rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
**Policy, Fesearch, and External Affairs**

### **Women In Development**

## WPS 503

- This paper a product of the Women in Development Division, Population and Human Resources - Department is part of a larger effort in PRE to determine if and how women's productivity (and thus family welfare) are improved when women are given more access to education, extension, training, credit, healthcare, and otherpublic resources. Copiesare available free from the World Bank, 1818 H StreetNW, Washington, DC 20433. Please contact Maria Abundo, room S9-125, extension 36820 (46 pages with figures and tables).

Dagsvik and Aaberge use data from the Peruvian Living Standard Survey (PLSS) to analyze (1) inequality in the distribution of income, (2) men and women's participation in the labor market and variations in their work hours, and (3) the relationship between variations in the labor supply and income inequality.

Their purpose: to study the effect of changes in education and wage rates on production, consumption, and allocation of time. For example, how many men and women would participate in wage work if education were increased? How would policy changes affect the mean level and degree of inequality in the distribution of economic welfare?

# They conclude:

Entrepreneurial income is the most important source of income in rural and other urban areas. Male wage eamings contribute almost 40 percent of the household's consumption, which seems to reflect their share of total household hours of work. Women's eamings contribute about 17 percent of consumption.

But consumption and welfare are considerably less equally distributed than hours of work.

Proportional wage changes have only a small effect on behavior. Remarkably, wage increases also have little effect on the unequal distribution of per capita consumption. Even when wage rates are increased by the sane amount the indirect effect is small - but the increase does moderately reduce the inequality in distribution of per capita consumption.

Dagsvik and Aaberge use a decomposing method to analyze income inequality. They use a structural neoclassical model to analyze household production, consumption, welfare, and allocation of time. They use per capita (or per adult equivalent) household income or consumption as an indicator of welfare.

> The PRE Working Paper Scries disseminatcs thc findings of work undcr .-ay in the Bank's Policy, Research, and Extemal

> I AffairsComplex. An objectiveofthcseries is to getthese findings outquickly, even ifpresentations are less than fully polished. i **The** findings, interprctations, and conclusions in these papers do not necessarily reprecrnt official Bank policy.

Produced by the PRE Dissemination Center
A further bias and potential underestimate stems from the exclusion of Nigeria’s nomadic population, estimated to amount to 9.4 million<sup>18</sup> , and households living in IDP camps, due to the non-permanent nature of the settlement and challenge to trace households across visits and waves. This represents a sizable share of Nigeria’s population considering that about 2.1 million<sup>19</sup> Nigerians are estimated to be internally displaced and likely more deprived. Despite their limitations, these are the best currently available data sets, and the results presented in this study hence the best estimates currently available, though likely underestimates.

# 5. Results

## 5.1 Descriptive Results

## _5.1.1 Monetary Child Poverty in Nigeria_

Figures 1 and 2 present the headcount poverty rates based on Nigeria’s national poverty line for different age groups as an aggregate and differentiating by urban and rural sector respectively. Figures 3 and 4 present the same statistics but instead using the USD 1.90$ a day international poverty line. Irrespective of the poverty line four points stand out: (1) poverty increases the younger the children (2) aggregate child poverty has been increasing over the three waves of the GHS survey<sup>20</sup> (3) aggregate child poverty rates are driven by up to almost three times higher and rising poverty rates for children in rural areas and (4) the child poverty gap between those living in the northern versus the southern regions is comparable to the rural urban gap. For children aged 0-4 the rural poverty rate according to the national poverty line is 62% whereas in urban areas it is 19%. Poverty rates according to the international poverty line are slightly higher but show the same gap.

> 18 Figures based on National Commission for Nomadic Education estimates retrieved 29<sup>th</sup> May 2019: - <u>http://www.ncne.gov.ng/about us/</u> 19 th - Figures based on Internationally Displaced Monitoring Center estimates retrieved 29 May 2019: <u>http://www.internal displacement.org/events/workshops-on-internal-displacement-data-in-nigeria</u> and UNHCR website, retrieved 29<sup>th</sup> May 2019: - <u>https://www.unhcr.org/nigeria emergency.html</u> 20 As the consumption aggregate for wave 4 contains slightly different components than that of waves 1 to 3, due to the change in the components comprising the new national poverty line, monetary poverty estimates are only presented for wave 1 to 3. Given the break in series, monetary poverty estimates for wave 4 are considered not fully comparable to those of waves 1 to 3.

