metadata: authors: 0: author: Fruttero,Anna
1: author: Halim,Daniel Zefanya
2: author: Broccolini,Chiara
3: author: Dantas Pereira Coelho,Bernardo
4: author: Gninafon,Horace Mahugnon Akim
5: author: Muller,Noel
count: World
docna: 0: docna: Gendered Impacts of Climate Change :
            Evidence from Weather Shocks
docty: Policy Research Working Paper
abstracts: cdata!: Climate change is one of the defining
            challenges of our time. While the impacts of climate change
            on people&#x2019;s well-being can hardly be denied, it
            may not be as obvious that the impacts could differ by
            gender. However, as the COVID-19 pandemic has shown, a shock
            can impact men and women differently due to social norms and
            pre-existing gender differences. This paper reviews the
            economic literature linking weather shocks (such as floods,
            droughts, and extreme temperatures, among others) and a
            large range of outcomes (from endowments to economic
            opportunities and agency). Men and women indeed have
            specific vulnerabilities and exposures. Specific
            physiological vulnerabilities are relatively minor: boys are
            more vulnerable to shocks in utero and girls and women to
            heat. The biggest gendered impacts are due to existing gaps
            and social responses to shocks. In places with strong boy
            preferences, families facing scarcity due to disasters are
            more likely to give food and other resources to boys, take
            their daughters out of school or marry them young, or
            withdraw women from agricultural work so they focus on
            household chores. During or after weather shocks, boys can
            also be taken out of schools to be put at work and men
            working in agriculture are often forced to migrate to find
            alternative sources of income. Unless climate policy
            acknowledges and accounts for these differences, climate
            change will remain an amplifier of existing gender inequalities.
display_title: Gendered Impacts of Climate Change :
            Evidence from Weather Shocks
listing_relative_url: /research/2023/05/34060066/gendered-impacts-climate-change-evidence-weather-shocks
topicv3: Climate Change Impacts m1326159 1773,Gender and Climate Change m1326904 617,Climate Change and Vulnerable Groups
            m1327305 1770
publishtoextweb_dt: 2023-05-10T00:00:00Z
dois: 10.1596/1813-9450-10442
origu: Off of Sr VP Dev Econ/Chief Econ (DECVP)
author_keys: 0: author_key: 608090
1: author_key: 1483795
2: author_key: 1492842
3: author_key: 1599976
4: author_key: 1987609
5: author_key: 1241960
model_extractions: Policy Research Working Paper 10442

# Gendered Impacts of Climate Change Evidence from Weather Shocks

_Anna Fruttero Daniel Halim Chiara Broccolini Bernardo Coelho Horace Gninafon Noël Muller_ Gender Global Theme May 2023
Policy Research Working Paper 10442

# **Abstract**

Climate change is one of the defining challenges of our time. While the impacts of climate change on people’s well-being can hardly be denied, it may not be as obvious that the impacts could differ by gender. However, as the COVID-19 pandemic has shown, a shock can impact men and women differently due to social norms and pre-existing gender differences. This paper reviews the economic literature linking weather shocks (such as floods, droughts, and extreme temperatures, among others) and a large range of outcomes (from endowments to economic opportunities and agency). Men and women indeed have specific vulnerabilities and exposures. Specific physiological vulnerabilities are relatively minor: boys are more vulnerable to shocks in utero and girls and women to heat. The biggest gendered impacts are due to existing gaps and social responses to shocks. In places with strong boy preferences, families facing scarcity due to disasters are more likely to give food and other resources to boys, take their daughters out of school or marry them young, or withdraw women from agricultural work so they focus on household chores. During or after weather shocks, boys can also be taken out of schools to be put at work and men working in agriculture are often forced to migrate to find alternative sources of income. Unless climate policy acknowledges and accounts for these differences, climate change will remain an amplifier of existing gender inequalities.

This paper is a product of the Gender Global Theme. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://www.worldbank.org/prwp. The authors may be contacted atafruttero@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
# Gendered Impacts of Climate Change Evidence from Weather Shocks<sup>*</sup>

Anna Fruttero, Daniel Halim, Chiara Broccolini, Bernardo Coelho, Horace Gninafon, and Noël Muller

## **JEL: J16, O15, Q54**

**Keywords** : climate change, gender, health, education, livelihoods, agency, vulnerability, shocks

> * Broccolini, Coelho, Fruttero, Halim and Muller: The World Bank; Gninafon: Université Laval. We thank Hana Brixi, Andrea Kucey, and Laura Rawlings for their guidance; Anne Kuriakose, Ezgi Canpolat, Ana Gren, Miriam Muller, Elizaveta Perova, Luca Tiberti, Julia Vaillant, and Andrea Woodhouse for their comments and insights. Horace Gninafon acknowledges financial support from the World Bank Group Africa Fellowship Program. Corresponding authors: Anna Fruttero (afruttero@worldbank.org) and Daniel Halim (dhalim@worldbank.org).
# **1. Introduction**

Climate change is a global challenge, but its effects are not evenly distributed. Extreme weather events, such as droughts, floods, hurricanes, and heavy rainfall are becoming more common and severe, causing significant social and economic consequences. Between 2000 and 2019, temperature-related excess deaths ranged from 34 per 100,000 in Latin America and the Caribbean to 139 in Eastern Europe (Zhao et al. 2021). Most reported deaths from weather, climate, and water extremes occurred in developing countries between 1970 and 2019 (WMO 2021), and poor countries are in hotspot regions of increasing temperature variability (Bathiany et al. 2018). Within countries, poor individuals tend to live in areas with greater exposure to weather and climate shocks, to work in occupations more vulnerable to them, and to have less ability to adapt. In fact, most projections indicate that climate change will push an additional 32 million to 132 million people into extreme poverty by 2030 (Jafino et al. 2020).

The impact of climate change on men and women is expected to be different. Large scale weather shocks disrupt critical services such water, sanitation, and energy supply as well as damage dwellings. These require households to spend more time on domestic activities. At the same time, households need to allocate more time to income-generating activities to compensate for the losses. Persistent gender gaps exacerbate women’s exposure to shocks and limit their ability to adapt. Women’s significantly lower labor force participation and wages, their high representation in the agriculture and informal sector, limited land ownership,<sup>1</sup> unequal access to off-farm work opportunities, restricted access to credit, higher burden of caring for family members and fulfilling domestic roles, and other restrictive social norms in many countries could increase their exposure and vulnerability and reduce their ability to mitigate the negative impacts of climate change (Deere and Doss 2006; FAO 2011; Doss et al. 2018; Eastin 2018). Additionally, some physiological reactions to the manifestations of climate change may differ across genders. The COVID-19 pandemic serves as a clear example of gendered impacts in the face of a global crisis. Men have been more vulnerable to the virus, with higher mortality rates and COVID-19 diagnoses (de Paz Nieves, Gaddis, and Muller 2021), while women have disproportionately experienced the

> 1 In Africa, for example, women are responsible for 50-80 percent of agricultural production but hold title to less than 20 percent of all agricultural land (FAO 2011).

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economic consequences of the pandemic in terms of employment, unpaid care work, and genderbased violence (Flor et al. 2022).

In this paper, we examine the evidence on the gender-differentiated impacts of weather shocks to understand the potential gendered effect of climate change on a range of outcomes, organized around three areas covered by the World Bank Gender Strategy 2016-23: endowments (health and education), economic opportunities (combining access to jobs and assets as well as a broader view on aspects that affect economic opportunities), and agency (gender-based violence and early marriage). While we included some relevant studies from high-income countries, our focus is mainly on causal economics studies on low- and middle-income countries where the consequences of climate shocks are more severe. We conducted a search for studies on Google Scholar using keywords such as “causal impact of climate change on gender” and “gender impact of climate change” and combined these with other keywords such as “employment”, “education”, and “agency”. We ensured the relevance of the studies by reading them and identifying other relevant studies that are cited in them. Annex Table A.1 lists and summarizes all the papers cited in this literature review. Table 1 summarizes the differentiated impacts of weather shocks on men and women. Due to their past exposure to shocks and data availability, some regions and countries, such as India and Indonesia, have higher representation. Our study adds a gender lens to previous research that examined the impacts of weather events on a range of economic outcomes without a gender focus (Dell, Jones, and Olken 2014), and extends policy work on the topic (Erman et al. 2021) by providing more studies and details.

