metadata: authors: 0: author: Perova,Elizaveta
1: author: Reynolds,Sarah Anne
2: author: Schmutte,Ian
count: Brazil
docna: 0: docna: Does the Gender Wage Gap Influence Intimate
            Partner Violence in Brazil ? Evidence from Administrative
            Health Data
docty: Policy Research Working Paper
subtopic: Gender and Development,Crime and Society,Health Care Services Industry,Social Conflict and Violence,Wages, Compensation & Benefits
teratopic: Social Development,Industry,Social Protections and Labor,Gender
abstracts: cdata!: Improving women’s economic status has
            been presented in theory as a protective mechanism against
            intimate partner violence. Using panel data from 2011–16 for
            the most populous 20 percent of municipalities in Brazil,
            the analysis tests if the gender wage gap is causally
            associated with three administrative measures of violence
            against women: homicides, overnight hospitalizations for
            assault, and incidents of domestic violence reported by
            attending health workers about patients. The analysis finds
            that a narrowing in the gender wage gap leads to a reduction
            of homicides of women, especially among younger women and in
            municipalities with a low Human Development Index. The
            impact on less severe forms of violence, also captured in
            medical reports, depends on the context. A reduction in the
            gender wage ratio triggers a decrease in reports in
            municipalities that have police stations specifically
            designed to address crimes against women, but it has the
            opposite impact in the absence of such services. The results
            suggest that while improvements in gender equality in the
            labor market curtail the most severe forms of violence
            against women, they need to be complemented by policies
            directly focused on women’s safety to reduce less severe
            violence effectively.
geo_reg_key: 119228,517191
repnme: repnme: Does the Gender Wage Gap Influence Intimate
            Partner Violence in Brazil ? Evidence from Administrative
            Health Data
display_title: Does the Gender Wage Gap Influence
            Intimate Partner Violence in Brazil Evidence from
            Administrative Health Data
listing_relative_url: /research/2021/05/33067483/gender-wage-gap-influence-intimate-partner-violence-brazil-evidence-administrative-health-data
topicv3: Gender m1327621 615,Homicide m1439222 HOM-3046,Gender Based Violence m1504507 2901,Health m1504661 3480,Wage Gap m1582439 4439
publishtoextweb_dt: 2021-05-11T00:00:00Z
dois: 10.1596/1813-9450-9656
historic_topic: Social Development,Industry,Social Protections and Labor,Gender
origu: EFI-LCR-POV-Poverty and Equity (ELCPV)
no_of_pages: 41
author_keys: 0: author_key: 943628
1: author_key: 1197243
model_extractions: Policy Research Working Paper 9656 Does the Gender Wage Gap Influence Intimate Partner Violence in Brazil?

Evidence from Administrative Health Data _Elizaveta Perova Sarah Reynolds Ian Schmutte_ Latin America and the Caribbean Region Gender Innovation Lab May 2021
Policy Research Working Paper 9656

# **Abstract**

Improving women’s economic status has been presented in theory as a protective mechanism against intimate partner violence. Using panel data from 2011–16 for the most populous 20 percent of municipalities in Brazil, the analysis tests if the gender wage gap is causally associated with three administrative measures of violence against women: homicides, overnight hospitalizations for assault, and incidents of domestic violence reported by attending health workers about patients. The analysis finds that a narrowing in the gender wage gap leads to a reduction of homicides of women, especially among younger women and in municipalities with a low Human Development Index. The impact on less severe forms of violence, also captured in medical reports, depends on the context. A reduction in the gender wage ratio triggers a decrease in reports in municipalities that have police stations specifically designed to address crimes against women, but it has the opposite impact in the absence of such services. The results suggest that while improvements in gender equality in the labor market curtail the most severe forms of violence against women, they need to be complemented by policies directly focused on women’s safety to reduce less severe violence effectively.

This paper is a product of the Office of the Gender Innovation Lab, Latin America and the Caribbean Region. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://www.worldbank.org/ prwp. The authors may be contacted at eperova@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
# **Does the Gender Wage Gap Influence Intimate Partner Violence in Brazil? Evidence from Administrative Health Data**

# **Elizaveta Perova,**<sup>a</sup> **Sarah Reynolds,**<sup>b</sup> **Ian Schmutte**<sup>c</sup>

Keywords: Intimate Partner Violence, Gender Equality, Gender Wage Ratio, Mandatory Reporting JEL codes: J12, J31 ___________________________ a. The World Bank, Washington, D.C.

b. The University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley, CA. Corresponding author: sar48@berkeley.edu. c. The University of Georgia, Athens, GA.

Funding for this study was provided by the Umbrella Facility for Gender Equality (UFGE), a World Bank multi-donor trust fund. This work was IRB exempt due to usage of de-identified, secondary data. None of the authors report any conflicts of interest. All authors have contributed equally to this work in making research design decisions and interpreting the results. Elizaveta Perova conceived the project and provided expertise on gender violence theory. Sarah Reynolds expanded the scope of the project to include the mandatory reports, provided expertise on IPV measurement, and wrote most of the manuscript. Ian Schmutte adapted the wage variable methodology to Brazilian microdata and provided expertise on labor. We thank Marina Dias and Robert Dominy for excellent research support. Brazil’s Secretaria de Vigilância em Saúde provided data (SINAN (VIVA/SVS/MS). We appreciate feedback and suggestions from Pablo Acosta, Anna Aizer, Manuel Contreras Urbina, Jacobus Joost De Hoop, Eeshani Kandpal, the Fernald research group, and members of LAC Gender Innovation Lab (LACGIL) of the World Bank. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions are the authors’ own and should not be attributed to the World Bank, its Executive Board of Directors, or any of its member countries. All remaining errors and omissions are authors’ own.
# **Introduction**

Worldwide, almost one-third of women experience intimate partner violence (IPV) (WHO 2021). IPV has negative impacts on physical and mental health outcomes among victims, as well as their children (Aizer 2010; Neggers et al. 2004; WHO 2013). These health consequences lead to large direct costs, in addition to affecting labor market outcomes, such as employment stability, productivity, and performance (Showalter 2016). The lifetime costs of IPV have been estimated at $103,767 per woman victim in the United States; 59 percent of these costs represent medical costs (Peterson et al. 2018). Additional costs include those among children who have been exposed to IPV, more than $50,000 over a child’s life course (Holmes et al. 2018). IPV prevalence has been found to be somewhat greater in developing countries, suggesting that losses to physical health, emotional well-being, and productivity may impact a larger portion of the population in these settings (WHO 2013).

Economists theorize that women’s economic resources (for example, employment, wages, or government transfers), as well as those of their male partners, impact domestic abuse (Manser and Brown 1980; Aizer 2010; Anderberg et al. 2016; Buller et al. 2018). Some studies propose theoretical models predicting that an increase in women’s economic status will unambiguously decrease the incidence of IPV by increasing the bargaining power of the woman in the household (Anderberg et al. 2016; Manser and Brown 1980). Other studies incorporate the possibility that men may become more violent if they feel threatened by the greater economic independence of their women partners (Heath 2014; Buller et al. 2018). Similarly, men may use violence as a means of extracting their partners’ income (Bloch and Rao 2002; Bobonis, Gonz, and Castro 2013; and some qualitative evidence from Litwin, Perova, and Reynolds 2019). In either case, societies with fewer legal and police resources, such as in developing countries, may be unable to protect women from an increase in violence resulting from economic “empowerment.” Similarly, cultures with social norms that excuse violence against women (for instance, machismo) may be characterized by a greater portion of the population turning a blind eye to incidents of IPV (Cools and Kotsadam 2017).

