rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
What explains the gender pay gap in Brazil? According to some recent economic studies, only a small portion (between 11 percent and 19 percent of wage differentials in the formal labor force) can be attributed to differences between men and women in their endowments (such as education or experience). For the most part, the wage gap appears to reflect discriminatory practices and social norms (see van Klaveren et al. (2009)). In the model presented in the next section, we will consider both potential causes–in the form of gender bias in the workplace and mothers’ time allocation between boys and girls. We will also consider a third potential cause, related to access to infrastructure services, and its implications for women’s time allocation to household production, child rearing, human capital accumulation, and market work. The assumption that we will consider is that poor access to core infrastructure services forces women to allocate a large fraction of their available time to family chores. As a result, they have less time available to take care of their children (a productive use of time if it helps to improve children’s health, and if health and productivity in adulthood depend on health in childhood), further their education, and occupy formal sector jobs.<sup>8</sup> By implication, improved access to infrastructure services may free women’s time in such a way that they may devote more time to building their own human capital. If bargaining power between men and women depends (directly or indirectly, through wages) on relative human capital stocks of men and women, and if higher bargaining power for women translates into more savings, and more investment in girls’ education, the consequences for the gender gap and growth could be fairly large in the long run.

> explained by differences in the earned-income subcomponent.

> 8As discussed by Maani and Cruickshank (2010), housework may affect market wages (and thus the gender wage gap) indirectly as well, by influencing choices women make about their selection of job characteristics (and thereby via job-related compensating wage differentials). Women who spend more time on household chores, particularly during the working week, may seek out jobs that offer more flexible work arrangements, such as shorter commuting time or greater flexibility in scheduling. These more flexible working arrangements are likely to be costly to firms and so wages may be lower in such jobs to compensate employers.

7
Jensen and Oster (2009) explore the effects of the introduction of cable television on women’s status in rural India. They find that the introduction of television improves the status of women, with women reporting lower acceptability of spousal abuse, lower preference for sons, greater autonomy, and lower fertility. Furthermore, cable is found to increase school enrollment, which may be an indicator of similarly increased status and decision-making authority within the household. The authors argue that cable television may affect women’s socioeconomic status through several mechanisms. For example, television may affect fertility by providing information on family planning services or changing the value of women’s time. Alternatively, women may be given more freedom to do things outside the home, such as going to the market, because the value of men’s leisure is increased by television. Television may also expose rural households to urban lifestyles, values, and behaviors that are different from their own, and these households may begin to emulate these lifestyles. This result is consistent with the evidence in La Ferrara et al. (2007), who find that exposure to soap operas in Brazil reduces fertility. Their argument is that soap operas (novelas) portray families that are much smaller than those in Brazil, a country with a high fertility rate. Thus, exposure to alternative family compositions seems to alter individuals’ fertility preferences.

The possible change in norms, values, and preferences due to media exposure is particularly intriguing in contrast to typical proposals for improving education and women’s status or reducing fertility. These alternatives imply significant resources and may be effective or achieved over a long period. There is promising potential for modifications to these behaviors due to changes in attitudes that are cheaply and quickly supplied by television.

Finally, there is evidence that an exogenous event such as the gender of offspring may provide a mechanism for social change by which fathers’ connections with their daughters undermine patriarchy. An interesting line of research has examined the influence of having daughters on fathers’ political views. Warner (1991) and Warner and Steel (1999) analyze U.S. and Canadian parents and find that support for policies designed to address gender equity is greater among parents with daughters and is particularly strong for fathers. The authors argue that the anticipated and actual struggles that offspring face and the public policies that address these problems are important to parents, who invest significantly in their children. Washington (2004) uses 7
- Civil society organization definition includes AIDS service organizations (ASOs), PLHIV groups, youth and women’s organizations, business organizations, trade unions, professional and scientific organizations, sports organizations, international development NGOs, and religious or faith‐based organizations. UNAIDS (2008)

# **_3.2. Activities and beneficiaries_**

Most available information about community responses is based on context‐specific case studies and assessments of activities implemented by formal organizations. Much activity by informal actors is not systematically captured or documented. This is due partly to the fact that informal responses are often unstructured and difficult to measure, such as grandparents caring for grandchildren. It could also be due to the extreme variability of community response in different contexts. Few initiatives undertaken by rural households and communities to respond to the HIV epidemic for example have been evaluated for their effectiveness and virtually none for their costs or contributions to society.