Girls and women are particularly vulnerable to the social responses triggered by weather shocks, especially in places where they face restrictive gender norms. For example, droughts can result in reduced resources that can lead to sex-selective abortions, malnutrition, and neglect of girls due to son preference. Thus, weather shocks have been associated with girls’ higher mortality (Flatø and Kotsadam 2014; Anttila-Hughes and Hsiang 2013; Haile, Tirivayi, and Nillesen 2019; Chatterjee and Merfeld 2021), poorer health (Hoddinott and Kinsey 2000; Rocha and Soares 2015; Thiede and Gray 2020), and higher school dropouts to care for household chores or early marriage (Björkman-Nyqvist 2013; Bau et al. 2020; Dasgupta and Karandikar 2021; Dessy, Tiberti, and Zoundi 2023). In adulthood, weather shocks can force agricultural households to withdraw women from work, leading to more childbearing and household work as they are less likely to migrate to find employment to overcome losses from lower agricultural yields (Dessy et al. 2020, Afridi et 3
al. 2021; Chowdhury, Parida, and Agarwal 2022). It can also lead to other practices that harm their agency and physical integrity: in some places weathers shocks have led to polygynous marriages, known to hamper women’s health and increase violence against them (Dessy et al. 2021), and “witch hunting” (Miguel 2005). While asset ownership, such as land and livestock, can provide protection against weather shocks (de la Fuente 2007), there is strong evidence of gender bias against women in asset ownership. Men often own more land and livestock, which makes women more vulnerable to the adverse effects of weather shocks (Deere and Leon 2003; Dillon and Quiñones 2010; Lee et al. 2021). However, in contexts with milder gender bias at an early age, the adverse impact of weather shocks are less severe (Carrillo 2020). Women’s specific physiological vulnerabilities, such as their body temperature regulation system, also increase their mortality risks in hotter temperatures (Achebak, Devolder, and Ballester 2019; Singh et al. 2019; Ellena et al. 2020). In addition, girls may learn less in some hot places (Dapi et al. 2010; Vu 2021).

Boys and men also have particular vulnerabilities to weather shocks. Male fetuses are less resilient and adaptive to stress compared to female fetuses (DiPietro and Voegtline 2017; Walsh et al. 2019). Boys are more likely to dropout from school (Carrillo 2020), while men are more likely to suffer physical and mental disabilities when affected by droughts or flood in early age (Dinkelman 2017; Carrillo 2020). Extreme rainfall can also lead to increased labor for boys in agricultural activities (Trinh, Posso, and Feeny 2020) and weather shocks also can cause men working in agriculture to migrate more than women (Dillon et al. 2011; Gray and Mueller 2012; Mueller, Gray, and Kosec 2014; Bohra-Mishra et al. 2017; Anglewicz and Myroniuk 2018). Boys do not seem to benefit in terms of education and health in the long term as much as girls from better harvests (Maccini and Yang 2009; Tiwari, Jacoby, and Skoufias 2017). In general, while boys and men are negatively affected by weather shocks in most studies, their impacts tend to be relatively less severe than those on girls and women.

There are domains in which no clear gender differences are found following weather shocks. This includes direct fatalities from disasters, as well as education and cognitive and socioemotional development. Boys and girls appear to be similarly affected in their cognitive and socioemotional development following weather shocks (Shah and Steinberg 2017; Andrabi, Daniels, and Das 2021; Chang, Favara, and Novella 2022). Both boys and girls can also be taken out of school to be put at work (Bau et al. 2020; Trinh, Posso, and Feeny 2020). It is worth noting that even in domains 4
where either men or women tend to be more affected, some studies find no significant gender differences. For example, there were no gender differences in impacts on nutrition in Nigeria (Rabassa, Skoufias, and Jacoby 2014) and 18 Sub-Saharan African countries (Thiede and Strube 2020), as well as on school attendance in Madagascar (Marchetta, Sahn, and Tiberti 2019) and Nepal (Tiwari, Jacoby, and Skoufias 2017).

**Table 1. Summary of gendered impacts of weather shocks on endowments, economic opportunities, and agency across contexts**

||**Higher impacts on girls and women**|**Similar impacts on both genders**|**Higher impacts on boys and men**|
|---|---|---|---|
|**Endowments**||||
|Mortality|• Higher risk of death from heat due to<br>body temperature regulation (Italy<br>[Ellena et al. 2020], Spain [Achebak et al.<br>2019])<br>• Droughts led to higher girl mortality in<br>subsequent years in places with son<br>preference and other gender biases,<br>sometimes due to through postnatal<br>neglect or prenatal sex-selective abortions<br>(India [Chatterjee and Merfeld 2021],<br>Philippines [Anttila-Hughes and Hsiang<br>2013])<br>Rainfall can reduce women suicide<br>(Indonesia [Christian et al. 2019]), but<br>too low or too high rainfall can generate<br>depression|No clear gender differences in<br>direct fatalities of disasters (e.g.<br>United States [Jonkman et al.<br>2009], Fiji [Yeo and Blong 2010])||
|Other health<br>outcomes|• Rainfall in early life can reduce weight<br>and height in childhood due to diseases,<br>but increase health, weight, and height<br>when women are adults (Indonesia<br>[Maccini and Yang 2009], Nepal [13]).<br>• Droughts can reduce girl’s weight-for-<br>height (Indonesia [Thiede and Gray<br>2020]).<br>• Droughts can increase the fertility of<br>young women living in agricultural<br>households by reducing the value of their<br>labor (Madagascar [Dessy et al. 2020])|No difference in nutrition due to<br>weather shock in Nigeria [Rabassa<br>et al. 2014]|Droughts can reduce height-for-<br>age for boys (Indonesia [Thiede<br>and Gray 2020]) and increase<br>physical and mental disability for<br>men (Colombia [Carrillo 2020],<br>South Africa [Dinkelman 2017])|
|Schooling|• Rainfall can lead to higher girl's<br>schooling (Indonesia [Maccini and Yang<br>2009]), but also less probability to be at<br>school and more to work in places with<br>high child labor (India [Bau et al. 2020]).<br>• Droughts can increase girls' dropout<br>(Uganda [Björkman-Nyqvist 2013]),<br>especially in patrilocal households<br>(Malawi and Indonesia [Dessy et al.<br>2023])|• Sometimes the negative impact of<br>weather shocks on schooling has<br>no difference in school for both<br>gender (India [Shah and Steinberg<br>2017], Madagascar [Marchetta et<br>al. 2019]).<br>• Earthquake and typhoons do not<br>affect schooling differently across<br>gender (Pakistan [Andrabi et al.<br>2021], Philippines [Deuchert and<br>Felfe 2015])|Rainfall can lead to more<br>schooling decline for men<br>(Colombia [Carrillo 2020],<br>Vietnam [Trinh et al. 2020])|