This study contributes to the literature by examining the effects of natural fluctuations in the gender wage ratio on three administrative measures of violence against women in Brazil. It takes advantage of administrative microdata on the gender wage ratio measure and violence outcome measures. The data on wages are comprehensive microdata on the full universe of formal contracts in Brazil. The outcome data are taken from three administrative sources measuring violence at varying levels of severity. Previous studies on how women’s economic status influences IPV typically use only one data source to 2
measure IPV, though measures in relevant surveys, such as the Conflict Tactic Scale, do allow for the exploration of multiple levels of severity such as physical and psychological violence (Papageorge et al. 2019; Heath 2014; Heath, Hidrobo, and Roy 2020; Hidrobo and Fernald 2013). It appears that only one other paper explores the various sources of data on violence: Amaral’s study (2017) confirming that improved inheritance rights among women in India reduce self-reports of IPV in surveys, police reports of violence against women, and female mortality.

This study focuses on the most populous municipalities in Brazil because of data limitations and confirms that, in these populations, an increase in the gender wage ratio in favor of women is negatively associated with the most severe form of violence against women—female homicide. The impacts are more prominent among younger women (ages 15–29) and in municipalities with lower a human development index.

However, for lesser forms of violence captured in medical professionals’ reports of nonlethal abuse, context matters: the analysis finds that a reduction in the gender wage ratio triggers a decrease in reports only in municipalities in which women’s police stations are located, that is, police stations that specialize in crime against women and that are predominantly staffed by women police officers. The effect is opposite in municipalities that lack women’s police stations. It appears that, for less severe forms of violence, economic empowerment may trigger a backlash unless it is complemented by other programs with the direct objective of ensuring women’s safety.

# **Background: Measurement of IPV**

Empirically testing whether IPV increases or decreases with economic opportunity is not a trivial exercise. One of the limitations of collecting data on IPV through survey data is the likelihood of underreporting, which often happens because women fear stigma or retaliation or because they may normalize incidents of domestic violence in cultures where IPV is “acceptable.” Surveys that only include a module on violence result in a lower incidence of reported violence relative to surveys dedicated to violence, such as Demographic and Health Surveys, which allow more opportunities for women to reveal instances of victimization (UNSD 2014). These discrepancies suggest that underreporting leads to measurement error in many of the outcome sources that aim to capture the prevalence of IPV. Self-response technology through questionnaires can improve on this because they allow literate individuals to report violent incidents without fear of stigma from the enumerator. This is the case of the British Crime Survey (Anderberg et al. 2016). Nonetheless, Cullen (2020) finds that, in Nigeria and Rwanda, self-response technology continues to underreport by up to 50 percent compared with list experiments, which provide greater anonymity. Agüero and Frisancho (2017) find that, in Peru, underreporting is more likely to occur among specific groups of women, especially women with more 3
education, which may lead to biased estimates of causal relationships between violence and other factors. When such surveys are available, most are cross-sectional and are a limited tool to assess longitudinal analyses of economic and behavioral change.

Researchers may use administrative data to deal with some of these concerns. Police records have been used occasionally (for example, Mele 2009), but few victims report to the police. In Italy, only 7 percent of cases of IPV were reported to the police (UNSD 2014). Thus, health data, such as hospitalizations and homicides, can be preferred proxies for IPV. After all, globally, almost half of the homicides against women in 2012 (47 percent) were carried out by intimate partners or family members, in contrast to less than 6 percent of homicides against men (UNODC 2011), and it is nearly impossible to underreport a death. Aizer (2010) uses hospitalizations by assault in California, and, in the context of Brazil, Perova and Reynolds (2017) use data on female homicides as a proxy for IPV. Limitations remain, however, in that only the severe physical IPV is measured because the administrative data do not provide information on emotional and economic IPV or instances of IPV that do not require medical treatment.

**Background: Empirical Evidence**

There is an extensive literature on the relationship between women’s income and IPV. Depending on the theoretical framework adopted, the relationship is hypothesized to be either negative or positive. The Nash bargaining framework suggests that higher income is likely to trigger a reduction in IPV (Manser and Brown 1980). A reduction in stress because of a relaxation of the budget constraint regardless of who generates more income may also reduce violence (Buller et al. 2018). Models of asymmetric information (Bloch and Rao 2002) or models that explicitly assign value to traditional gender identity (for instance, Akerlof and Kranton 2000) suggest that an increase in women’s income may be associated with a higher risk of violence. Similarly, the psychological literature suggests the possibility of the use of violence as a tool to assert male dominance in backlash theories (Buller et al. 2018; Macmillan and Gartner 1999).

The conclusions in the empirical literature vary. A number of studies examine specific programs rather than natural labor market events. Buller et al. (2018) provide a thorough review of the literature on cash transfers and IPV in lower- and middle-income countries. They find that, in most settings, cash transfers are associated with reductions in IPV, suggesting that a Nash bargaining framework or a decline in violence because of reduced stress from economic uncertainly in the household may provide more accurate models of intrahousehold dynamics in most settings relative to theories of violence as an 4
extractive mechanism or a tool to reassert traditional gender identities. Specifically, of the 14 studies analyzed, 11 find that cash transfers are associated with a reduction in the risk of IPV.

However, not all interventions supporting women’s economic empowerment find positive results. Notably, a randomized control trial of employment in the flower industry in Ethiopia found that receiving a job offer had zero impact on the exposure to violence (Kotsadam and Villanger 2020). In Vietnam, women entrepreneurs who participated in gender and entrepreneurship training that increased their profits faced a greater likelihood of victimization, probably because of more frequent conflicts over the gains in income (Bulte and Lensink 2019).

Causal papers that examine the effects of macroeconomic changes on IPV are few. This research is important because many more people are impacted than those participating in interventions. Furthermore, interventions are limited by funding; so, their impact may occur over shorter periods. Using the private responses from the British Crime Survey, Anderberg et al. (2016) find that unemployment among men is associated with decreases in self-reported IPV, while unemployment among women leads to a rise in reported spousal abuse. Aizer (2010) has most broadly explored how labor market changes impact IPV. She focuses on low-skilled workers (who face higher rates of IPV) and finds that an increase in wages among women relative to the wages of men reduces hospitalizations among women in California. On a smaller scale, Munyo and Rossi (2015) also find that IPV rises if the wage ratio increases in favor of men. They use plausibly exogenous changes in the Uruguayan exchange rate that generate opposite effects on the average wages of men and women in 24 police jurisdictions and find impacts on violence concentrated in poorer jurisdictions.

# **Background: The Brazilian Context**

A middle-income economy, Brazil is the fifth most populous country in the world, and, similar to many middle-income countries, women are more well educated than men. Brazil has a relatively high female labor force participation rate, which is closer to that of the United States than that of Mexico, for example. Perhaps because of this economic participation, 24 percent of women ages 15–49 interviewed in a household survey were household heads.<sup>1</sup> Repartnering is common, indicating wide cultural acceptance of union dissolution. In the same survey, about 15 percent of women ages 15–49 separated and

> 1 Data from the 2015 round of the National Household Survey (Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios, PNAD).

