rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
the government to develop its own institutions, such as revenue collection agencies and enterprise support agencies.<sup>35</sup> It is also worth noting that the private sector has often been directly involved in peace-building efforts, both in the conclusion of peace agreements and in the post-conflict phase. In some cases, they are involved as ‘insiders,’ taking part in negotiation teams. In others, they are ‘outsiders,’ playing a catalytic role by building trust between parties and providing logistical and administrative support.<sup>36</sup> For example, in El Salvador, the private sector played a significant role as an interlocutor in the negotiations that led to the peace agreement of 1992, helping shape the design of the talks and assisting in the implementation of the final agreement.

enforcement system through use of private security agents (particularly if these are ex-combatants). Private interests may even directly contribute to political fragility through their activities, as in the case of arms sales. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, a recent report notes that local entrepreneurs in Goma maintained close ties with rebel forces, occasionally encouraging armed operations against rival operators. In other contexts, such as in Latin America, the structural position in society of the formal private sector is arguably an important factor in fomenting and sustaining conflict, particularly in situations where a small private sector elite was viewed as being on one side of a deep socio-economic divide. See International Alert 2006.

> 35 DFID 2005.

> 36 International Alert 2006.

22
# The Usefulness of Private and Public Information for Foreign Investment Decisions

_Yuko Kinoshita_ New York University _Ashoka Mody_ World Bank This paper was initiated while Kinoshita was a consultant at the World Bank. The data for this paper were obtained through a special survey designed by Susmita Dasgupta, Ashoka Mody, and Sarbajit Sinha. Osamu Kawaguchi assisted in the preparation of the survey design and its implementation through the Ministry of International Trade and Industry in Japan.
Policy Research Working Paper 10195

# **Abstract**

As civic life has moved online scholars have questioned whether this will exacerbate political inequalities due to differences in access to technology. However, this concern typically assumes that unequal participation inevitably leads to unequal outcomes: if online participants are unrepresentative of the population, then participation outcomes will benefit groups who participate and disadvantage those who do not. This paper combines the results from eight previous studies on civic technology platforms. It conducts new analysis to trace inequality throughout the participation chain, from (1) the existing digital divide, to (2) the profile of participants, to (3) the types of demands made through the platform, and, finally, to (4) policy outcomes.

The paper examines four civic technology models: online voting for participatory budgeting in Brazil, online local problem reporting in the United Kingdom, crowdsourced constitution drafting in Iceland, and online petitioning across 132 countries. In every case, the assumed links in the participation chain broke down because of the platform’s institutional features and the surrounding political process. These results show that understanding how inequality is created requires examination of all stages of participation, as well as the resulting policy response. The assumption that inequalities in participation will always lead to the same inequalities in outcomes is not borne out in practice.

This paper is a product of the Governance Global Practice. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://www.worldbank.org/prwp. The authors may be contacted at jonamellon@gmail.com, tpeixoto@worldbank.org, and fredrik.m.sjoberg@gmail.com.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
Despite progress in recent decades to bring gender equality in the labor market, women continue to bear a heavier burden when it comes to balancing work and family. Affordable and good-quality childcare services may improve the reconciliation of paid work and household commitments and thus foster female labor market participation and gender fairness.

Unfortunately, the relationship between extra childcare and female labor opportunities in the market is not well established. Indeed, although there is extensive literature that studies the relationship between childcare and female labor participation, the evidence presents a mixed picture of the net.

On the other hand, most of the literature that studies the effect of the expansion of childcare availability on mothers’ labor supplies focuses on studying the effects on mothers with preschool-aged children. However, there is a lack of evidence focusing on the effects of increasing the length of the school day on mother labor supply. This article analyzes the effect of the extension of the school day on mother’s labor participation in Chile.

In most developed countries, the school day of public education is highly compatible with the workday of women.<sup>1</sup> These countries show high levels of female labor participation and employment rates (Adser 2005). In contrast, in developing countries the school day is, in most

> 1. See, e.g., France and Sweden.