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Mexico's significant engagement in processing has traditionally been tied to Mexico's close economic relationship with the United States. Over the past ten years, however, Mexico's trade has been diversifying away from the United States. Figure 2, for example, shows a declining trend in the U.S. share of both Mexico's imports and exports. While over 80% of Mexico's non-petroleum exports continue to go to the United States, non-petroleum imports from the United States fell from over 70% at the beginning of the decade to less than 50%. The crisis, however, does not seem to have affected the share of Mexico's trade with the United States other than possibly to stabilize the values. This is important for our analysis because the lack of intercountry substitution as a result of the crisis suggests that trade with the United States is a reasonable proxy for total Mexican trade.<sup>1</sup> The _change_ in trade flows varied significantly across industries during the crisis. Using Harmonized System 6-digit industries, Figure 3 shows the distribution of the change in imports and exports between April 2008 and January 2009. The average change (difference in log values) in Mexican exports to the United States was about 42%. The standard deviation was nearly 1.14. The mean change in Mexican imports from the United States was smaller—about a 17% drop—but the standard deviation was larger - just over 1.18. We take advantage of the differences in the changes in trade across industries to analyze how the trade shock begins as an industry-specific shock and then ripples through the labor market.

In even classical trade models, prices are fixed in small countries, which implies that demand shocks would affect quantities more than prices. We calculated the coefficient of variation across both unit values and quantities for all available products across the 24 months in 2008 and 2009 traded between the United States and Mexico, combining changes along the

> 1 In the aftermath of the crisis, the share of Mexican exports going to the U.S. did decline slightly after 2010.

7
investing only in human development. This reinforces the conclusions drawn in the previous section that a balanced allocation of additional aid to all sectors leads to a better development in all areas than isolated increases in spending on just one sector.

**Figure 1:** Comparison of MDG indicators for aid scenarios (percent of target achieved)

<!-- Start of picture text --> 120<br>AID-HD<br>AID-INF<br>AID-AGR<br>100 AID-BAL<br>80<br>60<br>40<br>20<br>0<br>MDG 1 MDG 2 - net MDG 2 - gross MDG 4 MDG 5 MDG 7a MDG 7b<br><!-- End of picture text --> _Source:_ World Bank staff simulations with MAMS.

The trade-off between the allocation of additional resources to human development and productive sectors is illustrated in Figure 2. It depicts the extent to which the poverty target (MDG 1) can be achieved under different scenarios versus progress made in human development.<sup>11</sup> The indicator for human development is derived as a weighted average of the other five MDGs, defined so that education, health, and water-sanitation get equal weights.<sup>12</sup> It becomes clear that the allocation of all additional aid to human development delays the achievement of MDG 1. Spending only on productive sectors (infrastructure and agriculture) in turn lowers the poverty headcount more rapidly, but leads to less progress in health, education and water and sanitation. This underscores once more the benefits of a balanced approach that is inclusive of all sectors in order to balance progress made in different areas. This approach may also have the additional advantage of maximizing cross-sectoral linkages in support of growth and poverty reduction.

> 11 Seven different scenarios have been implemented to simulate the continuum between spending all additional resources on human development, AID-HD, and on productive sectors, i.e. infrastructure and agriculture, AID-(INF+AGR).

> 12 The net primary school completion rate has been considered as measure for MDG 2.

13
regions than in the developed regions, these rates are often dwarfed by the accumulation of physical and human capital. Growth in the capital/labor ratios presented in column (4) of table 1 show very rapid capital deepening in the high performing East Asian economies such as Taiwan and Thailand.

Table 2 reports shares of each region in global GDP and global trade, in the base year (1992) and in the projected 2005 equilibrium data set. There is a marked shift in the center of gravity towards East and South Asia over this period. For example, the Asian economies (excluding Japan) increase their share of global exports from 18 to 26 percent, more than both North America and European Union, who see their shares of both global exports and GDP slowly being eroded. The increases in both GDP and trade shares appear in all Asian economies, with China as the outstanding frontrunner. Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa see small increases in their trade shares and a modest growth in their share of GDP.

Table 3 reports information on bilateral trade patterns for seven aggregated regions in the data base, in each of the two equilibria. The share of each region's exports to Asia increases significantly over this period. For example, the share of Japan's (JPN) total exports destined for other Asia (ASI) increase from 30% in 1992, to 42% in the projected 2005 data base. The share of intra-regional trade in Asia, relative to total exports from that region also increases, rising from 28% to almost 34%. The last column in table 3 reports the percentage increase in exports from each of the regions over this 13 year period. This amounts to 42.7% for USC, 35.6% for the EU and 127.6% for ASI. Clearly the importance of this region in the global trading picture changes significantly over the period. This will have an impact on the distribution of gains from the Uruguay Round, as viewed from the 2005 benchmark.

The ten aggregated sectors employed for this analysis, and their relationship to the 37 sectors available in the GTAP database are given in Table 4. To analyze the impact of MFA liberalization, it is essential to consider separately the impact of changes in economic structure on the output of the textiles and clothing sectors. Other sectors have been aggregated into a manageable number of groups, with manufacturing sectors grouped according to their factor intensities.

