metadata: authors: 0: author: Cortina Toro,Magdalena
1: author: Jimenez,Juan Miguel
2: author: Rozo Villarraga,Sandra Viviana
count: World
docna: 0: docna: Little Nomads : Economic and Social Impacts
            of Migration on Children
docty: Policy Research Working Paper
abstracts: cdata!: This paper reviews the main findings
            from 113 studies produced between 1990 and 2023, focusing on
            the impact of migration on various child groups affected
            through the migration path, including left-behind, migrant
            (voluntary and forced), and native children. The findings
            reveal that migration influences children&#x2019;s
            outcomes in complex and context-dependent ways, and it
            interacts dramatically with household demographics and
            public policies. Key results include the following: (i)
            left-behind children benefit from remittances but experience
            dramatic declines in their cognitive and non-cognitive
            development due to parental absence; (ii) immigrant children
            generally fare better than those in their origin countries
            but still underperform compared to native children in host
            countries; and (iii) the impacts of migration on native
            children largely depend on the adjustment of public service
            supply to meet increased demand. In cases where education
            services expand to meet rising demand, the effect on native
            children can be minimal or even positive. This paper
            emphasizes the need for more experimental or
            quasi-experimental research to examine the effectiveness of
            programs that support migrant and minor host children, and
            it calls for longitudinal data collection to better
            understand the challenges and needs of migrant children,
            particularly in developing countries.
display_title: Little Nomads : Economic and Social
            Impacts of Migration on Children
listing_relative_url: /research/2024/01/34248405/little-nomads-economic-social-impacts-migration-children
topicv3: Child Development m1327025 2151,Child Labor and Education m1327744 1543,Migration Policies and Jobs m1504161 2836
publishtoextweb_dt: 2024-01-30T00:00:00Z
dois: 10.1596/1813-9450-10686
origu: Off of Sr VP Dev Econ/Chief Econ (DECVP)
no_of_pages: 46
author_keys: 0: author_key: 2346931
1: author_key: NA
2: author_key: 1932755
model_extractions: Policy Research Working Paper 10686 Little Nomads Economic and Social Impacts of Migration on Children _Magdalena Cortina Juan Miguel Jimenez Sandra V. Rozo_ Development Economics Development Research Group January 2024
Policy Research Working Paper 10686

# **Abstract**

This paper reviews the main findings from 113 studies produced between 1990 and 2023, focusing on the impact of migration on various child groups affected through the migration path, including left-behind, migrant (voluntary and forced), and native children. The findings reveal that migration influences children’s outcomes in complex and context-dependent ways, and it interacts dramatically with household demographics and public policies. Key results include the following: (i) left-behind children benefit from remittances but experience dramatic declines in their cognitive and non-cognitive development due to parental absence; (ii) immigrant children generally fare better than those in their origin countries but still underperform compared to native children in host countries; and (iii) the impacts of migration on native children largely depend on the adjustment of public service supply to meet increased demand. In cases where education services expand to meet rising demand, the effect on native children can be minimal or even positive. This paper emphasizes the need for more experimental or quasi-experimental research to examine the effectiveness of programs that support migrant and minor host children, and it calls for longitudinal data collection to better understand the challenges and needs of migrant children, particularly in developing countries.

This paper is a product of the Development Research Group, Development Economics. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://www.worldbank.org/prwp. The authors may be contacted at sandrarozo@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
# **Little Nomads: Economic and Social Impacts of Migration on Children**<sup>*</sup>

Magdalena Cortina<sup>†</sup> Juan Miguel Jimenez<sup>‡</sup> Sandra V. Rozo<sup>§</sup> Originally published in the Policy Research Working Paper Series on _January 2024._ This version is updated on _February 2024._ To obtain the originally published version, please email prwp@worldbank.org.

**JEL Classification:** F22, O15, R23 **Keywords:** Children, Migration.

> *This research project received financial support from the Research Support Budget of the Development Vicepresidency of the World Bank. We are grateful to Catalina Amuedo-Dorantes for suggestions.

> †Robert S. McNamara Fellow, World Bank. E-mail: mcortinatoro@worldbank.org

> ‡Vancouver School of Economics. E-mail: jmjimen@student.ubc.ca

> §World Bank, Development Research Group. Corresponding author, E-mail: sandrarozo@worldbank.org
“ _People made fun of me because I used different words; despite the fact we all spoke Spanish, they could tell something was different as soon as I opened my mouth. Hence, I learned to speak Colombian fast, I had to. It was not a choice._ ” Venezuelan migrant child in Colombia (age 16), Dec 2023

# **I INTRODUCTION**

Approximately 3% of the global population are migrants (World Bank, 2023). Of this share, almost 9% are children under 14 years of age, amounting to about 23.3 million individuals. While significant, these numbers do not account for all the children impacted by migration—including those left behind and native-born children in hosting countries—which highlights the relevance of this issue. It is crucial to understand the effects of migration on children because this significant event can profoundly shape life trajectories. Moreover, specifically for children whose origins or destinations are in developing countries, migration can alter their mobility out of or into poverty. Although migration destinations are balanced between the northern and southern hemispheres, only 15% of the world’s migrant children originate in the north, whereas 85% migrate from the south (World Bank, 2023). There is substantial research on the impacts of migration on adult migrants and hosts but considerably less regarding its effects on children.

This paper aims to provide a comprehensive review of research findings on the impact of migration on children’s development with an emphasis on insights from Economics and Psychology. It summarizes migration effects on various groups of children by category based on their relationship to the migratory journey, including:

1. _Left-behind children:_ Children who remain in their home country while one or more parents migrate. We focus on how the absence of a parent impacts their outcomes.

2. _Migrant children:_ Those who have migrated themselves or in some cases are second-generation migrants. We examine how the experience of relocating to a new environment affects their outcomes.

3. _Native children:_ Non-migrant children in the host country who interact with migrant children. We assess how their exposure to peers from different backgrounds influences their outcomes.

2
4. _Forcibly displaced children_ : These migrate due to involuntary conditions such as conflict and natural disasters. We explore their unique challenges, including trauma, disruption in education, and adaptation to new environments.

The review encompasses papers published in the top five economic journals and specialized journals in migration, education, and early childhood development.<sup>1</sup> We completed the search by consulting Google Scholar to capture any significant articles missed initially. Additionally, we examined references within each selected article’s literature review, focusing on the most relevant ones. This approach yielded a robust collection of 113 pertinent scholarly works.

This literature review discusses various methodologies, including experimental, quasi-experimental, and qualitative approaches, among others. Three papers employed experimental methods, specifically randomized controlled trials. Quasi-experimental designs were used in 95 papers, indicating causal studies not strictly experimental in nature. Within these, 51 papers used ordinary least squares, 19 used instrumental variables, 13 applied difference-in-difference approaches, 4 implemented regression discontinuity designs, and 25 incorporated fixed effects. Other methodologies included the Cox proportional hazard model, the Todd and Wolpin (2023) value-added model, the Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition technique, and survival analysis. Notably, only 3 qualitative studies were cited. (Refer to the appendix for detailed descriptions of each paper).

