<mark>Two studies which use categorical variables focus on availability of childcare: they c</mark> ontrast maternal labor force outcomes when a community is with or without a preschool in China. Estimates are 10% and 20% increases in mothers’ labor force participation associated with presence of a childcare center in the community (respectively Du and Dong 2013; Kilburn and Datar 2002). The 10-percentage points difference in impact may be attributable to the fact that the sample in the Kilburn and Datar (2002) study had a higher baseline MLFP rate (91%) than had the sample in the Du and Dong (2013) study (82%) which may have been because they used earlier years of the survey, when funding for education was not yet as restricted.

<mark>The remaining seven DiD studies examine continuous variables of childcare coverage. To make impacts on mothers’ labor force participation comparable across studies, we consider the estimated effect of a change from 0 to 100% coverage of childcare, i.e., all eligible children participate in care services.</mark><sup>12</sup> <mark>Two studies focus on expansion of childcare for children under 5: in Mexico and in Chile. Both programs targeted children of low-income families. In Mexico, Calderon (2014) finds that an increase from no childcare to 100% coverage of children aged 1 to 3 would increase the maternal labor force participation rate by 15%. In contrast, child care for children ages 0-4 years in Chile was not associated with any increase in maternal labor supply (</mark> Medrano 2009 <mark>). Notably, Medrano (2009) provides several robustness checks to test the consistency of the results, some of which yield negative estimates of childcare availability on maternal labor market outcomes. We agree with her interpretation of the conjunction of specifications as indicative of no positive impacts.</mark> <mark>Three studies evaluate impacts of preschool expansion for older children. Results for children 3-5 years in Argentina (</mark> Berlinski and Galiani 2007 <mark>) and ages 3-4 in Mexico (De la Cruz Toledo 2015) are similar; a 0-100% increase results in a 7-14 percentage points increase in maternal employment in Argentina and a 15 percentage points increase in Mexico. In Mexico the magnitudes are smaller for 3-year-olds and larger for 4-year-olds; a</mark> change in preschool coverage from 0 to 100% for 4- year-olds would increase employment of mothers by 15 percentage points; the increase is smaller for mothers of 3-year-olds at 8 percentage points (De la Cruz Toledo 2015). In Indonesia, an additional preschool per 1,000 eligible children aged 3 to 5 increases maternal work by 4.8 percentage points (Halim, Johnson and Perova, 2021). Assuming that 1 preschool serves 150 children, providing spots for all eligible children would increase maternal work by 32 percentage points – twice the order of magnitude found in Latin American studies.

<mark>The estimated impacts vary more when considering the extension of the primary school day in Argentina and Mexico. For example, Berthelon, Kruger and Oyarzun (</mark> 2015 <mark>) determine</mark> that if the portion of municipalities with full day school coverage increases by 45 percentage points—which is the change required to move all Chilean municipalities to full coverage—mothers’ labor force participation would increase by 11.9 percentage points. Expansion of the <mark>primary school day length in Mexico, on the other hand, only yielded a 5-percentage point increase in maternal labor force participation rate (</mark> Padilla-Romo and Cabrera-Hernández 2018).

<mark>A subset of these studies examines outcomes beyond labor force participation and employment, such as hours of work, income, and the types of work women go into. Most studies that examine</mark>

> 12 We discuss assumptions needed for conversion of the estimates with different dependent variables comparable in Table A2.

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