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had not repartnered. During 2011–16, the period covered in the panel used in this analysis, Brazilian gross domestic product (GDP) shifted from a growth rate of around 6 percent to a contraction rate of 4 percent partially as a consequence of the global economic slowdown.<sup>2</sup> However, women’s earnings did not fall as much as men’s earnings over the period, and the gender wage gap thus narrowed. Additionally, the ratio of the female labor participation rate and the male rate rose from 68 percent to 71 percent.<sup>3</sup> In 2013, the rate of female homicides in Brazil was 4.8 deaths per 100,000 women, the fifth highest rate in the world at the time (Waiselfisz 2015). However, the rates of nonfatal violence are not quite as shocking. In a representative survey among women ages 15–69 in the state capitals of Brazil, the 12-month prevalence of any type of minor physical IPV was 21.5 percent and of severe physical IPV, 12.9 percent; rates were higher among younger women (Reichenheim et al. 2006). In comparison with other national statistics, these rates are about average. Prevalence was far greater than the mean estimates in North America (2 percent), moderately greater than those in Europe (8 percent) and Sub-Saharan Africa (9 percent), and close to the levels reported in Asia and Oceania (12 percent). Yet, the rates are well below the mean reported in North Africa and the Middle East (33 percent). The overall prevalence of IPV was also lower in Brazil than the average in Latin America of 21 percent, but closer to the rates in Mexico (15 percent) and Uruguay (10 percent) (Reichenheim et al. 2011).

Comprehensive legislation in Brazil addresses domestic violence. The most publicized piece of such legislation is Law 11.340, which was adopted in 2006 and is known as Lei Maria da Penha. The law created mechanisms to prevent domestic violence through changes in the legal system. These changes were expected to support more directly the survivors of domestic violence in pressing charges against their abusers. However, the homicide rate did not decline after the law was passed, although the women’s police stations that were expanded through the law have helped reduce female homicides (Perova and Reynolds 2017). In 2015, the law known as Lei do Feminicídio was passed to increase the punishments for female homicides that can be classified as family violence or discrimination. In these cases, female homicides are considered a

> 2 See “PIB a preços de mercado: Taxa acumulada em 4 trimestres (%), 1o trimestre 1996–4o trimestre 2020,” Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística), Rio de Janeiro, https://www.ibge.gov.br/estatisticas/economicas/contas-nacionais/9300-contas-nacionaistrimestrais.html?=&t=serieshistoricas&utm_source=landing&utm_medium=explica&utm_campaign=pib#evolucao-taxa.

> 3 See “Labor force participation rate, female (% of female population ages 15+) (modeled ILO estimate),” World Bank, Washington, DC, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS/. Firpo and Pieri (2018) provide more information on changes in the Brazilian labor market over this period.

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heinous crime with a minimum sentence of 12 years. Despite this new law, the female homicide rate is still rising. In 2018, the male homicide rate fell, but the female homicide rate increased by more than 4 percent. One reason may be the insufficient resources allocated for the enforcement of restraining orders and the establishment of safe houses, which now exist only in the large cities (IRB 2017).

The effort to improve the reporting of abuse started in 2006, when the Watch Registry of Accidents and Violent Incidents system (Vigilância de Violências e Acidentes, VIVA) of continuous reporting was created. However, the system was implemented only in a subset of health establishments.<sup>4</sup> In 2011, the registration of incidents of violence became mandatory at all types of health establishments. Under the legislation, employees of health establishments must submit documentation whenever they suspect or are able to confirm that violence has occurred. However, though acts of violence are recorded, there is not necessarily any follow-up because notification to authorities who may intervene is only required if children or adolescents ages 19 or less or elderly individuals ages 60 or more are involved. Research has shown that intervention without appropriate precautions may put women at risk of further violence (Kendall 2020). The analysis concluded that, among cases involving women ages 15–49, the group covered in this study, only 20 percent were reported to the police; 30 percent were reported elsewhere (for instance, social services); and half were not associated with information on any follow-up.

# **Methods**

# **Measures of Violence**

The measures of violence used in the study have been developed by the Department of Informatics of the Unified Health System (Departamento de Informática do Sistema Único de Saúde, DATASUS). They consist of indicators on female homicides, female overnight hospitalizations for assault, and mandatory reports by health workers of physical and sexual violence against women (VIVA). For each of these outcomes, the study examined female victims in the 15–49 age range, the focal demographic group in the IPV literature (Vyas and Watts 2009). The study panel spans 2011–16, the years on which data are available on all outcome variables. Aggregate trends across the sample are fairly constant over this time period (figure 1).

The analysis aggregated individual reports for each outcome at the municipalityyear level. If no observations could be made within a municipality-year for a particular

> 4 Kendall (2020) provides excellent guidance for best practices and important considerations in developing administrative systems for these purposes.

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outcome, a 0 value was assigned. Because IPV frequently occurs in the home, cases were assigned to the municipalities of residence of the victims, which are not necessarily the same as the municipalities in which the health care facilities recording the outcomes are located. For the regression analysis, the study used the natural log of the count (adding 0.01 to each value as an adjustment for 0s). The observations were Winsorized in the 99th percentile by replacing the observation with the value of the cutoff for the 99th percentile.

_Homicides._ Vital statistics data on homicides come from Brazil’s national mortality database, the Mortality Information System (Sistema de Informações de Mortalidade. SIM), a registry of every death in the nation.<sup>5</sup> The study defines a death as a homicide if it is classified as one in the SIM or if the cause of death is coded as an assault (codes ICD-10 X85-Y09 of the International Statistical Classification of Related Diseases and Health Problems). The analysis complements the homicide variable with clinical cause of death information because the variable is associated with missing values. (The discrepancy between these definitions of homicide is 6 percent if both data fields are available.) _Hospitalizations for assault._ The Hospital Information System (Sistema de Informação de Hospitalares, SIH) includes information from public and private hospitals.<sup>6</sup> Hospitalizations are recorded when the physician fills out an authorization for hospitalization (Autorização de Internação Hospitalar, AIH), which is used to reimburse the hospital for the procedures performed on patients. These data only capture the most severe incidents because, according to the Ministry of Health, the form is only filled out if patients are admitted overnight. Hospitalizations that involve deaths are excluded because, otherwise, this would duplicate entries in the SIM death registry. Information on the reason for hospital admittance is provided in the ICD-10, which the study used to identify the hospitalizations for assault based on the same codes as in the homicide data. Though the primary cause typically indicates the location of the injury (for example, trauma in the knee or leg), the secondary cause often clarifies the incident associated with the injury (such as accident or assault).

The study confirmed that all municipalities in the sample had at least one hospitalization of any type, which indicates that all cities in the comparable sample have access to hospitals. The lowest number of hospitalizations in any municipality in any year

> 5 See “Sistema de Informações de Mortalidade,” DATASUS, Ministerio da Saude, Brasília, http://tabnet.datasus.gov.br/cgi/deftohtm.exe?sim/cnv/obt10br.def.

> 6 See “Sistema de Comunicação de Informação de Hospitalar e Ambulatorial,” DATASUS, Ministerio da Saude, Brasília, http://www2.datasus.gov.br/DATASUS/index.php?area=0203&id=6926.

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in the sample is 11. There are two concerns regarding the accuracy of the hospitalization data. The AIH form is also completed if a patient requires a procedure; so, some nonovernight hospitalizations may also be entered in the system. However, few procedures are associated with assault and are thus unlikely to bias the results. The other concern is that hospitals cannot report more patients than the number of beds they have registered with the centralized health care system. The system may therefore be underreporting incidents in crowded hospitals.

