rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
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>
- Psacharopoulos, George, 1997, "Child labor versus educational attainment: Some evidence from Latin America," _Journal of Population Economics,_ 10, 377-386.

- Rosenhouse, Sandra, 1989, "Identifying the Poor: Is 'headship' a useful concept?" LSMS Working Paper no. 58, The World Bank, Washington DC.

- Rosenzweig, Mark and Oded Stark, 1989, Consumption Smoothing, Migration and Marriage: Evidence from Rural India, _Journal of Political Economy,_ 97, 905-926.

- Skoufias, Emmanuel, 1993, "Labor Market Opportunities and Interfamily Time Allocation in Rural Households in South Asia," _Journal of Development Economics,_ 40, 277-310.

- Tzannatos, Zafiris, 1995, "Economic Growth and Gender Equity in the Labor Market," Poverty and Social Policy Department, The World Bank, Washington DC.

- World Bank, 1998, "Peru: Poverty Comparisons," Country Department 6, Latin America and Caribbean Region, The World Bank, Washington DC.

25
ECCAS’S INFRASTRUCTURE: A REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE In order to benefit from these new projects, coastal countries need to establish an international gateway to the submarine cable, while landlocked countries need to establish fiber-optic connectivity with their coastal neighbors. Efforts are already under way. The first phase of the Central Africa Backbone Project (CAB), involving Cameroon, the Central African Republic, and Chad, aims to improve regional connectivity among the three countries by leveraging fiber-optic cables laid along the Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline. Burundi is building a national backbone with World Bank assistance that will have two international exits via Rwanda and Tanzania to connect to East African submarine cable systems.<sup>11</sup> The arrival of new submarine infrastructure could be expected to reduce consumer charges for the Internet and other international communications, both by providing access to lower-cost technology and by increasing competition in its supply. The costs of critical ICT services, including the cost of calling within Africa, are lower in countries with access to the submarine cable (table 4.3). The cost of Internet access is also cheaper by $20 per month on average. But even where submarine connections exist, costs remain relatively high due to lack of competition across international gateways.

Access to the submarine cable is a necessary but not sufficient condition to lower prices of critical ICT services. Levels of competition and access to competitive gateways are key. Countries with competitive international gateways have significantly cheaper rates to call within Africa and to the United States than those with monopolistic

**Table 4.5. Prices of Internet and phone calls in Sub-Saharan Africa, with and without access to submarine cables**

||Price per<br>minute for a call<br>within Sub-<br>Saharan<br>Africa (US$)|Price per<br>minute for a call<br>to the United<br>States (US$)|Price for 20<br>hours of dial-up<br>Internet access<br>per month<br>(US$)|
|---|---|---|---|
|No access to submarine cable|1.34|0.86|67.95|
|Access to submarine cable|0.57|0.48|47.28|
|Monopoly international gateway|0.7|0.72|37.36|
|Competitive international gateway|0.48|0.23|36.62|
|_Source:_AICD calculations.||||

international gateways. On average, those countries with competitive gateways are charged $0.30 less per minute to call within Africa and $0.40 per minute to call the United States.

> 11 http://web.worldbank.org/external/projects/main?pagePK=64312881&piPK=64302848&theSitePK=40941& Projectid=P094103.

50
43 of nonfood items. Because of this heterogeneity, it is not possible to provide general guidelines on how to construct consumption aggregates or to fully account for the methodological challenges and pitfalls in this process.<sup>46</sup> Here, we restrict ourselves to a general overview of the steps of the process. Most surveys collect data on four main classes of consumption: (i) food items, (ii) nonfood, nondurable items, (iii) consumer durables, and (iv) housing.

