1990 1991 1997 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006<br><!-- End of picture text -->
<!-- Start of picture text --> MIGRATION TO SOUTH AFRICA INTERNAL MIGRATION<br>A L L M A L E FE M A L E A L L M A L E FE M A L E<br>2004 2009 2014 2004 2009 2014<br>18%<br>17%<br>16% 16%<br>15% 14% 15% 14%<br>12% 13% 13% 13%<br>11% 11%<br>8% 8%<br>7%<br>4%<br><!-- End of picture text --> The decline in mining jobs for men and the relative difficulty for women to work in South Africa led to a spike in internal migration from 2004 to 2009, which has largely been maintained in 2014. As internal migration has become the dominant livelihood strategy in Lesotho, Basotho men and women moving to urban areas tend to migrate individually, leaving their families behind, hence reproducing the historical migratory patterns of cross‐border miners. While half of the migrants are young and unmarried (see Table 2 below), approximately a third of both male (39%) and female migrants (34%) are married. Interviews conducted for this report revealed that people are often motivated to move away for work in order to cover education costs and other basic needs for their dependents. The responsibility to provide for children is particularly salient for women, 13% of whom are widowed, divorced or separated, and therefore the sole caretakers. Notwithstanding the significant economic benefits of migration, segregated migration patterns of men and women have altered the social fabric of Lesotho, with detrimental effects on health, family structures, and the institution of marriage.

**_Table 2_ . Characteristics of male vs. female internal migrants (DHS, 2014)**

||**MALE**|**FEMALE**||**MALE**|**FEMALE**|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|**Age group**|||**Highest educational level**|||
|15‐19|24.88|31.38|No education|10.42|1.73|
|20‐24|22.53|22.01|Primary|43.16|29.29|
|25‐29|15.70|16.51|Secondary|36.76|54.47|
|30‐34|12.11|9.81|Higher|9.67|14.51|
|35‐39|8.88|7.00|_Total_|_100.00_|_100.00_|
|40‐44|6.45|4.75||||
|45‐49|4.36|_4.71_|**Household wealth level**|||
|50‐54|3.32|2.43|Poorest|22.50|20.44|
|55‐59|1.76|1.40|Poorer|_21.79_|20.03|
|_Total_|_100.00_|_100.00_|Middle|20.49|_20.42_|
||||Richer|18.68|18.53|

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**Marital status** Richest 16.54 20.59 Never married 56.75 52.68 _Total 100.00 100.00_ Married 38.56 34.38 Widowed 1.77 7.61 Divorced 2.93 5.34 _Total 100.00 100.00_

# 2. Migration from the Households’ Perspective

## _Determinants of migration_

The results of our fieldwork indicate that female migration in Lesotho is primarily driven by economic “push” factors, often due to shocks to the family household, such as job loss, death, or bad crops, rather than “pull” factors. These push factors are closely linked with overall economic circumstances in rural Lesotho and many households’ existing dependence on remittances.

Livelihoods in rural Lesotho typically revolve around subsistence agriculture. Outside of farming, local work consists of odd, piecemeal jobs that are inconsistent and pay little. For most families, however, this is not enough. They struggle to feed their families and keep their children in school, much less pay for major expenses or recover from economic shocks. Given limited local options, most households look to employment options outside their village. Rural communities understand these opportunities to vary by sector, location, salary, and stability. Rural households previously opted to send males away for work and often to the mines in South Africa. This is in part due to historically patriarchal norms, and in part because these jobs are seen to be the most lucrative and attractive: they pay the best and are more stable and longer‐term than other “male” jobs, such as in construction or agriculture, which tend to be project‐based and/or seasonal. Given Lesotho’s historical gender norms and work opportunities, rural communities understand “migration” as being mostly to South Africa and being done by males. However, in response to retrenchment from the mines, or men becoming ill and returning home, households send other members away for work both to recover from lost remittances, and to diversify their sources of income.

Consistent with the nationally‐representative data, rural communities understand job prospects to be moving more in favor of women: domestic work is in high demand both in South Africa and urban Lesotho and textile jobs are now perceived to be easier to get than mining or construction jobs. In contrast to male migration to South Africa, communities understand internal moves for work – typically for factory or 17
domestic work ‐ as mostly done by females. While our sample of migrants is small, our survey data also evidence the shift toward female migration: at the time they first moved for work, almost one‐fourth of respondents experienced household job loss, the majority of which belonged to males (77 percent), and one‐third experienced a death in the family, also the majority of whom were male (67 percent). However, female migrants also move in response to other household shocks: 28 percent of respondents experienced a major crop or livestock loss at the time they first moved away for work.

Education is another important “push factor” linked to female migration, although it operates differently for younger and older women. First, primarily for younger women, dropping out of school due to lack of finances serves as an impetus to move. Many migrants reported dropping out of school because their parents or siblings could no longer afford their school fees. It is often after that, and related to the household’s inability to pay, that women move for work. These women also find that, since they are no longer in school, they are a burden to an already financially strapped household. Second, for older women, education is linked to the purpose of migration, as children’s school fees and related expenses are key motivating push factors and serve as a priority for women’s remittances.

Overall, these “push” factors – death, job loss, crop failures, and education ‐ are the main drivers of female migration in Lesotho. “Pull” factors are not as important, although established personal networks ease and expedite the process, and in rare cases start it. This is discussed in more detail below.

# _Perceptions of migration_

Rural communities generally understand “migration” to apply to those crossing international boundaries; they do not often use the term “migrant” for those who move internally, most likely due to Lesotho’s history of male migration to South African mines. They have different terms for migrants based on the work they do, “Some are called _‘Mapetoria’ (Pretorians_ ), others are just called ‘ _Mamaenara’ (Miners),_ others are called ‘ _Makhomosha’ (vendors_ ) and women are called ‘ _Makitjikitji’ (Kitchen girls)”; “’_ ma weekend’, _Weekenders_ , that is people who come home on a weekly basis”. Despite the different names, the most commonly used term sums up the harsh reality in which communities see these migrants to be living: “Baitsokoli”: strugglers. “We call them that because some will go out and find little jobs to sustain their lives”.

Rural perceptions of migration are overwhelmingly negative: many understand migrants to be those who move away and come home just to die from illness. Older, hardened perceptions most likely stem from males returning from South Africa and dying from HIV, or disabled and very ill. More recent perceptions 18
have grown to include female migrants’ working conditions: how little they are paid and how exploited they are. They believe that textile workers are insulted and oppressed by their Chinese employers; they work in very cold conditions and inhale dangerous chemicals; witchcraft sometimes happens among factory workers trying to vie for better positions; and “thugs” in urban areas steal from them. They also believe domestic workers are sexually harassed by their female bosses’ husbands; they are treated “like slaves”, working from dawn until dusk; and paid very poorly. Overall, rural communities understand the work that migrant women do to be in extremely harsh conditions and for women to be vulnerable and cheated by men.

Aside from working conditions, rumors and thoughts about migrants themselves abound. Both men and women in rural communities believe migrant men engage in extramarital relations: they spend their money on other women and remit a smaller percentage of their money. Multiple stories emerged of miners moving away, starting new families and never returning, leaving their families to fend for themselves. Female migrants are not held in entirely favorable light either, although perceptions varied by gender: rural men see migrant women as succeeding professionally because of sexual relations: “It is women because they have a lot of challenges. Some of them get jobs as a result of sexual favors. Men do not usually face those challenges. Women do not even go home often, so it is highly probable they will engage in other extra affairs”. In contrast, some rural women see migrant women as engaging in extramarital relations out of spite (“Men will start and women will revenge on them by also doing the same”; “Women do engage in extra relationships if their husbands do not give them attention any more”) but also due to a newly enjoyed freedom. Perceptions were also sector‐specific: textile workers are often seen as “promiscuous, enjoying cohabiting with other men”, while domestic workers are rumored to “bring their boyfriends over while their employers are gone” or steal their employers’ husbands. People also dismissed women working in South Africa as “acting as a man’s wife”, living with him and making his home as a way to live more comfortably and supplement their income.

# _Prevalence and necessity of migration_

A brief look at the national data shows that despite half (43%) of Basotho households reporting at least one member living away, migration tends to be a survival strategy rather than a strategy for creating wealth. Remarkably, rural households with only internal migrants are as poor than households without any migrants: more than a third (32%) of households with members elsewhere in Lesotho are among the poorest, compared to 31% of non‐sending ones (see Figure 3). Having migrants in South Africa, however, 19
is associated with a much lower probability of being very poor (17%) and a correspondingly much higher chance of falling into the top two wealth quintiles (31%). Consistent with these findings, an earlier World Bank report also suggested that migration is only effective in sheltering households from poverty when “migration is directed outside the country and the migrants are men.”<sup>13</sup> Whether migrants to South Africa are able to remit more money or migrants within Lesotho are moving in response to pre‐existing poverty, internal migration seems to be correlated with lower benefits to the sending household.

_Figure 3. In rural areas, RSA‐sending households are better off and domestic‐sending households as poor as non‐sending households (DHS 2014)_ <!-- Start of picture text --> RSA ONLY 17 26 26 23 8<br>poorest<br>poorer<br>LSO ONLY 32 27 20 14 7 middle<br>richer<br>richest<br>NON‐SENDING 31 27 23 13 6<br><!-- End of picture text --> Fieldwork findings are consistent with these data. First, rural communities see migration as a survival strategy, and not a newfound freedom or opportunity for the migrants: they characterize migration as a “necessary evil”. As such, most households send a family member away for work. In fact, in the rural communities we visited, it was hard to find non‐sending households. Most participants in in‐depth interviews and group discussions had either migrated for work themselves or had a member(s) of their household who did. Furthermore, many households that had not sent a member away either plan to do so in the future, or want to but cannot, mostly due to either a lack of financial or social resources to initiate the move, or the absence of an able‐bodied adult household member.