2
-104-

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childcare, which does not require active involvement of the caregiver for the full period in any given hour.<sup>16</sup> It is worth noting that the relationships explored in this paper can be subject to endogeneity. For instance, it is possible that women stay at home because they have younger children who need childcare, but it is also possible that women who do not participate in the labor market have different fertility choices and have more babies. Similarly, women may do less market work because their time is taken up by childcare needs, but they may also have more childcare needs because they do market work. We cannot address these issues since the dataset does not include appropriate instruments. Our results should be interpreted with caution without any claims about causality.

# **3. Empirical Findings**

# _3.1. Labor Force Participation, Employment, and Income Earning Status_

The labor market outcomes show large differences across the three groups of women examined in this paper. Figure 2 shows that 59.7 percent of the women in Group A (those that do not have children or have children aged 6 years and older) reported being income earners, while 62.1 percent reported participating in the labor market, and 58.8 percent reported working in the past 30 days.<sup>17</sup> These rates are significantly higher than the rates for women who have young children. In particular, women in Group B and C, respectively, have a 15.7 and 28.4 percent lower labor force participation rate than those in Group A. In addition, a much larger share of women in Group A reported working in the past 30 days (15.2 and 32.6 percent higher than Groups B and C, respectively) or earning an income (17.2 and 32.2 percent higher than Groups B and C, respectively). The bivariate differences across the three groups are statistically significant at 5 percent or lower. In other words, having young children ages 0–5 confers a clear labor market disadvantage for mothers in Groups B and C.

Comparing Groups B and C, which include mothers of young children with different levels of childcare support, gives a sense of the labor market disadvantage that may be driven by access to childcare. Between these two groups, those who do not have access to childcare (Group C) face a larger disadvantage than women who have access to childcare (Group B). Measured with respect to the reference category, Group A, the disadvantage faced by Group C is about twice as large as the disadvantage faced by Group B. More specifically, while the FLFP rate of Group B is only 17.2 percent

> 16 We run Tobit regressions on time spent on secondary childcare with full control variables to check the consistency of the results with OLS estimates. We confirm that findings are reasonably consistent with the findings presented in this paper.

> 17 The survey oversampled the working-age women and men, resulting in a higher female labor force participation rate in this dataset compared to the national statistics for Bangladesh and for urban areas in Bangladesh.

12
Jacoby (2000) has used this information to show that land prices fall with distance from markets.

Table 1 summarizes the main characteristics of surveyed households. We see that households are mostly nuclear, with a large age gap between the household head and his spouse. Households own a couple heads of livesto(k and cultivate one hectare of land on average, a third of which is irrigated. Educations levels are very low. Given that settlement is dispersed in much of Nepal, the location of individual hovuseholds within the same ward varies a lot. The average household is located two hours away from the nearest market. The median is lower, at just above one hour. In the econometric analysis, the 20 distance dummies D: are constructed by dividing the sample into five percent percentiles.

Table 2 summarizes the measures of economic activity and market participation that we were able to construct on the basis of the available data. We use seven categories of variables. Data on labor form the basis for our first set of specialization and market participation measures. The share of farm work in total employment is taken as rough measure of specialization in farming. Presumably non-farm work is highest either in isolated areas - where everything has to be produced locally - ard at the proximity of urban centers - due to the joint effects of commuting and the shopping mall syndrome mentioned in Section 1. In isolated areas where the size of the market is small, we would expect that most non-farm production takes the form of small enterprises - and hence of self-employment in non-farm activities. Where the market is larger, e.g., in urban centers, larger enterprises could take advantage of returns to scale, hence more emphasis on wage non-farm employment. By the same token, we expect administrative, clerical, and professional jobs to be concentrated in towns where large firms and government offices are concentrated.