This review comprises five additional sections. Section II delves into research on the effects of migration on _migrant children_ , focusing on education, health, early childhood development, and the influence of immigration policy. Generally, this research shows that migrant children fare better than those in their origin countries but still fall behind native children in host countries. This gap often extends to poorer long-term labor outcomes, partly due to lower educational attainment and language barriers. Age at migration significantly influences the disparity between native and migrant children, and immigration policies are pivotal in narrowing or widening this gap.

Section III examines the impact of migrant parents on their _left-behind children_ . The evidence reveals several key points. First, remittances usually benefit the education and physical health of these children by stabilizing income. This stability tends to reduce child labor, bolster school re-

> 1 Included journals are the _International Migration Review_ , _Journal of Development Economics_ , _Journal of Population Economics_ , _Economics of Education Review_ , and _Early Childhood Research Quarterly_ .

3
tention, and improve nutrition, potentially enhancing long-term economic well-being. Second, a parent’s migration often shifts intra-household dynamics—especially in bargaining—which positively influences girls’ educational achievements. Third, the absence of a parent due to migration severely affects children’s mental health and socio-emotional development. Finally, young children left behind experience a notable cognitive delay, primarily due to reduced parental involvement.

Section IV describes the effects of migration on _native children_ . Most evidence for this population concentrates on education outcomes, native flight, and youth employment. The main findings suggest that the impact of migration on native children’s educational performance stems from the ability and willingness of educational institutions to adapt and expand resources in response to increased demand from migrant populations. Positive effects are observed in cases where resources adjust quickly to higher demand for education, and negative effects are observed when resources don’t change. Moreover, studies point to large flight effects among native students in schools where the share of immigrant students increases. Furthermore, concerning youth employment, there is some evidence of detrimental effects of youth migration on youth employment for Black Americans in the United States.

Section V examines research regarding the effects of migration on forcibly displaced children. Work on refugees represents the majority of scholarship in this area. Refugee children are among the most vulnerable children worldwide. They not only endure the migration experience but do so involuntarily, and it typically accompanies traumatic events such as conflicts and natural disasters. Moreover, refugee children, especially adolescents, face a high risk of not returning to school since they often have to work inside or outside the household due to the extremely high vulnerability of their families. Existing research generally confirms that forcibly displaced children lag behind native children. It also establishes that—as in the case of voluntary migration—children’s outcomes depend considerably on how public service supply responds to higher demand. Emerging work has examined the effects of public programs that support refugee populations on children’s outcomes. These studies highlight promising outcomes from cash transfer initiatives, teacher training programs, language instruction, and programs that promote social cohesion.

Finally, section VI discusses areas to advance research. A summary table with all the papers 4
reviewed in this study is presented in the appendix.

# **II MIGRANT CHILDREN**

This section outlines the evidence concerning the impact of migration on migrant children. It reviews areas such as education, health, and early childhood development, and it highlights the critical role of immigration policies.

# **II.A Education outcomes**

Existing work in this area documents lower educational performance and attainment of immigrant children relative to native children. These differences have long-term consequences for immigrants’ economic success, including career choices and wages. Documented drivers of these disparities include higher socioeconomic vulnerability, parental decisions, stereotypes held by teachers, school sorting, and immigration enforcement.

_Immigrants exhibit lower performance relative to hosts_ . Studies consistently indicate that immigrant children tend to perform worse than their native counterparts in terms of school GPA and standardized test scores. The performance gap is more pronounced among boys, whereas girls tend to perform relatively better (B ̈ohlmark, 2008).

Early economic research tested whether the age of arrival plays a crucial role in immigrant children’s education outcomes. The premise was that the age of arrival correlates with a stage of children’s physical and cognitive development in which younger immigrants adapt and learn faster due to the brain’s plasticity at early ages. These studies showed a noticeable decline in performance among children who arrive after a certain age threshold (typically around 7–9 years old); this decline is particularly worse on verbal tests (Bleakley and Chin, 2010). Specifically, B ̈ohlmark (2008) finds a strong negative impact of immigrating after age nine on immigrant children’s GPA in Sweden, and Cahan _et al._ (2001) show that starting at the arrival age of seven, there was a monotonic decrease in performance for immigrant children in Israel between 1952 and 1970, with worse results on verbal tests than on mathematical ones. Similarly, Cortes (2006) shows that the test score gap between immigrant children and second-generation children narrows according to how long the former have been residing in the United States.

Moreover, research on this topic underscores the importance of the critical period for language 5
acquisition, emphasizing that the timing of arrival can significantly impact the integration of immigrant children when they become adults. Both Aslund _et al._ (2015) and Bleakley and Chin (2010) find in Sweden and the United States, respectively, that English proficiency (measured indirectly by the age of childhood arrival) increases the probability of marrying a native, having a higher fraction of work colleagues who are natives, and residing outside of an ethnic enclave.

Immigrant children also face disparities in terms of school attendance rates and attainment. Colding _et al._ (2009) find that the dropout rates of children of immigrants in Denmark who are enrolled in vocational upper secondary school are higher than those of natives. Additionally, McKenzie and Rapoport (2011) show that living in a migrant household decreases children’s likelihood of completing school by 13%–15% in the Mexican context.

Similar to performance, the age at which immigrant children arrive can impact their attendance and attainment levels. In Germany, Lemmermann and Riphahn (2018) show attainment decreases for children who arrive after age six, suggesting immigrant children face more language barriers after this threshold. In fact, Foged _et al._ (2022) and Foged _et al._ (2023) find that language training offered by the Danish government to immigrant adults has significant intergenerational spillovers on their children in terms of higher completion rates from lower secondary school.

Finally, there is evidence that lower educational performance of immigrant children has long-term consequences, particularly in terms of career choices and wages. In Italy, Barban and White (2011) observe that immigrant children are more likely to enroll in vocational and polytechnic schools due to inferior outcomes on the middle school exam. Moreover, research on immigrant children’s labor outcomes consistently shows that adults who arrive at an older age during the immigration process tend to have lower earnings in their host country (B ̈ohlmark, 2009). Language skills are a critical channel through which age at arrival influences adult earnings. Bleakley and Chin (2004) suggest that immigrants who arrive later in the United States may have lower language proficiency, which can significantly hinder their ability to secure higher-paying jobs and integrate into the labor market effectively.

_Potential driver 1: parental investment decisions_ . Another group of articles has explained the consequences of migration on the parental investment decisions of migrants concerning the human 6
capital of their children. The main finding is that the socioeconomic status of migrant families upon arrival is on average lower than that of native families, which directly translates into fewer monetary and time investments in their children. For instance, Rangvid (2007) finds that 50% of the gap between immigrant and native students in Denmark is explained by differences in the family socioeconomic status of each comparison group. Likewise, Schnepf (2007) finds in a crosscountry analysis of OECD members that in European countries, socioeconomic background is the main determinant for the immigrant-versus-native performance gap in tests like PISA, TIMSS, and PIRLS. Furthermore, Dahl _et al._ (2020) show that in Germany, migrant parents from backgrounds with traditional cultural norms (e.g., Muslims) tend to invest less in their daughters’ schooling. Consequently, their daughters receive worse grades in school.

