_Interviewer: “What activities do women and men do in this community?” Interviewee: “For men there are more than for women, because they are dedicated to production. Women only work at home. They do not have land.” (Woman, 46 years old, Cooperative COPRAUL, Community ‘Plan de Rancho’, Municipality Sinuapa, Depament Ocotepeque)_ Some agricultural tasks associated with women are those that are perceived as belonging to the ‘house’ and thus to women’s domain. They also represent or require less assets or investment. For example, chickens specifically are perceived to belong to the ‘house’ and consequently are a woman’s responsibility according to the interviewees. Cows, on the other hand, belong to the men. Furthermore, blackberries grow wild and do not require investments (like planting or fertilizer) while vegetable and fruit gardens are in small plots rather than large plots like the corn and vegetables grown by men. Those are characteristics of women’s tasks – and thereby distinguish theirs from those of men.

_“I don’t milk the cows, my husband does it. I feed the chickens and sell the eggs because they are mine. Chickens are women's and cows are theirs.” (Female respondent, FGD, Community ‘Palo Marcado’, Municipio Lepaterique, Department Francisco Morazán)_ _“I collect berries and bring them to market. My husband engages in [growing and selling] vegetables, although I help him in that too”. (Female respondent, FGD, Community ‘Pola Marcado’, Municipio Lepaterique, Department Francisco Morazán)_ Characteristics of employment activities identified by women respondents In addition to the first explanation behind the observed discrepancy between survey responses and actual tasks women perform, another one emerges: The interviews with rural women reveal some implicit definitions of work which affect how they conceptualize the tasks they themselves perform either on an occasional or on a regular basis. Altogether, the study finds three characteristics that - according to women - need to be in place to allow for certain tasks to be considered an economic activity, including ‘employment’ and ‘self-employment’. Conversely, if not in place, certain tasks disqualify from being identified as economic activities. First, these activities need to be carried out outside the home; second, they require an exchange of money for either goods produced, or services provided; and third, there needs to be a sufficient time commitment for certain tasks to qualify.

While few men and women in these communities seem to have access to regular employment for pay, it is important to note that they still respond differently to the household survey questions. Overall, there is a lack of paid jobs in the communities, and few men and women are involved in activities that secure a regular income. Men in the communities spend their time in precarious activities, either as day laborers or in small-scale agricultural production **.** Activities reported by men in the communities are mainly in agriculture, with about half of men respondents reporting that agricultural production is for selfconsumption, and half of respondents reporting that it is to sell in the market. Some men who sell agricultural production to the market complain of exploitative middle-men (coyotes). In the Southern Zones (Las Crucitas) where agricultural production is more challenging, men report working as day laborers in local estates (fincas). But this work is seasonal, exposing them to financial difficulties in seasons when crops are not being sold. Many men also report being landless, and those that can afford it rent plots of land. Importantly though, while some of those characteristics (lack of regularity, lack of direct income) affect women’s interpretation of ‘work’, this does not apply to men’s interpretation of their work.

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