Consumption is measured with a particular reference period in mind. Although the reference period varies, many surveys aim to accurately measure the total consumption of the household in the past year. In this way, temporary drops in consumption are ignored, and it is still possible to capture changes in living standards of a single individual or household over time. The reference period should be distinguished from the recall period, which refers to the time period for which respondents are asked to report consumption in the survey. Recall periods tend to differ for different types of goods, such that reporting on goods that tend to be purchased infrequently is based on a longer time period. A balance has to be struck between capturing a sufficiently long period so that the consumption during the period is representative of the reference period (year) as a whole and making it sufficiently short such that households can remember expenditures and consumption with reasonable accuracy. Surveys have taken different approaches to striking that balance. In general, there are three steps in the construction of a consumption-based living standards measure: (i) construct an aggregate of different components of consumption (e.g. food consumption, non-food consumption, consumer durables, housing, etc.), (ii) make adjustments for cost of living differences, and (iii) make adjustments for household size and composition. Deaton and Zaidi (2002) provide overarching principles and detailed guidelines for the construction of consumption aggregates.

Moreover, data harmonization efforts are often conducted to ensure that consumption aggregates are comparable across countries and over time, which is crucial for poverty estimation 46 See Deaton and Zaidi (2002) for methodological guidance on the measurement of consumption aggregates.
well as distort the more long-term process of reconciliation. We suggest the following proposition: _P5: When evidence of amnesties is recorded, this reduces the post-conflict peace period._ Another possibility for wrongdoers to avoid prosecution is to flee into exile. This is not necessarily something the post-conflict society applies as an explicate policy; as it often depends on the decision of the defeated belligerent and the willingness of another state to accept the person. Nonetheless, a post-conflict government may not necessarily try to prevent wrongdoers from fleeing the country and on some occasions the victorious party may actively expel its opponents. We are, nevertheless, somewhat ambivalent in our expectations regarding the effect of exile on the sustainability of peace. Exile means that wrongdoers are removed from the postconflict society, preventing attempts at private justice and preventing past wrongdoers from launching another attack from the inside, though they may still be able to gather forces for another attack and work as inspiration for those dissatisfied with the post-conflict regime. As with amnesty, it may also be an obstacle to reconciliation, as victims feel that the perpetrators are not properly punished for their past atrocities. On the other hand, banishment does convey a notion of punishment. For purposes of constructing a clear proposition, given the lack of punishment and mechanisms for reconciliation, we elect to state our proposition as: _P6: When evidence of exile is recorded this reduces the length of the post-conflict peace period._

# **Investigating the Influence of Post-Conflict Justice**

The Binningsbø, Elster & Gates dataset on post-conflict justice (2005) offers a unique opportunity to empirically investigate our assumptions about PCJ on a large number of post-conflict cases, complementing the theoretical and case-study oriented research on PCJ with a large-N study. The dataset also allows us to distinguish between different types of PCJ in democratic and nondemocratic settings.

A society’s ability to deal with its past by means of trials, purges, reparation to victims and truth commissions is heavily dependent upon characteristics and outcomes of the previous 8
The second programmatic tool at the local level is the Departmental HIV/AIDS Committees—which are still far from having been set up in all DTSs. In fact, only four of the 10 responding DTSs reported that these committees had been established and were operating regularly.

The weakness of the programmatic framework at the local level implies that in many cases EPSs, IPSs and ESEs operate without adequate knowledge of the existing regulations, policies and strategies that have been put in place to control the epidemic. A recent study by the authorities of Quindío about the functioning of the Departmental HIV/AIDS Program<sup>37</sup> concluded that many ESEs in the department suffer from: (i) a lack of knowledge about the norms and programmatic framework; (ii) a lack of coordination with other institutions or sectors (such as municipalities, EPSs and IPSs); and (iii) an absence of systems for monitoring and gathering data on HIV patients.

# **_(d) Summary of Findings_**

The box below summarizes the key findings of the analysis of the programmatic component of the HIV/AIDS response in Colombia, including both the main strengths of the system and the challenges that need to be addressed:

# **Box 5: Summary of Findings of the Programmatic Dimension**

|**STRENGTHS**|**CHALLENGES**|
|---|---|
|Colombia has increased the understanding<br>of the HIV/AIDS epidemic and its impact on<br>the most vulnerable groups.|Studies on the HIV epidemic have been produced only at<br>the national level—not at the departmental or district<br>level.|
|The existing legal framework is sufficiently<br>developed so as to sustain a sound and<br>stable programmatic response.<br>The HIV/AIDS response is supported at the<br>national level by a number of key policies,|The HIV/AIDS response strategic decision-making is not<br>always supported by evidence.<br>The PEN and the coordinating bodies have had limited<br>effectiveness in designing a centralized HIV/AIDS response<br>_in practice_.|
|including the PNSP and the PEN.|There has been a lack of leadership at the local level in<br>regard to making use of the entire institutional arsenal<br>(Territorial Public Health Plans, Departmental HIV/AIDS<br>Committees,etc.)|

