could match 275 to the 1928 census.

# **4.1.3 Integration outcomes of refugees**

I measure the integration of refugees by examining different generations of refugees: (i) those born in turkey who were forcibly resettled in Greece at a different age (ii) those born in Greece to refugee parents, i.e. the second-generation.

**First-generation** I measure the socio-economic integration of first-generation refugees by comparing the educational attainment of refugees displaced at a different age, i.e., either when adults (above 15) or when children (below 15). I rely on the 1928 census to obtain the literacy rate of refugees at arrival, and focus on those older than 15 years in 1923. To measure the socio-economic outcomes of refugees at a later period, I unfortunately cannot draw on population censuses as no information on country of birth is available. The earliest census to provide this information is the 2001 census and I use the 10 percent extract provided by IPUMS.<sup>19</sup> I identify as refugees the 3,486 sampled individuals born in Turkey between 1908 and 1922, who represent about 9% of the population born in the same period. Reassuringly, the share of individuals born in Turkey drops to less than 2% among cohorts born after 1922, while the share of foreign-born (in other countries than Turkey) remains stable across cohorts and start increasing only after the 1950s (see Figure A.1 in the appendix). The 2001 census also allows to construct the rate of intermarriage between refugees and natives. Among the 2,102 refugee women in the sample, 293 report to be married with a currently co-residing husband – the other women being mostly widowed. When the husband belongs to the surveyed household, I can identify mixed refugee-native couple as instances in which the wife is refugee and the husband is born in Greece. Theoretically, although native-born, the husband could still be the child of refugee parents, which would hardly correspond to a mixed couple. This is almost never the case in practice as husbands are typically older than their wife, and hence are born before refugees arrived in Greece for the first time.

**Second generation** I use the European Social Survey (ESS) that provides information on parents’ birthplace for a sample of individuals living in Greece in the 2000s. I identify second-generation refugees as individuals born in Greece with at least one parent born in Turkey. I focus on the cohorts born between 1923 and 1950 as they are the most likely to be the children of first-generation refugees. Table A.2 in the appendix shows that the proportion of ESS respondents with parents born in Turkey is the highest for people born in the 1920s, the 1930s, and the 1940s. It dramatically drops for people born after 1950. In contrast, the share of individuals with parents born outside of Turkey remains stable across birth cohorts, with a peak in the 1990s. This provides empirical support that I am able to identify second-generation refugees. The ESS does not only provide data on the socio-economic outcomes of second-generation refugees (such as education or occupation)

> 19Minnesota Population Center. Integrated Public Use Microdata Series, International: Version 7.3 [dataset]. Minneapolis, MN: IPUMS, 2020. https://doi.org/10.18128/D020.V7.3

12