_Potential driver 2: school sorting._ Another explanation for the lower performance of immigrant children compared to native peers is the potential sorting of this population into schools with unfavorable characteristics. Rangvid (2007) finds that even though immigrant students in Denmark have access to school resources comparable to native students—including class size, student-teacher ratio, language lessons per week, and physical and educational infrastructure—other factors contribute to the immigrant students’ low performance on the PISA test. These determinants include teachers’ expectations, encouragement, and pressure to achieve, as well as a scarcity of specialized teachers compared to the number available for native students of the same socioeconomic status. Also, Liu _et al._ (2010) note that immigrant families often locate in areas with lower-quality schools than those attended by native counterparts.

_Potential driver 3: stereotypes held by teachers._ Recent literature has shown how teachers’ perceptions and stereotypes can influence immigrant children’s education outcomes. Triventi (2020) finds that Italian teachers tend to assign lower grades to students with an immigrant background compared to native students, suggesting that teachers may harbor implicit biases. Alesina _et al._ (2018) confirmed that intuition, finding that Italian teachers who hold stronger stereotypes (higher Implicit Association Test scores - IAT) assign lower grades to immigrant students compared to native peers. However, teachers increase grading when they are randomly informed about the stereotypes they hold.

Similarly, Carlana _et al._ (2022) find that Italian teachers give inaccurate recommendations about 7
educational careers to immigrant children, who consequently enroll disproportionately in vocational high schools, as opposed to natives who go more to technical and academically oriented high schools. The behavior is particularly observed among female immigrant students (Aktas ̧ _et al._ , 2022). Nevertheless, the authors show that when career counseling is randomly provided to highly skilled immigrant students, their likelihood of enrolling in the high track matches that of native students.

# **II.B Health outcomes**

Evidence in this area indicates that migrant children generally have better health outcomes than children in their origin countries. However, they still lag behind native children. Additionally, the evidence shows that access to health services is key to enhancing migrant children’s health. This leads to more efficient health care utilization, with greater use of preventive services and less reliance on emergency services.

_Health outcomes_ . Migrant children often exhibit better anthropometric measures, such as weightfor-age (WfA) and height-for-age (HfA) than children from their places of origin, yet they experience higher mortality rates compared to native children. Cockx (2018) demonstrates that children who relocate from rural to urban areas in Tanzania exhibit higher HfA z-scores and reduced stunting rates than those from sending areas. The study suggests this improvement may stem from an increase in maternal income that in turn contributes to improved long-term food security. However, in addition to the income effect hypothesis, there is evidence that the improvement in HfA and stunting rates might be partly due to changes in parenting nutritional habits. Specifically, Stillman _et al._ (2012) find that dietary change is one of the main determinants of the improvement in anthropometric measures for immigrant children aged three to six years in New Zealand. However, the authors also note that these children face a higher risk of obesity compared to peers in their places of origin.

Interestingly, Thomas (2007) finds that in the lowest quintiles of the socioeconomic distribution in South Africa, migrants have a higher likelihood of child mortality than natives. However, in the highest socioeconomic quintiles, child mortality is more prevalent among the native population.

_Health service access_ . Access to health care is crucial for improving migrant children’s health out8
comes. Bronchetti (2014) and Currie (2000) find that changes in health insurance eligibility in the United States reduce the likelihood that a child in an immigrant family will go without a doctor’s visit for more than 12 months by 7 to 12 percentage points (pp). They also decrease the likelihood of an emergency room (ER) visit in the past year by 4 to 6 pp. These results collectively suggest that eligibility for public insurance leads to increased utilization of more efficient health care services such as preventive and ambulatory care while reducing reliance on costly ER visits for children in immigrant families. Furthermore, the findings also indicate that eligibility for public insurance may lead to modest improvements in certain child health outcomes that typically respond to ambulatory or preventive care. These include, for example, a lower likelihood of experiencing an asthma attack in the past 12 months (Bronchetti, 2014).

# **II.C Early childhood development**

Literature on the early development of immigrant children is very limited. Available evidence in Psychology suggests that immigrant children frequently exhibit disparities compared to their native counterparts, with potential delays in cognitive and language skills (De Feyter and Winsler, 2009).

Regarding language proficiency among young immigrant children, Palermo and Mikulski (2014) show that factors such as preschool attendance significantly influence the acquisition of communication skills. They observe that positive peer interactions and increased levels of English exposure during young ages positively correlate with the English vocabulary and letter-word skills of Spanish-speaking immigrant children in the United States.

# **II.D The central role of immigration policy**

Research often investigates how immigration policies impact migrant children’s outcomes. The findings consistently show that strict enforcement against immigrants harms these children’s outcomes. Conversely, policies that improve service access and integration typically lead to positive outcomes for them.

_Deportation enforcement_ . The impact of deportation enforcement measures on immigrant children is a subject of broad interest, especially in the U.S. context. Regarding the effect on early childhood development, the enforcement of immigration laws can lead to a decline in the English9
language skills of these children (Arenas Arroyo and Schmidpeter, 2022). Moreover, Santillano _et al._ (2020) also find that in the United States, enrollment of Hispanic immigrant children in the Head Start program—which provides comprehensive early childhood education, health, and nutrition—decreases by 10% after a law enforcement raid. Primarily, this decline occurs because parents are deterred from appearing in public spaces.

Concerning the education outcomes of immigrant children, Amuedo-Dorantes and Lopez (2015) and Amuedo-Dorantes and Lopez (2017) find that in U.S. areas with intensified immigration law enforcement, the probability of school-year repetition and dropping out for Hispanic children between ages 14 and 18 years increases by 14% and 18%, respectively. Likewise, Dee and Murphy (2020) find that new ICE partnerships lead to a 10% decrease in the Hispanic immigrant student population within a span of two years. Furthermore, the learning environment plays an important role in immigrant children’s motivation, focus, and parental involvement. Amuedo-Dorantes _et al._ (2023) use data from the “Between the Lines” project to show that immigrant students who are enrolled in U.S. school districts implementing safe-zone policies<sup>2</sup> demonstrate improvements in several outcomes. For instance, they are 17% less likely to report difficulties in concentrating during school hours, 65% more inclined to express diligence in their studies, and 31% more optimistic about their prospects of achieving higher education, relative to other students. Additionally, these policies enhance caregiver participation in parent-teacher meetings by 34%.

Similar results are observed in the health care domain. Particularly, Watson (2014) finds that an increase in federal immigration enforcement acts leads to a decrease in Medicaid enrollment and usage among children of non-citizens, even if the children themselves are U.S. citizens. Additionally, Amuedo-Dorantes _et al._ (2022) find that more intense local U.S. immigration enforcement measures, particularly during the third trimester of pregnancy, raise the probability of infants being born with low birth weight (less than 2,500 grams). They note increased maternal stress and a decrease in prenatal-care medical visits as underlying factors.