_Violent incident reporting by health workers._ In 2011, Brazil standardized and expanded its mandatory notification system (VIVA) for cases of domestic violence and violence against women, children, and the elderly to every type of health care facility in the country (Ministry of Health 2016). The reports are filled out at the health care units by the attending medical personnel (for example, doctors, nurses, dentists, psychologists, and social workers) and taken to the municipal health care administrative office, where they are digitized and entered into the Information System for Notifiable Diseases <mark>(Sistema de Informação de Agravos de Notificação</mark> , SINAN).<sup>7</sup> These are to be filled out whether the patient admits to being a victim or if the patient is merely suspected of being a victim. Although psychological, financial, sexual, and physical violence may be reported, the analysis only included SINAN cases involving sexual or physical violence that was reported because these cases are included in the ICD-10 codes used in creating the hospitalization and homicide variables. Observations are dropped from the analysis if the wound is described in the report as self-inflicted because suicides are not included in the homicide data.

Because the number of facilities reporting has risen since the passage of the 2011 law, only mandatory reports of physical violence ae included that have been supplied by facilities that had at least one such report in 2011. Focusing on facilities that have already submitted the mandatory reports avoids confounding an increase in reports with an increase in events. Indeed, figure 1 indicates rather consistent aggregate levels of reporting by these facilities.

Around one-third of the mandatory reports are delivered by clinics, while twothirds originate from hospitals or emergency rooms. This implies that there may be some double counting with the reports on hospitalizations for assault, but these would only involve cases in which the injury is so severe as to require an overnight stay. The cases

> 7 See “Violência Interpessoal/Autoprovocada,” Sistema de Vigilância de Violências e Acidentes (Viva), Sistema de Informação de Agravos de Notificação, Secretaria de Vigilância em Saúde, Brasília, http://www.portalsinan.saude.gov.br/violencia-interpessoal-autoprovocada.

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reported in the SINAN data are thus considered less severe than the cases reported in the hospitalization data. In an additional exploration of the SINAN data, the clinical reports and the hospital emergency room reports were separated during the study to determine if the analysis might differ according to whether the facilities treat less or more severe cases.

_The limitations of violence data_ . The use of the variables as proxies for IPV is grounded on a conceptualization of the relationship of IPV to the overall universe of incidents of violence against women (UNODC 2019). The concept is expressed by using concentric circles to indicate that IPV is at the core of violence against women, which then broadens to include violence by other family members, femicide by nonfamily members, and then any incident that has resulted in female homicide. The variables are thus meant to be proxies for IPV, the center of the model. Because these are proxy variables, the limitations of the data must be considered. In most cases, it is not possible to determine where within the concentric circle model the incident lies. One may not know if the perpetrators are intimate partners or strangers, although one may control for the general level of violence relative to the incidence of violence against men. However, the characteristics of the victims (age, education) and the events (time of day, in the home or not) are similar in reports in which the perpetrator is identified as a partner or ex-partner and in the case of the hospitalizations and homicides on which this information is not available (Reynolds 2020).

The issue of whether these data exclude some incidents, as is so frequently a concern in surveys, also arises. Homicide data are generally considered the most accurate because there are few reporting issues. Data on hospitalizations because of violence rely mainly on the reporting of physicians on injuries they believe result from aggression. Because these are typically serious injuries involving overnight hospitalization, the likelihood of misclassification is smaller than in the case of more minor injuries that are the subject of such reports. In the latter situation, patients are more likely to be able to hide the cause of the lesser injuries. For example, a broken arm may be explained as the outcome of a fall, while several broken bones at once might raise more questions. Thus, the less severe reports have the potential for additional reporting bias among patients and physicians.

With the exception of homicides, it may also not be clear if particular individuals have been treated only once or on several separate occasions. Likewise, findings about the medical costs of violence are more straightforward than findings about the mental health impacts of violence or the long-term effects on children who are witnesses or victims.

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Nonetheless, the combination of these three outcomes— female homicides, female overnight hospitalizations for assault, and mandatory reports by health workers of physical and sexual violence against women—covers a range of types of violence, from the most severe (homicide) to less severe, and serves as an important complement to survey data.

_Contextualizing violence outcomes_ . The outcome variable on hospitalizations for assault is only associated with overnight stays. Aizer (2010) refers to hospitalizations for assault, but does not indicate if the variable also includes emergency room visits, which would not be included in the hospitalization outcome variable if they were of short duration. One-fifth of Californians were uninsured in 1995 (Bennefield 1996); the rate is likely higher among the low-skilled workers in Aizer’s sample. These victims would be more likely to seek emergency room care because of their more prevalent lack of insurance coverage. Brazil, on the other hand, offers universal health insurance; so, similar injuries could be treated at local clinics, suggesting that Aizer’s measure of violence is most similar to the report outcomes in this study.

# **Gender Wage Ratio**

The analysis relies on administrative individual-level microdata from Brazil’s Ministry of Labor and Employment on the formal sector labor force in 2011–16 to measure the gender wage ratio in each Brazilian municipality.<sup>8</sup> In addition to the raw wage ratio, following Aizer (2010), a predicted wage ratio was also constructed for the analysis that isolates the variation caused by shifts in labor demand that affect labor market opportunities among women relative to men. This technique helps predict the average wage for each sex in a municipality based on the distribution of workers across sectors in the municipality at the start of the sampling process, as well as changes in the industry average wage among workers outside the municipality. This measure is thus not affected by the movements of women into and out of employment and across sectors that may be associated with violence. This measure is referred to as the leave-out measure because it is constructed by leaving out some municipal-specific information.

The raw data of the Annual Social Information Report (Relação Anual de Informações Sociais, RAIS) include one observation for each employment contract that was active at any point during the year under investigation. As in the case of the data that measure violence against women, the analysis restricts attention to individuals ages 15– 49. It also focuses on workers who hold, at most, two jobs during the year and have job

> 8 The source of the data is Annual Social Information Report (Relação Anual de Informações Sociais, RAIS) (dashboard), Ministry of the Economy, Brasília, http://www.rais.gov.br/sitio/index.jsf.

11
contracts that require at least 30 hours of work per week and that are active as of December 31. The salary period in Brazil is typically monthly. So, the individual’s real hourly wage on each job is calculated by dividing real monthly earnings, measured in 2017 reais, by hours worked per month. The hours worked per month are calculated as the reported weekly hours, multiplied by 4.3, the number of weeks in an average month.

With hourly wages in hand, the average wage is constructed for both sexes separately for each municipality-year. This predicted average wage for sex _g_ in municipality _m_ in year _y,_ is as follows: <u>wg</u> g (1) gg<sup>= ∑JJ</sup> jj jj<sup>× ww</sup> −ggjjgg<sup>,</sup> where gmj is the share out of all jobs held by workers of sex γγ _g_ in municipality _m_ that are in industry _j._ (Industry is defined here using the first two digits of Brazil’s National γγ Classification of Economic Activities.)<sup>9</sup> Industry shares are computed in the baseline year 2011 and do not vary by year. The term _w-mjy_ is the average wage in year _y_ and industry _j_ across all jobs in the same state, but not in municipality _m_ . The ratio of female to male wages is the variable of interest, the leave-out wage ratio. For descriptive purposes, the raw wage ratio is also calculated, as the ratio of the average female wage to the average male wage among workers in the same municipality. Specifically, letting g and g ff gg be the average wage of female and male workers in municipality and year , the raw ww ww wage ratio is simply g � g . mm yy Brazil’s population-weighted average real gender wage ratio across all ff<sup>gg</sup> ww ww municipalities over all years of the 2011–16 panel is 0.86, indicating that women are still not being paid equally to men. The comparable statistic from the United States is around 0.80. Brazil’s corresponding population-weighted average of the leave-out wage ratio is 1.02, precisely at parity. The fact that the leave-out measure is at parity is perhaps surprising. However, it is consistent with the data of Aizer (2010), which also provide an average leave-out wage ratio of 0.97 across California counties. That the leave-out wage ratio is above the raw gender ratio reflects the fact that Brazilian wages rose more quickly in those industries in which women were relatively more highly concentrated in 2011, but into which men disproportionately moved in subsequent years. Figure 2 illustrates the similarities in the dispersion of the raw and leave-out wage ratios for the analytical sample,

> 9 See CNAE (National Classification of Economic Activities) (dashboard), Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística), Rio de Janeiro, https://www.ibge.gov.br/en/statistics/technical-documents/statistical-lists-and-classifications/17245national-classification-of-economic-activities.html?edicao=17248&t=sobre.