Community responses are most often characterized or defined according to the types of activities or services they provide and the people they reach. UNAIDS (1999) categorizes responses in three broad areas: support and mitigation, treatment and care, and culture and norms. Other classifications are made in relation to a spectrum of activities ‐service delivery, community mobilization, governance, and financing ‐or a variation of these.

**_Activities and services._** An analysis of community responses shows that they involve a diverse range of activities and services. These are often characterized by the community’s ability to reach individuals beyond the reach of government and other institutions (GFATM 2010). The type of actions and activities that communities engage in can be clustered by purpose into two main categories: (1) those related to ensuring utilization of prevention and other services, care and support and impact mitigation whether provided by the community or by the public or private sectors; and (2) those related to creating an enabling environment for policy and advocacy, to fostering dialogue with leaders, to reducing stigma and discrimination, and to raising funds. (See box 4.)

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10 paid by US consumers as a result of the MFA. Thus, we had to determine the marginal supplier to the US if the MFA were abolished. Data in Hamilton (1988), allow us to determine that Hong Kong, which had a quota premium rate of 47Z for apparel sold to the US in 1984, or a supplier more efficient than Hong Kong, would be the marginal supplier if quotas were removed. 12/ The US is much more competitive in textiles than in apparel. Consequently, for textiles we take 5Z for the premium rate, which is much more conservative than the one (15Z) proposed by Cline (1987, p. 167). A positive rate, however, is indicated based on data in a study by the US International Trade Commission (1987). For autos we relied on the qualityadjusted premia estimates of Feenstra (1985a) for Japanese car imports by the US. For European car imports, we relied on the quality-adjusted price increase of European cars sold in the US estimated by Dinopoulos and Kreinin (1987). Our reaulting premia estimates, which are weighted averages, are 40Z for textiles a-nd apparel and 23Z for autos. 13/

# 4. Welfare Cost Estimates

Since the restrictions are administered by the exporting c,.untries, the premia accrue to the exporting countries rather than to the US. One can therefore distinguish two components of the costs of the QRs: (1) the income or rent transfer to foreigners; (2) the distortionary cost due to the usual consumption and production costs of protection. Table 3 summarizes these costs for each of the three industries: textiles and apparel, autos and steal. Since the restrictions on steel -- which resulted in approximately a 15Z reduction in the imports of steel starting in early 1985 -- were only implemented in 1985, we obtain the estimates for steel by reducing inteznediate and final consumption of imported steel
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This is not to imply that the interest rate was not important,<sup>since its low level was a</sup> crucial factor determining the tendency of firmns<sup>to become overindebted, as evidenced by the</sup> frequent overleveraging among the firms surveyed.<sup>Rather, it is argued that in a repressed</sup> financial system, the nterest ra e serves a different<sup>role than that of clearing the market for</sup> credit. Specifically, the rcte of interest becomes a<sup>mechanism whereby the government taxes</sup> savers on behalf of itself and private sector borrowers.

Neither modelling procedure provided any evidence of<sup>crowding out as a result of</sup> government policy. None of the government spending<sup>variables had a significantly negative</sup> coefficient. Equation 2 in Table 4 provides strong evidence<sup>of the positive effects of government</sup> investment in infrastructure on private capital formation.<sup>The long run coefficient on GVIINF</sup> in equation 2 of Table 2 is also significantly positive. This<sup>implies that infrastructure investment</sup> is complementary to private activity by reducing costs to<sup>firms and therefore induces higher levels</sup> of private investment.

The error correction mechanism is consistently significant,<sup>whether as the lagged residual</sup> from the levels regression in the Engle and Granger procedure<sup>or as the lagged levels term in the</sup> unrestricted estimates, thereby confirming its appropriateness<sup>as a representation of the data. In</sup> general, the error correction model seems to be an appropriate<sup>means of capturing the process by</sup> which agents adapt to the highly complex environment in which<sup>investment decisions are made.</sup> The plots of the actual and fitted values from the two procedures<sup>indicate that the model has</sup> strong predictive content. Without having to rely on ad hoc dunmny<sup>variables, it has been possible</sup> to identify the underlying economic processes that determined<sup>private investment.</sup>
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# IV. Selected Results from Studies on Poverty Using LSMS Data

Even though the data from LSMS surveys have only been available in the past three years, there has already been a large number of studies using these data. Many of these studies have focused on poverty in developing countries. This section provides a sample of the results that have implications for poverty policies.