In terms of economic and family impacts, Amuedo-Dorantes _et al._ (2018) show that deportation enforcement raises the likelihood of children living in impoverished households by 4%, primarily due to reduced working hours among parents. Furthermore, Amuedo-Dorantes and Arenas-

> 2A safe-zone policy within a school district implies that immigration authorities have limited entry or access.

10
Arroyo (2019) show a concerning 19% increase in family separations, particularly affecting children whose parents are undocumented and/or who are sent to live with relatives or friends threatened by deportation.

_Public service access_ . Foged _et al._ (2023) underscore that refugee children in Denmark benefit from higher completion rates when their parents are exposed to language training programs, suggesting a positive correlation between language skills acquisition within refugee families and educational success. In a related context, Foged _et al._ (2022) indicate lower crime rates among refugee populations, possibly as a consequence of improved access to educational opportunities and integration programs. Furthermore, studies in the U.S. context by Bronchetti (2014) and Currie (2000) emphasize the importance of eligibility for public health insurance, revealing that it increases child preventive care utilization and positively impacts health outcomes such as the management of conditions like asthma.

Moreover, Villarreal and Gonzalez (2016) show that participation in extracurricular activities in U.S. schools predicts positive social behaviors for immigrant children. Specifically, participation in sports-related activities is associated with an increase in school membership feelings of Hispanic immigrant children and higher peer prosocial orientation behavior. Nevertheless, treatments might not induce homogeneous effects across population groups. For instance, Dahl _et al._ (2020) find that girls from traditional cultures are socially isolated and less likely to self-identify as German, which suggests they might need tailored support.

Finally, evidence in the economic field shows how targeted interventions can mitigate higher criminal propensity of migrant youth as documented in Vazsonyi and Killias (2001). Foged _et al._ (2022) and Foged _et al._ (2023) highlight that language training programs for refugees can lead to a reduction in crime rates among the children of treated parents. Both articles suggest that equipping parents with language skills contributes to keeping children in schools and possibly increases the opportunity cost of criminal activities for immigrant children.

_Citizenship rights_ . Felfe _et al._ (2020) find that the introduction of birthright citizenship for immigrants in Germany is associated with increased attendance in non-compulsory educational stages such as preschool and secondary school. Moreover, it also caused immigrant children to progress 11
faster through primary school and raised the likelihood they would pursue the academic track of secondary school. All these effects underscore the positive impact of citizenship on immigrant children’s educational trajectories and opportunities. Furthermore, Felfe _et al._ (2021) delve into the social dimension, revealing that complete citizenship rights in Germany can foster prosocial behavior, including out-group cooperation. This finding suggests that individuals who enjoy full citizenship rights may exhibit a higher level of engagement and cooperation with members of different social or cultural groups, potentially facilitating assimilation into the broader community.

Nevertheless, Dahl _et al._ (2020) highlight that the birthright citizenship policy in Germany can have a differential effect on immigrant girls from traditional cultures, leading to a decrease in their measures of life satisfaction and self-esteem by approximately 0.32 and 0.25 standard deviations, respectively. As noted above, the study also reveals that Muslim girls who acquire birthright citizenship exhibit reduced integration into German society. The authors suggest that immigrant Muslim parents invest less in educating their daughters, resulting in lower academic performance among girls born after the implementation of the birthright citizenship reform.

# **III LEFT-BEHIND CHILDREN**

The term left-behind children refers to minors who remain in their places of origin or permanent residence while one or both parents migrate to another country, typically for employment purposes. This circumstance often arises due to financial constraints, legal impediments, or concerns regarding the children’s welfare that prevent the parents from bringing them along. Additionally, it encompasses situations wherein parents relocate to urban areas while their children remain in rural residences. These children are typically cared for by a lone parent, other family members, acquaintances, community members, childcare institutions, or independently. In many instances, parents provide financial support through remittances while experiencing prolonged physical separation. This scenario produces a range of positive and negative impacts encompassing cognitive, emotional, psychological, physical, and social aspects. This section summarizes the work about the effects of a migrant parent on left-behind children in terms of education, health outcomes, and early childhood development.

12
# **III.A Education outcomes**

Current evidence highlights two main findings. First, remittances generally have a positive impact on the education outcomes of left-behind children through the stabilization of household income. However, in households where remittances fail to stabilize income, child labor tends to increase, leading to lower educational attainment for left-behind children. These effects have significant consequences and have been shown to extend into long-term changes in economic wellbeing. Second, when a parent migrates, it often leads to changes in intra-household bargaining dynamics for the remaining household members. Typically, these changes positively influence girls’ educational achievement.

_Remittances_ . Remittances are the most prevalent determinant of improvements in educational outcomes. The most common documented channels include increased household income and higher financial stability that lead to a reduction in child labor and an increase in school retention (Amuedo Dorantes _et al._ , 2010). Edwards and Ureta (2003), for instance, find that remittances sent to El Salvador lower the risk of school dropout in rural areas. Kandel (2003) finds that sibling internal migration in Mexico was associated positively with the educational attainment of leftbehind children. Furthermore, Wassink and Viera (2021) show that Mexican left-behind children are more likely to complete lower-secondary school, enter upper-secondary school, and complete upper-secondary school. Notably, these associations are most pronounced among children whose parents did not complete primary school and those who reside in rural areas.

When remittances fail to substantially increase household financial stability, in the short run, leftbehind boys increase working hours and reduce educational attainment. Antman (2011) finds that in Mexico, the most affected group is boys aged 12 to 15 years. This highlights the immediate impact of parental migration on the educational and labor trajectories of these children. Moreover, the reduction in human capital accumulation that results from these adjustments can lead to lower income levels in adulthood, as observed in the Chinese context (Feng _et al._ , 2022). This suggests that the consequences of parental migration during childhood can extend into the individual’s later years, affecting their economic well-being in the long run.

_Changes in intra-household bargaining_ . Another important channel relates to intra-household bar13
gaining after one parent migrates. Antman (2012) observes a reallocation of resources among siblings when the male head of household migrates. Thus, the female parent allocates more resources to girls and a lower fraction to boys, increasing the educational attainment of the former group by up to one year. These results underscore a significant connection between international migration and gender-based discrimination within the household, empowering spouses to exert greater control over the allocation of resources and thereby favoring investment in girls’ education. Similarly, Saleemi (2023) finds that in Pakistan, when the father is absent, women participate more in the resource allocation decision and thus expenditures on girls increase by 31%. Lee and Park (2010) document similar results for the Chinese context.

# **III.B Health outcomes**

Research on the effects of a migrant parent on left-behind children generally indicates positive outcomes for physical growth, which are associated with the positive income effect caused by remittances and better nutritional practices. In contrast, the parental absence is highly detrimental to children’s mental health and socioemotional skill development.

