<mark>Table 5 presents the results obtained when</mark> _<mark>P</mark> i_ <mark>indicates whether household</mark> _<mark>i</mark>_ <mark>was poor before UNHCR and WFP assistance, columns (1) and (2); after WFP assistance, columns (3) and (4); and after assistance from both UNHCR and WFP, columns (5) and (6). For the most part, the characteristics and attributes of households that are associated with lower (or higher) risk of household poverty are the same for both male and female principal applicant households before and after receiving assistance. However, often the strength of the association (size of the coefficients) differs by quite large amounts according to the gender</mark> of the principal applicant.<sup>24</sup> <mark>As is commonly found, individual education attainment is associated with poverty risk. However, our results show that there is a significant difference between the reduction in poverty risk associated with more years of education for male and female principal applicant households. For male principal applicant households, compared to having no education, a 3‐percentage point reduction in poverty risk is associated with 6–11 years of education; in contrast, the associated risk reduction for 6–11 years of education for female principal applicants is 1 percentage point. More than 12 years of education is also associated with an 8‐percentage point poverty risk reduction for male principal applicants compared with a 4‐percentage</mark> point reduction for female principal applicants.

<mark>Marital status is, in the main, not significantly linked to household poverty. The exception is for households with married male principal applicants who are unaccompanied by their spouse. For these households, the likelihood of poverty is lower compared with the base category of male principal</mark> applicants with children who are accompanied by their spouse.

<mark>Household size and care of dependents are associated with poverty risk. Larger household size is associated with increased poverty risk for both male and female principal applicant households, and the effect is slightly greater for male principal applicants. Having an elderly or disabled person in the household is also associated with a higher poverty risk for both male and female principal applicants. Having an elderly person in the household is associated with an 8‐percentage point greater poverty risk for female principal applicants compared to a 3‐percentage point greater risk for male principal applicants. However, the greater poverty risk associated with having a disabled person in the household is only</mark> slightly larger for female principal applicants compared to male principal applicants.

<mark>Getting income from employment and receiving remittances from relatives reduces poverty risk for both female and male principal applicant households. Interestingly, as in some countries remittances are particularly important for keeping female‐headed households out of poverty (Buvinic and Gupta, 1997; Castañeda et al. 2016; World Bank 2001), receiving remittances is associated with a larger reduction of poverty risk for male than female principal applicants for Syrian refugees in Jordan. Entering the country legally as opposed to informally crossing the border is associated with lower household poverty, especially for male principal applicant households. For both male‐ and female‐principal applicant households, a higher number of adult males is also associated with lower poverty, but the effect is larger when the principal applicant is a man.</mark>

> 24 We estimate whether differences between the coefficients obtained for female and male principal applicant models are statistically significant from 0. Results are included as part of the text and the exact calculations are available upon request.

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