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||**Higher impacts on girls and women**|**Similar impacts on both genders**|**Higher impacts on boys and men**|
|---|---|---|---|
|Test scores<br>and cognitive<br>and<br>socioemotional<br>development|More negative impacts of weather shocks<br>and heat for girls in Brazil [Branco and<br>Feres 2018], Colombia [28], India<br>[Dasgupta and Karandikar 2021], and<br>Uganda [Björkman-Nyqvist 2013])|Similar negative impacts of weather<br>shocks and heat for both gender in<br>India [Shah and Steinberg 2017:<br>Chang et al. 2022], Madagascar<br>[Marchetta et al. 2019], and<br>Pakistan [Andrabi et al. 2021])||
|Child labor|Can increase girls' non-agricultural<br>activities and housework (Ethiopia [Haile<br>et al. 2019], Vietnam [Trinh et al. 2020])<br>and income-generating and non-income-<br>generating work (India [Bau et al. 2020])||Weather shocks can lead boys to<br>work more (Colombia [Carrillo<br>2020], Vietnam [Trinh et al. 2020])|
|**Economic**<br>**opportunities**||||
|Employment|Weather shocks in early age or as an adult<br>reduce women's employment and<br>employment in more stable jobs (Colombia<br>[Carrillo 2020], India [Afridi et al. 2021:<br>Chowdhury et al. 2022], Vietnam [Feeny et<br>al. 2021]), often due to increasing domestic<br>work after shock (India [Maitra and Tagat<br>2019], Tanzania [Lee et al. 2021])||Weather shocks tend to raise men’s<br>employment in the non-agricultural<br>sector. Income shocks from weather<br>shocks and social norms lead men<br>tend to migrate more than women<br>(Ethiopia [Gray and Mueller 2012],<br>Malawi [Anglewicz and Myroniuk<br>2018], Nigeria [Dillon et al. 2011],<br>Pakistan [Mueller et al. 2014],<br>Philippines [Bohra-Mishra et al.<br>2017], Madagascar [Marchetta et al.<br>2021)|
|Income and<br>consumption|Rainfall can be beneficial for women:<br>rainfall when infant raise assets when<br>adults, likely because of better nutrition<br>(Indonesia [Maccini and Yang 2009]), and<br>rainfall for rice-area workers can mean<br>higher wages (India [Mahajan 2017]). But<br>women suffer more from droughts (India<br>[Carpena 2019])|||
|Assets|Women have much less land and livestock<br>than men (Latin America [Deere and Leon<br>2003], Nigeria [Dillon and Quiñones 2010],<br>Tanzania [Lee et al. 2021]), thus have less<br>capacity to cope with weather shocks|||
|**Agency**<br>Gender-based<br>violence|<br>• Higher violence against women following<br>disasters and income shocks (Tanzania<br>[Miguel 2005])<br>• No association between drought and IPV<br>(SSA [Cool et al. 2020)<br>• Positive association between droughts<br>and IPV, with larger positive associations<br>among adolescent girls and unemployed<br>women (SSA [Epstein et all 2020]|||
|Legal barriers|Higher vulnerability to shocks given higher<br>legal challenges for women to inherit and<br>own land in some contexts (Deere and<br>Leon 2003; Dillon and Quiñones 2010; Lee<br>et al. 2021)|||

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|Marriage<br>practices|**Higher impacts on girls and women**<br>Polygyny, harmful for women's bargaining<br>power and vulnerability to domestic<br>violence, are used as mitigation strategy<br>against weather shock impacts on crop<br>fields (through higher fertility) in some<br>contexts (e.g. Mali [Dessy et al. 2021])|**Similar impacts on both genders**|**Higher impacts on boys and men**<br>|
|---|---|---|---|

The paper is organized as follows: Sections 2 looks at the impacts on endowments; section 3 at the impacts on economic opportunities, and section 4 at the impacts on agency. Section 5 concludes.

# **2. Endowments**

## **2.1. Health**

There is some evidence of gender differences in mortality during hurricanes and floods, but there is no clear pattern. For example, during the 2012 hurricane Sandy, men had higher mortality rates in the United States and Canada (2:1), although mortality in men was not as high in the Caribbean (1.4:1) (Diakakis et al. 2015). Men also had higher mortality rates during the 1998 Hurricane Mitch in Central America (Bradshaw 2004) and floods killed more men than women in Portugal and Greece in 1960-2010 (Pereira et al. 2017). However, the 2005 Hurricane Katrina in the United States and the 1931 Hurricane in Fiji resulted in similar numbers of male and female fatalities (Jonkman et al. 2009; Yeo and Blong 2010). Differential mortality levels might be linked to men being more likely to engage in outdoor activities during these events.

Men and women also have some physiological differences that can affect their sensitivity to extreme heat and cold, which can impact their mortality. For example, between the 1980s and late 2010s, women were more likely to be at risk of death from cardiovascular diseases or have higher mortality risk in hot temperatures in Spain (Achebak, Devolder, and Ballester 2019) and Italy (Ellena et al. 2020), possibly due to physiological characteristics in body temperature regulation. Pregnant women are also more vulnerable to extreme heat in the United States, with exposure increasing the risk of maternal hospitalization during first trimester pregnancy for potentially lifethreatening causes, especially for women residing in historically cooler countries (Kim, Lee, and Rossin-Slater 2021). In India, heat waves also posed a higher mortality risk for women and children between the 2000s and 2010s, particularly in heavily polluted areas (Singh et al. 2019).

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However, in other parts of India during the 2000s, men were more at risk than women under hot and cold conditions (Ingole et al. 2022), possibly due to their engagement in outdoor activities.

Droughts have been found to have a stronger impact on the mortality rates of girls than boys in places with son preference and other gender biases, especially in poorer households. This trend has been observed in Sub-Saharan African countries, where droughts have led to higher infant mortality for girls than for boys, with 12 more deaths of infant girls per 1000 births following droughts. These impacts were only observed in areas with higher levels of son preference and lower desired fertility rates (Flatø and Kotsadam 2014). In the Philippines, child mortality due to typhoons a year after the disaster tends to be concentrated among girls and families with numerous children, with mortality rates highest in households where infant daughters face competition for resources, particularly if siblings are boys (Anttila-Hughes and Hsiang 2013). The pattern of deteriorating economic opportunities and disinvestments in human capital correlating with female infant mortality in the year following the typhoon suggests that this excess mortality is due to household decisions made while coping with post-disaster economic opportunities. In 141 countries during the 1980s and 1990s, natural disasters, including droughts, floods, earthquakes, and epidemics were found to be correlated with lower life expectancy in women than men, especially in countries with a low index of socioeconomic status for women (Neumayer and Plumper 2007). In Brazil, where gender bias at early ages is not considered a significant problem, rainfall fluctuations have had similar impacts on boys’ and girls’ mortality (Rocha and Soares 2015).

Droughts can have harmful consequences for women ́s and men’s health. In Zimbabwe, they reduced women’s body mass index but not men’s (Hoddinott and Kinsey 2000). In Indonesia, monsoon delays resulted in a significant decrease in weight-for-height, indicating worse shortterm nutrition, with girls particularly affected. However, the decline in height-for-age, indicating long-term nutrition, was much smaller, and boys were more affected (Thiede and Gray 2020). In Rwanda, only girls were negatively affected by crop failures, especially in poor households (Akresh, Verwimp, and Bundervoet 2011). In Brazil, rainfall fluctuations had a greater impact on girls’ birth weight than on boys’, although the impact on gestational length were similar across genders (Rocha and Soares 2015). Studies in Nigeria (Rabassa, Skoufias, and Jacoby 2014) and in 18 Sub-Saharan African countries (Thiede and Strube 2020) found no gender inequalities in health outcomes because of weather shocks.

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Rainfalls are found to have long term benefits for women, partly because they lead to better harvests. In Indonesia, women who experienced a positive weather shock around the time of their birth reported better health and were taller as adults, while no difference was reported by men. The strong relationship found between birth year rainfall and adult height suggests that nutrition in infancy varies with early-life rainfall, especially for girls, as rainfall’s effects on crop output—and thus household income and food availability—lead to variations in parents’ abilities to provide nutrition, medical inputs, and generally the nurturing environments for infant girls (Maccini and Yang 2009). In Nepal, increased rainfall led to lower weight and height in the short term due to more diseases but had a positive effect in the medium run due to the favorable economic opportunities from better harvests during wet years. No significant differences between boys and girls were detected (Tiwari, Jacoby, and Skoufias 2017).

Due to their higher sensibility to shocks in uterus, boys may develop more disabilities due to weather shocks. In South Africa, droughts in early life led to an increase in physical and mental disabilities, particularly in men (Dinkelman 2017). Similarly, in Colombia, higher prenatal floods were associated with an increase in mental disability rates in adults aged 25-65 in 2005, with a greater impact on men (Carrillo 2020).

In addition, women in many countries often bear the responsibility of collecting water, food, and firewood, which can increase their exposure to diseases such as malaria from contaminated water sources following extreme weather shocks. This has been observed in Cambodia, South Africa, and Nigeria, as highlighted by studies conducted by Davies et al. (2015), Meyiwa et al. (2014), and Adebola (2021), respectively.

Lastly, weather shocks can also lead to increased childbearing among women as the value of their agricultural labor lowers during droughts. In Madagascar, higher fertility in young women living in agricultural households was observed even four years after a drought occurred in the agricultural season (Dessy et al. 2020). The drought did not affect marriage timing but mainly reduced the number of women’s working hours and their agricultural income. The drought had no effect on the fertility of young women living in non-agricultural households or non-agrarian communities, nor did it impact fertility if it occurred during the non-agricultural season. These findings suggest that droughts, by reducing the value of women's agricultural labor, lowered the marginal cost of a child, thus increasing fertility.