Second, even with remittances, households that send internal migrants are struggling financially and, critically, are not seen as better off. Communities see small differences around big holidays and the times the migrant comes home to visit, when they bring foodstuffs and other small goods and cash; the rest of the time, however, these households are struggling as much as others. More specifically, they see female

> 13 World Bank (2010).

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migrant households as largely just getting by, with few major improvements to their homes or other big investments. Interviewers found that the case study families are destitute, with multiple people living in huts with one room. “The money is too little. They have a lot to cover such as rent where they are staying. They also have personal needs to address. So it is difficult to share the money, which they earn between the two families. Those people struggle. We feel for them,” a rural woman stated. Many migrant families and rural communities in general do not see these households as living much different than other households: “There is really no difference, that is why other family members would leave home too and go and work in South‐Africa. Even if one may count the families in this community who have some of their families working, we all look the same, they are still struggling to put bread on the table”, a rural man noted. Overall, rural communities in our study came to the same conclusion: most migrants do not make enough money for the hard and rough work and treatment to be worth it.

Fieldwork also confirmed that people in rural communities only perceive real changes in household quality and wellbeing when a family has a male working in the mines: “The major difference can only be seen in a family where the member, often men, is working in the mines in South Africa,” rural man. However, households with female migrants do acknowledge their basic needs are met, which might not have been the case otherwise: “There is a huge difference now, now I can afford to pay for my sibling’s schools fees”, textile worker; “It is still the same except now that I can afford certain things; I am not a beggar anymore”, textile case study; “I gain a lot of good things from it. I go to doctors, buy clothes for myself and buy food from the money that she sends me”, sending household; “There is only a little difference that we see because unlike the first instance when everyone was crowded in one house, you find that now that one person is ensuring that everyone is at least getting food, electricity and clothes, soap and Vaseline,” rural woman.

# _Where to move_

If perceived risks and challenges do influence the migration decision, it is in the destination: South Africa comes with higher pay, but also daunting paperwork, fears of human trafficking, higher upfront costs, and increased risk, as many cross the border illegally. The costs and benefits of moving to South Africa are well known among rural communities, with many sharing stories of individuals being trapped at the border and paying large sums to return to Lesotho after overstaying their Visa: “Those that work in South Africa say they get trapped in places where they cannot move out without their bosses’ consent. Their passports are kept by the employer and they are only released when they are deported to Lesotho. In most cases, they do not get paid for jobs they have carried out”, rural woman. “For those who work in South‐Africa, 21
most of them do not have visas or work permits so with the little that they have, they spend it extending their stay through taking their passports to and from the boarder gate which is more money”, rural man. Others tell of men who were handed over to authorities by their employers after months of work, without pay. Still, for some, the higher pay offsets the risks and for those who can, go: “It has reasons, those who go to Maseru usually cannot afford to go to South‐Africa and those who go to South‐Africa are those who look for increased salaries”, rural man.

# _Whom to send_

Given the fact that most households still need and depend on remittances, rural communities have mixed feelings about whom exactly they should send. As stated above, households generally prefer to send males away for work first, due to historically patriarchal norms and the higher salaries that mining jobs offer. Rural men hold on to this preference more strongly than women do: they feel women should be home caring for children and keeping the house: “Well, a man because it is our culture. Women should look after the children; the family depends on them to improve”, rural man; their masculinity is still very much wrapped up in their ability to provide for their family. However, they acknowledge this is changing: “Men and women should discuss things and both have inputs but to be honest women are more listened to when they have been working and bringing money home. It is a thing we grew up with as men, knowing that a woman is inferior”, rural man.

Women, however, are split on this: they agree that women are better at raising the children (and thus men should be those moving away for work), but also believe that women are more honest and dependable when it comes to sending money home. Women in rural areas think migrant men spend their earnings on themselves – other women and alcohol – and fail to remit as much money home as they can: “Women leave because men are not sensitive to children’s needs like women. Men do get jobs but they do not bring anything back and ‘woman would not do that.’ Even though women earn little, they also remember those they have left behind. Men get married wherever they are”; “A woman makes a huge difference in the family when she works but when a man does, it is a problem. Men do not often bring money home, they support women whom they fall in love with at their new jobs” **.** On the other hand, rural women worry that the money that working women send home is misspent by men in the family household, although this did not come up with migrants themselves.

Lastly, many understand a mother being away from her children to be an important issue. Household heads, rural community members, and migrants themselves all talk about how women should not be away from their children, and that children who do not have their mothers at home behave badly. With their 22
mothers gone, many felt that fathers were inadequate caretakers of children, misspending remittances or not making sure the children go to school or stay in line, and that children are vulnerable to others (“neighbors take of the children”; “if a girl is left behind, one gets worried as to who they engage with sexually and if the boys are left, you worry who they bring home”). The community knows the household needs the money, but thinks it is not ideal the woman/mother has to move away. In this case, many have conflicting views on women moving for work: they mostly think men should move, but believe men are more careless and selfish in their remittances while women send more of their income home. At the same time, women earn less (and thus send less home) but also take better care of the children. Ultimately, rural communities agree that, while it is preferable for a man to migrate for work, families must accept whatever jobs they can find (“Daughter? To be honest, I would not like it but I would have to accept it because we are driven to go out and find work away from home by difficult circumstances in our villages”, non‐sending rural household).

# _Impact on family structure_

Given the (perceived) consequences for migrants’ children, women experience stress over whether their children are being properly cared for, whether in daycare in urban areas or with extended family in rural areas: “We really fear for our children’s safety, we struggle to find the right people to look after them. Sometimes family members have other things to do, they may leave the children unattended and unsupervised. My children are currently living with my uncle because he was the only person I could trust” _,_ domestic worker; “It affects us more because sometimes the people we leave our children with are not the people we trust”, textile worker. Given the evolving nature of the institution of marriage (see Box 1), spouses are not necessarily available to care for children when women migrate. When possible, women prefer to leave their children with their parents ‐ typically mothers, since fathers are more likely to have died, and typically their own parents rather than in‐laws, also due to increasing marital dissolution‐ because they are trustworthy and have their children’s best interests in mind. These grandmothers tend to be the heads of intergenerational households and serve as a sort of rural base for their children and grandchildren.

The children left behind with grandmothers are often living in very precarious situations. Grandmothers report various difficulties in caring for children, often a large number of them, on top of many of them being disabled or having difficulty caring even for themselves: _“_ We grandmothers take care of them. We struggle along with them”; “They return with the children and it becomes our responsibilities”; “One of my granddaughters is actually delinquent and she is moving about all over and making babies”. Those 23
elderly women heading the sending households interviewed had various health ailments: one had high blood pressure and visited a clinic regularly for medicine, one reported falling ill and having to leave her job, and another was losing her eyesight due to sugar diabetes.

On top of physical limitations, these women tend to head large households with inconsistent and insufficient funds. Those that can, brew beer to sell locally, although this is not lucrative and one noted the risks involved and stopped brewing: “People would start fighting when they got drunk and I did not want any trouble because of that.” In many cases, the fathers of their migrant daughters’ children are absent: “[the fathers] are not around; some of them neglect their children. All they do is make children and pass by”. Interviewers were surprised by how little farming the rural households were engaged in, whether due to a lack of able bodies, climate change, or low agricultural productivity overall. A surprising number of households rely solely on migrants’ remittances and old‐age pensions of grandparents living in the family household.<sup>14</sup> Instead, most case studies were the main breadwinners of their family households. However, remittances are often inconsistent: “My daughters are the ones that buy me gas when they want to”; “They do it randomly, it all depends on who is able to send me money”. The grandmother of an unmarried domestic worker details the uncertainty: “What gets to me is my son’s [case study’s father] working in South Africa as a miner because he barely helps with the children and I have no one to seek help from. He knows very well the burden he has left me with of taking care of his children. He does not come home often and does not even send money regularly. He does not help much in the household necessities.” Further, remittances only cover education costs and basic needs: “I would die [if she stopped remitting], I depend on her alone, I would be really affected.” One sending household even reported being unable to feed children outside of breakfast: “I cannot afford [children’s lunch boxes]. They eat breakfast at home and that will be it. They will eat at school when every child is fed at lunch hour.”

> 14 According to HBS 2013/2014, Q3, while 15% of households receive an average of M503 per month in old age pensions from the government, only people older than 70 are eligible to receive them. Rural households receiving old‐age pensions are nevertheless less likely to report having a member move away over the past 12 months. Among rural households, 19% of those without any members who moved away recently report receiving old‐age pension, compared to only 16% of those with recent internal migrants. The HBS data do not enable us to identify longer‐term migrants however.

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## **Box 1: Migrants and marriage in Lesotho**

Marriage remains common: 64 percent of our survey sample has been married at least once, and of those, 89% are married under customary law only, 6% both customary and civil law, and 5% civil law only (refer to Table 1). However, qualitative work suggests that the institution is changing. First, it points to high rates of infidelity, and with it some level of acceptance for this and having multiple partners in general (although still frowned upon). Marital dissolution is increasingly common: “I think it is all the same, these children all return home from failed marriages,” rural women, and marriage overall fragile: “A man can still separate from you when you live together so distance does not matter. When a man no longer loves you, you have to accept it because there is nothing you can do about it. Even if you worked hard and gave him money at the end of the month, once he does not love you it is over” _,_ textile worker. Divorce is not very common, in part because it involves extended family in rural areas. Instead, couples separate and men (re)marry. Second, migrant women are choosing _not_ to remarry after divorce or becoming widowed. Instead, they value their independence too much, and some even left less‐than‐ ideal circumstances with spouses to move in the first place.