**Source:** Técnicas de Salud, 2011.

> 37 Naranjo MT y Montoya CH (2011) Estado del Arte del VIH/SIDA en el Departamento del Quindío 2010, Armenia: Gobernación del Quindío. Instituto Seccional de Salud del Quindío.

36
# **BASIC INFRASTRUCTURE SERVICES**

Basic infrastructure services contribute to higher welfare and productivity. Some services such as potable water and sanitation contribute directly to overall welfare and health status. Others such as electricity and telephones help households use their homes productively for income generation. The 2001 PNAD data reveal that access to basic services is highly correlated with a lower probability of being poor. Inequities in access to such services are abound in Bahia, both between the poor and non-poor and by geographic area. Key gaps in coverage include: the rural poor for energy and sanitation services and to a lesser extent, potable water. While the urban poor have much greater access to all types of services than their rural counterparts, a lack of sanitation services for an important share of poor urban dwellers raises public health concerns.

Access to public infrastructure services related to housing has increased rapidly over the last decade in Bahia. The amount of piped water supplied practically doubled (see Appendix C). The access to a sewerage system more than doubled during 1991-2000 (Table 6.8 and Appendix C). More households have collected waste and piped water. However, the supply of services in Bahia is still lacking compared to the national averages of 78 percent for piped water, 47 percent for sewerage system, and 79 percent for collected waste. Furthermore, the rural and urban service gap is still large although it is narrowing for some services such as access to piped water.<sup>14</sup>

|**Table 6.8: Sani**|**tation**<br>**1991**|**Services i**<br>**and 2000**|**n Bah**|**ia**||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|||**1991**||**2000**||
||**Total**|**UrbanRural**|**Total**|**Urban**|**Rural**|
|**Piped Water**|52.2|79.4<br>9.3|69.5|89.4|24.0|
|**Sewerage System**|16.6|26.7<br>0.6|34.5|49.0|1.3|
|**Collected Waste**|41.0|65.2<br>2.9|61.7|85.6|6.7|
|_Source_: Censuses 1991|and 2000.|||||

The coverage of water, sewerage, electricity, and sanitation services increases strongly with income levels. In 2001, coverage with piped water ranges from 60 percent for the first quintile to 90 percent for the wealthiest quintile (Figure 6.3).

> 14 _Pesquisa Nacional de Saneamento Basico_ notes that the Census data is likely to overestimate the actual reach of sanitation services to households: first, the lack of adequate information of the Census respondents about the nature of the services available to his/her household and second, exclusion of around 9 million households (nationally) from the Census, which amounts to around 20 percent of the total, because they are either a) closed; b) empty; c) of occasional use; or d) did not answer the questionnaire.

36
- Manna, G.C., 2010. Current status of industrial statistics in India: strengths and weaknesses. Economic and Political Weekly, pp.67-76.

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- MOSPI (Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation). 2013. Sixth Economic Census. New Delhi: Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementatio <mark>n, Government of India.</mark> http://www.mospi.gov.in/sixth-economic-census

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<mark>______. 2011b.</mark> _<mark>Administrative Atlas</mark>_ <mark></mark> _<mark>2011.</mark>_ <mark>New Delhi: Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. http://censusindia.gov.in/2011census/maps/administrative_maps/admmaps2011.html.</mark>

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Tillin, L., 2013. Remapping India: New states and their political origins. Hurst Publishers.

Unni, J. and Raveendran, G., 2006. Are the Results of the Economic Census Robust?. Economic and Political Weekly, pp.3558-3560.

Wang, J., 2013. The economic impact of special economic zones: Evidence from Chinese municipalities. Journal of development economics, 101, pp.133-147.

Wasylenko, M.J., 1997. Taxation and economic development: the state of the economic literature.