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# **2.2. Education**

# _Schooling_

The impact of weather shocks on female dropouts during childhood and adolescence depends on several factors, including gender bias and child labor. In Indonesia, positive rainfall shocks increased female schooling completion but had no effect on male (Maccini and Yang 2009). In Uganda, decreased rainfall had no effect on boys' and young girls' schooling, but it permanently increased primary school dropouts among girls (Björkman-Nyqvist 2013). In Malawi and Indonesia, where both matrilocal and patrilocal post-marriage residence customs<sup>2</sup> exist, patrilocal households tend to prioritize sons' education over daughters' during droughts if schooling requires fees, while matrilocal households do not (Dessy, Tiberti, and Zoundi 2023). In Colombia, where there is no known gender bias at early ages, higher prenatal floods led to a decline in years of schooling for both genders, but especially for men (Carrillo 2020). In Madagascar, both girls and boys experienced similar adverse effects on school attendance due to droughts and cyclones (Marchetta, Sahn, and Tiberti 2019).

In settings where households lack formal mechanisms to cope with income shocks, such as climate shocks, families may face different opportunity costs for enrolling or promoting their children's education. For example, extreme rainfall in Vietnam increased the likelihood of boys engaging in agricultural activities more than girls (Trinh, Posso, and Feeny 2020). In addition, income stress caused by these climate events is positively associated with changes in the number of hours of domestic work for girls. This evidence is consistent with findings from Ethiopia, where girls were less likely to engage in agricultural activities than boys during a drought, suggesting that climate shocks have increased girls' engagement in non-agricultural activities relative to boys (Haile, Tirivayi, and Nillesen 2019).

In Indian districts with high prevalence of child labor, extreme rainfall during early life significantly increased girls’ likelihood of working and decreased their likelihood of attending school, while outcomes for oldest sons remain relatively protected from the shock (Bau et al. 2020). This effect persisted across generations, with children of household heads who were

> 2 These marriage customs prescribe whether daughters [matrilocality] or sons [patrilocality] co-reside with their parents after marriage, eventually becoming their source of old-age support

10
exposed to extreme rainfall early in life being more likely to work and less likely to attend school. In India, gender norms that favor higher labor participation of females led to worse schooling outcomes after rainfall shocks (Dasgupta and Karandikar 2021), while in districts where norms did not favor higher female labor force participation, rainfall shocks affected scores of male and female children to a similar extent. In contrast, where norms favored female work, female children were more affected by rainfall shocks and had a higher likelihood of dropping out of school — which improved considerably under a positive rainfall shock. Thus, the trade-off between schooling and productive work is stronger in settings that are more gender-equal in the labor market norms. Yet, another study in India found that rainfall shocks had different effects in schooling depending on the age of the children but did not detect any difference between males and female (Shah and Steinberg 2017). Similarly, for a study in Indonesia that found that monsoon delays increased child labor among children aged 10-14 years, but no evidence of a gender difference (Korkeala 2012). These findings suggest that the impact of climate shocks on child labor may not always favor one gender over the other, and that the impact may depend on various factors such as the type of work and the cultural context.

_Test scores and cognitive and socioemotional development_ Overall, research suggests that weather events have similar impact on boys’ and girls’ test scores and cognitive and socioemotional skills. However, there are some variations depending on the specific weather and context. For instance, exposure to droughts in utero in India was found to reduce socioemotional skills for both boys and girls at age 15, but it primarily reduced cognitive skills in boys at age 5 and age 15 (Chang, Favara, and Novella 2022). In contrast, positive rainfall shocks in India had a positive effect on math and reading scores if they occurred before age 2, with no gender differences (Shah and Steinberg 2017). In India, droughts negatively affected girls in reading and math compared to boys of the same age (Dasgupta and Karandikar 2021). Similarly, the impacts of droughts and cyclones in Madagascar (Marchetta, Sahn, and Tiberti 2019) and an earthquake in Pakistan (Andrabi, Daniels, and Das 2021) had negative impacts on test scores for boys and girls. In Kenya, early-life exposure to droughts negatively affected cognitive development for young adolescents, regardless of gender (Nübler et al. 2021). However, in some contexts, weather shocks had a larger impact on girls. For example, higher prenatal floods were associated with a larger increase in illiteracy rates, for women compared to men (Carrillo 2020), and, in Uganda, lower rainfall reduced girls’ test scores but not boys’ (Björkman-Nyqvist 2013).

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In Brazil, droughts affected the school performance of girls more than boys in rural northeast municipalities (Branco and Feres 2018). Typhoon Mike in the Philippines had a greater impact on girls’ highest-grade completion 2 and 4 years after the disaster, but the impact was similar to boys’ 12 and 15 years after (Deuchert and Felfe 2015).

Whether heat affects student learning differently for boys and girls remains unclear. A study conducted in 58 countries found that hot school days reduced learning (Park et al. 2021), but few studies examine gender differences and even fewer find statistically significant gender differences. In the United States, no heterogeneity by gender was found (Park, Goodman, and Behrer 2020), while in Vietnam, the negative effect of heat on student learning was more pronounced among girls than boys, possibly due to nutrition intake and heat compensation (Vu 2021). In Cameroon, the more adverse effect of heat on learning in girls than boys was hypothesized to be associated with boys’ ability to compensate and prevent heat, influenced by social norms (Dapi et al. 2010).

# **3. Impacts on economic opportunities**

## _Employment_

Exposure to droughts, extreme rainfalls, and floods in early life can have negative impacts on women’s employment, especially in households where parents have lower levels of education. In Colombia, higher prenatal floods were associated with a greater reduction in the likelihood of women working compared to men (Carrillo 2020). Similarly, in India, droughts between 2010-14 resulted in a greater reduction in the likelihood of employment and workdays for women compared to men. Men increased their workdays in non-farm work, while women did not, likely due to higher burden of domestic work for women and restrictions imposed by rigid social norms that limit women’s ability to find work outside their place of living (Afridi et al. 2021). Floods in 15 major states in India between 1983 and 2011 also led to a decrease in women’s rural agricultural employment, while men’s employment in the non-agricultural sector increased. This disparity may be due to cultural norms and women’s lower levels of education (Chowdhury, Parida, and Agarwal 2022). In India, women and men also tend to respond differently to rainfall shocks. During adverse rainfall shocks, women are more likely to be casual wage earners, while men are more likely to do regular wage work (Maitra and Tagat 2019). However, during positive rainfall shocks, men are more likely to shift their time to casual wage work, while women are more likely to do housework.

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In some cases, climate shocks have resulted in an increase in women’s agricultural work. A study on 31 African countries found that climate shocks can reduce the number of hours worked by individuals in the agriculture sector. However, the impact on men and women can differ depending on the type of shock and the sector of activity. For instance, droughts had a similar effect on men's and women's work hours, regardless of their sector of activity. But heat waves and floods increased the number of hours women worked in the agricultural sector compared to men, and led to the opposite effect in the non-agriculture sector (Nico and Azzarri 2022). In Tanzania, during the maize-growing season, men reduced family labor under heat stress, but women increased their family labor when they were the only head of the household (Lee et al. 2021).

Women’s reliance on agricultural work can lead them to choose different crops. In Uganda, where men and women cultivate separate plots of land, during a drought women diversify to more risky, commercial crops and away from subsistence farming while men allocate more time to off-farm labor employment, indicating that women may be more vulnerable to the impacts of climate change and may adapt differently than men (Agamile et al. 2021).

Climate-related shocks may also have delayed effects on employment outcomes through the accumulation of human capital. In Vietnam, exposure to extreme rainfall during in-utero development and up to age 4 reduced the probability of having formal employment for women, with education and the age at which children experience the shock influencing the outcome. Exposure to shocks at ages one and two had the largest gender differentiated impact on formal sector employment outcomes in adulthood (Feeny et al. 2021). This suggests that the impacts of climate-related shocks on employment outcomes may be complex and long-lasting, and that interventions to mitigate these impacts may need to consider the specific vulnerabilities and needs of different groups.