One of our key hypotheses going into this study regarded how having females living and working away from home influences marital dynamics. Although we probed on this specifically, we did not find female migration to have any major impact on bargaining power with their husbands – a finding consistent with one of the few studies that has investigated the topic (Chaka, 2011). Rather, women often buy goods themselves for their families in urban areas to bring home to their families, talk with the family household on how to spend the money, or willingly give the family household complete control over the money (as a “gift”). There is little room for flexibility in how money is spent anyways: any money earned goes to covering basic expenses and school costs. Still, women reported a high degree of control and no conflict over financial decisions in both their current and their family household, and over their personal income as well. And while not directly assessed, women did not bring up the issue of gender‐based violence during any of our qualitative work.

# 3. The Perspective of Female Migrants

Based on our fieldwork, we characterize two groups of women who tend to move to urban areas for work in Lesotho. One group consists of slightly older women (25‐40 years) with children who move in order to support them. For these women, some shock usually occurred to motivate their move: she never married and her parents cannot provide for her and her children, her husband left and did not return, they separated (or, less common, divorced), he died, he lost his job, or the household had a bad crop or property stolen. These women are more likely to start in or transition into textile work. A second group consists of younger, unmarried women (15‐30 years) who drop out of school because they or their families can no longer afford the fees, which is often due to job loss or a death in the family, or they finish school and find their parents can no longer support them. They understand themselves to be financial burdens on their parents and move to try to support themselves and their families. They tend 25
to move for domestic work because this work has no minimum age restriction and demands little experience and education.

# _The experience of textile workers_

Female migrants working in the textile industry in Maseru/Maputsoe tend to be mothers who move in order to support their children. Textile workers in our survey were on average 32 years old with 1.6 children. Eighty‐seven percent were mothers. Almost 25 percent experienced a loss of employment in the household at the time they first moved for work (of these, nearly 40 percent was her husband, 27 percent her father, and 14 percent her brother). Forty percent experienced a death in the family: 15 percent a husband and more than half of these women had a parent die. Thirty‐four percent experienced a major crop or livestock loss.

Overall, textile workers’ experiences are marked by the more formal nature of their employment: contracts, legal representation, and benefits provide them greater flexibility and more independence than other sectors would. This formality is linked to their intentions to stay in urban areas, the processes of finding and starting a job, and their work trajectories and future plans. It is also related to textile workers’ general experiences living and working away from home, which involves increased financial and personal freedoms, and new challenges as well. These pros and cons are discussed in more detail in Part II.

Textile workers tend to move with short‐term goals in mind: paying for their children’s education, related fees, or helping their family household. However, they often end up staying longer than expected. Once they move for work, these women appear to take one of three different paths. One, they realize how little money they are able to earn and save, spending most of their money on living expenses and remitting what they can. What they send home does not go very far, covering school fees, some food, and other basic necessities. Unless the household has other sources of income, it becomes dependent on their remittances, making it hard for the woman to leave the job. Two, the woman does not leave the job, but in fact is retrenched. Three, the woman continues sending money, but actually chooses not to move back home. It seems this group is torn, and is often comprised of those women with no or few kids residing in the family household: they grow accustomed to the urban lifestyle and, while they miss their families, do not want that quality of life again. Rather, they enjoy electricity and their independence, even if life is hard and more expensive: “We want to start over here, we are now used to electricity and the city life. Life in the rural is hard, here things are improved”.

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Among survey respondents, textile workers have been working for an average of 8.3 years in the industry, with their current employer for an average of 5.5 years, and living and working away from home overall for an average of 10. One‐third has had other paid work away from home, more than half of which was domestic work. Eight percent has previously worked in South Africa, almost all of which was in the domestic sector.

When it comes to _where_ to move, textile workers are drawn to a specific location (e.g., Maseru or Maputsoe) because they have a family member or friend already living there with whom they can live while they search for a job and then their own place to rent. About 60 percent of textile workers learned about their job through family or friends. Personal connections do not help in getting a job at a particular factory, but can help in navigating a new city and affording the move by providing temporary housing, and perhaps addressing some of the potential migrant’s concerns prior to migration. Another factor is distance from home and ability to visit family easily. For those who can, many women choose a particular city based on distance from their family household: “Some people indicate that Maseru is too far so they prefer to go to Maputsoe as it is closer to home”, rural woman.

Most textile workers do not have a job prior to moving (12 percent did), but rather move to where they know someone, then wait outside factory gates until they get a job. Almost all textile workers surveyed – 93 percent ‐ applied for their job by waiting outside the factory gate, which can take time. Women waited an average of 36 days to apply for their current job, with one waiting an entire year. Getting hired at a factory for the first time is seen to involve a bit of luck. Many factories seek some experience so they do not have to train workers, and the supply of women looking for work is deep. Once in the garment industry, however, women feel that their employability increases with work experience and on‐the‐job training.

Textile workers generally sign a contract: 92 percent of textile survey respondents did, and most of those who did not reported being casual employees (still on probation). However, many women do not know the terms of the contract, such as employment duration or sick and maternity leave, and perceive the terms to be non‐negotiable anyways. For those who (think they) do know the terms, their understandings of these rules and regulations vary widely. They report that contracts last anywhere between one month and four years. Most telling is that contracts are in English. At best, someone in Human Resources goes 27
# _Case Study 1: “Lerato”, textile worker_

Among the 208 workers interviewed for this study, the research team identified a small subset for further investigation. For these “case studies”, the team conducted detailed semi‐structured interviews with the migrant and then visited their family household to get both sides of the migration story. The following is one such case study.

“Lerato” is a 35 year‐old widow with two children. When her husband, a contractor, died, they had long been separated and, according to her mother, “his family did not accept [her] as their daughter anymore. [She] had to go back home because the marriage had not been legitimized according to the law.” Shortly thereafter she decided independently to move away for work, recognizing her family’s struggles to cover their basic needs. She has been living and working away from her family household as a textile worker at the same factory in Maseru since she left home ten years ago. When she first moved, she did not have a job lined up but had heard of the opportunity through her sister. Despite hearing rumors that “textile workers become sick and die from tuberculosis and HIV”, she moved to Maseru out of necessity and “because there was no other job [she] could do since [she] [was] not educated.” She borrowed money from her sister, who also worked in the textile industry, and spent M60 on transportation and M400 on setting up her new home. She got her current job after waiting only one day at the gate, although acknowledges that it is difficult to find work without qualifications. After a 6‐month probation period, she signed a non‐negotiable 12‐month contract that has since been renewed. Overall, she is unsatisfied with her job and would not recommend it, although thinks she will still be living and working away from her family in five years doing similar work. Her mother believes she would move to South Africa for the higher pay, but thinks Lerato “is afraid she would get arrested because she does not have a work permit”. Ideally, she would be living closer to her family and sewing her own work because she “loves being independent”.

Lerato has two children, one who lives with her and goes to school in Maseru (a 15 year old daughter) and one younger daughter (11 years old) living in her family household with her mother. She visits her family household once a month, traveling by public transportation and paying M94. She has a boyfriend in Maseru – the one partner she has been with since her husband died. She earns M1,128/month. She is the breadwinner of both households and, given her high living expenses in Maseru, she rarely has any money left over at the end of the month (“all that is left is spent on [her] children’s needs”). Still, she manages to send money home regularly and save with a stokvel. Despite having a bank account for payment purposes, she prefers stokvels because there are no fees. She remits money through a family member or friend and this money primarily goes toward foodstuffs, children’s education and other related expenses. She is a member of a union.

Lerato’s family household consists of her mother and her daughter. She has two brothers who live in Bloemfontein and two sisters, one who works in Maseru and one who lives in Mafeteng, near her family household. Her mother is losing her eyesight due to sugar diabetes. She is too young to receive her old age pension, and lives off of Lerato’s remittances and any other money her children send home, which is too inconsistent to count on.

28
through the contract with the employees; at worst, they cannot read it in English and employers do not translate the terms into SeSotho, but just tell the women where to sign. Workers do not remember what was in the contract and few, if any, keep their own copy.

Because textile workers tend to have children to support, they do not see going back home as an option. They tend to stay at a specific factory as long as they can, which is usually determined by the current size and number of orders. When retrenched, women stand outside factory gates until they are hired again or work piecemeal jobs to cover costs in the meantime. When given the hypothetical scenario of retrenchment, few talked about moving home, but rather stressed the need to stay away and find other work given their family’s dependence on their remittances: “I would look for another job because my youngest child still needs financial care. He is in a private school... I would go for anything that would get me money”; “Nothing at all, we are hopeless. I would go and look for another factory job”. These intentions are also evident in survey data: 70 percent of textile workers expect to be working away from home in five years, almost 65 percent of whom expect to still be working in the textile industry.

# _The experience of domestic workers_

As noted above, the decision of _when_ women move for work is linked to household finances. The first group of female migrants moves to support their children after some household shock. Domestic workers in Maseru generally belong to a second group, which consists of younger women who drop out of school, often also due to household financial challenges. These women tend to migrate because they see moving for work as one of the few opportunities for them to keep busy and to help their family. They choose domestic service because the work does not have an age restriction and demands less education and experience than other sectors. As such, migrant domestic workers are more likely to be single and not have any children. Among survey respondents, domestic workers were on average 30 years old – slightly younger than textile workers ‐ although their age range was quite large: 15 to 73. Almost half were single and less than one‐third was married. Almost 40 percent had no children.

Overall, domestic workers’ experiences are strongly influenced by the more informal nature of their employment, relative to textile work: they lack contracts, legal representation, and benefits, resulting in little autonomy and greater vulnerability to the personal and professional nature of their specific employer. Like textile workers, this lack of formality is linked to their intentions, the processes of finding and starting a job, and their work trajectories and future plans. The informal nature is also related to their 29
overall migrant experiences, including living and working conditions, financial inclusion, and sexual health, also discussed in Part II.