12
and map 1 shows the changes in the leave-out wage ratio in Brazil and in the analytical sample between 2011 and 2016.

The raw wage ratio has been closing in Brazil, indicating a convergence between male and female wages in formal sector employment (appendix A, figure A1). Additionally, the dispersion of the raw gender wage ratio across municipalities has narrowed. The leave-out wage ratio has also risen, but dispersion in the leave-out ratio has not increased, suggesting that the narrowing of the distribution of gender ratios across municipalities may be driven by changes in the industrial composition of female employment, which is excluded from the leave-out measure by design. The populationweighted average municipal change in the leave-out wage ratio in 2011–16 was 0.002, which implies that average earnings opportunities among women did not change relative to the opportunities among men over the period. The raw wage ratio increased over the period, suggesting that the share of male employment rose the most in sectors in which earnings were growing rapidly.

That the wage data only include formal sector employees and do not consider the 35 percent of the Brazilian labor force that is self-employed or informal is a limitation (Ulyssea 2018). However, it is the potential wage, not the actual wage that affects a woman’s bargaining position in the household (Aizer 2010). Thus, changes in the gender wage gap in the formal sector may plausibly affect all women. Additionally, to consider how excluding informal workers from the analysis may bias the results, the nationally representative National Household Survey (Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios, PNAD) is used in the analysis to contrast the gender wage ratio between formal and informal laborers. The result is the finding that the informal sector is more equitable than the formal sector in terms of wages, suggesting that the gender wage ratio is underestimated in the case of the country as a whole (appendix A, table A1). The results of the survey indicate that women are only slightly more likely to be in the formal sector than the informal sector (appendix A, figure A2; table A2), and the sex composition of the informal sector is fairly consistent over the period. This suggests that any bias introduced because the informal sector has not been incorporated does not fluctuate over time. (See appendix A for more details on the PNAD analysis.) Ben Yahmed (2018) also provides a detailed cross-sectional analysis contrasting the formal and informal gender wage gaps in urban Brazil in 2015.

# **Control Variables**

Because the outcomes may reflect general trends in crime or changes in reporting, 13
the analysis controls for male homicides, male hospitalizations for assault, and reports by health care professionals of violent incidents against men per 100,000 men ages 15–49.<sup>10</sup> It also controls for three factors that are correlated with the bargaining power of women within the household. First, data of the Brazilian electoral court are used to construct a gender ratio of educational achievement—specifically, high school completion—for each municipality by year. Given that elections are held only every other year, the analysis imputes, by municipality, the average education ratio of surrounding years for each year between election years. For example, the high school completion ratio of women relative to men in 2013 is computed as the average of the ratios in 2012 and 2014. Second, the analysis takes advantage of the fact that conditional cash transfers have been shown to influence women’s bargaining power in Brazil (Litwin, Perova, and Reynolds 2019). So, data of the Ministry of Social Development (Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social) on the number of households receiving the social program Bolsa Família family allowance and the value disbursed by the program in each municipality by year are combined with population data to control for the share of women receiving the Bolsa Família benefit as well as the per capita benefit in each municipality-year. Third, the analysis controls for the share of the population represented by women ages 15–49 because the “scarcity” of women may influence how women are treated (Grosjean and Khattar 2019).

The analysis also controls for the log population of women ages 15–49, the per capita number of health clinics and hospitals, and the per capita number of hospital beds. **Sample Selection** Initially, 409 municipalities that showed all zeros in all outcomes in all years were excluded. RAIS data were missing for one additional municipality. Brasília, the capital city, was also excluded because wages for government positions are occasionally coded to Brasília, and this anomaly might generate a small amount of noise in a typical municipality, but would certainly generate a great deal of mismeasurement in Brasília. Municipalities were also removed that had any missing data to establish a balanced panel. Of Brazil’s 5,570 municipalities, 4,205 remained that had viable observations. However, 75 percent of the homicide observations, 76 percent of the overnight hospitalization observations, and 57 percent of the reports were zeros. This suggests that changes in levels of violence in the smallest municipalities result in a large amount of noise because violent events are rare occurrences. The observation of a violent event in a small municipality

> 10 Unlike the  violence registry for women, not all incidents of violence against men are included in the SINAN registry.  Reports of men experiencing non-family, interpersonal violence or violence within the community are excluded.

14
may not be indicative of a massive rise in crime, but rather a roll of the die that it was the turn of this municipality to be the location of a low-frequency random event. Figure 3 illustrates that, indeed, population size and the portion of observations that are zeros are strongly related. Thus, only the most populous quintile of municipalities with viable observations were retained. This reduced the zeros to 32 percent, 42 percent, and 23 percent of observations, respectively, in the three outcomes of interest—female homicides, female overnight hospitalizations for assault, and mandatory reports by health workers of physical and sexual violence against women. Though only 841 municipalities remain in the sample, they include 72 percent of the Brazilian population of women ages 15–49. Map 2 illustrates the change in the violence measures from 2011 to 2016 using the viable sample. Map 3 shows the same image, but excluding the lower 4 quintiles by population; this restriction eliminates much of the pale areas of the map, representing municipalities with relatively smaller changes. The raw wage ratio is much higher in the excluded municipalities (table 1), which may be attributed to the fact that these municipalities are poorer (a lower human development index and a greater share of women receiving the Bolsa Família benefit) and thus include a larger proportion of laborers in the informal sector. The formal sectors in these small municipalities have a larger portion of public sector employees, which is more gender-egalitarian in salary structure than is the case of the private sector.

# **Empirical Strategy**

Using a six-year panel, 2011–16, the analysis applies a generalized difference in difference approach to estimate the effect of the gender wage ratio on IPV, as follows: , (2) ggmm ggmm ggmm gg mm ggmm where is the measure of violent incidents against women in municipality YY = ββWW + ρρxx + αα + γγ + εε _m_ at time _t_ , is the raw or leave-out gender wage ratio; ggmm is a set of municipality-year controls; YY ggmmis a municipality effect; and is a year effect. Each municipality is weighted by the ggmm WW xx population of women ages 15–49. For each outcome-intervention combination of interest, gg mm αα γγ the regression is run with and without controls. Standard errors are clustered at the municipal level.

# **Results**

# **Main Results**

The estimates are first presented using the raw wage ratio. An improvement in equality in wages for women is shown to be correlated with a reduction in violence at all levels of severity on which there are measures, but the correlation is only statistically 15
significant for reports (table 2). If the more exogenous leave-out measure is used, however, the signs remain the same, but the statistical significance shifts to homicides (table 3). An increase in the female-male wage ratio from 0 to 1 leads to a reduction in homicides of 1.6 percent. However, such a large change is unlikely because the standard deviation of the gender wage ratio is 0.1. Instead, consider a change of 0.1, which is about 10 percent of the average leave-out wage ratio. This would yield a change in female homicides of 0.16 percent or a reduction in homicides by 1 woman in 10,000,000 in the sample municipalities. Given the current female homicide rate in Brazil of 4.8 per 100,000 women, a 10 percent change in the gender wage gap would save 1 in 480 victims of female homicide.