Migration can be one mechanism for households to cope with income shocks resulting from weather shocks in the agricultural sector, with men likely to migrate more than women due to social norms in many countries. For instance, heat, typhoons, and rainfall increased men’s outmigration relative to women’s in the Philippines (Bohra-Mishra et al. 2017). In Malawi, exposure to multiple shocks such as damage to houses due to fire, flood, or other unexpected events increased men's migration relative to women's in 2010 (Anglewicz and Myroniuk 2018). Droughts have been found to increase rural-urban migration and international migration in Mali (Defrance, 13
Delesalle, and Gubert 2020), while in Ethiopia they have been found to increase men migration to find employment and to reduce the likelihood of women to get married (Gray and Mueller 2012). Similarly, they have been found to increase men’s likelihood to migrate but to deter migration of young women in Madagascar (Marchetta et al. 2021). In Nigeria, temperature increases have been found to lead to more men’s migration (Dillon et al. 2011).

Climate shocks can limit migration in contexts where households face budget constraints that hinder their ability to move to areas with better job opportunities. For example, in Tanzania, rising temperatures did not affect women’s migration, but reduced men’s migration (Hirvonen 2016). In Côte d’Ivoire and seven West African migrant-sending countries (Benin, Burkina Faso, GuineaBissau, Mali, Niger, Senegal, and Togo), women’s labor has been found to be a critical coping strategy for migrant households facing negative political or climate shocks such as drought, floods, landslides, and armed conflict (Elmallakh and Wodon 2021). In Pakistan, positive rainfall shocks generally do not affect the mobility of men and women, but high temperatures are more likely to encourage men to migrate to find employment than women in response to adverse income shocks caused by heat stress (Mueller, Gray, and Kosec 2014). Finally, in Nepal, the 2015 earthquakes reduced the number of international migration work permits issued to men but not women living in the affected districts (Shakya, Basnet, and Paudel 2022).

_Assets, income, and consumption_ Asset ownership is crucial in providing protection against shocks, as it can offer alternative coping mechanisms in the absence of insurance markets. Assets such as land and livestock can provide income-enhancing productivity and can be used to counterbalance short term effects, for example by sacrificing livestock for consumption or selling them to purchase grains (de la Fuente 2007), even though they are not always used to for this purpose.<sup>3</sup> The use of assets to cope with shocks depends on their distribution before the event and the ability of households to find other income sources.

> 3 For example, during the droughts of the 1980s in Burkina Faso, less than a third of the crop income shortfall was compensated through livestock sales, which was a relatively small amount given the widespread famine caused by the drought (Fafchamps et al. 1998). The relatively small consumption smoothing observed may be explained by households intentionally reducing consumption to conserve livestock, which contradicts simple optimal saving theories (Kazianga and Udry 2006).

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In Indonesia, experiencing a positive shock in infancy resulted in women living in households with higher socioeconomic status as an adult while it had no significant impact on men. The positive impact of rainfall on agricultural output leads to higher household incomes and better health for infant girls. Eventual benefits for adult women’s socioeconomic status appear to be mediated strongly by improved schooling attainment (Maccini and Yang 2009). In South Africa, weather variability leading to crop failure disproportionately impacted female-headed households, which tend to rely on a single income earner, resulting in lower per capita consumption compared to male-headed households (Tibesigwa et al. 2015). On the other hand, temperature increase had no effect on food security regardless of the gender of the head of the household (Tibesigwa and Visser 2016). In India, extreme rainfall increased the wages of both men and women. However, relative wages of women in rice-growing areas were affected differently by droughts and extreme rainfall. Droughts increased relative women’s wages, while extreme rainfall reduced them, possibly due to the increased demands of their work in these conditions (Mahajan 2017). Female-headed households in India also experienced reduced fat consumption, including cooking oils and meat consumption, during drought periods compared to male-headed families (Carpena 2019).

There is strong evidence of gender bias against women in assets ownership, which limits their ability to adapt to climate shocks. For example, in Tanzania, female-only households have on average half the land area and almost five times less livestock ownership compared to dual-adult households (Lee et al. 2021). In Nigeria, men own more livestock and land, and this gender asset inequality is passed down over generations, with initial endowments of men having a greater positive impact on future livestock holding compared to women (Dillon and Quiñones 2010). In Latin America, gender inequality in land ownership is often attributed to male preferences in inheritance, marriage, and land distribution, as well as difficulties for women in obtaining credit and labor in order to purchase land (Deere and Leon 2003).

Gender inequality in asset holdings can result in gender differences in the ability to cope with climate shocks. In Bangladesh, floods increased joint land accumulation by husbands and wives. However, droughts worsened gender inequalities in land accumulation, favoring husbands. This is because households must invest more in irrigation during the drought, and when women’s land, if of poor quality, may be the first to be given up (Quisumbing, Kumar, and Behrman 2018). Conversely, no differences in non-land assets were observed due to floods or droughts. In Uganda, both droughts and floods increased land accumulation by men more than women (Quisumbing, 15
Kumar, and Behrman 2018). In a different study conducted in Bangladesh, droughts increased women's asset accumulation, but not for men (Rakib and Matz 2016).

Women may be more vulnerable to climate shocks in some contexts due to legal challenges they face in inheriting and owning land, leading to less investment in their land and greater vulnerability to climate shocks. In Malawi, for instance, women managing land in districts where women traditionally have more secure property rights (under a matrilineal system<sup>4</sup> ) are less vulnerable to temperature shocks in terms of their household consumption (Asfaw and Maggio 2018).

In terms of household work burden and related bargaining, floods decreased the gap between men and women in terms of the time spent on wage labor, child and elder care, and household chores in Pakistan. This could be attributed to the provision of more labor market opportunities for women through flood recovery programs (Akter 2021).

# **4. Agency**

Weather-related economic shocks tend to have a disproportionately negative impact on women’s agency due to various factors, including their lower decision-making power in the household, limited representation in policy making, and higher exposure to gender-based violence.

Drops in income due to weather events can increase the likelihood of violence, especially against women. For instance, severe droughts and floods in Tanzania led to a drop in consumption, increased hunger, and murders of elderly women through “witch” hunting, usually by their relatives (Miguel 2005). In Indonesia, incidents of domestic violence in a year correlated with the rainfall levels in December, a crucial month in the Indonesian rice-planting season, likely because it influences household income (Eastin and Dupuy 2021). In Peru, the prevalence of physical intimate partner violence increased by 65 percent after the occurrence of events of drought, but not flood, during the cropping season. This effect is mediated by increased poverty-related stress and reduced female empowerment caused by rainfall shocks (Diaz and Saldarriaga 2020).

Analyses of the relationship between droughts and physical Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) in Sub-Saharan African have yielded contradictory findings. One study found no evidence of a strong

> 4 In these districts women usually inherit land and men move to their wives’ villages to cultivate land, as men do not have access to land belonging to their own matrilineage

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association between drought and IPV, arguing that possible explanation are that rainfall shocks do not affect spouses’ power, or that the slow onset of the droughts allows for a calmer response to the crisis (Cools et al. 2020). Another study found that drought was associated with measures of IPV towards women, with larger positive associations among adolescent girls and unemployed women. There was heterogeneity in these associations across countries (Epstein et al. 2020). A more recent study found little association between drought and emotional, physical, and sexual violence on any continent, yet found associations between drought and increases in controlling behaviors in Latin America and the Caribbean, and Asia. It also found that extreme drought has a protective effect against controlling behaviors in Sub-Saharan Africa. The authors explain this finding with the coping strategies specific to each gender. Drought in Africa may result in men spending more time away from their partners to travel further distances to obtain water or to pursue off-farm labor opportunities to a greater degree than in Asia or Latin America and the Caribbean (Cooper et al. 2021). A mixed-method systematic review concludes that a potential increase of gender-based violence during or after extreme events relates to factors such as economic instability, food insecurity, and mental stress, but also highlights the poor quality of most quantitative studies on the topic (van Daaleen et al. 2022).

In many countries, high temperatures correlate negatively with women’s rights, including their right to inherit on the same basis as men, their ownership and control of property, and their ability to engage in any occupation without a man's consent, reflecting their lower decision-making power in their household because of pre-existing restrictive social norms (lowering women's propensity to work in the formal sector and joining civil society organizations), especially in countries that are poorer, more dependent on agriculture and have less democratic political institutions (Eastin 2018).