Similar to their initial motivations, domestic workers’ intentions differ from those of textile workers. Domestic workers are somewhat less likely to see themselves living away from home in five years (57 percent) and only half of those expect to still be domestic workers. That domestic workers are less likely to intend to stay away from home evidences their different reasons for moving: they are less likely to be supporting children back home, and more likely to be young and unattached. As one domestic worker’s sending household said, the migrant is “still young and has her whole life ahead of her”.

Regarding the decision of _where_ to move, the most important factor is where the jobs are. Unlike textile workers, who move to a specific location where they know someone and then look for a job, domestic workers tend to move for a specific job, which is lined up in advance through personal networks. Almost 85 percent of surveyed domestic workers reported learning about their job through family or friends. They also learn about potential employers through neighbors, pastors, or other community members, as well as over the radio, although this is less common. The majority has a job lined up before moving for work ‐ 60 percent of respondents – and many of their employers provide financial assistance for transport to the urban area, with some even picking the domestic worker up in their village. Importantly, few domestic workers sign a contract (less than 3 percent of domestic survey respondents did). Instead, some discuss terms of employment with their employer, although the majority simply accepts work conditions as non‐ negotiable expectations of the household head.

Surveyed domestic workers’ work patterns and trajectories differ from textile workers: they have lived and worked away from home for an average of 5.8 years, have worked in the domestic sector for 5, and with their current employer for 3, all less than the corresponding averages for textile workers. Similar to textile workers, about 7 percent of domestic workers have worked in South Africa previously. Surprisingly, almost a third of survey domestic workers had previously worked in the textile district in Lesotho prior to their current job, indicating a higher than expected degree of bi‐directional movement between these two industries.

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# _Case Study 2: “Mateboho_ ” _, domestic worker_

“Mateboho” is 19 years old. She is single and has no children. She has completed some secondary school but had to drop out after her mother died. Her father migrated to South Africa for mining work when his first child was born and has since remarried and started another family. He stopped paying Mateboho’s school fees when her mother died. In addition to her mother’s death, her family experienced crop loss at the time she first moved for work, which was a little under a year ago. Not being able to attend school, she moved in order to support her family, as well as to avoid what she sees as destructive lifestyle choices: “I had just realized a lot of young people in my village do not seem to have self‐respect and that they behave in ways I do not like. I wanted to make sure that I do not end up like them ... I could not just sit around and do nothing because I did not want to end up doing things that would end up embarrassing my father.” Prior to moving, she secured a job as a domestic worker through her grandfather’s younger sister, who came and asked Mateboho’s grandmother if she had a problem if Mateboho took the job in Maseru. She paid little to move for work, since the employer provided transportation. Overall, she is very satisfied with her job and would recommend it. If she lost her current job, she would stay and look for work: “I would try and find another job because we would struggle like we had been before I came to work in Maseru”; of most importance to her is paying for her younger siblings’ education so they can stay in school. She thinks that working in a shop would provide more income for the family household. Her grandmother also believes that textile work would pay better. Still, she does not think she will be living and working away from home in five years. Instead, she hopes to marry, perhaps her boyfriend from her home village.

She earns M450/month and is paid in cash. She saves M100/month informally and reports sending 20% home through friends, although her grandmother says she does not send money home as regularly.

Her family household consists of her grandmother, who is a widow, and a revolving combination of her own children and grandchildren. She had ten children, but only three are still alive, including Mateboho’s father. Mateboho has two brothers, one of whom still lives in the family household and goes to primary school. The grandmother lives mostly with her grandchildren in a household that seems quite fluid: her children often depend on her to care for their children, but she often sends them back to their parents because she “no longer has the capacity and means to provide for them”. Importantly, Mateboho’s father sends money infrequently and oftentimes not at all; the grandmother instead survives on her old age pension, what little property she has, and the little remittances she receives from Mateboho.

# _Migrants’ perceptions and actual experiences_

Migrants’ perceptions of migration prior to their initial move away for work are very similar to those of rural communities. They had heard that working conditions for female migrants are brutal: women employed in the textile sector work with chemicals and in very cold temperatures, and they are often 31
harassed and belittled by Chinese employers. Domestic workers work like “slaves”, all day and all night with few breaks and little time to themselves.

Women’s actual experiences varied in how they compared to their perceptions prior to moving. Some found their working and living arrangements to not be very different from what they expected – they expected it to be hard work and it is. “I heard nothing good about it to tell the truth, they said it is difficult. Back then I could not tell what they were talking about but now I see... the hardships of staying here”, textile case study. “Paying for everyday needs is stressful because what we earn is little,” textile worker. Some were happy that it was not as bad as they thought it was going to be, although this group consists mostly of domestic workers who have very positive relationships with their employers: “I got good treatment to be honest but I still heard sad stories from other domestic workers about the nasty treatment they endured”. A third group, the largest, found living and working away to be tougher than expected or were disappointed that their lives did not improve immediately: “I initially thought my life would change, as well as the lives of my children”, textile case study.

Importantly, migrants’ needs and ability to support their children and family household outweigh any negative light in which they perceive migration and female migrants in general. While it is not ideal that they live away from their children – and most had a difficult time leaving those behind – female migrants do what they can to make their living and working arrangements tolerable. They tend to accept the conditions because the alternative is always worse: “I think people endure the pain because they know what is at stake when they lose the jobs they have. The problems which they have left back home are much worse than the bad treatment,” domestic worker.

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# Part II: Challenges and Opportunities

“ _I would like them to know women are the ones who take care of their families and when they go for workplaces far away from home, it does not mean they enjoy it. Most of their husbands left or died and for them to go out it means it is hard so they should protect women’s needs. Women should earn more money so that they could be able to take care of their family members whom they have left behind_ ”, case study.

In this section, we turn our attention to the challenges faced by migrant workers, and ask what opportunities exist for policies and programs to support these workers and their families. The application of a migration lens – particularly that of the expanding female migrant population ‐ offers a fresh approach and new insights to familiar policy questions regarding employment, urban development, financial inclusion, health, and education.

## 1. Quality of Employment

### _Working conditions of textile workers_

The results of our fieldwork are consistent with previous reports of textile workers’ working conditions.<sup>15,16,17</sup> Commonly experienced workplace problems reported by respondents are verbal abuse and harassment from employers, very cold temperatures, hazardous chemicals and machines, job insecurity if they do not meet their employer’s expectations, and poor conditions, including lack of running water and working toilets at times (“when water gets finished at work sometimes we drink from the toilets. They do not let us go home when there is no water”). Twelve percent of textile workers reported being harassed or threatened in the workplace. However, sexual relations between employers and employees appeared to sometimes be linked to promotion or preferential treatment.<sup>18</sup> Qualitative work points to textile workers’ vulnerability in such relationships: women enter them as a means to employment benefits, but often suffer worse conditions when the relationship sours or the women do not adhere to the employers’ demands. One group noted that such incidences are likely to increase as

> 15 <mark>International Labor Organization. (2013).</mark>

> 16 <mark>Pike and Godfrey (2014).</mark>

> 17 They’Daemane, Moses M. M. (2014).

> 18 Despite explicitly asking about transactional sex in our survey, only 8% of survey respondents reported having sex for money or gifts in the past 12 months. Still, such behavior among female migrants emerged in qualitative work with rural communities and female migrants to be perceived as occurring.

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“men are increasing in number in the factories and so are women, so there is a high likelihood of it taking place”.

Most factories operate at least five days a week, with work on Saturdays as orders demand, and Sundays off. The typical workday is from 7am until 5pm, with the gates closing promptly at 7am. Workers do not earn paid leave except in the case of illness proven with a doctor’s note, and hence they hesitate to take any time off.<sup>19</sup> On average, textile respondents are not satisfied with their job (3.3 on 1‐5 scale, with 1 being “very satisfied”, 3 being “indifferent”, and 5 being “very unsatisfied”) and are not likely to recommend their job to a family member or close friend back home (3.3 on a 1‐4 scale, with 1 being “very likely” and 4 being “not likely at all”).

Despite little job satisfaction, there is evidence that some factories have improved conditions with the help of various programs, including Better Work.<sup>20</sup> Better Work was a partnership program of the ILO and the IFC that provided assessment, advisory, and training services to the industry in Lesotho from 2010 to 2016. The initiative further addressed common workplace issues – harassment by supervisors, violations of occupational safety and health requirements, and compensation – through various training products, including Supervisory Skills, HR Management, and Occupational Safety and Health. A 2013 assessment found increased compliance efforts with regards to discrimination, union operations, minimum wages, contracting procedures, discipline and disputes, and OSH management systems.<sup>21</sup> While not entirely satisfied with their efforts,<sup>22</sup> textile workers acknowledged the Ministry of Labor and other associations/unions at their disposal, as well as a committee to help with workplace conflict: “To solve conflicts amongst ourselves as employees, there is a committee chosen by us which deals with such issues, they sit us down and talk to us”. Textile workers are highly unionized (54 percent of survey workers). They are represented by five sectoral unions: the Lesotho Clothing and Allied Workers’ Union (LECAWU), the Factory Workers’ Union (FAWU), the National Union of Textile (NUTEX), the United Textile Employees (UNITE), and the Voice of Workers (Lentsoe La Sechaba). They report that the factories tend

> 19 Lesotho’s labor legislation is mainly documented in the Lesotho Labour Code 1992, with additional amendments made in subsequent years, including those specific to the treatment and prevention of HIV. The laws include the ILO’s core conventions, including no child or forced labor, non‐discrimination, freedom of association, regulated working hours of 45 normal and 11 hours of overtime a week, and minimum leave. Additional codes of conduct include no forced labor, payment of minimum wages, and health and safety, and sexual harassment. 20 World Bank (2015).