## A. Poverty Profiles

Perhaps the first information one would like about the poor is a description of who they are. Once this has been learned one can do more sophisticated analyses using the LSMS data. Table 3 presents some characteristics of the poor in the five of the six countries for which LSMS data are available. More detailed information are available in Glewwe (1987a), Clewwe (1987b) and Glewwe and Twum-Baah, 1990).

There are some general trendq vident in all five countries in Table 3. First, most of the poor are found in rural areas. This is consistent with virtually every study of poverty in developing countries. Although the numbers are not shown here, the fraction of the poor population found in urban areas is always substantially higher in all 5 countries than the fraction of the total population found in rural areas.

Second, most of the poor are found in households in which the head has an agricultural occupation. Similarly, the heads of poor households are - most likely to be self-employed. Note an interesting implication of this very few of the heads of poor households work for the government. This suggests that freezes on government wages are not likely to hurt a substantial number of the poor. Third, the heads of poor households have relatively low
that are identified are the main sources of electricity generation. Third, the locations of the supply sources are exogenous to economic geographic development. Finally, the locations between the generation sources and the main demand centers are more likely to be electrified.

We identified two sources of energy generation that can be used for the IV strategy: dams for hydroelectricity and wind farms. The main sources of energy supply are hydropower in Ethiopia and hydropower and wind in Kenya (Table A9). Similar to Moneke (2020), we developed an IV that yields a hypothetical electrification status based on a location’s proximity to a straightline corridor from electricity generators to the main cities. We identified the locations of the electricity generators using two databases, one on the opening year of dams and another on the locations of power plants (Platts database). For Ethiopia, we used a database including all dams in Africa, their location, and their year of opening. For Kenya, we used the global power plant database, which includes the capacity and year of commissioning of all power plants by type of energy (hydro, wind, gas, and geothermal). From the year of the dam opening or power plant commissioning onward, all districts lying along the straight lines connecting the dams or power plants to the main demand centers are considered as having access to electricity. We then identified the main sources of demand in each country (Addis Ababa in Ethiopia and Nairobi and Mombasa in Kenya). Map A8 in the appendix shows the results of the construction of the Our IV satisfies the main assumptions of an IV strategy. The choice of location of hydro and wind generators can be assumed to be driven by geographic and climatic characteristics of the locations and not by economic activity in the area. The timing of opening can be considered exogenous, as years of delay are common for such projects. The random assignment assumption of the IV would imply that a district’s inclusion along a straight-line corridor is spatially and temporally as good as random assignment.

To instrument for the timing of a district’s paved road connection, we find the optimal network to connect all cities with more than 50,000 inhabitants in a least-cost fashion by using common minimum spanning tree algorithms, such as Kruskal’s and Boruvka’s algorithms. The list of cities with more than 50,000 inhabitants varies over time because of changes in population, which creates a panel of roads for each country. Map A9 in the appendix shows the results of the construction of the road instrument around 1990 and 2015.

We run a two-stage least squares (2SLS) regression on the following specifications, with province and year fixed effects and district-level initial values as controls:<sup>17</sup>

> 17District level controls variables are interacted with the country dummy such that the effects of distances can only be compared within countries

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provide increased access to electricity services. Instead of continuing to push for increased tariffs as an end in and of itself, the focus shifted to encompass a broader, long-term objective of improving access to electricity services for a large part of the population, especially the rural population. This enabled the Bank to respond to the government’s demonstrable need to increase access to electricity and support the need for accelerated economic growth and poverty reduction and, in the process, engage the government in a longer term dialogue on politically sensitive issues relating to increases in electricity tariffs and institutional reforms. This approach enabled the government to obtain the political support needed for increasing tariffs significantly: a series of major tariff increases were implemented in 2009 and 2010 (27% in January 2009, 35% in August 2009 and 25.6% in August 2010). These tariff increases have allowed Zesco to improve its financial performance, put the company on the path to financial sustainability, while at the same time increasing the number of people connected to the electricity grid. In FY06-FY08, Zesco reported an operating loss of Zambia, Kwacha (ZMK) 84 billion (US$21 million). Losses after interest charges over the same period amounted to ZMK160 billion (US$41 million), and negative net cash flows (after borrowings) reached ZMK39 billion (US$10 million). Following the tariff increases ZESCO reported a net profit of ZMK354 billion (US$70.1 million) on revenues of ZMK1,713 billion (US$342.6 million). During the past three years, the energy sector has attracted upwards of US$2 billion in foreign direct investment and electricity generated in the country is projected to double over the next five years, as a result.