Finally, in some contexts, marriage practices such as polygyny (a marriage practice whereby a man can have multiple wives simultaneously), known for negatively impacting women’s bargaining power, health (Bove and Valeggia, 2009; Bove et al. 2014) and increase violence against women (Ebrahim and Atteraya 2020), are used as mitigation strategies against weather shocks. In Mali, households living in communities where polygynous marriages are more prevalent cope better with droughts and reduce the negative effects on crop yields — as polygyny raises fertility such that having a large family that can work enables households to leverage diversification of crop production and income sources and can create mutual insurance 17
opportunities between polygynous and monogamous households living in the same village — (Dessy et al. 2021).

# **5. Conclusion**

Climate change is the defining challenge of our time, and its impacts are far-reaching and complex. As we design policies to address this challenge, it is essential that we understand the ways in which climate change affects different groups in society. There is growing evidence that climate change has a gendered impact, with women and girls disproportionately affected by extreme weather events and other climate-related phenomena. Understanding these impacts is essential if we are to design policies that are effective, equitable, and sustainable.

The largest differences in the gendered impacts of climate change come from the social responses to weather shocks. In many parts of the world, girls and women are more likely to be discriminated against from an early age, leading to reduced opportunities for education and employment. Women are more likely to withdraw from agricultural work and struggle to find alternative sources of income after weather shocks. Boys may also be taken out of school to work, while men may be forced to migrate in search of new employment opportunities. These social responses to weather shocks could ultimately result in widening the gender gaps.

To design policies that effectively address the gendered impacts of climate change, we need a better understanding of the social mechanisms through which men and women are affected. This requires investment in research that looks at the intersection of climate change, gender, and social inequality. It also requires policies that are designed with a gender perspective, taking into account the unique challenges faced by men and women in different contexts. For this, there is a critical need for improved collection and analysis of gender-disaggregated data. As the COVID-19 pandemic has shown, pervasive gaps in sex-disaggregated data caused knowledge of the gender impacts of the pandemic to be incomplete (World Bank 2021). The lack of gender-disaggregated data makes it difficult to fully understand and address the ways in which men and women are affected differently by climate change. By improving the systematic collection and analysis of gender-disaggregated data, policymakers and researchers can gain a more nuanced understanding of the gendered impacts of climate change, which can inform the development of more effective and equitable policies and interventions.

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- Meyiwa, T., et al. 2014. "Women in selected rural municipalities: Resilience and agency against vulnerabilities to climate change." _Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity_ 28(3): 102-114.

Miguel, E. 2005. "Poverty and witch killing." _Review of Economic Studies_ 72(4): 1153-1172.

- Mueller, V., C. Gray, and K. Kosec. 2014. “Heat stress increases long-term human migration in rural Pakistan.” _Nature climate change_ 4(3): 182-185.

- Neumayer, E., and T. Plümper. 2007. "The gendered nature of natural disasters: The impact of catastrophic events on the gender gap in life expectancy, 1981–2002." _Annals of the association of American Geographers_ 97(3): 551-566.

- Nico, G., and C. Azzarri. 2022. “Weather variability and extreme shocks in Africa: Are female or male farmers more affected?” _International Food Policy Research Institute Discussion Paper_ 02115.

- Nübler, L., K. Austrian, J. A. Maluccio, and J. Pinchoff. 2021. “Rainfall shocks, cognitive development and educational attainment among adolescents in a drought-prone region in Kenya.” _Environment and Development Economics_ 26(5-6), 466-487.

- Park, R. J., J. Goodman, M. Hurwitz, and J. Smith. 2020. "Heat and learning." _American Economic Journal: Economic Policy_ 12(2): 306-39.

- Park, R. J., A. P. Behrer, and J. Goodman. 2021. "Learning is inhibited by heat exposure, both internationally and within the United States." _Nature human behaviour_ 5.1: 19-27.

- Pereira, S., et al. 2017. "Comparing flood mortality in Portugal and Greece (Western and eastern Mediterranean)." _International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction_ 22: 147-157.

- Quisumbing, A. R., N. Kumar, and J. A. Behrman. 2018. “Do shocks affect men's and women's assets differently? Evidence from Bangladesh and Uganda”. _Development Policy Review_ 36(1): 3–34.

- Rabassa, M., E. Skoufias, and H. Jacoby. 2014. “Weather and child health in rural Nigeria.” _Journal of African Economies_ 23(4): 464-492.

- Rakib, M., and J. A. Matz. 2016. “The impact of shocks on gender-differentiated asset dynamics in Bangladesh.” _Journal of Development Studies_ 52(3): 377-395.

- Rocha, R., and R. R. Soares. 2015. “Water scarcity and birth outcomes in the Brazilian semiarid”. _Journal of Development Economics_ 112: 72–91.

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- Shah, M., and B. Steinberg. 2017. “Drought of Opportunities: Contemporaneous and Long Term Impacts of Rainfall Shocks on Human Capital.” _Journal of Political Economy_ 125(2): 527– 561.

- Shakya, S., S. Basnet, and J. Paudel. 2022. “Natural disasters and labor migration: Evidence from Nepal’s earthquake.” _World Development_ 151: 105748.

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# **7. Annex 1. Table A.1. Summary of studies cited in the review**

