rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
unaffected children residing in the same communities. We find that peers have considerable influence on the enrollment decision of children from arsenic-free households.

**Table 2:** OLS and 2SLS estimates of peer effects, sample of arsenic-free children

||(1)<br>OLS|(2)<br>2SLS|1st stage|(3)<br>2SLS|1st stage|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Mean maths score of peers|0.960|0.680||0.604||
||(78.65)**|(1.87)+||(1.62)||
|Fraction of peers with arsenic-affected||||||
|homes tubewells|||-0.047||-0.044|
||||(2.94)**||(2.79)**|
|N|6785|5671|5671|5671|5671|
|Control for family and school attributes?|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|
|Regional FEs?|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|Yes|
|F-test||8.66||7.80||
|Overid||---||0.13||
|R-squared|0.51|0.45|0.07|0.43|0.07|

**Notes:** Sample as Table 1.

To conclude, the evidence of endogenous social effect has important implications for policy. An endogenous effect is characterized by a multiplier effect: government interventions to boost the learning of one child raises the schooling of other children in the reference population which in turn further boosts the schooling of the targeted child, therefore resulting in large social multiplier effects.

# **Reference**

Ammermueller, A. and Pischke, Jörn-Steffen (2006). "Peer Effects in European Primary Schools: Evidence from PIRLS," NBER Working Papers with number 12180..

- Asadullah, M.N., Chaudhury, N. (2007a) “Poisoning the mind: Arsenic contamination of drinking water wells and cognitive achievement of children”, University of Oxford (mimeo).

Asadullah, M.N., Chaudhury, N. and Dar, A. (2007b) “Student Achievement Conditioned Upon School Selection: Religious and Secular Secondary School Quality in Bangladesh”, _Economics of Education Review_ , Vol. 26 (6).

Arcidiacono, P. and S. Nicholson (2005), “Peer Effects in Medical School”, _Journal of Public Economics_ , 89, 327-350.

ATSDR (2005) “Toxicological Profile for Arsenic”, Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR), U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Atlanta, GA.

BAMWSP (2005) “A General Analysis of the National Tube well Screening Program Data”, Bangladesh Arsenic Mitigation Water Supply Project (BAMWSP), BACAMP Resource Centre, August 2005.

6
not just been in the _amount,_ but also in the _nature of what is traded._ Twenty years ago, nearly 80% of developing country merchandise exports were primary products: the stereotype of poor countries exporting tin or bananas had a large element of truth. The big increase in merchandise exports in the past two decades, however, has been of manufactured products, so that 80% of merchandise exports from the South today are manufactures (Figure 2). Garments from Bangladesh, refrigerators from Mexico, computer peripherals from Thailand, CD players from China – this is the modern face of developing country exports. Service exports from the developing world have also increased enormously, both traditional services such as tourism and modern ones, such as software from Bangalore, India.

<!-- Start of picture text --> Figure 2. Developing country exports<br>have shifted toward manufactures<br>Share<br>80<br>60 Manufactures<br>40<br>Minerals<br>20<br>Agriculture<br>0<br>1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995<br><!-- End of picture text --> The manufactured exports from the developing world are often part of multinational production networks. Nike contracts with firms in Vietnam to make shoes; the “world car” is a reality with parts produced in different locations. So, if we ask why this integration has taken off, part of the answer must lie with technological advances that make integrated production 8
# **Individual MENA governments have introduced reforms and new initiatives to promote**

**financial inclusion.** „Financially inclusive‟ bank accounts have been introduced by five MENA countries (Iran, Kuwait, Egypt, Morocco, Oman), two of those in 2009.  Over a third of MENA regulators are trying to shift more government-to-person transfers through bank accounts, with five countries having made reforms in 2009 to accelerate this. Only three countries have introduced reforms to enable branchless banking through agent networks. Four out the eleven MENA countries reporting to the CGAP and World Bank Financial Access Survey (2010) reported official household or enterprise surveys that include a focus on access to finance.  Tax incentive schemes to stimulate savings are not widely used.

# **The Moroccan government has prioritized access alongside stability in its ongoing program**

**of financial reforms** , and has introduced measures to extend access through microcredit associations, banks, and a new postal bank.  In 2008 banks were invited to develop financial inclusion strategies, and the central bank more recently has signaled to banks that it is open to allowing innovations in products and delivery mechanisms. The Central Bank of Egypt has launched a multi-pronged financial inclusion agenda, including a Pensions and Payments Initiative to extend access to basic bank accounts by providing pensions, salaries and procurement payments through the financial system, and a new Licensing and Regulation Law to stimulate the creation of microfinance, leasing, and factoring companies. The Jordanian, Syrian, Tunisian, Palestinian, Lebanese and Iranian governments, among others, have also implemented notable financial inclusion policies and programs outlined elsewhere in this paper.