_Anthropometrics_ . Overall, the evidence shows that parental migration has positive effects on anthropometric measures of left-behind children. Hildebrandt _et al._ (2005) show that in the Mexican context, this is due to two factors. First, remittances allow households to spend additional resources on food and health services. Second, the authors argue that migrants learn better care and nutritional practices in the United States that later transfer to their children in Mexico. Despite these positive effects, left-behind children are less likely to be breastfed, fully vaccinated, or taken to the doctor in the first year of life. Likewise, Mu and De Brauw (2015) find that in China, parental migration improves the WfA z-score because an increase in income translates into better access to tap water for left-behind children. Nonetheless, there is evidence that the income effect has a differential impact by gender. For instance, Vikram (2023) observes that in India, the effect of parental migration is greater for boys than for girls, as father’s migration is associated with higher HfA z-scores only for boys.

In terms of measures at the time of birth, Khan _et al._ (2023) find that women in Bangladesh with a migrant spouse are more likely to have had prenatal care, but this is not linked to delivering at a professional health care facility or the presence of a qualified attendant for birth labor. Neverthe14
less, there is also evidence that remittances alone are insufficient to increase left-behind children’s utilization of qualified health care. In fact, some results are puzzling: among children who report a recent illness, Cambodian households that receive remittances are less likely to utilize qualified health care providers (Treleaven, 2019).

_Mental health_ . Most research suggests that left-behind children exhibit poorer measures related to mental health outcomes compared to other children. Lee and Park (2010) show that left-behind children in China demonstrate negative effects with regard to psychosocial well-being, while Zheng _et al._ (2022) find they have significantly higher levels of depression than migrant children. This difference is more prominent for boys than for girls. Many of the articles attribute these results to the deterioration of the parent-child relationship that occurs when families are separated. For instance, Amuedo-Dorantes _et al._ (2023) find that immigrant children in the United States whose parents have been deported are more likely to experience post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms as well as higher levels of internalizing (anxiety and depression) and externalizing (aggression) problems relative to children with legal resident parents or even children of undocumented parents who have not encountered immigration enforcement.

Moreover, Wang and Liu (2021) and Wang and Zhu (2021) find adverse spillover effects on the mental health of classmates when there is a higher proportion of left-behind children in the class. This is primarily attributed to a deterioration in the learning environment within Chinese schools. In fact, the authors observe a greater occurrence of peer victimization (bullying) and even a rise in cases of self-injury.

Evidence on this front also shows that parents’ absence can lead to severe psychological development issues, an increase in risk-loving behavior, and lower career aspirations. Lee and Park (2010) find that Chinese left-behind children tend more to experience drastic changes in behavior, becoming more anxious and depressed and more prone to impulsivity and aggression. In addition, Kandel and Kao (2001) find that left-behind children tend to have lower career aspirations, which are associated with a reduced desire to pursue university degrees. Moreover, Adunts (2021) observes that in Ukraine, children with a father abroad exhibit lower levels of perseverance compared to other children. This is evident in their tendency to avoid choosing challenging tasks with potentially high rewards. Liu _et al._ (2021) show that, in the long run, Chinese left-behind 15
children with migrant mothers tend to exhibit reduced levels of conscientiousness and grit along with higher levels of neuroticism (or lower emotional stability). In the short term, when mothers migrate, children typically display decreased levels of conscientiousness, agreeableness, and openness. Furthermore, Luo and Wang (2023) also observe that Chinese left-behind children show less prosocial behavior, which encompasses attributes such as fairness, trust, trustworthiness, and cooperation.<sup>3</sup> Finally, Su _et al._ (2013) find that infrequent parent-child communication correlates with higher feelings of loneliness in Chinese left-behind children.

The limited available evidence also indicates a correlation between parental absence due to migration and an increased probability of criminal behavior by left-behind children later in life. According to Cameron _et al._ (2022), this association is observed among Chinese adult males. The authors suggest that childhood experiences of being left behind contribute to diminished educational achievements and a tendency toward risk-taking behavior, both of which are considered contributing factors toward criminal activities.

# **III.C Early childhood development**

The general consensus and evidence are that parental migration causes cognitive delay in leftbehind children. For instance, Bai _et al._ (2022) show that maternal migration in the Chinese context leads to a 6 pp reduction in children’s cognitive skills compared to children in the same village without a migrant parent, and Yue _et al._ (2016) also find negative effects on cognitive development and dietary quality. Even though rural-to-urban migration in China has been key to economic growth, it might entail a significant human capital cost for the next generations.<sup>4</sup> In both studies, the primary determinants of this decline are decreases in parental time and the quality of investment in stimulating activities, along with a reduction in dietary diversity. Similarly, in Mexico, Powers (2011) estimates a structural model to argue that the drop in cognitive skills among left-behind children stems from a shift in their allocation of time towards activities unrelated to cognitive development. Furthermore, Zheng _et al._ (2023) find that left-behind children in China are not only at a disadvantage compared with other children in the same village, but also com-

> 3Notwithstanding the preceding point, the paper underscores the positive impact of having access to one parent.

> 4In the Chinese context, the reallocation of labor from rural to urban areas has been a key driver of China’s prosperity in recent decades. Because of hukou reforms, migrants face limitations in accessing fundamental public services like public education for their children. As a result, migrant parents are compelled to leave their children in their hometowns, producing tens of millions of “split families” and “left-behind children.”

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pared with migrant children. They argue that parental supervision and closeness are a vital part of children’s cognitive development.

Contrary to the psychological evidence presented earlier, the limited economic evidence offers a different perspective. Specifically, in Nicaragua, Macours and Vakis (2010) find that having a migrant father in the household has no significant impact on cognitive skills, whereas there is a positive effect when the mother migrates. The authors suggest that female empowerment enables a higher proportion of remittances to be allocated to children’s development.

# **IV NATIVE CHILDREN**

# **IV.A Education outcomes**

Previous work indicates migration has varied impacts on the educational performance of native children. Effects are generally negative in situations where increased demand for educational services (driven by immigrant flows) does not meet a corresponding increase in supply. This discrepancy often results in overcrowding and strains educational resources, adversely affecting native students. On the other hand, in regions where resources are augmented in tandem with the arrival of immigrants, effects on native children’s education outcomes are either negligible or positive. This suggests that the key underlying factor is the ability and willingness of educational institutions to adapt and expand resources to meet greater demand from immigrant populations.

_Negative effects_ . Studies exploring the adverse effects of migration on native children’s education outcomes identify two primary factors: increased classroom overcrowding and a decline in the quality of the learning environment. The degradation of the learning environment is evident in several cases. For example, Imberman _et al._ (2012)’s study on Hurricane Katrina evacuees reveals that their arrival in Houston led to higher absenteeism and more disciplinary issues in secondary schools. Ohinata and Van Ours (2013)’s research suggests that Dutch schools experience more bullying incidents when the share of immigrants per classroom is higher. Similarly, Figlio and ̈Ozek (2019) find that after the influx of Haitian migrants to Florida, disciplinary incidents and school suspensions rose. Nevertheless, the last two articles do not find strong evidence of negative spillover effects on the academic performance of native children.