|**Paper**|**Countries**|**Climate Shock**|**Gendered Findings**|**Affected Outcome**|
|---|---|---|---|---|
|Achebak, Devolder,<br>and Ballester 2019|Spain|Heat|Women are more likely to die than men for heat-related cardiovascular<br>diseases, across all age groups.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Afridi et al. 2021|India|Rainfall|Drought reduces labor force participation and employment more for women<br>than for men, due to lack of diversification to the non-farm sector.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Agamile et al. 2021|Uganda|Rainfall|Weather shocks provide an opportunity for women to enter the commercial<br>crop market by allocating land from subsistence to income generating crops.<br>This is because men are more likelyto opt for off-farm labor opportunities.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor (Land allocation)|
|Akresh, Verwimp,<br>and Bundervoet<br>2011|Rwanda|Crop Failure|During crop failure, households shield boys from harm by reallocating scarce<br>resources towards them and therefore only girls suffer the negative effect.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Akter 2021|Pakistan|Flood|Flood is correlated to a significant shift in the gender division of labor for both<br>paid and unpaid work: (a) increase in men’s and women’s time use as hired<br>labor; (b) decrease in women’s time use in care work; and (c) increase in men’s<br>time use in domestic work.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Andrabi, Daniels,<br>and Das 2021|Pakistan|Earthquake|In earthquake affected areas, there are no differential gender effects on<br>enrollment rates in primary and secondary school or test scores.|**Endowments:**Education|
|Anglewicz and<br>Myroniuk 2018|Malawi|Rainfall|Men are more likely to move after environmental or economic shocks, while<br>women are more likely to move after household shocks (for example, illness<br>or breakup).|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Anttila-Hughes and<br>Hsiang 2013|Philippines|Typhoons|Infant mortality rate rises the year after the typhoon and mortality is highest<br>in households where infant daughters face competition from other children<br>over resources, particularly if those siblings are male.|**Endowments**<br>Health|
|Asfaw and Maggio<br>2018|Malawi|Heat|High temperature shocks disrupt household’s food consumption, and caloric<br>intake but also non-food consumption, when plots in the household are solely<br>managed by women.|**Endowments**<br>Health <br>**Economic opportunities:**<br>Asset ownership|
||||In the presence of rainfall positive shocks, a larger early-life investment in||
|Bau et al. 2020|India|Rainfall|human capital reduces schooling (and increases child work) in districts with a<br>high prevalence of child labor, in particular for girls. The effect persists across<br>generations.|**Endowments:**Education|
|Björkman-Nyqvist<br>2013|Uganda|Rainfall|A negative rainfall shock reduces female enrollment in primary school for<br>older girls, while not affecting boys or younger girls. It also has an adverse<br>effect on the test scores of older female students but not on boys'|**Endowments**Education|
|Bohra-Mishra et al.<br>2017|Philippines|Heat, typhoons,<br>and rainfall|<br>Men are more likely to migrate following climate changes especially heat and<br>typhoons, following a decline in agricultural productivity.|**Economic opportunities**<br>Labor|
||Nicaragua;||Mortality rates are higher among men. Only female heads of household|**Edt**|
|Bradshaw 2004|Honduras; El<br>Salvador|Hurricane|working in agriculture continued to do so after the hurricane while women in|**nowmens**<br>Health|
||||male headed household reduced their participation in rural work increasing<br>domestic work. Migration increases more for men than for women|**Economic opportunities**<br>Labor|
|---|---|---|---|---|
|Branco and Feres<br>2018|Brazil|Rainfall|Drought shocks in rural areas are associated to lower scores and higher<br>probability of child work, especially for girls. Moreover, drought tends to be<br>more harmful for girls than for boys in schools with water storage device|**Endowments**<br>Education|
|Carpena 2019|India|Drought|Consequences of a drought are more severe for female-headed households in<br>fat consumption, while there are not significant differences in the reduction of<br>other groups of food compared to men.|**Endowments**<br>Health|
|Carrillo 2020|Colombia|Rainfall|Male fetuses are more vulnerable to detrimental influences in utero of adverse<br>rainfall shocks, suggesting a higher biological vulnerability. This leads to<br>higher infant mortality rates and mental disability rates and a greater reduction<br>in years of schooling and literacy rates for men than for women. In contrast,<br>larger effects on employment for females than for males are found.|**Endowments:**Health,<br>Education<br>**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Chang, Favara, and<br>Novella 2022|India|Rainfall|The effect of rainfall shocks in-utero on cognitive and non-cognitive skills<br>development (math and vocabulary test scores) over the first 15 years of life<br>is negative. However, there are no significant gender differences|**Endowments:**Education|
||||A positive agricultural shock reduced female child mortality. before the||
|Chatterjee and<br>Merfeld 2021|India|Rainfall|<br>introduction of Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee<br>Scheme (NREGS). NREGS mitigates the relationship between income shocks<br>and the health of surviving girls.|**Endowments**Health|
||||Flood damage affects female agricultural employment more negatively than<br>||
|Chowdhury, Parida,<br>and Agarwal 2022|India|Rainfall|males’ in the long run. Women also suffer disproportionally in obtaining<br>employment in the non-agricultural sector in the aftermath of the shock.<br>Gender norms discourage women from migrating or engaging in economic<br>activities.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
||||For girls in secondary school, the impact of heat on health status is higher than||
|Dapi et al 2010|Cameroon|Heat|for boys, most likely due to menstruation, body composition, longer hair, and<br>tighter uniforms.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Dasgupta and<br>Karandikar 2021|India|Rainfall|While all children experience a worsening of learning outcomes under positive<br>rainfall shocks, girls in rice-dominant districts are especially affected.|**Endowments:**Education|
|Davies et al. 2015|Cambodia|Rainfall and<br>typhoons|Women can be more exposed to water-borne diseases in the face of extreme<br>weather events (risk of malaria for collecting water, physical and mental<br>health) in congested spaces like evacuation centers.|**Endowments**Health|
|Defrance et al. 2020|Mali|Rainfall|Climate events increase international migration as well as migration from rural<br>areas and for both men and women, regardless of their age. The effect differs<br>according to the level of agricultural diversification in the area and the<br>household’s capacity to cope with the shock|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
||||Patrilocal households (where sons co-reside with their parents after marriage,||
|Dessy, Tiberti, and<br>Zoundi 2023|Malawi and<br>Indonesia|Droughts|eventually becoming their source of old-age support), but not matrilocal ones<br>(where daughters co-reside with their parents after marriage), sacrifice their<br>daughters’ schooling in favor of sons’ when they experience droughts and<br>schooling requires payment of fees (Dessy, Tiberti, and Zoundi 2023)|**Endowments:**Education|
|Dessy et al. 2020|Madagascar|Drought|Droughts increase the fertility of young women living in agricultural<br>households, while it does not affect marriage time.|**Endowments**Health|

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|Deuchert and Felfe<br>2015|Philippines|Typhoon|Climate shock does not affect children’s health, but it has a higher negative<br>effect on girls’education than for boys’|**Endowments:**Education|
|---|---|---|---|---|
||Bahamas;<br>Cuba; Jamaica;<br>Puerto Rico;||<br>Men recorded higher percentage among the victims, while female mortality<br>rate is higher in the Caribbean than in continental North America||
|Diakakis et al. 2015|<br>the Dominican<br>Republic; Haiti;<br>United States;<br>|Hurricane||**Endowments:**Health|
||Canada||||
|Dillon et al. 2011|Nigeria|Temperature<br>shocks|Men are more likely to migrate to mitigate both_ex ante_and_ex post_agricultural<br>risk, especially in the presence of more frequent hot shocks|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Dinkelman 2017|South Africa|Rainfall|Early childhood drought exposure in later-life disability rates (both physical<br>and mental) is larger for men than for women.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Eastin 2018|All developing<br>countries using<br>IMF 2017<br>classification|Temperature and<br>rainfall shocks|Climate shocks impact magnifies pre-existing constraints on women’s ability<br>to achieve economic independence reducing both women’s social rights<br>(women’s equal rights to inheritance, to own property, to marry whom they<br>choose etc.) and economic rights (rights to equal pay; to equality in hiring<br>practices etc.).|**Voice and Agency**<br>Women economic and<br>social rights|
|Eastin and Dupuy<br>2021|Indonesia|Rainfall|<br>Climate shocks elevate the incidence of domestic violence and abuse via their<br>impact on agriculture and agrarian livelihoods which disproportionally<br>diminishes women's bargaining power in the household.|**Voice and Agency:**<br>Gender based violence|
|Ellena et al. 2020|Italy|Temperature<br>shocks|Women are systematically more at risk than men under heat stress condition.<br>The discrepancy is due to differences in response to thermal stress due to<br>physiological characteristics and socio-demographic characteristics.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Elmallakh and<br>Wodon 2021|8 West African<br>countries|Rainfall, fires,<br>landslides, etc.|FLFP and women’s employment increase and the gender gap shrink in migrant<br>households that are negatively affected. In context where female labor is<br>considered a “reserve labor” climate shocks can change the labor division<br>between women and men disrupting long-standing gender roles.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Feeny et al. 2021|Vietnam|Rainfall|Greater exposure to rainfall shocks in early life reduces the probability of<br>formal sector employment in adulthood only for women. education is the most<br>important pathway through which early-life exposure to rainfall shocks<br>impacts on the gender gap in future formal sector employment.|**Economic opportunities**<br>Labor|
|Flatø and Kotsadam<br>2014|29 Sub-Saharan<br>African<br>countries|Rainfall|<br>Droughts cause significantly higher female infant mortality than male infant<br>mortality. The difference is only present in communities with low levels of<br>female employment, where you would expect strong preferences for sons.|**Endowments:**Health|
||||<br>Droughts increase long-distance and labor-related migration for men.||
|Gray and Mueller<br>2012|Ethiopia|Rainfall|<br>However, women’s short-distance and marriage-related mobility reduce,<br>reflecting a decreased ability to finance wedding expenses and new household<br>formation.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Haile, Tirivayi, and<br>Nillesen 2019|Ethiopia|Drought|Droughts have a negative effect on the highest grade completed for girls.<br>While drought affects health status equally for boys and girls.|**Endowments:**Health,<br>Education|
|Hirvonen 2016|Tanzania|Temperature<br>shocks|Adverse temperature shocks reduce long-term migration among men due to<br>liquidity constraints and migration costs. However, they do not affect female’s|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|