> 21 <mark>International Labor Organization (2013).</mark>

> 22 Despite union membership among textile workers being around 50%, their ability to challenge constraints to labor law effectiveness remains limited (They’Daemane 2014).

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to stick to the 11 hours/week maximum for overtime as cited in labor codes (much to the frustrations of the workers, who want the extra pay), and that they have some sort of maternity and/or sick leave.

# _Working conditions of domestic workers_

Domestic workers also cite workplace problems, although as informal sector workers, their challenges are quite different in nature from those reported by textile workers. Domestic workers report terrible working hours – essentially all day, seven days a week, harsh treatment from employers, little privacy or time to themselves, and very low pay (respondents earn an average of M590, ranging from M350‐M1,200). Qualitative work suggests that domestic workers are more vulnerable than textile workers to sexual harassment by their employer, although no migrants reported experiencing such behavior: “I had heard that sometimes domestic workers are sexually harassed by the husbands of their female bosses especially during times when the woman is away on work”, domestic worker. Almost all domestic workers live with their employers, often sharing a room with the children they care for, leaving them with little autonomy or time spent outside the employer’s family. In the worst cases, employers do not pay domestic workers, pay them less and/or less often than the workers expected, they demand more and different types of work than expected, decide how to spend the employee’s money, do not feed them, ask them to watch other people’s children, or abuse and harass them.

Unlike textile workers, who are represented by a number of formal unions, no legal oversight or frameworks exist for domestic work in Lesotho. Few domestic workers report currently being part of a union (only two in the survey) or ever previously part of a union (four in the survey). Related to workplace formality is migrants’ perceived ability to negotiate contracts and/or working conditions, and their desire to do so. That few domestic workers even sign a contract signals their legal vulnerability to their employer, and sets a precedent that they have little, if any, rights or voice to negotiate work conditions or concerns. It essentially places them at the mercy of their employer. Because of this, domestic workers tend to accept their working conditions as they are, rarely demanding or expecting any changes: “I have learned that there are a lot of challenges in each job, hence moving from one job to another is not advisable. Personally I learned to accept any conditions in my jobs. “’M’e, beggars are not choosers!’” domestic worker.

Despite the challenges in both occupations, textile work is seen as better than domestic work because it pays better and comes with more independence, as well as more legal representation and workplace regulations. Those who have done both types of work offered some comparisons: “The money as a domestic worker was too little, I needed more for my needs. I was more independent working as a factory 35
worker because I could get my own place and items unlike working as a domestic worker where one is always in doors with the employer”; “It was exactly like that, bad but I could manage. We all get bad treatment in the factories, but if I was a domestic worker I would be alone in receiving that bad treatment”.

What can be done? First, continue to improve working conditions in factories. In particular, Better Work’s 2013 assessment of 14 factories had several non‐compliance findings under multiple Working Conditions clusters regulated by national labor law: Occupational Safety and Health, Contracts and Human Resources, Compensation, and Working Time.<sup>23</sup> These results are consistent with our findings from fieldwork and indicate that continued attention is needed in addressing workplace conditions for textile workers. Of additional importance for female migrants is the issue of paid leave. Many have children living with them and, as the only adults living in their urban households, any health or child‐related concerns result in women losing part of their paycheck for time missed at work to address these problems.

Second, extend some of the benefits of formal employment to those in the informal sector, such as domestic workers. A handful of domestic workers suggested that some sort of organization similar to a union would benefit their professional circumstances: “I would like us to have a committee that supports domestic workers. The committee should help in problem solving between the employer and employees”. In fact, international experience from South Africa and elsewhere points to a potential model. At the international level, the government of South Africa ratified the Domestic Workers Convention, 2011 (189), thereby acknowledging the vulnerabilities of workers in this sector and ushering in new international dialogue of their unique needs.<sup>24,25</sup> At the national level, the Labor Department has sought to regulate labor conditions for domestic work, including hours and days worked, minimum wage, overtime, holidays, termination rules, and sick/maternity/family leave.<sup>26</sup> Since 2002, domestic workers have been included in safety net programs as well: if working at least 24 hours a month for an employer, the employer must register with the Unemployment Insurance Contributions Fund of the South African Revenue Service. While actual implementation is difficult to assess, the country has at least formally identified domestic workers as having specific working conditions needing formal regulations.

> 23 <mark>International Labor Organization (2013).</mark>

> 24http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C189.

> 25 http://www.ilo.org/global/standards/information‐resources‐and‐publications/news/WCMS_216613/lang‐‐en/index.htm.

> 26 http://www.labour.gov.za/DOL/find‐more‐info/all‐about‐domestic‐workers.

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In addition, informal work organizations can offer legal representation and support to workers even if formal unionization or collective bargaining are still not feasible. South African Domestic Service and Allied Workers Union (SADSAWU) provides services to domestic workers, including job training and workshops, legal advocacy, mediation, support in cases taken to the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation, and Arbitration (CCMA), counseling concerning domestic workers’ rights and legal provisions, campaigning for relevant laws, and providing information. Other organizations also advocate for domestic workers as part of larger work movements, such as Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). Importantly, such organizations could provide information to informal workers on their basic rights even prior to legal representation. While a lack of formal identification cards did not emerge as an issue during fieldwork, many women were unaware of their rights prior to joining a union. This points to migrants’ general lack of awareness of existing laws, and highlights the need to inform those workers lacking formal organization. These informational sessions could prove critical in helping informal migrant workers navigate professional landscapes within Lesotho, as well as assist migrants in making more informed and prepared decisions about moving to work in South Africa. Domestic workers noted the value of such a resource, which has since been discontinued: “There was a program on one radio station. It supported domestic workers and we loved the host of the show, we just wished the government would have supported the host. As domestic workers we had a platform to voice out our issues and most employers were trying to improve conditions of work.” Third, as a more comprehensive analysis of social and gender issues in Lesotho points out, diversify economic opportunities for women into other productive sectors, such as wool and mohair.<sup>27</sup> This is particularly important given the vulnerability of factory jobs to specific orders and external factors, which may lead to women increasingly moving out of factory work and into the informal sector. While not the focus of this study, the MCC also highlights the need to address continued concerns for women working as cross‐border traders.

# 2. Living Conditions of Migrants

## _Living conditions of domestic workers_

As mentioned above, most domestic workers live with their employers’ families, which comes with both advantages and disadvantages. The advantages are linked to the higher quality of housing they enjoy in

> 27 LMDA (2015).

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the employer’s home: compared to textile workers they tend to live in larger houses and are more likely to have electricity (80 percent), a tap inside the house (52 percent) or their own flush toilet (38 percent), and to use electricity for heating and cooking. Importantly, they do not have individual living expenses. The disadvantages are related to the lack of privacy and professional and personal boundaries.

In all, domestic workers seem torn in this arrangement: they are at the same time more satisfied (although not by much) and feel overall safer in their current living quarters than textile workers, but many want to live with their children and, more often, simply have a space of their own: “It is better if they stay on their own, so that they take leave days especially on Sundays and for them to have some personal space” _,_ domestic worker. Half of surveyed domestic workers would not change anything about their living arrangement, but the desires of the other half are quite consistent: “sleep with child but wants own space”, “want own bedroom”, “would prefer to rent elsewhere”, “to cook own food”, “would love own private space”, “not to sleep over”, “to live with son”, “to live with husband and son”, “to live alone”.

# _Living conditions of textile workers_

Because they rent their own place, textile workers have a greater range of current living arrangements. Of those who are monogamously married (37% of our textile sample), 84 percent live with their husband in Maseru/Maputsoe and about 12 percent have husbands living back in the family household. It was rare to have a husband currently working elsewhere within or outside Lesotho (4%); if they were, the women would most likely not have felt the need to move for work herself since her husband’s income would cover a significant portion of household costs. Instead, husbands either move to join their wives and work piecemeal jobs when they can, or they make the decision to move to Maseru and find work together.<sup>28</sup> Living arrangements for children are different and are more complicated. Of the textile workers with children – 87 percent of our textile sample – 72 percent live with at least one biological child in Maseru/Maputsoe. At the same time, 39 percent have at least one biological child living in their family household, usually with the female migrant’s parents, and often with nieces and nephews or siblings as well. Of the textile workers with children residing in their family home, only 6 percent live with their in‐ laws (2 cases) in the family household, one case in which the husband also resided with them.

> 28 Combined with the few domestic workers who live with their husband, this amounts to a small share of our overall sample (34%).  While a third of female migrants currently live with their spouse, joint migration remains unusual in Lesotho, both because the majority of female migrants are single or no longer married and because spouses do not necessarily make the move together. Rather, wives move first to seek out employment and families make subsequent decisions based on various household factors, including husband’s income and children’s needs.

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The 63% of textile workers who do not live with spouses often live with sisters, nieces, and nephews in Maseru/Maputsoe, although this tends to be temporary until they can afford their own place. Some cohabitate with boyfriends and few live with domestic workers (working for them), although these arrangements are not common.

Like domestic workers, the overall living conditions for textile workers come with pros and cons. Living in the city is expensive, so although textile jobs pay a lot more than domestic work (around M1,200 per month compared to M550 for those in our sample), after paying for living expenses, the take‐home pay of textile workers is not much more than domestic workers. Textile workers also struggle to find affordable housing in a safe neighborhood that is close to work. They feel vulnerable to unfair and undependable landlords, are scared of being robbed by thugs and taken advantage of by men: “Yes, I was afraid of the thugs (tycoons) here in Maputsoe, I did not sleep well at night”; “There are many thugs here in Maputsoe and they keep increasing in numbers. They have tactics they use to rob people. They steal many things but the police really do not help”, textile workers). Many feel unsafe walking to and from work in the dark (75% walk to work, often to save money), which is often the case because of their long working hours (“It the same, we go to work in the early hours of morning and it is then that we are mugged, even in the evening hours when we get back from work we come across problems” _,_ textile worker). The average commute is 35 minutes, but takes up to two hours for some. Still, textile workers highly value their independence of living on their own terms (“No, we have our own places now; we are independent, which is something you cannot do while you are a domestic worker because you cannot do as you please”).