6
TABLES & FIGURES

# **Table 4 - Separating the impact of shocks across consumption**

||(1)<br>Cons<br>|(2)<br>umption in lo<br>|(3)<br>wer 30%<br>|(4)<br>Con<br>|(5)<br>sumption in t<br>|(6)<br>op 70%<br>|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
||Total|Food|Non food|Total|Food|Non food|
|Positive rainfall shock|0.009|0.006|0.015|0.011|0.011|0.013|
||(0.008)|(0.010)|(0.012)|(0.010)|(0.009)|(0.015)|
|Negative rainfall shock|-0.027***|-0.044***|0.003|-0.023**|-0.038***|-0.002|
||(0.010)|(0.014)|(0.017)|(0.011)|(0.012)|(0.015)|
|Constant|4.969***|4.504***|3.953***|5.935***|5.217***|5.193***|
||(0.004)|(0.004)|(0.006)|(0.004)|(0.005)|(0.006)|
|Observations|27,655|27,655|27,655|37,700|37,700|37,700|
|R-squared|0.017|0.024|0.005|0.003|0.008|0.003|
|Municipality FE|YES|YES|YES|YES|YES|YES|

The estimates control for year dummies. Standard errors are clustered at the municipality level. There are 913 municipalities.

*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1

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# **Team and organization**

This study was facilitated by two sets of teams. The research team was composed of statisticians from the local university, psychologists, NGOs, Human Rights spokesmen and women, youth and other people living in the selected neighborhoods (see below).

The interview team was composed of one general coordinator and three neighborhood coordinators. The neighborhood coordinators recruited interviewers in each of the neighborhoods. IPOC ( _Instituto de Pesquisa Organizada do Ceará_<sup>6</sup> _-Institute of Organized Research of Ceará_ ), a local NGO operating in the poor neighborhoods, led the interview process. Both the pilot and final interviews were carried out by youth from the neighborhoods (see below).<sup>7</sup> Some of the interviewers were part of the MH2OCE ( _Movimento Hip-Hop Organizado do Ceará- Organized Hip-Hop Movement of Ceará_ ), an organization which has contributed in reducing violence in poor neighbors in Fortaleza. As MH2OCE works with local gangs and their members, this arrangement facilitated the team’s access to the most violent areas of the neighborhoods, and, therefore, could negotiate access to areas under the control of violent groups, especially rival gangs.<sup>8</sup> Before the initiation of the fieldwork, IPOC held classroom training for all survey workers in which the purpose of this work was outlined and basic information about the neighborhoods and dwellers was provided. Having IPOC involved in this preparation stage was important as they speak the “same language” as the people in poor urban neighborhoods, and, therefore helped modify the questions so that they could be more easily understood by the respondents. The training also served to detect areas in which changes needed to be made before piloting the survey.

> 6 IPOC is a neighborhood organization that does surveys and opinion research in the areas where they are present. They use members of the same neighborhood to do their work to ease and have more assurance that the information that they obtain from subjects interviewed is more trustful than if a stranger to the neighborhood was gathering data. 7 To be an interviewer, it was of utmost importance to be able to read and write correctly. All of the researchers had finished primary education, 40 percent had completed secondary education, and the other 60 percent were in the process of finishing secondary school. It took extensive visits to each of the neighborhoods and work with the team of psychologists to find the best matches.

> 8 Without the partnership with IPOC it would have been extremely difficult to get information in some areas as they were extremely violent and the team had to negotiate access to such areas.

6
20

# Fiqure 2&: SCALE EFFICIENCY GAIN

<!-- Start of picture text --> Average<br>Co,S<br>CCP0,-Xo)<br>xo----Q X1 Output<br><!-- End of picture text --> Ficure 2b: SCALE EFFICIENCY LOSS <!-- Start of picture text --> Average<br>Cost<br>C(PX 1Xx1<br>x ( Output<br><!-- End of picture text -->
Page 68 heavily to agriculture. Women's time often becomes the binding constraint when more productive but labor-intensive technologies are introduced. Available research, though scarce, suggests that most women -- even those not usually engaged in agriculture -- would find constructive uses for 2 to 3 hours of released time, including time to spend with their children (World Bank, 1989a, 1989b).

177. By 1990 almost two billion people in the developing world will lack safe drinking water and even the simplest sanitation facilities. This reflects not only population growth but the deterioration of many existing water supply systems. Until recently, the emphasis has been on establishing, rather than sustaining, water supply systems. Maintenance was felt to be relatively manageable. Chronic problems in water supply projects all over are strong evidence of the need for more attention to sustainability. Women certainly ought to play a greater role than they have been permitted in the past. Being largely responsible for household water supplies, they have more incentive to make community water supply projects work. It is therefore only sensible -- but nonetheless rare -- to involve women in planning and executing community water supply projects. This is particularly true in rural areas, where technologies tend to be less mechanized and the need for labor-intensive maintenance is higher. (A few successful projects do give design, maintenance, and even broader management control substantially to women.) Urban systems -- piped household connections, sewers, and the like -- tend to require less regular input from users. For projects to be sustainable, clients must take control of and accept responsibility for them. An example is the recent Bank project extending water in conjunction with credit to women in Mexico.