# **5. Challenges and the way forward**

PE studies face several important challenges. The first has to do with collaborating with the government on such studies, informing them about the results of such studies and, ideally, widely disseminating the conclusions of the studies. This is particularly challenging as governments are generally reluctant for studies of this nature to be carried out, especially since they shed light on existing power structures and why certain policy decision that might be in the best interest of the population are not being made. There is also considerable sensitivity associated with what such studies might uncover, especially since some studies deal with sensitive governance issues. This sensitivity on the part of the government presents a real dilemma for staff and management as they would ideally like government to be involved in such exercises. There is thus need to have very strong support from senior management to carry out such analysis, while at the same time educating senior political leadership that the objective 13
10 therefore label these countries as presidential. Although policy making in France under divided executive control seems to support our interpretation, legitimate reasons exist to use other categorization criteria. One advantage of the DPI lies in its explicit statement of the rules we employ, allowing researchers to determine more easily the adequacy of variables to their conceptual requirements.

The database also contains variables that characterize the competitiveness of elections in countries. The earlier discussion outlined the potential importance of electoral _ competitiveness to political economy investigations: the policy choices of politicians are likely to be influenced by the likelihood that those choices will lead to their replacement. In addition, in the creation of checks and balances variables, it matters a great deal whether the legislative and executive branches of government are independent of each other. If legislative elections as a whole are non-competitive, it is usually the case that the executive - or whoever chooses the executive - also exercises decisive influence over the legislature. Consequently, the legislature is less of a check on executive behavior. Finally, investigations of institutional change, particularly of change to more democratic decision making, need to accurately characterize the institutional environment. Knowing the formal, constitutional rules governing countries is one way to characterize democracy; an important supplement is to know whether these rules are applied in practice. The Indices of Electoral Competitiveness address both of these issues.

There are two such indices in the data set, one for executive and one for legislative elections. The core of the two indices is the number of parties that could and.did compete in - the last election. Ferree and Singh (1999) present the first effort to code such variables, and our indices are based on theirs. They classify 46 African countries on a six point scale (one to six).
# **1 Introduction**

What role can cash transfers conditioned on health-seeking behavior play in alleviating the burden of poor health and limited access to formal medical care in Sub-Saharan Africa? Meta analyses of programs from around the world suggest that conditional cash transfers (CCTs) can effectively alleviate extreme poverty and improve a range of human capital outcomes for children, at least during the period that the program is in place (Fiszbein and Schady, 2009; Leroy et al., 2009; Independent Evaluation Group, 2011). As the evidence base has grown, countries have raced to adopt CCTs. Almost every country in Latin America now has a CCT program (Fiszbein and Schady, 2009). Further, as of 2010, at least 14 countries in SubSaharan Africa had implemented a CCT program (Garcia and Moore, 2012). While there is considerable evidence about the impacts of cash transfers—conditional and unconditional— on education outcomes, less is known about their impacts on health. A 2014 global review found 142 studies showing the impact of cash transfers on education outcomes, but only 41 showing impacts on health and nutrition outcomes (Andrews et al., 2014).

Nowhere is the global burden of disease greater than in Sub-Saharan Africa. Life expectancy has increased by 20 years globally since 1970, but by only 10 years in SubSaharan Africa (Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, 2013; World Bank, 2013). Further, Africa has a lower growth elasticity of poverty than any other region (World Bank, 2013). The region’s health problems are partly due to a pervasive lack of health investment by the public and private sectors, resulting in limited access to doctors and health facilities.

Existing literature on the health impacts of cash transfers yields mixed results. There are several program types: unconditional cash transfers (UCTs) and CCTs conditioned on health, education, or both. Especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, conditions are often “soft” (e.g., warnings or small penalties are applied instead of withholding the full transfer), making the difference between CCTs and UCTs less stark (Garcia and Moore, 2012). Relatedly, Paxson and Schady (2010) find that 28 percent of those participating in a UCT program in Ecuador thought conditions applied. However, even among cash transfer programs of the 2