What can be done? Migrants are a particularly vulnerable population when it comes to securing safe and affordable housing. This is in part because they are by definition living away from their place of origin, often lacking the local knowledge and networks relative to natives necessary to navigate housing markets. Labor migrants are also often unskilled and earn low wages, severely limiting their housing options to those accommodations within their budget. Finally, responding to low‐skilled labor demands, influxes of migrants often outpace urban growth and put tremendous stress on local infrastructure. It is then no surprise that housing challenges in heavy migrant‐receiving areas exist worldwide.

Policies to address migrants’ housing challenges vary and can be based on coordination efforts between local government and sectors of employment. For example, Nepalese migrants, who tend to be men working in construction or security, are highly segregated from local life in Doha, Qatar. They live in 39
industrial _labor camps_ on the fringes of the city,<sup>29</sup> where employers provide affordable housing and transportation to and from work. While these barrack‐style conditions are at times highly criticized by international agencies, cheap housing and a lack of transportation costs maximize migrants’ take‐home pay and remittances. Singapore also receives a lot of semi‐ or low‐skilled migrants working in manufacturing, construction, and domestic services. Numerous policies have addressed housing for foreign workers, including housing market regulations conforming to statutory security requirements and promoting greater employer initiatives to provide better accommodation facilities for migrant workers, including dormitories, hostels, and apartments.<sup>30</sup> These regulations ensure some minimum expectation of safety and quality for migrants. Last, rural‐urban migrant housing in China is highly linked with formal employment and social welfare, with the household registration system regulating residential markets. Migrant‐housing complexes managed by sub‐district and township agencies are becoming increasingly available for internal migrants excluded by the household registration system’s regulations.<sup>31</sup> The World Bank has also been working with local employers to improve living conditions for migrant workers.<sup>32</sup> The fact that such a large proportion of female workers live on their own or with other women provides a unique perspective for urban development. Elements of such policies discussed above can address the particular needs of internal migrants in Lesotho, emphasizing safety and affordability. Working with the LNDC and/or factories, policies could work to improve the safety of neighborhoods where large concentrations of female migrants live, including safe passage corridors, street lights, and increased and more affordable public transportation. Policy could also prioritize the creation of more affordable housing for both informal and formal workers, enabling women to save and remit as much as possible through safe and low‐cost housing options.

When designing housing policies, it is further important to consider the broader context in which these women are moving away for work: their intentions to stay are not constant, but change over time, and family members are often split between two households, moving between them based on available resources and age‐specific needs. That migrants’ and their families’ plans and circumstances evolve over time, particularly when considering those concerning their children, highlights the need for migrant housing policies and programs to facilitate the movement of families should they choose to do so. The reality that the internal female migrant population in urban Maseru is increasing, with many of them living independently or with their children, is a real policy concern.

> 29 Brusle (2012).

> 30 http://www.mom.gov.sg/passes‐and‐permits/work‐permit‐for‐foreign‐worker.

> 31 Wu. (2002).

> 32 http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2013/07/22/providing‐services‐to‐rural‐migrant‐workers‐in‐china.

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# 3. Vulnerability to HIV/AIDS

Migrants are more vulnerable than non‐migrants to HIV infection, partly because they are more likely to engage in multiple and concurrent partnerships (MCPs). Qualitative work suggests that female migrants are seen as particularly vulnerable: “Yes I do believe that [female migrants] are at risk of HIV. This is because sometimes these boys cheat us and take out condoms whilst we are not aware during sexual intercourse and that is how HIV is transmitted”; “I believe this to be true and that women living and working away from their family are in danger because sometimes women get into romantic relationships just because we cannot afford the things we desire or need”; “Women [are more at risk] because more often, men trick them into getting in bed with them and they are mostly abused sexually.” _Figure 4: Age Profile of HIV Prevalence Across Time_ <!-- Start of picture text --> Men<br>50<br>40<br>30<br>20<br>10<br>0<br>15‐19 20‐24 25‐29 30‐34 35‐39 40‐44 45‐49<br>2014 2009 2004<br>Women<br>50<br>40<br>30<br>20<br>10<br>0<br>15‐19 20‐24 25‐29 30‐34 35‐39 40‐44 45‐49<br>2014 2009 2004<br>HIV Prevalence (%)<br>HIV Prevalence (%)<br><!-- End of picture text --> 41
Nationally representative data evidence migrants’ higher risk as well. While average HIV prevalence is 25 percent (second highest in the world), it is much higher for migrant‐dominated occupations: 38 percent of male miners and 58 percent and 38 percent of female textile and domestic workers, respectively, are HIV positive (see Figure 5). Two main reasons are typically offered as explanation. First, the total number of lifetime partners and the exposure period increase with age, and both mining and textile sectors tend to employ older men and women: there has been a lack of new hires of younger Basotho men in South African mines, and garment factories in Lesotho prefer hiring mature women in their 30s. Second, both sectors are highly localized, either in remote mines or in the industrial parks near Maseru and Maputsoe, and living away from one’s family is associated with higher rates of MCPs and other risky sexual behaviors.

_Figure 5. HIV Prevalence by Gender and Occupation (DHS 2014)_ <!-- Start of picture text --> A L L WO M E N T E X T I L E D O M E S T I C M E N M I N E R S<br>WORKERS WORKERS<br>58%<br>38% 38%<br>30%<br>25%<br>20%<br><!-- End of picture text --> We explored factors associated with higher risk of HIV infection among women employed in migrant‐ dominated sectors by replicating an earlier study on male migration to South Africa (Corno and de Walque, 2012). A simple regression of HIV status by occupational category shows a strong correlation for both textile workers and domestic workers: textile workers are 28 percentage points and domestic workers are 12 percentage points more likely to be HIV positive than the average Basotho woman (see Table 3). The relationship holds even when controlling for other factors, such as age, education status, and urban status, in a multivariate regression, albeit muted (see the methodological details and full results in Annex 3). While occupation remains a strong predictor of HIV status, women are more susceptible to HIV/AIDS with age, if they live in urban areas, or if they are divorced or separated.

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**_Table 3._ HIV Status and Occupation**

|VARIABLES|Textile workers|w/controls|Domestic<br>workers|w/controls|
|---|---|---|---|---|
|Textile worker|0.28***|0.10**|||
||(0.06)|(0.05)|||
|Domestic worker|||0.12***|0.05*|
||||(0.03)|(0.03)|
|Controls|No|Yes|No|Yes|
|Observations|3,318|3,318|3,318|3,318|

_Notes_ : The table shows marginal effects calculated at the mean from probit coefficients. Robust standard errors in parentheses are corrected for the clustering of the residuals at the cluster level. Controls include age, age sq, dummies for age, age sq, dummies for education (primary, secondary and tertiary), urban status, durable goods, religion, and dummy for whether she is widowed or divorced.

Although many factors may contribute to domestic and textile workers’ higher infection rates, one potential vulnerability that arose during qualitative work was condom accessibility. While almost all (96%) of the interviewed textile workers believed condoms were readily accessible, only 84% of interviewed domestic workers believed so. Further, more textile workers had been tested for HIV (97% compared to 83% of domestic workers), as have their partners (51% of textile workers’ and 37% of domestic workers’). These differences are also likely linked to accessibility: 76% of textile workers have a clinic _at their workplace_ , while 27% of domestic workers have a health clinic _near their workplace_ . That said, women employed in garment factories are less likely to participate in the decision about whether or not to use contraception, with only 88% of surveyed women reported to do so, compared to 93% of all women and 97% of domestic workers (DHS 2014).

Women working in the textile sector used to benefit from the HIV prevention and treatment services offered by the Apparel Lesotho Alliance to Fight Aids (ALAFA). Established in 2006 in response to the high prevalence of HIV among textile workers, ALAFA provided free condoms, HIV testing, training on safe sexual practices, and other activities to raise awareness across garment factories. The program’s crucial role in addressing the issue of HIV/AIDS was recognized by surveyed textile workers, who credited ALAFA with increasing their knowledge and awareness of HIV and for helping to provide condoms at work (“Yes we negotiate using condoms with partners, women are now smart. We have also received a lot of capacity sessions on HIV issues in our textiles. We know our rights.”). In fact, the workplace was mentioned as the main source for condoms by the majority (53%) of textile respondents, ahead of stores (11%) and clinics (24%) during the interviews conducted in 2015. The initiative also led to some small adjustments in 43
workplace practices, such as allowing short breaks for workers with HIV/AIDS who need to take food and water with their medications.