The robustness checks indicate that the main results are consistent across different outcome specifications. The coefficients on the leave-out wage ratio are consistently negative if the inverse hyperbolic sine and a slightly different log transformation are used.<sup>11</sup> The analysis also examined the outcomes as rates per 100,000 women ages 15–49. The official population projections are available for the period 2011–15, and the analysis used a linear time trend model to project the 2016 female population for each municipality.<sup>12</sup> The rates and counts were also Winsorized. Though the rate specification yields no significant results, the signs remain generally negative (appendix A, table A3).

The results proved robust to different model specifications. Without population weights, but with controls, the coefficient on the leave-out wage ratio for the homicide outcome is not significant, but remains negative and of similar magnitude (appendix A, table A4). The analysis also increased the sample size to include the top two quintiles of population rather than only the top quintile. The results were slightly smaller and slightly less significant, reflecting the greater number of zero observations in the outcome data (appendix A, table A5). Some of the control variables—those indicative of women’s empowerment— <mark>may be jointly determined or potential mediating variables, rather than true confounders. Thus, the analysis contrasts results with and without these sets of controls and finds consistent estimates across specifications (a</mark> ppendix A, <mark>table A6).</mark>

> 11 For the alternative log specification, 0.001 instead of 0.01 is added to each outcome count before the transformation. The alternative log specification had a larger and more significant coefficient on homicides, while the hyperbolic sine had a smaller and nonsignificant coefficient. Across all outcomes and specifications, the signs were negative.

> 12 Population data used to calculate the rates and generate the linear time trend is from the DATASUS population projections, which are computed based on inter-Census projections made by the health research institute RIPSA (Rede Interagencial de Informações para a Saúde - Interagency Network of Information for Health), in partnership with the Brazilian National Statistics Bureau (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, IBGE).

16
<mark>Including state trends, an interaction between state indicator variables and a continuous year variable resulted in even stronger magnitude and significance in the homicide outcome (a</mark> ppendix A, <mark>table A7)</mark> .

A placebo test using homicides and hospitalizations for traffic accidents resulted in no significant associations, suggesting that the results are not derived from economic circumstances associated with changes in the ability to treat victims (appendix A, table A8). The magnitudes are also smaller.

# **Heterogeneity Analyses**

The analysis divided the municipalities into more or less poor as determined by the median human development index for the sample in 2011 (table 4, panel a). The human development index is chosen because better health, education, and living standards are often associated with less stress and may therefore result in lower levels of conflict (Renzetti 2009; Pattavina, Socia, and Zuber 2015). The main result—a statistically significant association between the gender wage ratio and homicides—is found concentrated in municipalities with a lower human development index. Changes in wages between men and women in municipalities with higher human development indexes may not impact homicides because the stress of wages or gender norms is less binding if additional resources are available, such as better health and wealthier friends and relatives.

Because the legal and civil context may influence women’s situation at home, the analysis contrasted municipalities with and municipalities without women’s police stations in 2011 (table 4, panel b). Research has found that the establishment of women’s police stations is associated with a reduction in female homicides (Perova and Reynolds 2017). The possibility of police intervention specifically to support women may reduce male backlash as a mechanism. The hypothesis here is that the presence of women’s police stations makes an outside option, enabled by a lower wage gap, more credible, while, in municipalities without enforcement mechanisms for the legal and civil protection of women from violence, greater empowerment may trigger a backlash. Indeed, in municipalities with women’s police stations, the analysis found that an increase in equality in the gender wage ratio was associated with significant reductions (0.35 percent) in reports of the least severe types of violence. In municipalities without women’s police stations, the finding was the opposite: an increase in the wage ratio in favor of women was associated with a 0.2 percent increase in reports.

The analysis also contrasted the impacts of gender wage inequality on younger women (ages 15–29) and impacts on older women (ages 30–49) given that research 17
suggests there is a higher prevalence of violence against younger women in Brazil (Reichenheim et al. 2006). Additionally, it is likely that older women are more well established in their partnering, with children and perhaps fewer outside options for repartnering. Qualitative work suggests that the presence of children—the likelihood of which increases with age—generates greater economic dependence on the breadwinner and makes women less likely to leave an abusive situation (Perova, Reynolds, and Müller 2012).Thus, the analysis tested the hypothesis that younger women will respond more favorably to economic empowerment that allows them to exit undesirable partnerships than will older women. For the age analysis, the gender wage ratio was recalculated to tailor it to the respective age-groups. The sample was divided into women ages 15–29 and women ages 30–45 and the respective gender wage ratios were recalculated accordingly. Younger women experience higher rates of violence relative to older women across the severity spectrum (table 5). The analysis found strong associations between an improvement in the gender wage ratio among women and a reduction in overnight hospitalizations among younger women. A similar relationship is found in the case of the reports by health workers on violence, but it is only marginally significant without controls.

# **Conclusion**

The study provides a broad analysis of the ways in which a reduction in the gender wage gap can impact three distinct levels of severity of IPV in the most populous 20 percent of municipalities in Brazil, which include over 70 percent of the population of women in the country. A decade after Aizer’s (2010) seminal study confirmed that a reduction in the gender wage ratio results in a reduction in IPV among low-skilled women workers in the state of California, the study described here has found similar results among women ages 15–49 in Brazil. This study contributes significantly to the literature by broadening the scope of the previous research to include three health administrative measures of violence of varying severity and by constructing a gender wage ratio using complete microdata on wages. The analysis widens the spectrum of understanding of the relationship between the gender wage ratio and violence against women by extending the research beyond hospitalizations to include both less severe violence (violence resulting in visits at clinics) and lethal violence (homicides). Additionally, the analysis covers a much larger population, that is, all women in a carefully selected sample of municipalities that account for 70 percent of the population of women in Brazil rather than the population of low-income women in California in Aizer’s (2010) study, which represents less than 18
12 percent of the US population.

The findings suggest that an improvement in the gender wage ratio among women in urban settings is mainly associated with a reduction in homicides and that impacts are primarily focused among younger women and in municipalities with a lower human development index. The impacts of changes in the gender wage ratio on less severe forms of violence appear to depend on the context. In municipalities in which women’s police stations have been established, a decrease in the gender wage ratio is associated with a reduction in reports of violence. In municipalities without women’s police stations, the analysis found the opposite effect, a decrease in the gender wage ratio is associated with a rise in reports of violence. Taken together, the results suggest that, while women’s economic empowerment alone may contribute to a reduction in rates of the most severe violence, its effects on less severe forms of violence largely depend on the context. If not paired with civil and legal infrastructure that protects women, represented in the case of Brazil by women’s police stations, women’s economic empowerment appears to trigger a backlash among men. However, in conjunction with protective mechanisms targeted at women, women’s empowerment tends to lower the incidence of less severe forms of violence as well. Overall, the study confirms that policies aimed at narrowing the malefemale wage gap reduce the likelihood of violence in Brazil, an upper-middle-income developing economy. However, the findings also highlight the importance of additional policies specifically aimed at the protection of women against violence to maximize the positive impact of advances in gender equality in the labor market on the reduction of violence.

# **Appendix**

The analysis uses the RAIS to generate the gender wage ratio. This matched employer-employee data set contains data on all the labor market contracts in the formal sector in Brazil. However, in Brazil, 20 percent of laborers work in the informal sector.<sup>13</sup> In this section, the nationally representative household survey, PNAD, is used to compare the gender wage ratios in the formal and informal sectors and to discuss how the differences might affect the main results.