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||||decisions due the fact that they are largely motivated by marriage and family<br>rather than work.||
|---|---|---|---|---|
||||Adult women’s body mass, but not men’, is adversely affected by drought.||
|Hoddinott and<br>Kinsey 2000|Zimbabwe|Rainfall|The effect is larger for women residing in poor households and daughters,<br>lacking resources (like ownership of livestock) to cope with the shock.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Ingole et al. 2022|India|Temperature<br>shocks|Total mortality rates attributable to ambient temperature are higher for men<br>than for women.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Jonkman et al. 2009|United States|Hurricane|There are no significant gender differences in the number of fatalities.|**Endowments**Health|
|Kim, Lee, and<br>Rossin-Slater 2021|United States|Temperature<br>shocks|Extreme heat has adverse impacts on women’s health during pregnancy,<br>especially for women residing in historically cooler counties, suggesting a<br>lower adaptation capability, and black mothers.|**Endowments**Health|
|Korkeala 2012|Indonesia|monsoon delays|The probability of continuing from primary to secondary school is reduced<br>when a delayed onset coincides with the transition year and child labor<br>increase but there are no gender differences|**Endowments**Education|
||||Heat stress reduces total male agricultural labor but does not statistically affect||
|Lee et al. 2021|Tanzania|Temperature<br>shocks|female. However, heat stress significantly increases female agricultural labor<br>supply in female-only household. Females face greater constraints than males<br>in terms of access to human capital, productive resources and financial assets<br>which may in turn weaken their adaptive capacity|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
||||Higher early-life rainfall has significant impact on schooling years, health||
|Maccini and Yang<br>2009|Indonesia|Rainfall|status and height of girls and not of boys. This suggesting that a positive shock<br>is associated with a higher households’ expenditure in education, higher<br>quality of nutrition and access to medication for girls and is consistent with<br>gender bias in allocation of resources.|**Endowments:**Health_,_<br>Education|
|Maitra and Tagat<br>2019|India|Rainfall|A positive rainfall shock prompts men in agricultural households to reallocate<br>time toward welfare program (NREGS) work whereas rainfall shortages result<br>in men allocating more time in agriculture. Women, in contrast, shift time into<br>NREGS activities in response to rainfall shortages and spend less time<br>attending educational institution increase the time they allocate to domestic<br>duties.|**Endowments:**Education<br>**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Mahajan 2017|India|Rainfall|The effect of a rainfall shock on the gender wage gap depends upon the gender<br>roles underlying the technology of production. In particular, female-to-male<br>wage ratio is significantly positively associated with a rainfall shock in regions<br>where rainfed rice is cultivated, due to a possible association of demand for<br>female labor.|**Economic opportunities**<br>Labor|
|Marchetta, Sahn,<br>and Tiberti 2019|Madagascar|Rainfall|Negative rainfall shocks and cyclones negatively affect cognitive test scores<br>for all children and the probability of attending school and encourage girls<br>more than boys to enter the workforce.|**Endowments:**Education|
|Marchetta, Sahn,<br>Tiberti and Dufour<br>2021|Madagascar|Rainfall|<br>The occurrence of a climate change deters migration of young women due to<br>liquidity constraints but not young men.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Meyiwa et al. 2014|South Africa|Individual<br>perception of<br>climate changes|Climate change add to women’s care burden and expose those who work in<br>the fields to heat stress. As a result of the household division of labor, rural|**Endowments:**Health|

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||||girls confront particular challenges as they need to search further from home<br>for water and are exposed to the risk of gender violence.|**Voice and Agency:**<br>Gender Based Violence|
|---|---|---|---|---|
||||Extreme rainfall is associated with a large increase in the murder of “witches”,||
|Miguel 2005|Tanzania|Rainfall|<br>elderly women often killed by relatives. As violence increase during crisis,<br>income shocks rather than cultural norms is a key factor driving the result.|**Voice and Agency:**<br>Gender Based Violence|
|Mueller, Gray, and<br>Kosec 2014|Pakistan|Rainfall and<br>temperature<br>shocks|Flooding shocks, associated with large relief efforts, have modest impacts on<br>migration, Heat stress, however -which has attracted relatively little relief-<br>increases the long-term migration of men, driven by a negative effect on farm<br>and non-farm income but not of women.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|||Disasters such as<br>|Natural disasters on average kill more women than men directly, and<br>||
|Neumayer and<br>Plumper 2007|World|volcanos,<br>hurricanes,<br>extreme rainfall,<br>|indirectly via related post disaster events.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Nico and Azzarri<br>2022|31 African<br>countries|etc.<br>Temperature<br>shocks and<br>rainfall|Both droughts and heat waves reduce the number of hours worked in<br>agriculture, however the reduction is lower for women.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|Nübler et al. 2021|Kenya|Rainfall|Early life rainfall shocks reduce both achievement and cognitive test score for<br>both boys and girls.|**Endowments:**Education|
|Park et al 2020|United States|Temperature<br>shocks|<br>Cumulative heat exposure inhibits cognitive skill development as measured<br>by reduced test scores with no gender differences.|**Endowments:**Education|
|Pereira et al. 2017|Portugal;<br>Greece|Hurricane|Gender distribution of fatalities shows a higher vulnerability of men than<br>women, linked to their more active stance in the face of risk for several<br>reasons, including performing labor duties, rescuing or assisting, retrieving<br>property and livestock.|**Endowments:**Health|
||||<br>In Bangladesh, flood and drought shocks have a negligible gendered impact||
|Quisumbing,<br>Kumar, and<br>Behrman 2018|Bangladesh and<br>Uganda|Rainfall|on land and asset ownership, possibly owing to effective emergency assistance<br>and the low level of women’s ownership and control of agricultural assets.<br>Drought shocks have a negative and significant impact on wife’s non- land<br>assets in Uganda, appearing that households affected are coping by disposing<br>of wife’s non-land assets|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Asset ownership|
|Rabassa, Skoufias,<br>and Jacoby 2014|Nigeria|Rainfall|Rainfall shocks have a statistically significant impact on child health but there<br>are no gender differences.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Rakib and Matz<br>2016|Bangladesh|Rainfall|Shocks that occur due to climatic variability reduce the asset base of men more<br>strongly than of women, as men own more frequently assets involved in the<br>agricultural activities (land, tools, vehicles).|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Asset ownership|
|Rocha and Soares<br>2015|Brazil|Rainfall|<br>Rainfall fluctuations during the gestational period have similar impact among<br>girls and boys in terms of infant mortality, weight at birth and length of<br>gestational period.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Shah and Steinberg<br>2017|India|Rainfall|<br>Positive productivity shocks lead to lower school enrollment and test scores<br>for school-aged children and to an increase in human capital investment in<br>early life. However, there are no significant differences among boys and girls|**Endowments:**Education|

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|Shakya, Basnet, and<br>Paudel 2022|Nepal|Eartqakesu|Number of work permits issued to individuals for international migration<br>decreased significantly only for men. These results are not explained by<br>changes in agriculture productivity, labor productivity, and aid disbursement.|**Economic opportunities:**<br>Labor|
|---|---|---|---|---|
|Thiede and Gray<br>2020|Indonesia|Temperature<br>shocks and<br>rainfall|Adverse effect of temperature and precipitation shocks on height for age are<br>negative and statistically significant among boys (but not girls), while the<br>effects on weight for height are stronger among girls.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Thiede and Strube<br>2020|18 Sub-Saharan<br>African<br>countries|Temperature<br>shocks and<br>rainfall|Climatic variability affects many underlying determinants of child<br>malnutrition and weight but there no gender differences are found.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Tibesigwa and<br>Visser 2016|South Africa|Temperature<br>shocks and<br>rainfall|Male headed households are more food secure compared to female-headed<br>ones, with the latter depending more on agriculture. The gender gap is larger<br>in rural areas.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Tibesigwa et al.<br>2015|South Africa|Rainfall, wind,<br>haile storm|While weather-related crop failure affects both male-headed and de jure<br>female-headed households in equal proportion, the de facto female-headed<br>households are less affected. This depends on the fact that on average their<br>food security does not depend on agricultural activities as much as on<br>remittances.|**Endowments:**Health|
||||Positive rainfall shock has an immediate disease environment effect on both||
|Tiwari, Jacoby, and<br>Skoufias 2017|Nepal|Rainfall|boys and girls that is only transitory. On the other hand, the income increase<br>has a lagged effect translating into a higher average height of children. There<br>are no gender differences.|**Endowments:**Health|
|Trinh, Posso, and<br>Feeny; 2020|Vietnam|Rainfall|Above-average rainfall is associated with an increase in the likelihood that<br>children enter work. Boys experience an increase in the probability of entering<br>agricultural work while girls are more likely to undertake chores|**Endowments:**Education|
|Yeo and Blong<br>2010|Fiji|Hurricane|Higher proportion of the male fatalities is due to the larger number of men<br>driving and working as professional rescuers.|**Endowments:**Health|

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