Concerning the overcrowding channel, studies suggest that an excessive number of students per 17
classroom is associated with a decline in the performance of native students, particularly when there is no compensatory investment to address new educational demand in schools that receive a substantial influx of immigrants. Brunello and Rocco (2013), for example, study the case of 19 countries where immigration waves doubled the number of students in public secondary schools between 2000 and 2009. This shock led to a decrease in PISA scores for natives. Furthermore, these negative effects are shown to be concentrated among male students, children with disadvantaged backgrounds, and underperforming students. Similarly, Green and Iversen (2020) observe that negative effects are concentrated in students at the most risk of underperformance in Norwegian schools. Finally, Contreras and Gallardo (2022) provide evidence that Venezuelan migration led to a decrease in math and reading standardized test scores for male native students in Chile. As a consequence, there has been an increase in native flight by high-skilled students to private schools.

_Positive effects_ . Two key mechanisms are documented in the set of studies identifying the positive impacts of migration on native children’s education outcomes. The first is the beneficial spillover from having high-achieving immigrant peers, contingent on the availability of compensatory school funding (Imberman _et al._ , 2012). For instance, Morales (2022)’s research in Georgia illustrates this, showing that a 1% increase in refugee students boosts native math scores by 0.01 standard deviation, an effect amplified by increased funding for schools. In the U.S. context, these positive spillovers predominantly benefit students from disadvantaged backgrounds. This improvement is attributed to exposure to immigrant children who are less disruptive and exhibit better behavior, as noted by Figlio _et al._ (2021). Similarly, in T ̈urkiye, Tumen (2021) finds that positive impacts on native students stem from competitive incentives. This competition seems to particularly motivate underperforming native students to improve their performance.

The second significant migration-related factor that contributes to positive educational outcomes for native students involves increased perceived returns to education following a rise in immigrant student populations. Hunt (2017) highlights this in the U.S. context, where white students showed a higher likelihood of staying in high school and completing 12 years of education in response to increased immigrant presence. This trend was also observed in T ̈urkiye, where native youth noticeably shifted from balancing work and school to focusing solely on education.

However, it is still unclear which specific sociodemographic group benefits most from this shift in 18
educational values. C ̧ akır _et al._ (2023) present evidence that the most advantaged group comprises native students with more educated parents, while Tumen (2018) argues that it is male students with less-educated parents.

_Neutral effects_ . A set of articles documents the negligible effects of migration on the educational outcomes of native children, particularly when adequate compensatory funding and appropriate selection mechanisms are in place. For example, Figlio and Ozek<sup> ̈</sup> (2019)’s research on the arrival of Haitian refugees in the United States exemplifies this. The study suggests that schools effectively accommodated the influx of students without detriment to natives, partly due to preemptive measures like employing Haitian-Creole-speaking counselors. Similarly, findings by Van der Werf (2021) further support this argument for the resettlement of Vietnamese students in the United States. The study finds that schools, when provided with additional resources for each Vietnamese student, could prevent the diversion of funds from native students and avoid the negative effects of overcrowding. Lastly, Assaad _et al._ (2023)’s research on Jordanian schools during the Syrian refugee crisis reveals effective governmental strategies. The opening of new school shifts and the establishment of schools in refugee camps were key measures that successfully mitigated the potential adverse effects of overcrowding. These studies collectively suggest that with thoughtful planning and sufficient resources, schools can manage increased student populations due to immigration, ensuring that the education outcomes of native students are not affected.

Moreover, the negative correlation observed in raw data between an increase in immigrant students and the academic performance of native students can often be attributed to selection issues. Immigrants tend to be placed in areas with schools possessing less desirable characteristics, as documented in Van der Werf (2021). Geay _et al._ (2013)’s work in England corroborates this argument, finding that immigrant students are typically located in schools with a higher proportion of underperforming native students and a higher teacher-student ratio. By accounting for these factors, the apparent negative impact of immigration on the education outcomes of native students becomes negligible. These results suggest the initial perceived detrimental effects are more due to the characteristics of schools where immigrants are enrolled, rather than the presence of immigrant students per se.

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# **IV.B Native flight from schools**

In the context of education, native flight occurs when native parents respond to immigrant inflows by switching their children from public to private schools, or even to public schools with a lower share of immigrant children. This phenomenon often leads to residential and educational isolation of immigrants by reducing native demand for public schools (Cascio and Lewis, 2012).

In the United States, results from various studies suggest native flight is significant. For instance, Betts and Fairlie (2003) estimate that for every four new immigrants in a public school, one U.S.born student switches to a private school. Similarly, Cascio and Lewis (2012) calculate that a 10% increase in immigrant children leads to a 7.8% decrease in native students’ enrollment in Californian public schools. These effects seem to be driven by white children and worsen when immigrants are not English speakers at home. These findings align with the strong selection of U.S.-born students out of schools with higher proportions of immigrants. This highlights why these compositional effects can obscure the interpretation of regression analyses that do not consider this sorting mechanism (Figlio _et al._ , 2021).

This phenomenon is not unique to the U.S. context. In Denmark, Gerdes (2010) shows how in small municipalities a rise in the share of immigrants increases the propensity of Danish parents to enroll children in private schools.<sup>5</sup> The author suggests that segregation is easier in small municipalities than in large ones where enrolling a child in a private school can be more difficult. Similarly, in Per ́u, Mart ́ınez (2022) finds that native flight is used as a mitigation strategy by parents to counteract the negative effects of immigration on incumbent students. Specifically, they discover that students who switch to private schools tend to be male students with low academic achievement in primary school or female students with high academic achievement in secondary school. Furthermore, cream-skimming effects are also observed in Spain, where more educated native households with higher-achieving children are more likely to switch them to private schools in response to immigration (Farre _et al._ , 2018).

> 5The article refers to private schools as free schools.

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# **IV.C Youth employment**

In addition to studies focusing on the impact of immigration on youth employment rates through changes in returns to education, as documented by C ̧ akır _et al._ (2023), Hunt (2017), and Tumen (2021), some articles investigate the effects of immigration on labor markets independent of education outcomes. In the U.S. context, for example, Smith (2012) documents that one primary factor contributing to the youth employment rate decline among Black teenagers was the increase in immigration between 1990 and 2005. Specifically, the author estimates that a 10% increase in the share of low-skill immigrant workers led to a 5 pp decrease in the employment rate of Black teenagers. Nevertheless, Winegarden and Khor (1991) argue that this declines in youth employment rates does not emerge from an increase in undocumented immigrants. They posit that these immigrants are not a labor substitute for native youths since the former usually rely on labor markets most favorable to the undocumented population to find a job.

# **V FORCIBLY DISPLACED CHILDREN**

At the end of 2022, there were more than 108 million forcibly displaced individuals in the world; 20% were children below 17 years of age (UNHCR, 2023). This section reviews the research concerning the impacts of forced migration on children. The distinction between forced and voluntary migrants hinges on the reasons for relocation. While voluntary migrants relocate by choice, forced migrants move due to involuntary factors such as conflicts, natural disasters, or other compelling circumstances. Children who are forcibly displaced merit specific attention due to their heightened vulnerability. They frequently endure violence and disasters, experience traumatic and abrupt migration, leave everything behind, and arrive in environments characterized by uncertainty about their rights and potential discrimination.