The 2011–15 editions of PNAD are used with a few sample restrictions. First, the focus is on individuals ages 15–49, which is the age-group of interest in the main analysis. Second, the following categories of workers are excluded from the validation exercise: the

> 13 The rate depends on the definition of informality. Here, the self-employed are not counted as informal workers. If they were so counted, the rate of informality would nearly double, to around 40 percent. 19
self-employed, farm laborers, and domestic workers, which is similar to the sample restriction applied by Gerard et al. (2018) in a similar validation exercise. The analysis classifies workers as informal if they report that they have worked in the previous week, but do not have formal labor contracts.

The leave-out gender wage ratio is constructed using the PNAD data, but with a few differences. First, PNAD data are not as granular as the RAIS data. Measures are therefore calculated at the state level instead of the municipal level. Second, the industry variable reflects the broad industry definitions of PNAD, which consist of 12 categories, such as agriculture and construction. The analysis continues to use the 2011 baseline shares in each industry as the fixed proportions.

The distributions of the gender wage ratio in the formal and informal sectors overlap pretty closely if one considers the raw wage ratios (appendix A, figure A1). However, the leave-out wage ratio is higher in the informal sector than in the formal sector, suggesting that there is less gender inequality in the informal sector if one is considering a measure that reflects wage changes in other states. Using the raw measure, there are more positive changes between 2011 and 2015 in the informal sector than in the formal sector. However, the same conclusion does not hold if one looks at the leave-out wage ratio. A possible explanation is that most of the improvement in the gender wage ratio was driven by the sorting of women into industries, which is the component that is kept fixed in computing the leave-out measure.

The analysis also considered whether men or women are more well represented in the informal sector. It accomplished this by regressing on sex an indicator of activity in a formal sector job. The analysis controlled for tenure, age, age squared, race, and educational attainment. It also included year and state fixed effects. It found that women are 1 percent more likely to hold a formal sector job (appendix A, table A1). Even though the null hypothesis may be rejected that women and men do not sort selectively into the informal sector, the magnitude of this difference is small.

Given that a difference in differences specification is being used to measure the effects of the gender wage ratio on violence against women, only time-varying changes in wages in the informal sector that are not captured by aggregate time trends would lead to a potential bias in the estimates. Thus, the analysis examined if women’s wages in the informal sector behave differently than men’s wages in the same sector over time. It found that wages are lower in the informal sector among both women and men, but the ratio of wages between the formal and informal sectors is lower among women than men 20
(appendix A, table A2). In addition, it does not otherwise appear that women’s wages in the informal sector behave differently over time than the corresponding men’s wages.

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Figure 1: Violence against women, rates per 100,000 women <!-- Start of picture text --> 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016<br>year<br>Hospitalizations Homicide<br>9<br>90<br>7.5 75<br>6 60<br>45<br>4.5 Report<br>30<br>3<br>15<br>Hospitalizations and Homicides 1.5<br>0 0<br><!-- End of picture text --> <!-- Start of picture text --> Hospitalizations<br><!-- End of picture text --> <!-- Start of picture text --> Homicide<br><!-- End of picture text --> _Note:_ Women ages 15 – 49. Municipal averages, unweighted, N = 841.

Figure 2: Histograms of wage ratios, 2011 <!-- Start of picture text --> .5 1 1.5 2<br>Leave-out wage ratio Raw wage ratio<br>Note: N = 841 municipalities. Both gender wage ratio measures are Winsorized at percentiles 1 and<br>99. Bin width = 0.01. Weighted by population of women ages 15 – 49.<br>Frequency<br>2.0e+06 4.0e+06 6.0e+06 8.0e+06<br>0<br><!-- End of picture text --> 27
<!-- Start of picture text --> mR<br><!-- End of picture text --> <!-- Start of picture text --> _<br>—e—_<br>—e—<br><!-- End of picture text --> <!-- Start of picture text --> é v4 } thy» 5<br>¢. . Hse, ,<br>: a ato home<br>k. z Vv a eh ao<br>ar . 4 : . P y (oFx~ A~ AooeWak<br>aye os<br>meACote ae)fin ve)wtWeeges<br>meee Fay hy<br>0 ee eee.<br>Omitted from analysis ‘aepee! oeoe<br>| ee y<br><!-- End of picture text -->

<!-- Start of picture text --> ’<br>Pa # PEA<br>. - % . a A)<br>a ' “e *<br>~ r ’ . Me)a<br>vier; + ot<br>'A Pivet# ~ a,<br>¢ pry hy sb, ry *<br>eo fe 2<br>“s; BGS, ad<br>Saal<br><!-- End of picture text -->
Changes in rates of violence per 100,000 women ages 15-49.

<!-- Start of picture text --> Map 3: Geographical variation in changes in violence against women between 2011 and 2016.<br>Analytical Sample (Top population quintile of municipalities with outcome data)<br>Homicides Hospitalizations Reports<br>v v v<br><€ v e ¥<br>rN ¢byfas ah ~ . "ere * valor+ gp<br>a A Casqes. Bact ot ra igeae ees +s Ee- asken ett<br>Age¢ "gf#8 PE FOLe eadeR Et or(atedeee”<br>ee = “ye « # » ad £ # - ¥<br>OF SEM ee ee te * Saae ~ dave"va ate ee<br>he er. abe 2 ad ape te oe tthy t..*<br>~. vmsay,2 a No“aN ~~ie °. Weee “BN Sm9 Seenghee. bad<br>oF, fe ig ° hag Oe 7 laa<br>aonfeecon .rad 9. Se ove goon %“se“9 aea aa icyPak 4a<br>eees yréseu ¥ ¥ eefoeonbs rarerey: ta 5 aafrasee14ba? Acorsal +5va<br>Changes in rates of violence per 100,000 women ages 15-49.<br>Analytical sample of most populous quintile of municipalities with viable data.<br>N=841 municipalities<br><!-- End of picture text -->
Table 1: Summary statistics: analytical sample compared to other municipalities in Brazil, 2011

||_A_|_~~(1)~~_<br>_nalytic sample_|<br>_~~(~~_<br> <br>_Excl_|_~~2)~~_<br>_uded_|
|---|---|---|---|---|
||_Mean_|_SD_|_Mean_|_SD_|
|Reports (per 100,000 women ages 15–19)|75.46|112.98|57.83|129.75|
|Homicides (per 100,000 women ages 15–19)|6.74|5.44|5.51|12.66|
|Hospitalizations (per 100,000 women ages 15–19)|11.59|18.83|7.16|17.93|
|Leave-out F-M wage ratio|1.01|0.10|1.15|0.16|
|Raw F-M wage ratio|0.89|0.13|0.96|0.19|
|Share of women w/Bolsa Família|0.18|0.13|0.38|0.20|
|Per capita cash transfer|10.10|7.71|20.73|12.03|
|F-M ratio with high school degree|1.38|0.16|1.54|0.33|
|Female share of population a ges 15–49|0.51|0.01|0.49|0.02|
|Clinics per 1,000 people|8.87|3.78|12.41|5.30|
|Hospital beds per 1,000 people|16.05|8.56|17.78|18.05|
|Human development index|0.75|0.06|0.65|0.07|
|Female share in formal sector employment a ges 15–49|0.41|0.05|0.44|0.11|
|2011population between ages 15–49|1017769.34|1860906.63|9367.98|4722.43|
|Observations|841||3365||

_Note:_ The universe of municipa lities is defined as the municipa lities on which data on the control variables are availa b l e . These statistics are computed for 2011, which is the baselin e year of the analysis. Means are weighted by the population of women ages 15–49. F-M = female to male. SD = standard deviatio n .