However, the two main initiatives working to improve working conditions and provide HIV/AIDS services, ALAFA and Better Work, have both been discontinued since our initial research. The government should step up to help fill in this gap by continuing to target textile workers in order to maintain the gains made in the fight against HIV as well as by expanding its efforts to include migrants working in the informal sector. These efforts are critical in ensuring compliance with 2006 and 2010 Labor Code Amendments, which require employers to provide information and ensure a safe and non‐discriminatory environment regarding HIV.<sup>33</sup> While migrant workers are indeed identified as a high‐risk population by the Ministry of Health,<sup>34</sup> the 2011‐2016 national HIV and AIDS strategic plan relies exclusively on ALAFA and a 14‐country HIV/AIDS assistance program carried out in Southern Africa by the Global Fund.<sup>35</sup> However, the evidence presented in this report suggests that other internal labor migrants, especially domestic workers, are similarly vulnerable and in need of assistance as those working in textile factories or in South Africa. Besides frequently having less knowledge of sources for condoms at their new places of residence, migrants are more likely to have higher lifetime numbers of sexual partners than non‐migrants, with each additional partner increasing HIV risk.<sup>36</sup> What can be done? In order to achieve its aim of reducing new annual infections by 50%, the government may consider targeting migrant workers more directly in its HIV‐related interventions. First, a basic package of interventions should be easily available whenever migrant workers seek out HIV‐related services. Partnerships with non‐profit organizations already on the ground, such as Catholic Health Association of Lesotho (CHAL) or Lesotho Planned Parenthood Association (LPPA), could establish a presence in migrant‐dominated communities and help facilitate the delivery of health care for the control and treatment of HIV/AIDS. Second, prevention efforts should target young, recent migrants who are less likely to be HIV positive but potentially even more vulnerable than “settled” migrants. The World Bank suggests that important efficiency gains in the fight against HIV could be achieved by improving intra‐ sectoral allocations: in 2006/07, 42% of AIDS spending went to treatment and care, 24.3% on impact mitigation, 21.7% on management coordination and support, and only 11.7% went to prevention. Although Lesotho has achieved impressive improvements in HIV testing (the share of women ever tested

> 33 See Labour Code (Amendment) Act (2006) and Labour Code (HIV and AIDS at Workplace) Guidelines (2010).

> 34 2011‐2016 National AIDS Strategic Plan. Other key populations include uniformed services, people with disabilities, sexual minorities, herd boys, commercial sex workers, and children/adolescents living with HIV. 35 Lesotho Ministry of Health (2012).

> 36 Camlin et al. (2010).

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for HIV jumped from 12% in 2004 to 84% in 2014)<sup>37</sup> and modern contraceptive use (increased from 35% in 2004 to 60% in 2014, among married women), the continuing high prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the country makes intensifying prevention efforts as pressing as ever.

# 4. Financial Inclusion

For migrants, the need for inclusive financial services is particularly essential. Not only do migrants need to send remittances to their families but they also would greatly benefit from increased access to other financial services, including bank accounts to receive payments (for formal workers), funeral insurance, long‐term savings and asset accumulation, and short‐term borrowing.<sup>38</sup> Most Basotho still primarily access informal financial services. In 2011, only 18% of adults in Lesotho had accounts at a financial institution, compared to 29% in Swaziland and 54% in South Africa.<sup>39</sup> Women were also less likely than men to own an account (17% vs. 20%), as were low‐income individuals (10% vs. 25%), making poor women the least likely to have access to formal financial services. This is not to say that they do not engage in financial transactions, but rather that their financial lives are characterized by informality. For example, while only 3% of women borrowed from a financial institution, 5% did so from a loan shark, and an overwhelming 51% of women borrowed from family or friends in 2011.<sup>40</sup> Only 10% of Basotho adults used an account to receive remittances, and only 6% used an account to send money, with an even lower share among women as, unlike male migrants, they were not enrolled in any remittance‐sending schemes.<sup>41</sup> Female migrants are consequently even more reliant than men on informal channels to send money home, carrying cash across the border or sending cash or goods home with friends or relatives.<sup>42</sup>

> 37 DHS 2004, 2014.

> 38 CENFRI MAP study (http://cenfri.org/making‐access‐possible/map‐lesotho).

> 39 FINDEX, 2011. In 2014, 70.31% of adults in South Africa had bank accounts. 40 FINDEX 2011.

> 41 Based on Lesotho legislation, a third of male miners’ salaries in South Africa is automatically remitted to their households back home. 42 Other studies have found higher rates of financial inclusion. The FinScope survey, conducted in 2011, found that only 19% of Lesotho adults were not financially served, as opposed to 27% in South Africa and 37% in Swaziland. 38% of adults have a bank account, 23% have another form of formal financial service, and a further 20% are only served by informal financial services. 62% of adults have funeral insurance, either formal or informal. The differences in these rates are definitional: this high level of inclusion is driven by the use of insurance, especially funeral insurance.

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_Figure 6. Limited use of bank accounts to transfer remittances, especially for women (FINDEX 2011)_ <!-- Start of picture text --> U S E D A C C O U N T T O U S E D A C C O U N T T O U S E D A C C O U N T T O U S E D A C C O U N T T O<br>R E C E I VE R E M I T T A N C E S S E N D RE M I T T A N C E S R E C E I VE R E M I T T A N C E S S E N D RE M I T T A N C E S<br>Total Female Male Lesotho Swaziland South Africa<br>11.14 18.27<br>9.79 15.52<br>8.54<br>11.28<br>6.22 9.79 10.04<br>5.54<br>4.92<br>5.54<br><!-- End of picture text --> The results of our fieldwork indicate that formal sector employment is an important entry point for women to access financial services. Seventy percent of textile workers have bank accounts, most of which were opened with their employers. Some factories also incorporate insurance schemes into employees’ monthly salaries, automatically deducting a percentage of their wage. This initial introduction to formal banking services seems to induce participation in other financial services, such as savings groups. Domestic workers generally do not have bank accounts (4 percent of those surveyed did), mostly because they cannot afford the monthly fees or because they are paid in cash or goods and thus have no need for one. Another one‐fourth of domestic workers cited not having an ID as the main reason they do not have a bank account. While the survey did not explicitly ask about husband’s permission, none of our respondents indicated any legal challenges in opening a bank account or access formal finances services; instead, their reasons for not engaging in financial services was overwhelmingly due to the fact that they had no need and/or not enough money to maintain activity. If there were legal constraints, it was a lack of necessary formal identification. These findings indicate progress on women’s legal rights since the Lesotho Bank Amendment Act of 2008, which allowed married women to open bank accounts without their spouses' consent.

Textile workers are also more likely to participate in stokvels<sup>43</sup> : 21% of textile workers borrow money from a stokvel when struggling to make ends meet, compared to only 10% of surveyed domestic workers. Their participation with savings groups serves two main purposes. Our survey data suggest that some women look to stokvels when their monthly salary does not cover their expenses (about 20 percent). However

> 43 A stokvel is a club serving as a rotating saving scheme or credit society to which members regularly contribute an agreed monthly amount. Each month a different member receives the amount in the fund collected during that period.

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qualitative data indicate that textile workers also use this money to improve their homes, buying furniture and goods with the loan, which is significantly larger than their monthly salary.

Differences in financial inclusion are also apparent in what migrants do when they struggle to make ends meet: textile workers borrow from a stokvel (21 percent) or take out a loan from a loan shark (43 percent), as well as borrow from family or friends (11 percent) or cut back on expenses (14 percent). In contrast, if domestic workers are short on money at the end of the month, they are more likely to do nothing (38 percent) or cut back on expenses (22 percent), consistent with the notion that domestic workers do not have many living expenses. Ten percent report borrowing money from a stokvel and another 10 percent borrow from their employer. Few domestic workers take out a loan (5 percent).

Our survey respondents report very low usage of mobile money, even to send remittances. Female migrants generally send money home through family or friends (about 33 percent) or carry money home themselves when they visit (41 percent). Thirteen percent send money home with a public bus driver and about 7 percent use mPesa (more domestic than textile workers). A handful of women reported using the post office or a bank teller, with one woman’s sibling actually traveling to Maseru to pick the money up. Domestic workers also noted that they send money home with other domestic workers, pooling their money and taking turns.

Women and their families spend an average of M65 remitting money, although women report paying up to M320 to remit. They talk about risks involved in using informal channels – friends “lose” the money and ask for a fee – but migrants often have no other options given the costs (“Some reasons are that, if they wanted to send money to their families they would have to send it through banks and bank charges are expensive,” rural man). However, even if cost were not an issue, only 16 percent of respondents would use mPesa, still roughly half (51 percent) would carry the money home themselves, about 15 percent would still use friends or family, and about 8 percent would use bank tellers (mostly textile workers). It is unclear why more women do not or would not use mPesa or other formal options. It might be that women are not fully aware of these options (one domestic worker said that someone tried to explain it to her but she was unable to grasp how to use it) that they prefer to buy goods or foodstuffs in urban areas and carry these home instead.

What can be done? Migrant labor is central to household structures and livelihood activities in Lesotho. Remittances constitute almost one‐fourth of the GNP: many Basotho are dependent on others for their 47
main source of income or are dependent on remittances as a part of it.<sup>44</sup> The CENFRI MAP study identifies migrants as a key population that would benefit from the targeting of other financial services, such as repatriation funeral insurance and cross‐border payment of dependents’ insurance premiums, retirement or other long‐term savings, or cross‐border payment of loans. As such, efforts to promote financial inclusion should leverage the fact that migration is so common and use remittances as their entry‐point. Given households’ increasing dependence on female migrants’ remittances, policy can address two key areas: 1) provide cheaper, more formal ways to send money to rural family households; and 2) promote and/or provide some educational savings product to help finance children’s education. If successful, remittances can be an important channel through which to promote broader financial inclusion among women.

With regard to the first, female migrants continue to use informal channels of remitting money home. This results in them sending money inconsistently and less efficiently, often when a trusted family or friend travels to rural areas, or when the migrant herself can make the trip home. A better way for these women to send money home is clearly needed, and the promotion of new technologies to do so, such as mPesa, could be a priority. Consistent with CENFRI MAP study recommendations, low‐cost remittance services need to be cheaper for both salaried workers and for private dependents (domestic workers and cross‐border traders). This can be achieved by increasing resources in rural areas (recruit agents and partner with more banks) and teaming with trusted retailers, such as Shoprite. At the same time, mobile coverage has grown exponentially according to the Lesotho Communication Authority’s “The State of Communications Sector and ICT Indicators in Lesotho” (2009). To take advantage, women might need nudges, or incentives, to try them out. Customer incentives have been found to lead to early adoption of mPesa.<sup>45</sup> “Money back guarantees”, which emphasize the lack of risk involved, free top‐up offers, and replicating loyalty credit card schemes have been highlighted as potential avenues to increase up‐take of mobile money.