Recent evidence on the effects of forced migration largely focuses on child refugees and international forced migrants.<sup>6</sup> Therefore, we limit our review to this group. This section includes three parts. The first part examines the impacts of international forced migration on children. The evidence suggests that refugee children are extremely vulnerable and lag behind native children in terms of education and health outcomes (at least in the short term). Moreover, refugee children—

> 6A notable exception is Chiovelli _et al._ (2021), who examine the effects of conflict-driven displacement on human capital for Internally Displaced Individuals in Mozambique. The authors find that displaced children register higher investments in education.

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especially adolescents—face high risk of school dropout, as their time could be used to generate income, support household chores, or enter into marriage.

The second part investigates how refugee children affect native populations. Results suggest that, as in the case of voluntary migration, the impact of refugee migration on natives largely depends on policy responses to address the consequent challenges. Yet, underperforming native students are at greater risk of being negatively affected by the potential overcrowding effect caused by the arrival of new refugee students in hosting communities. The last part examines findings on interventions to enhance outcomes for both refugee and native children.

# **V.A Impacts of forced migration on refugee children**

This section describes work concerning the disparities between refugee and native children in outcomes such as education, health, and child labor. Native children are the most common comparison group for refugee children as it is difficult to obtain data on peers in their places of origin. The majority of scholarship suggests that refugee children lag behind native children.

_Education._ Krafft _et al._ (2022) present evidence on the educational outcomes of Syrian refugee children in Jordan. The study reveals that these children are less likely to enroll in Jordanian schools compared to native children of similar socioeconomic status. Additionally, Syrian refugee children, once enrolled, have a higher propensity to drop out. This trend is more pronounced among boys, primarily because they often seek employment to alleviate their families’ financial burdens. However, older girls also face significant disadvantages. They are incentivized to leave school due to increased household responsibilities or the prospect of marriage.

When it comes to comparing educational disparities among refugee children, Ginn (2018) evaluates the educational gaps between Syrian refugees located in camps and those outside. The author documents that enrollment and attendance rates for children in camps are higher. These results are partly attributed to the direct establishment of new schools in camps, coupled with higher transportation costs and enrollment fees at schools outside camps. Interestingly, increased school attendance in camps does not necessarily equate to better academic achievement. This could be explained by the higher repetition rates in schools in camps, indicating a possible concentration of underperforming students in these schools compared to those outside, and the challenges of 22
hiring and training teachers for new schools in camps, as highlighted by Salemi _et al._ (2018).

_Health._ Demirci _et al._ (2022) study the disparities in health and nutrition among native and Syrian refugee children in T ̈urkiye. Although the authors do not observe differences in infant or child mortality between refugee children born in T ̈urkiye and native children, they do find that refugee infants born in T ̈urkiye have lower birth weight, age-adjusted weight, and age-adjusted height than native infants. When decomposing the effects of weight at birth before and after migration, they find the difference before relocation is greater, suggesting that the persistent adverse effect of being born in a crisis outweighs the possible lack of health supply in the destination country.

Other research has studied the impacts of refugee camps on health outcomes. Rashad _et al._ (2018) find that in Jordan, Palestinian children in refugee camps have lower age-adjusted height scores relative to refugee children living outside camps. The study attributes this difference primarily to the lower asset levels of families in the camps. This economic disadvantage, in turn, leads to reduced investment in the developmental needs of their children.

Lastly, according to S ́anchez-Ariza _et al._ (2023), children in households internally displaced by the Colombian conflict exhibit lower mental health levels than other children. This assessment is based on measurements using the Symptom Checklist-90 and the Child Trauma Symptom Checklist for Young Children scales. Interestingly, the authors suggest this phenomenon also extends to children who were not directly affected by the conflict but whose caregivers experienced its consequences. This implies the possibility of an intergenerational transmission of the adverse effects of displacement on children, highlighting the need for intervention.

_Child labor._ The issue of child labor among refugee children, particularly its extent and impact, remains underresearched due to challenges in gathering reliable data. However, it is evident that refugee children are more susceptible to entering the child labor market, although the magnitude of this phenomenon varies according to the methodologies employed to measure child labor. Sieverding _et al._ (2018) note that in T ̈urkiye, Syrian refugee boys aged 10 to 14 years are 2% more likely to engage in paid work than their peers. On the other hand, Dayıo ̆glu _et al._ (0) find significantly higher incidence of child labor among Syrian refugee boys in Jordan. The study reports that refugee boys aged 12 to 14 years are 17% more likely to be involved in child labor than native 23
boys. This discrepancy becomes even more pronounced in the 15 to 17 year-old group, where the likelihood increases to 45% compared to native counterparts, highlighting a grave concern regarding the involvement of older refugee boys in the labor market.

_Child marriage._ Forced displacement and conflict often prompt gains in child marriage. Parents may decide to marry off their daughters for reasons such as family insurance, protection, increased freedom, and adherence to cultural norms. However, research on this issue is quite limited, mostly emerging from development contexts and relying heavily on anecdotal or one-time assessments (Mazurana and Marshak, 2019). Hunersen _et al._ (2020) suggest a potential uptick in early marriage rates among refugees after displacement but highlight that education acts as a protective factor.

# **V.B Effects on native children**

The majority of research focuses on evaluating the impact of refugee children on host communities, with mixed outcomes. However, it is clear that negative consequences are more likely to occur in the absence of adequate measures to mitigate the challenges associated with increased demand for public services, especially in the education sector. This is primarily due to the “overcrowding effect” resulting from the influx of refugee children, which strains existing educational resources and infrastructure.

_Studies documenting null effects._ Van der Werf (2021) reports that the presence of refugee students in educational settings does not prompt adverse effects on the educational outcomes of native children. The result is particularly noticeable when compensatory measures—such as increased funding, additional counselors, and the provision of night shifts—are implemented. This observation is supported by Figlio and Ozek<sup> ̈</sup> (2019) and Assaad _et al._ (2023), who note that these measures act as safeguards to mitigate potential negative consequences for native children.

_Studies documenting positive effects._ Some studies find positive outcomes associated with the presence of refugee students. Morales (2022) emphasizes the beneficial impact on educational performance, largely due to the spillover effects of compensatory funding. This suggests that resources allocated to support students from forced migrant backgrounds can also positively influence native students. Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, Tumen (2021) suggests that the increased presence of Syrian refugee students can lead to higher motivation among native children, likely driven 24
by heightened competition in the academic context. Furthermore, studies by C ̧ akır _et al._ (2023) and Tumen (2021) highlight changes in parental decision-making about their children’s education. These changes include higher enrollment rates, influenced by shifts in labor market dynamics and the perceived value of education.