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Table 2: Estimates using the raw wage ratio

||_Homi_<br>_(1)_|_cides_<br>_(2)_|_Hospit_<br>_(3)_|_alizations_<br>_(4)_|_Rep_<br>_(5)_|_orts_<br>_(6)_|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Raw F-M wage ratio|−.26|−.032|−.76|−.63|−1.1<sup>∗∗</sup>|−1.3<sup>∗∗</sup>|
||(.6)|(.6)|(.87)|(.72)|(.52)|(.5)|
|Controls|N|Y|N|Y|N|Y|
|Municipality FE|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|
|Year FE|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|
|Number of municipalities|841|841|841|841|841|841|

_Note:_ The outcome variables are in natural logs; 0.01 is added to each value. The control variables are the natural log of the population of women ages 15–49, the natural logs of male homicides, hospitalizations and reports, the number of households receiving cash transfers, divided by the population of women ages 15–49, the municipal per capita value of cash transfers, the ratio of females to males in secondary education completion, the share of the population ages 15– 49 that is female, the per capita number of health clinics, and the per capita number of hospital beds. Regressions are weighted by the average number of women ages 15–49 in 2011–16. FE = fixed effect. F-M = female to male. Significance levels are reported as * p < .10 ** p < .05 *** p < .01.

Table 3: Main results: estimates using the leave-out wage ratio

||_Homi_<br>_(1)_|_cides_<br>_(2)_|_Hospit_<br>_(3)_|_alizations_<br>_(4)_|<br>_Rep_<br>_(5)_|_orts_<br>_(6)_|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Leave-out F-M wage ratio|−1.3|−1.6<sup>∗</sup>|−.59|−.13|−.69|−.43|
||(.89)|(.89)|(1)|(.97)|(1.2)|(1.1)|
|Controls|N|Y|N|Y|N|Y|
|Municipality FE|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|
|Year FE|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|
|Number of municipalities|841|841|841|841|841|841|

_Note:_ The outcome variables are in natural logs; 0.01 is added to each value. The control variables are the natural log of the population of women ages 15–49, the natural logs of male homicides, hospitalizations and reports, the number of households receiving cash transfers, divided by the population of women ages 15–49, the municipal per capita value of cash transfers, the ratio of females to males in secondary education completion, the share of the population ages 15– 49 that is female, the per capita number of health clinics, and the per capita number of hospital beds. Regressions are weighted by the average number of women ages 15–49 in 2011–16. FE = fixed effect. F-M = female to male. Significance levels are reported as * p < .10 ** p < .05 *** p < .01.

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Table 4: Heterogeneity analysis using subsamples

||_Homi_|_cides_|_Hospita_|_liza tion s_|_Rep_|_orts_|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|_a. Human development index_<br>Below median|||||||
|Leave-out F-M wage ratio|−2.3**|−2.4**|−1.2|−.84|.39|.99|
||(1.1)|(1.1)|(1.3)|(1.2)|(.89)|(.85)|
|Mean of dependent variable (natural log)|0.16|0.16|−0.40|−0.40|1.51|1.51|
|Mean Rate (per 100,000 women)|8.59|8.59|9.76|9.76|76.14|76.14|
|Number of municipalities|421|421|421|421|421|421|
|Above Median|||||||
|Leave-out F-M wage ratio|−.19|.16|1.1|1.9|−2.3|−2.5|
||(1.2)|(1.3)|(1.6)|(1.4)|(3.3)|(2.4)|
|Mean of dependent variable (natural log)|1.13|1.13|1.19|1.19|3.77|3.77|
|Mean Rate (per 100,000 women)|6.05|6.05|11.44|11.44|89.65|89.65|
|Number of municipalities|420|420|420|420|420|420|
|_b. Women’s police station_|||||||
|No women’s police station|||||||
|Leave-out F-M wage ratio|−1.6|−1.8|−.37|.051|1.5|2**|
||(1.3)|(1.2)|(1.3)|(1.3)|(.92)|(.92)|
|Mean of dependent variable (natural log)|−0.76|−0.76|−1.17|−1.17|0.97|0.97|
|Mean rate (per 100,000 women)|7.18|7.18|9.43|9.43|88.96|88.96|
|Number of municipalities|517|517|517|517|517|517|
|Women’s police station|||||||
|Leave-out F-M wage ratio|−1|−.9|−1.4|−1.3|−3.3|−3.5*|
||(.95)|(1)|(1.6)|(1.6)|(2.8)|(2.1)|
|Mean of dependent variable (natural log)|1.43|1.43|1.43|1.43|3.92|3.92|
|Mean rate (per 100,000 women)|6.57|6.57|11.53|11.53|85.05|85.05|
|Number of municipalities|324|324|324|324|324|324|

_Note:_ The outcome variables are in natural logs; 0.01 is added to each value. All specifications include year and municipal fixed effects. The control variables are the natural log of the population of women ages 15–49, the natural logs of male homicides, hospitalizations and reports, the number of households receiving cash transfers, divided by the population of women ages 15–49, the municipal per capita value of cash transfers, the ratio of females to males in secondary education completion, the share of the population ages 15–49 that is female, the per capita number of health clinics, and the per capita number of hospital beds. Regressions are weighted by the average number of women ages 15–49 in 2011–16. F-M = female to male.

Significance levels are reported as * p < .10 ** p < .05 *** p < .01.

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Table 5: Heterogeneity by age with age-specific leave-out wage ratios

||Hom<br>|icides<br>|Hospital<br>|izatio n s<br>|Rep<br>|orts<br>|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
||(1)|(2)|(3)|(4)|(5)|(6)|
|a. Ages 15_–_29|||||||
|Leave-out F-M wage ratio - [15–29]|−.098|−.01|−1.9*|−1.8**|−2.9*|−2.2|
||(.79)|(.8)|(.98)|(.82)|(1.6)|(1.5)|
|Mean of dependent variable (natural log)|−0.09|−0.09|−0.10|−0.10|3.20|3.20|
|Mean rate (per 100,000 women)|7.80|7.80|12.02|12.02|107.54|107.54|
|b. Ages 30_–_49|||||||
|Leave-out F-M wage ratio - [30–49]|−.17|−.36|.63|.78|.45|.18|
||(1.2)|(1.2)|(.9)|(.85)|(1.2)|(1.1)|
|Mean of dependent variable (natural log)|0.01|0.01|−0.09|−0.09|2.58|2.58|
|Mean rate (per 100,000 women)|5.82|5.82|10.37|10.37|68.34|68.34|
|Controls|No|Yes|No|Yes|No|Yes|
|Municipality FE|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|
|Year FE|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|
|Number of municipalities|841|841|841|841|841|841|

_Note:_ The outcome variables are in natural logs; 0.01 is added to each value. The gender wage ratio is calculated using only the age-group of the analysis. The control variables are the natural log of the population of women ages 15–49, the natural logs of male homicides, hospitalizations and reports, the number of households receiving cash transfers, divided by the population of women ages 15–49, the municipal per capita value of cash transfers, the ratio of females to males in secondary education completion, the share of the population ages 15–49 that is female, the per capita number of health clinics, and the per capita number of hospital beds. Regressions are weighted by the average number of women ages 15–49 in 2011–16. FE = fixed effect. F-M = female to male. Significance levels are reported as * p < .10 ** p < .05 *** p < .01.

33