37
insecurity worsens closer to the lean season (Berhane et al., 2010). Given the continued obstruction of humanitarian assistance, these simmering impacts are likely substantial in subsequent lean season-months not covered in our study.

To a certain extent, these results are not surprising – human suffering has been widely reported in contexts of war. In fact, the share of affected people who report continuing work is perhaps surprisingly high, given the circumstances, and even after allowing for selection bias. For example, despite the war, some households continued participation in various farm and non-farm activities. This reflects the exigencies of feeding one's family, even under conditions where the pursuit of livelihoods is fraught with danger. By the same token, our results may be taken as indicators of the resilience of some livelihood sectors and of ordinary people to persevere their livelihoods despite the complications of an active conflict.

Our insights into these outcomes are limited by the ways in which information was elicited in the surveys. For example, while we observe the extensive margin of economic activity (i.e., whether or not labor was allocated to a particular activity in the reference period), we are unable to directly observe the intensive margin (e.g., as the number of hours worked). It may be useful for further efforts to probe for other measures of economic disruption, including qualitative assessments by wage employees and business owners.

A final caveat is in our measures of conflict exposure. We have shown that our regionaldummy approach generates results which are consistent with those obtained from point location estimates of battle events derived from media reports (via the ACLED database). However, future rounds of the HFPS may also ask respondents to indicate their exposure to conflict via the survey instrument.

These caveats notwithstanding, our analysis indicates enormous potential for using highfrequency phone surveys and related remote data collection methods -ideally associated with a baseline sample of respondents -to monitor the impacts of active conflicts, and to quickly devise post-conflict responses that are tailored to geographical and household heterogeneity in impacts suffered. This corroborates recent efforts and innovations in remote data collection in fragile states (e.g., Dabalen et al., 2016; Hoogeveen and Pape, 2020). To facilitate effective use of remote data collection methods, it would be useful to maintain access to a much larger database of potential telephone survey respondents, designed for maximum geographical and socioeconomic 39
the study areas because households with businesses are more likely to be microfinance clients.<sup>23</sup> Although most businesses have a fixed location and operate all year round, the average scale is small. About 90 percent of businesses do not have a paid employee, and monthly sales are about Rs 8,760 (USD 146). These numbers are typical of microentrepreneurs in developing countries (see for example Banerjee and Duflo, 2011).

Columns 7 and 8 of Table 1 report mean baseline characteristics by gender along with the associated _p_ -values of the difference in means’ t-test (column 9). It is clear that the type of businesses managed by male and female CO members is quite different. While women are primarily engaged in small home based manufacture (handicrafts or tailoring), men are involved primarily in the agribusiness sector which requires much greater contact with markets outside the village. The scale and profitability of male and female businesses is also quite different (see also De Mel et al. 2009). Average sales among male businesses are Rs 13,001 (USD 217) while only Rs 4,104 (USD 68) among businesses run by female CO members. Women tend to operate mainly from home and are less likely to employ paid employees.<sup>24</sup> More importantly, business women report far less decision making autonomy than their male counterparts (see Sathar and Kazi, 1997). Out of a total of 8 decisions on a range of household, individual and business outcomes, women report complete autonomy over roughly 1.76 decisions compared to 3.31 decisions among men. There is also evidence that the selection process to become a CO member differs by gender. Female members tend to have less education, are less likely to run a business and, perhaps relatedly, are also less risk tolerant on a 0 to 10 scale. Female members are also more likely to come from households that have less land wealth, as compared to households of male CO members. This selection of women CO members by wealth is consistent with more stringent female seclusion practices among landed rural households (see Jacoby and Mansuri, 2013).

In sum, there are substantial differences in individual and business characteristics between male and female CO members. Because the process by which women select to

> 23 According to the Demographic and Heath Survey conducted in 2006-07, 31 percent of households in rural areas reported having at least one household member engaged in non-agriculture self-employment. Among all the 6,837 microfinance clients in the study COs, roughly 40 percent have a business at the time of baseline.

> 24 There is also weak evidence suggesting that female businesses are more of a fall back option: among households of male CO members, businesses are concentrated among the richer households. In contrast, businesses are more prevalent among the poorer households of female CO members.

13