_Studies documenting negative effects_ . The research also uncovers several negative aspects associated with forced migration, similar to those observed in voluntary migration scenarios. Gerdes (2010) and Mart ́ınez (2022), for example, document the phenomenon of “Native Flight,” which is also common in the context of forced migration. Furthermore, Green and Iversen (2020) point out negative spillover effects on educational performance, with a particular impact on low-achieving students. These findings underscore the necessity for well-thought-out policies and strategies that cater to the diverse needs of different student groups within the educational system, ensuring that all students are adequately supported and none are disproportionately disadvantaged.

# **V.C Evidence on the effectiveness of interventions to support refugee children**

This section outlines the effects of interventions to support refugee children. Most of this research has examined the effects of programs on the refugee population in general without focusing specifically on children. In doing so, however, authors often also examine the effects of those programs on a number of children’s outcomes as secondary or exploratory analyses. Results from this work suggest positive effects of cash transfers, programs to facilitate integration (e.g., language courses), and programs that promote social cohesion and diversity awareness.

_Evidence on the impacts of cash transfers._ De Hoop _et al._ (2019) examine the impacts of the “No Lost Generation” cash transfer program on the education outcomes of Syrian refugees in Lebanon. This program provided cash assistance to families to cover school commuting costs and compensate households for the potential income their children could have earned. The authors took advantage of the program’s random allocation to treated and control schools and found that the cash transfer resulted in a 20% increase in school attendance in treated schools compared to the control group. These findings are significant, particularly because the cash transfer was not contingent on children’s attendance and was therefore not monitored by the Lebanese government.

Moreover, Ozler<sup> ̈</sup> _et al._ (2021) use a regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of the 25
“Emergency Social Safety Net” in T ̈urkiye, a cash transfer program for Syrian refugees. The authors show that the program caused changes in household composition, with a movement of primarily school-aged children from ineligible to eligible households. This was ultimately reflected in a reduction in poverty and inequality for the overall refugee population. Similar effects on housing recomposition are documented by Miguel _et al._ (2023), who examine the effects of the Norwegian Refugee Council’s Urban Shelter Program in Jordan through a randomized controlled trial. The program supports Syrian refugees by granting them housing subsidies. In this case, treated households experienced an increment in the number of boys ages 13 to 17 years in the short run. These effects dissipate in the medium to long run.

_Programs facilitating integration_ . Evidence suggests that policies to facilitate migrant integration, even if focused on the adult member of the household, can have positive effects on children’s outcomes. Rude (2023), for example, finds that the introduction of birthright citizenship for Venezuelan children in Colombia has positively affected their educational prospects. The study reveals that enrollment rates in public institutions for Venezuelan children under six years improved by 50%. Similarly, Foged _et al._ (2022) and Foged _et al._ (2023) provide compelling evidence of positive intergenerational benefits resulting from language training programs offered by the Danish government to immigrant adults after they were granted refugee status in 1999. These programs led to higher completion rates among their children in lower secondary school.

_Programs promoting social cohesion between students._ Alan _et al._ (2021) evaluate an educational program in T ̈urkiye that was designed to foster perspective-taking skills among students with the aim of enhancing social cohesion among peers. Perspective taking, in this context, refers to a cognitive skill that enables individuals to comprehend the goals and intentions of others. In practice, this skill empowers students to consider the perspectives and opinions of their peers, ultimately promoting greater tolerance and acceptance of differences, particularly with respect to refugee students. The findings revealed a dual impact: it reduced incidents of violence, peer victimization, and exclusion in schools with a higher proportion of Syrian refugee children while also producing significant improvements in prosocial behavior and altruism.

Moreover, Tumen _et al._ (2023) evaluate a teacher training program implemented in Turkish schools. This program aimed to enhance teachers’ diversity awareness by improving their knowledge of 26
the immediate needs of Syrian refugee students, enabling the teachers to provide mentoring and create a more conducive classroom learning environment. The authors employ a regression discontinuity design, as assignment into the treatment group depended on the proportion of refugee students in a school. They show that the program effectively halved absenteeism among refugee children during the year of implementation and continued to have a positive impact in the subsequent year. This work exemplifies the importance of social inclusion in diverse populations.

_Programs improving mental health and early childhood development._ Moya _et al._ (2022) implemented a randomized trial intervention in Colombia that offers Child-Parent Psychotherapy (CPP) to children and caregivers affected by conflict and forced displacement. The goal of CPP is to restore the mental health of patients and strengthen the child-parent relationship to enhance care and child development. The authors observe positive effects of CPP on maternal mental health, as mothers appeared to be less anxious and depressed, among other conditions. More importantly, CPP was found to enhance child-mother interactions, resulting in a 0.17 standard deviation improvement in child mental health and a 0.21 standard deviation improvement on the early childhood development index.

Similarly, Annan _et al._ (2017) implemented a related intervention for the Burmese displaced population in Thailand. The intervention was designed after the Strengthening Families Program (SFP) to train Burmese parents in caregiving skills while teaching refugee children social skills. The primary objective was to enhance children’s psychological outcomes by improving the quality of parental care and communication. The authors found the program cut the likelihood of externalizing problems (e.g., aggressive behavior) and child attention problems. Compared to the control group, the reductions were 0.22 standard deviation and 0.11 standard deviation, respectively.

# **VI DISCUSSION**

This paper examines the impact of migration on children, offering a comprehensive analysis of its effects throughout the process. This includes children left behind, migrant children (including those forcibly displaced), and native children. The findings reveal that migration’s impact on children’s outcomes is complex and context dependent, influenced by household demographics and particularly by policies to support migrant populations and their host communities. Policies that facilitate service adjustments in response to migrant arrivals and that promote integration 27
are highly beneficial for all children involved. Conversely, enforcement-oriented policies tend to hinder children’s development, particularly among immigrant children, by reducing service uptake and damaging the mental health of children and their parents.

The review also draws attention to the vulnerability of left-behind children, who despite observing positive income shocks might still be negatively affected by parental absence. Notably, the evidence highlighted the large negative effects of parental absence on cognitive outcomes, mental health, and socioemotional behaviors. Future research and programming should cover effective ways to support these children. Specifically, the Chinese case raises a crucial question about the trade-off between relocation policies to spur growth and the human capital costs of such policies.

Forcibly displaced children are one of the most vulnerable groups since they not only experience migration but do so unexpectedly, often after traumatic events. Yet, without representative and longitudinal data to comprehensively measure children’s outcomes, it is difficult to diagnose the precise challenges they face. This includes an effective evaluation of their cognitive and noncognitive development relative to native children and its impact on future outcomes, such as adult income. These issues are particularly important in developing countries and present a significant opportunity to expand our knowledge in the future.

Finally, more evaluation of programs that effectively target migrant and forced migrant children’s outcomes will be extremely valuable in guiding policymakers about the most effective programs to support these populations and their hosts. This is particularly crucial for long-term outcomes because the majority of existing work concerns the immediate impact of such programs due to various constraints. Even though the forcibly displaced population requires urgent attention, there is wide scope for action in understanding the long-term impacts of these experiences during their teenage years and into adulthood.

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