178. Promising aDRroaches in rural water suDply. In designing rural water supply programs that will involve women effectively, the following L sues are worth considering as a start:

- a) Users' views on need: Who is responsible for obtaining the family's water supply and what are her (or his) views on tradeoffs between quality and quantity? What are the broader community views on these issues and on how much time or energy those who obtain the water ought to spend on that task?

- b) Education on benefits: Are users being advised as to the health benefits of clean water and the hygiene and other health practices necessary to assure maximum benefits? This will obviously affect their demand for water as well as their willingness to help finance or contribute labor to maintain water systems. Women are generally all too aware of the potential gains from time saved in water collection but are often not fully aware of the health benefits.

- c) Proximity: Does the design of the water supply system provide enough water of acceptable quality close enough to households that it will be used, given the overall responsibilities of women? Is the water supply reliable all year? Are women being consulted in selection of the sites for water supplies?
**12**

In Table 4, we use the same specification as in Table 3, but using export crop income-earning, a subset of commercial agriculture, as an outcome variable (instead of income-earning from any type of crop). Results are very similar to crop income-earning results, and correlations are bigger in magnitude, given that outcome means are lower for both men and women. Symmetrically, Table 5 uses lower-value crops produced for the domestic as the outcome variable. There is no correlation whatsoever between income-earning from these type of crops and selfesteem. These results indicate that Table 3’s results are driven by export-oriented agriculture. This is expected, since most agricultural income is derived from export-oriented agriculture in our setting, and confirms that the "battle of the sexes" is occuring in competition over specialization in a lucrative sector.

**Table 4:** "Battle of the sexes" in export-oriented agriculture

||(1)<br>Inc|(2)<br>ome-earn<br>Female|(3)<br>ing in exp|(4)<br>ort-oriente|(5)<br>d agricul<br>Male|(6)<br>ture|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Self-esteem (fem)|0.02<sup>_∗∗∗_</sup>||0.03<sup>_∗∗∗_</sup>|-0.06<sup>_∗∗∗_</sup>||-0.07<sup>_∗∗∗_</sup>|
||(0.01)||(0.01)|(0.01)||(0.02)|
|Self-esteem (male)||-0.02<sup>_∗_</sup>|-0.03<sup>_∗∗∗_</sup>||0.01|0.03<sup>_∗_</sup>|
|||(0.01)|(0.01)||(0.02)|(0.02)|
|Outcome mean|0.06|0.06|0.06|0.54|0.54|0.54|
|R-squared|0.036|0.029|0.045|0.120|0.107|0.123|
|Observations|1510|1510|1510|1510|1510|1510|

Note: Robust standard errors are reported in parentheses. All regressions include village fixed effects and the controls listed in Table 1. Self-esteem measures are corrected for acquiescence bias. Significance levels are denoted as follows: * p<0.10, ** p<0.05, *** p<0.01.

**Table 5:** "Battle of the sexes" in non-export agriculture

||(1)|(2)|(3)|(4)|(5)|(6)|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
||Inc|ome-earn<br>Female|ing in no|n-expor|t agricul<br>Male|ture|
|Self-esteem (fem)|-0.01||-0.01|-0.01||-0.01|
||(0.01)||(0.01)|(0.01)||(0.01)|
|Self-esteem (male)||-0.00|0.00||0.00|0.01|
|||(0.01)|(0.01)||(0.01)|(0.01)|
|Outcome mean|0.04|0.04|0.04|0.10|0.10|0.10|
|R-squared|0.018|0.016|0.018|0.023|0.023|0.024|
|Observations|1510|1510|1510|1510|1510|1510|

Note: Robust standard errors are reported in parentheses. All regressions include village fixed effects and the controls listed in Table 1. Self-esteem measures are corrected for acquiescence bias. Significance levels are denoted as follows: * p<0.10, ** p<0.05, *** p<0.01.

# **4.2 Mechanisms**

In this section, we explore the mechanism underlying this relationship and empirically examine equation 6. That is, we explore whether the observed spousal dynamic works through noncognitive skills increasing one’s ability to control inputs to agricultural production.

If the dynamic between spouses shown in subsection 4.1 indeed operates through self-esteem’s impact on one’s control over fixed inputs, we would expect to see a negative relationship between spouses’ income-earning in agriculture that is not present in other sectors our sampled
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