<!-- Start of picture text --> Ethiopia N.E Nigeria Somalia South Sudan Sudan<br>60 60 60 60 60<br>50 50 50 50 50<br>40 40 40 40 40<br>30 30 30 30 30<br>20 20 20 20 20<br>10 10 10 10 10<br>0<br>0 0 0 0<br>Male-headed HH Female-headed HH<br>Perecentage of Multidimensionally Poor Perecentage of Multidimensionally Poor Perecentage of Multidimensionally Poor Perecentage of Multidimensionally Poor Perecentage of Multidimensionally Poor<br>50-59% 60-69% 70-79% 80-89% 50-59% 60-69% 70-79% 80-89% 50-59% 60-69% 70-79% 80-89% 90-100% 50-59% 60-69% 70-79% 80-89% 50-59% 60-69% 70-79% 80-89%<br><!-- End of picture text --> Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from the High Frequency Surveys of Ethiopia (2017), Nigeria (2018), Somalia (2017), South Sudan (2017) and Sudan (2017).

Considering the relative contribution of each indicator to multidimensional poverty between the two types of households, we see that being deprived in the indicators of bank account and school attendance in Ethiopia; bank account and years of schooling in Sudan; years of schooling and school attendance in Nigeria; and legal identification and school attendance in South Sudan are the main contributors of poverty to both types of households. In South Sudan, early marriage contributes more to poverty in female-headed households, while school attendance contributes more to poverty in male-headed households. In Nigeria, the relative contributions of early marriage and lack of legal identification are greater in female-headed households. The source of deprivation is slightly different for male- and female-headed households in Ethiopia, where lack of physical safety, early marriage, and lack of legal identification contribute more to female-headed households, while years of schooling and school attendance are much larger contributors to poverty in households headed by men.

Table 6 refines the above analysis by looking within displaced households, and presenting data at the individual level for selected indicators. This is important as household level deprivations can mask inequalities within the household unit (for instance, a household where four children are attending school and one is not would be considered deprived, similar to households where no children are in school). Looking at the three countries, years of schooling and early marriage are key indicators in analyzing the gender differences in poverty among forcibly displaced individuals. with a significantly higher percentage of displaced females deprived in years of schooling compared to males. In terms of marriage, females are significantly more likely to get married at early age compared to males. The prevalence of child marriage in South Sudan and Sudan is particularly high with 75% and 50% of displaced female individuals getting married before they turn 18, respectively, which is significantly higher than the national pre-conflict average of 45% in South Sudan (Buchanan, 2019) and 38% in Sudan (Nagar et. al., 2017). While child marriage has been common in these countries, the extended conflict might have interacted with this practice as child marriage is seen as a negative coping mechanism for families to rising poverty and food insecurity, and protection against sexual violence (Buchanan, 2019). This often directly affects girls’ educational attainment as many drop out of school, due in part to early marriage.

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