Second, providing female migrants some kind of educational savings product might be particularly useful. Many migrants are working to finance their children’s education, and the need to finance education is a key concern among migrants. Mechanisms, such as commitment savings products, might be particularly useful to help women set aside money each month to pay for their children’s education both when finances are tight and for the longer‐term.

> 44 CENFRI MAP study (http://cenfri.org/making‐access‐possible/map‐lesotho).

> 45 http://www.gsma.com/mobilefordevelopment/programmes/mobile‐money‐for‐the‐unbanked/mmu‐examples.

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## **Box 2: Inheritance and the LCMPA**

Related to financial inclusion is property inheritance, which the ISGA cites as a key economic and social justice issue that exists at the center of Lesotho’s dual legal system. Customary law is patrilineal and inheritance is intestate, meaning that daughters – married or not – cannot inherit from their parents. Under common law, in contrast, all persons have equal rights to inherit property, and the LCMPA gives women the right to own and manage property in their own names. The coexistence of legal systems creates uncertainty as to which system prevails in which circumstances, particularly when it comes to marriage because the validity of marriage – under customary or civil rites ‐ determines the rights of spouses and children to inherit. As a result, property grabbing from widows and girl children is rampant (ISGA).

Fieldwork suggests that female migrants are split in their perceptions of inheritance. For one, respondents did not voice a lot of concerns about inheritance. In fact, many grandmothers in rural communities own land and property and one‐quarter of migrants surveyed own land and/or property in rural areas, with some owning in urban areas as well. Very few owned land/property previously and had lost it. Two, although women did not voice concerns, many female migrants’ financial strategies did not seem to count on inheriting land/property, most likely due to hardened perceptions of patrilineal inheritance customs. Instead, women focused their income strategies on what they saw as real options: wage labor and domestic work.

# 5. Children’s Education

As discussed in Part I, education is a primary impetus for Basotho women moving for work. For one, it is closely related to younger women’s decisions to migrate when they drop out of school, usually due to family financial hardship. Two, older women are motivated to move to urban areas to provide for their children’s education. Education also influences where migrants’ children live: small children and babies too young for school tend to live with their working mothers in urban areas, and attend daycare in the neighborhood during the day.<sup>46</sup> Primary school age children live in rural areas, usually with the grandmother, because schooling is government funded and non‐school living costs are too high in urban areas. Older children often live with the mother in urban areas because secondary schools are more available (when asked if children in Maseru are in school: “Yes they do, that is why they came in the first place”, textile worker).

With financial support from their mothers, these children are able to attend school at very high rates: no migrant children in rural areas were not in school, and many children in Maseru/Maputsoe attended secondary school. In fact, these children are in urban areas because secondary schools are more accessible

> 46 This is not an option for most domestic workers, however, because they live with their employers and they do not allow it.

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there than in rural areas. Although most non‐migrant children in rural communities were in government‐ funded school as well, rural respondents did mention children of non‐migrants who were not able to stay in school and became herd boys or domestic workers at young ages instead: “[children not in school] usually happens to children whose parents no longer work, for those whose parents work, they stay longer at school.” What can be done? These findings highlight the need to increase access to school, particularly secondary school, and to make it easier for families to finance education. This could be done, for example, by creating lower cost models of secondary school in rural areas or by expanding the availability and coverage of bursary programs. To this point, female migrants acknowledged their families’ dependence on free primary school, but note the often‐unmanageable costs of secondary school: “Once your child gets to high school fees get expensive and you find that they have to drop out. The government should pay for high schools and let us handle the primary school fees because they are not as expensive”. Support for families might also be in the form of new financial products that help migrants and their families save for education, as discussed previously in Section 4’s financial inclusion policy recommendations. Given the centrality of children’s education to women’s motivation to migrate, interventions addressing accessibility to school, particularly secondary school, could reduce the burden on female migrants and, in some cases, reduce the need for women to migrate in the first place.

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# Summary and Conclusions

This study offers an in‐depth exploration of female migration in order to provide new insights for Lesotho’s economic development. Our guiding questions are (i) What are the drivers of female migration, from the perspective of households and migrants?; and (ii) How can policy better adapt to the needs of female migrants and their families to respond to development challenges? Our findings can be summarized under three themes: the role of migration in Lesotho, the dynamics of women’s employment, and the need for policies and programs to support female migrant workers.

## _Role of Migration in Lesotho_

The prevalence of migration in Lesotho is well‐known. Its ubiquity as a livelihood strategy in the rural communities visited by the research team made it difficult to even find non‐sending households to interview. Unlike other migration‐dependent countries, Lesotho has relied on migration for over a century, which may explain why, despite declining opportunities in South Africa, 80 percent of Basotho households continue to live in rural areas rather than move to the city for work. As the old model of relying on the remittances of a single male family member becomes less viable, households now send multiple migrants, including women, to live long‐term in the city or abroad. As a result, rural households increasingly function as “anchors” where adult children return in between stints of work, and leave their children with grandparents when they do have work. One implication of the shift to female migration, in light of the low earnings of female migrants, is that households can no longer use remittances to build assets. This was echoed throughout the focus groups with rural households. Remittances from women are used only for basic needs, whereas with male mining workers, the amounts of remittances were larger and hence were more able to support asset accumulation of receiving households.<sup>47</sup> This finding is consistent with that of an earlier World Bank report<sup>48</sup> that migration only contributed to poverty reduction in the case of male migration to South Africa. Finally, lack of access to secondary education is a key contributor to female migration, as young women report migrating after dropping out of school, and older women migrate in order to support their children’s educational expenses.

> 47 Crush et al. (2010) estimated that in 2002, miners earned an average of M2,900 per month, while garment workers received only M650 per month. The situation was even worse in 2006, when miners were receiving a substantially higher wage of M4,500 a month, while the garment workers’ salaries had not changed. Fieldwork indicated increases in salary since then: textile workers earned an average monthly salary of M1230 while domestic workers earned an average of M600 per month.

> 48 World Bank (2010).

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Along these lines, Lesotho’s historical and continued dependence on migration highlights the need for national data to have better migration indicators collected by the Bureau of Statistics (see Annex 1). Improved measures would allow for more precise estimates of the prevalence and trends of migration, as well as the characteristics of migrants and their households.

# _Dynamics of Women’s Employment_

In a context with limited employment options for men or women, the growth of the export garment industry in Lesotho has been a boon for women. It offers one of the few opportunities for formal employment. Despite being based in Lesotho, these opportunities do not lessen the link between employment and migration, with the great majority (80%) of textile workers being internal migrants<sup>49</sup> . As confirmed through qualitative interviews, these migrant women do not see returning home as an option, so, even if they are to lose their jobs in the textile industry, they are likely to stay in Maseru and turn to informal employment to sustain themselves and their families. Finding ways to support women in informal self‐employment as well as support their children to stay in school will be essential.

This study offers insight into informal women’s employment through the experience of domestic workers. We found a higher than anticipated degree of two‐way movement between textile and domestic work, though most respondents showed a clear preference for the formality, higher pay, and independence of textile work. Informal employment is characterized by risk and hardship, including lack of basic protections and increased vulnerability to HIV, in addition to the security risks for all migrants associated with low‐income housing in urban areas. The other main occupational category dominated by women is informal business, particularly cross‐border trade, which evidence suggests to entail a high degree of risk including sexual harassment and theft.<sup>50</sup> Our findings also support the ISGA’s recommendation that more diversification in women’s employment opportunities is needed.

Also important to note are the things we did not find. An increasing reliance on female migrants as breadwinners brings with it the potential for changes, both good, if women’s bargaining power and control over assets improve, and bad, if household conflict increases as male traditional roles and identities are upended. Though we probed in our interviews with female migrants, we did not uncover such changes. The lack of such impacts could be due to the evolving nature of marriage in Lesotho (see

> 49 DHS 2009.

> 50 LMDA (2015).

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Box 1), because the low level of female earnings does not allow for much choice on how to spend remittances, or because women already enjoyed a good deal of bargaining power in their households. Respondents also did not voice a high degree of concern about land or inheritance (see Box 2) or any increase in conflict with their spouses.

# _Supporting Workers_

This exploration of women’s experiences living and working away from their families has uncovered a few entry points where programs or policies might support migrants and their families. While this study is not equipped to provide detailed policy recommendations, the perspective of female migrants may offer a new approach to familiar development challenges in the areas of job quality, living conditions, HIV prevention and response, financial inclusion, and education. The large concentrations of female migrants working in the textile sector in Maseru and Maputsoe would benefit from improved access to safe, affordable housing and a continuation of the progress made to improve working conditions (through the Better Work initiative) and to improve access to HIV prevention and treatment (through ALAFA). Just as important is to begin to expand some of these benefits to informal workers, especially because of the greater vulnerability of informal work (e.g., increased risk of HIV, less financial inclusion, poorer working conditions). Since there are not enough formal jobs to absorb the retrenched textile workers in the short term, it would behoove the government to proactively improve the opportunities and conditions of informal work. Support for small‐scale businesses or diversification into new sectors would improve the productivity of informal enterprises, and offering basic services, particularly those not directly employment‐related (such as HIV and financial services), could extend at least some of the benefits of the formal sector to informal workers. Finally, anything that makes it easier to access secondary education will improve welfare for the children of female migrants and possibly reduce the need for female migration.

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