Asia. The “...concern is with the lateral expansion and size of the family and kin group than with the lineal depth of relationship” (Fox 1961).

Studies in Indonesia and Malaysia show that old people receive support from both sons and daughters, and also support them (Frankenberg et al 2002). A study in the Philippines found that old people are equally likely to live with married sons as with married daughters, in sharp contrast to Taiwan where the likelihood is overwhelmingly in favor of married sons (Casterline and Domingo 1993).<sup>7</sup> These bilateral kinship systems generate little distinction between the value of sons and daughters to their parents. This is in contrast with patrilineal kinship systems, as illustrated by the fact that Malaysia’s ethnic minorities of Chinese and Indian origin manifest strong son preference, unlike the majority Malay population (Goodkind 2006).

Islamic inheritance law can reduce gender equality in bilateral settings and increase it in patrilineal settings, since it enjoins that girls get half the share of boys. Banks (1983) argued that Malays usually continue equal division of property despite Muslim law, but Ong (1990) argues that this customary practice is being undermined by Islamic revivalism. In strongly patrilineal systems Islamic law brings in some measure of gender-equity at least in principle (see below).

# **_c) Patrilineal Kinship Systems_**

Patrilineal kinship systems are the most common traditional system across Europe, East and South Asia, and several African societies. However, most of these societies offered some flexibility in the actual practice of inheritance and residence rules, while only a few were rigidly patrilineal.

# _<u>Patrilineal systems which permit exchange between parents and adults daughters</u>_

These systems permit some scope for adult daughters to play a role in their parental household, unlike the more rigid systems described below. For example, in peasant Europe (as also in Japan), parents without sons would typically have their daughter and her husband inherit the property.<sup>8</sup> The emphasis was more on reproducing the _household_ rather than the patrilineage. Moreover, in large parts of rural Europe it was completely acceptable for a grown daughter to remain single for many years as part of their parents’ household, supporting and being supported by the aging parents.<sup>9</sup> In North Africa and the Middle East, intermarriage between cousins is common, so married women often remain in close proximity to their own parents. Kandiyoti (1988, 1991) refers to the belt of ‘classic patriarchy’ that extends from this region through India and China. Referring to the practice of patrilocal marriage throughout this belt, she notes that “The extent to which this represents a total break with their own kin group...varies in relation to the degree of endogamy in marriage....Among the rural Arabs of the Levant, there is much greater mutuality among affines...” (Kandiyoti 1991:31)<sup>10</sup> Even in non-endogamous marriages, relations between parents and daughters continue after marriage (Moghadam 2003: 124). Cousin marriage is also common amongst South Asian Muslims. In Pakistan, a 2004-05 survey in Punjab and Sindh provinces found that 77 percent 4