# **State banks and post offices can have extensive branch networks for extending access to**

**financial services.** One of the largest branch networks in the region is that of the Principal Bank for Development and Agricultural Credit (PDBAC), the state agricultural bank in Egypt.  An initial phase of reforms is showing promising results in terms of improved institutional performance and financials, with an experienced and successful banker as its manager, and nonbank activities (such as agricultural inputs supply) separated from commercial banking.  The second phase, with technical assistance from Rabobank, is to better utilize its network of service outlets through improved inter-branch connectivity, product diversification, and investment in improved systems. The PBDAC example is also notable as it represents a more strategic approach of extending financial inclusion through reforms that aim to turnaround institutional performance and improve branch viability, instead of the easier short-term option of closing branches and reducing access.

**The creation of a new postal bank in Morocco** , building on the strengths of the Post Office as often the only institution serving the low income population - including the rural population, self-employed, and those with irregular incomes – is a promising example of the approach of creating a postal bank.

25
Divergent trends in the real value of the legally imposed minimum wage in Mexico and Colombia in the 1980s provide a unique backdrop for evaluating the impact of minimum wages on developing economy labor markets. Whereas the minimum wage fell in real terms roughly 45 percent in the 1 980s in Mexico, it increased at nearly the same rate in Colombia over an overlapping period of time. As a result, by 1990 the minimum wage stood at a level which was just 13 percent of the average unskilled manufacturing wage in Mexico and roughly 53 percent of the average unskilled wage in Colombia.

A review of the literature provides two clear and divergent views on the normative impact of minimum wages on labor markets in developing economies (Freeman, 1991). The advocate view holds that minimum wages redistribute resources in a welfare enhancing way, and as such have the potential to reduce poverty, enhance productivity, and foster growth. The distortionist view suggests that minimum wage interventions misallocate labor and lead to depressed wages where most of the poor are found-- in the informal urban sector and in the rural sector-- with the effect of wasting resources and reducing the rate of growth.

This paper charts the effect of the federal mandated minimum wage on labor market outcomes in Mexico and Colombia over the 1980s. Specifically, using unique panel data on formal sector manufacturing firms, the paper estimates the impact of minimum wages on the demand for skilled and unskilled labor in both countries. Important differences are found in the employment response of labor to minimum wages in the two countries. Specifically, substantial disemployment effects of minimum wages are found only in Colombia, where the impact is greatest on low skilled employment. In Mexico, in contrast, the disemployment impact of minimum wages is zero, at least using the firm level data for formal sector manufacturing establishments. The key explanation for this fact has to do with the relationship of the legally imposed minimum wage to the distribution of average unskilled wages across firms-- the minimum wage is very far to the left in the Mexico distribution and much closer to the mean in the Colombia distribution. Minimum wages are ineffective in the formal sector in Mexico and effective in Colombia.

Data from individuals is available in the case of Mexico to supplemen **t** he firm panel data. The individual data for Mexico show that the minimum wage has had an important effect on the unskilled
third of same age males live without their parents. To move out to live alone or with a spouse when reaching a certain age is not to be considered a negative event, but simply a step toward maturity and independence.

Table 3.2: Parents Present in Households with Argentine Youth, 2005

||F|emale Yout|h||Male Youth||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
||None|One|Both|None|One|Both|
|15 years|3.4|72.7|23.9|4.8|58.7|36.5|
|16 years|13.2|57.1|29.7|10.3|65.4|24.4|
|17 years|7.4|70.4|22.2|7.7|47.4|44.9|
|18 years|10.8|52.3|36.9|11.7|60.0|28.3|
|19 years|19.7|54.9|25.4|8.1|66.2|25.7|
|20 years|30.6|51.4|18.1|21.3|49.0|29.8|
|21 years|28.8|42.4|28.8|14.6|60.4|25.0|
|22 years|37.5|41.1|21.4|20.4|59.2|20.4|
|23 years|35.0|40.4|24.6|27.9|44.2|27.9|
|24years|49.2|30.2|20.6|31.3|46.9|21.9|

_Source_ : Own calculations on ESCVJA (four urban areas) Argentine females tend to marry and have children earlier than males do. This is an important reason why female youth are more likely to live without a parent in the household than male youth are (Table 3.2.). Fourteen percent of female youth are married, while only 5 percent of male youth are (Table 3.3).