Other patterns are also possible. For instance, it is conceivable that in isolated areas, most non-farm production takes place within the household itself and is not counted as work (e.g., 12
representative surveys focus on small and medium size farms, the results of our land productivity distribution analysis could be tested also on a larger sample of farms, and identify different levels of middle farms based on the countries’ own agro-ecological and farming characteristics. With some exceptions (Ali et al., 2016; Muyanga and Jayne, 2016), the current format and survey design do not allow to make any type of quantitative productivity analysis.

These results have clear policy implications, since they indicate that land reform and redistribution policies may be very effective for less efficient producers only if they are below a critical farm size, after which management and technology are better instruments to improve their lot. Vice versa, for producers that are already at a reasonable level of efficiency and dynamism, the opposite is true: land policies, be they in the form of redistribution or more secure tenure, would be more effective than extension and technological innovation.

In sum, our results confirm that IR may be a ubiquitous relationship, as found in much of the literature, but indicate that its form, shape and importance may significantly differ across the spectrum of farm productivity performance. At the low end of the ALP distribution, IR appears to prevail, once a minimum threshold of farm size is reached, while at the higher hand, IR only appears to be mainly a characteristic of farmers with operating sizes not exceeding medium size thresholds. The literature on transaction costs and the role of the firm suggests that these differences will require a deeper analysis of some of the critical factors determining the performance of the farm as a “productivity agent” and of the role played by management and capabilities in shaping farmers’ choices.

14
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||Labor|Capital|Surplus|Unempl.|Child|Pensions|In-work|Interest|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Piemonte|8%|7%|7%|8%|6%|8%|8%|13%|
|Valle D’Aosta|0%|0%|0%|0%|0%|0%|0%|0%|
|Lombardia|21%|19%|18%|17%|13%|17%|17%|17%|
|Trentino|3%|2%|2%|2%|2%|2%|2%|5%|
|Veneto|10%|8%|10%|8%|7%|8%|11%|9%|
|Friuli|2%|2%|2%|2%|1%|2%|2%|4%|
|Liguria|3%|4%|3%|2%|2%|3%|3%|4%|
|Emilia-Romagna|10%|9%|8%|9%|7%|9%|9%|9%|
|Toscana|7%|8%|8%|6%|6%|7%|6%|7%|
|Umbria|1%|1%|1%|1%|2%|2%|2%|2%|
|Marche|2%|2%|2%|3%|2%|3%|3%|4%|
|Lazio|10%|12%|11%|9%|8%|10%|9%|6%|
|Abruzzo|2%|2%|2%|2%|2%|2%|2%|3%|
|Molise|0%|0%|0%|0%|1%|0%|1%|2%|
|Campania|6%|6%|7%|7%|13%|7%|7%|4%|
|Puglia|4%|5%|6%|7%|9%|6%|6%|4%|
|Basilicata|1%|1%|1%|1%|1%|1%|1%|2%|
|Calabria|2%|3%|3%|2%|4%|3%|3%|3%|
|Sicilia|5%|6%|7%|9%|10%|7%|7%|2%|
|Sardegna|2%|2%|2%|3%|3%|3%|2%|1%|

Table 1: The Table shows for each Italian region (rows) data of Households’ income shares (DF estimation). These shares represent the income source for households across the regions. The Italian regions are listed from North regions to South and islands (Sicilia and Sardegna)

- SSC employer from ISTAT data 2016. The total social security contributions by employers are equal to €176.5 billion;

- Taxes on commodities, composed of other net taxes on products from national SAM, are redistributed across regions using the demand for the respective commodity as a share. We took data from the national SAM 2016, which report a total national amount of taxes on commodities equal to €9 billion;

- VAT is regionalized using data from the DF microsimulation model on VAT (Cirillo et al., 2021). Only the VAT relating to households is regionalized. The total amount (€102 billion) was re-proportioned using the totals from the ISTAT national accounts (i.e., those reported in the 2016 national SAM);

- Excises from national SAM (€59,2 billion) reproportioned on the national demand for the respective commodity;

- Taxes on imports are regionalized as regional tariffs and the total amount is equal to €2.2 billion.

12
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