Table 3.3: Civil Status for Argentine Youth, 2005

||Female|Male|
|---|---|---|
|Single|85.4|94.9|
|Married|13.7|4.9|
|Separated/divorced|0.6|0.0|
|Widow|0.0|0.0|
|Other|0.4|0.2|

_Source_ : Own calculations on ESCVJA (four urban areas) Early sexual initiation is a serious risk factor. Female youth have their sexual initiation later than male youth on average (Figure 3.1). More than two out of three male youths have had sex, while just above half of females have. Of youths who have already been sexually active, almost one in four boys had had sex at 14 years or less, while fewer than one in ten girls at the same age had. Of the same group, more than 70 percent became sexually active between the ages 15 and 18 years; this is the case for both males and females. Early sexual initiation is a significant risk factor, because it may lead to teen pregnancy or sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) such as HIV/AIDS if the necessary precaution is not taken. Healthcare, which may help prevent exposure to these risks or alleviate the consequences, is limited to just above half of the young population.

7
acquire food for the household (such as buying 5 kilograms of rice), which is entered in the diary of the person acquiring the food. So the personal diary is a not an individual’s record of food consumption. Rather, it records the food brought into the household by each member even if for several members to consume (as well as food consumed outside the household). This intensive supervision of the personal diary sample would be impractical for most surveys but these investments were made in order to establish a benchmark for analytic comparisons.

Each of the eight designs varies how food expenditures (including value of home production and consumption) are collected along the lines specified in Table 1. Non-food items are divided into two groups based on frequency of purchase. Frequently purchased items (charcoal, firewood, kerosene/paraffin, matches, candles, lighters, laundry soap, toilet soap, cigarettes, tobacco, cell phone and internet, and transport) were collected by 14-day recall for modules 1-5 and in the 14-day diary for modules 6-8. Non-frequent non-food items (utilities, durables, clothing, health, education, contributions, and other; housing is excluded) are collected by recall identically across all modules at the end of the interview (and at the end of the two-week period for the diaries) and over the identical one or 12-month reference period, depending on the item in question. Any cross-module differences in measured nonfrequent non-food consumption we take as due to spillovers from the different amount of memory training or conditioning of respondents that may be induced by the different food consumption modules.

The survey experiment conducted was termed the Survey of Household Welfare and Labour in Tanzania (SHWALITA), and was implemented by a well-established data collection enterprise, Economic Development Initiatives (EDI). This survey was designed and fielded to study the implications of the alternative survey designs for consumption expenditure measures and labor market indicators (see Bardasi et al., 2010 for a description of the labor survey experiment). Here we focus on the component that applies to consumption expenditure measures.

The field work was conducted from September 2007 to August 2008 in villages and urban areas from seven districts across Tanzania: one district in the regions of Dodoma, Pwani, Dar es Salaam, Manyara, and Shinyanga and two districts in the Kagera Region. The districts were purposively selected to capture variations between urban and rural areas as well as across other socio-economic dimensions to inform survey design related to labor statistics and consumption expenditure for low-income settings. The sample was constructed to be representative at the district level, but not at the national level. Data from the 2002 Census were used to enumerate all villages in the district. In the first stage of the sampling process, a probability-proportional-to-size (PPS) sample of 24 villages was selected per district. In a second stage, a random sub-village (or
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limitations -- standard deviation weighing _changes_ in M2/GDP too heavily, the coefficient of variation weighing M2/GDP _levels_ too heavily -- the qualitative results of the regression analysis are insensitive to the measure selected.

The regression analysis in Table 6 has a number of policy implications. One way to interpret the results is to apportion the decision to adopt explicit deposit insurance across the decision components. Thus, if a government's desire to adopt explicit deposit insurance is due to present financial instability, one might expect that decision to meet with a reduction in financial depth (other things equal). Decreased financial depth, moreover, will likely be associated with lower real growth. In those cases where governments adopted explicit insurance when the standard deviation of M2/GDP was greater than 2%, subsequent economic growth was, on average, .3% lower than it had been in the three years prior (Table 7).

Table 7: **Real Growth Rates for Countries that Adopted Explicit Deposit Insurance**

|Volatility in Three|Real Growth Rate in|Real Growth Rate in|Observations|
|---|---|---|---|
|Years Prior to Adoption<br>of Explicit Insurance|Three Years Prior to<br>Adoption of Explicit<br>Insurance|Three Years After the<br>Adoption of Explicit<br>Insurance||
|Stan Dev M2/GDP >2%|0.4%|0.1%|10|
|Stan Dev M2/GDP <2%|2.2%|3.2%|14|

Notes: Growth rates from Summers-Heston.

By contrast, if volatility is low, and the motivation for adopting explicit insurance stems from a past crisis or is part of a general improvement in legal institutions, one might expect increased financial depth accompanied by a higher real growth rate. Indeed, in those cases where governments adopted explicit insurance when the standard deviation in M2/GDP was less than 2%, subsequent economic growth was 1% higher than it had been in the prior three years. What may be most important, moreover, is not the government's 24
9. "Theft and crime are serious problems that can substantially increase the costs of doing business." <!-- Start of picture text --> so<br>To what degree do you agree with this 70<br>statement? Nl<br>Now 10<br>years 50<br>ago<br>(1) fully agree C l E 40<br>(2) agree in most C0<br>cases LI LI<br>(3) tend to agree I LI 20<br>(4) tend to disagree [1 -Li<br>(5) disagree in most 'E<br>cases LI L<br>(6) strongly disagree o L v*I WC DC[n SSEA MA CEE LC SSA Cis<br>UN<br>U10(5)yma&ag<br><!-- End of picture text -->

**Percentage of firms who ticked (1), (2), or (3) for question** 9

The world over businessmen consistently believe that the cost of doing business is substantially increased by theft and crime. In Latin America this problem is most pronounced as almost 90 percent of entrepreneurs who responded think that these are serious problems. In a similar vein around 80 percent of entrepreneurs in the CIS, CEE, Africa, and Asia perceive crime and theft as serious problems.

Moreover, in all regions (except Asia) businessmen think that the problems of crime and theft have increased over the last decade. In the case of the transition economies this trend was witnessed over the last five years rather than the last ten.

# _Question 10. Security of property and personal safety_

This question addresses not only the security of property but also personal safety. As opposed to the preceding question, this question does not relate crime and theft to the cost of doing business but asks whether businessmen trust the authorities to protect them and their property.

17
# **5.2 Downturn, Recovery and GVCs: A Simple Taxonomy of GVC Consolidation**

There is not a well-developed theory of the relation between the number of suppliers in a GVC and the level of demand or stage of the business cycle. The expansion of GVCs internationally and in terms of numbers of suppliers has been understood from the perspective of transactions cost considerations, following the insights of Coase (1937) and Williamson (1975). The approach is largely static, independent of underlying demand conditions, since the focus is on the ownership pattern in the vertical production structure. Moreover, the transactions cost model is not typically understood as symmetric, that is applying both to expansion and consolidation of GVCs, since transactions costs are generally viewed as falling monotonically over time as transportation, communication, search and policy (e.g. tariffs) costs fall.<sup>30</sup> We distinguish two types of consolidation, vertical and horizontal. Vertical consolidation is a reduction in the number of tiers of suppliers. Horizontal consolidation is a reduction in the number of suppliers in a particular tier of the GVC. Vertical consolidation is driven by a shrinking of market size, reducing the rationale for the existing number of tiers of suppliers. This follows Adam Smith’s notion that “the division of labor is limited by the extent of the market.” Stigler (1951) developed the insight to apply precisely to the degree of vertical integration of the firm. Levy (1984) formalized the process and tested it empirically for the domestic operations of US firms. The logic is depicted in _Figure 11_ .

**Figure 11: Vertical Consolidation of Global Value Chains**

<!-- Start of picture text --> Average Costs<br>C2<br>C1<br>C3 Supplier<br>Integrated<br>Lead Firm<br>Q1 Q3 Output<br>Source: Own illustration. Based on Levy (1984, p. 382)<br><!-- End of picture text --> 30 See Langlois (2003), for example. Williamson (1979, p. 260) does address the issue: “As generic demand grows and the number of supply sources increases exchange that was once transaction-specific loses this characteristic and greater reliance on market-mediated governance is feasible.” 22
**_Core Indicators for Determinants and Performance of Electricity Sector Reform in Developing Countries_**

qualitative terms. But even when the relevant aspect of reform is defined, the properties of some issues make them inherently difficult to measure, e. g. the degree of a regulator’s independence. Proxy indicators such as regulator’s budgetary independence or the number of issues over which he or she has full discretion may be used to represent these aspects.

# **_Comparability and consistency_**

Some indicators refer to an absolute or relative benchmark, e. g. privatisation may be expressed as a percentage of total assets. When measured over a period of time, the same indicator reveals information about the progress of the program. For this reason, comparability of the indicator measured over time is an important criterion; an indicator should be consistent in definition, measurement method and data assembly.

A similar argument applies to cross-sectoral comparisons, but here other issues such as technical standards and institutional characteristics, are also important. Comparison of monetary indicators can also be difficult because of differences in accounting rules and economic conditions such as inflation. In addition, the problems of conversion into a single monetary unit (e.g. Year 2000 US dollars) using currency exchange rates (or purchasing power parity rates) and suitable price deflators are non-trivial and familiar.

# **_Data_ and** **_aggregation level_**

Data should be available at realistic and reasonable levels of cost and effort, and sources should be reliable and, ideally, cross-checked. Care should be taken to ensure that consistency and continuity of data is maintained.

The appropriate level of disaggregation will depend on the question being asked. For example, investment or energy loss data concerning different segments are useful for different purposes. In addition, data on price, consumption and income levels for different customer groups are often necessary to investigate the distributional effect of reforms. Firm-level analysis can shed light on aspects of electricity reform. In the absence of comprehensive or specific type of data for the whole sector, firm-level analysis can prove useful. For example, Delfino and Casarin (2001) examine the welfare 7