rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
The CNC (2012) lists existing plants with a total capacity of 6,000 ton/year (which could increase to nearly 30,000 tons if the projects identified by the CNC were fulfilled). But the processing activity has been underdeveloped and remained in low scale because of lack of financial resources, financial guarantees, and many other contributing factors. In 2013, about 2,000 tons of raw cashews were being reserved for processed-cashew production, representing a market share of between 1.2 percent and 1.5 percent (see Table 2).<sup>1</sup> Blute and Lopes da Veiga Nanque (2011) refer to an international price of processed cashew of 1560 USD/ton, and processing costs (excluding inputs) of 692 USD/ton. These figures are used in the simulations.

The World Bank is active in this segment, helping to implement a pilot project in which four additional cashew processing facilities will be set up over the next three years. These plants will require about 800 tons of raw cashew nuts (i.e., 200 tons per facility per year). Processing costs (other than inputs) are assumed to be 858 USD/ton (from World Bank sources), which still makes processing more profitable than exporting raw cashews.

**<u>Taxes on trade:</u>** exports of raw cashews are subject to taxes. There is an industrial tax, ACI, with a rate of 3 percent of the FOB reference price. Other export taxes add up to another 8 percent of the FOB reference price. In both cases the FOB reference price is defined by the government every export season. The third tax corresponds to the Fund to Promote the Industrialization of Agricultural Products (FUNPI), created through Decree 19/2011, with a contribution of 50 XOF/kg –approximately USD 100/ton– of exportable cashew.<sup>2</sup> Given that export tax rates are percentages of a reference price, not real prices, and FUNPI is a per-unit tax, the whole export tax can best be understood on a per unit basis.

Taxes related to cashew have been growing in relevance during recent years. Government revenues (as percentage of GDP) from such taxes increased from 1 percent in 2009-2011 to 1.5 percent in 2012-2013, surpassing the share of revenues from fishing licenses (and representing 13 percent of domestic revenue). However, it should be stressed that the FUNPI contribution revenues do not enter the budget but rather are assigned to a special account.

> 1 The storage of volume for value-added processing did not take place in 2013, and a total of 140 thousand tons were exported. Notwithstanding, we simulate this allocation of 2,000 tons for illustration purposes. Results do not change significantly with this assumption.

> 2 There has recently been a debate over whether to charge a FUNPI contribution of 40-50 XOF / kg (ANCA’s position) or 10 XOF / kg (see ANCA, 2014, p.1).

7
_22_ Speclftc relationships are discussed below in more detail for their policy and program relevance.

II1.2 The diet: Relationship (2.2) Household consumption analysis, including food consumption, is one of the oldest and most established of economic analyses. Re'ationship 2.2 is an association between the diet and how it is prepared. There is the level and composition of the diet, given particular inputs, and implicitly its shadow price, reflecting how it is produced.

The approach taken here views the demand for foods as derived from the demand for a particular diet and gastronomic and aesthetical utility of food. This formulation (Lancaster, 1966) which is central to the theory of the (new) household economics, may be quite debatable. It assumes that consumers have full knowledge of the nutritional value of foods. This is a strong assumption that is not borne out by some research (Ben-sira, 1976) and would clearly be questionable in developing economies. As argued below, the approach is useful, nonetheless, for understanding and predicting how the household-produces its diet in view of changing market conditions.

For practical purposes this assumption is not central, however, to explaining the composition of food consumption and the diet. From policy and program perspectives, it is important to know what people consume, aind explain this behavior by variables that can possibly be manipulated, such as incomes through wages (W), transfers (V) and prices (P). As there is a
poverty headcounts will likely change in the wake of WTO trade reforms. Drawing on the results for the 15 developing countries in our sample, we seek to arrive at some general conclusions about the poverty impacts of trade policy reforms in rich and poor countries.

The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. We proceed with discussion of the unique analytical framework created for this study’s analysis of the distributional impacts of WTO reforms in both rich and poor countries. Following that, we outline the policy scenarios to be applied in this framework. The results section begins with discussion of changes in macro indicators for trade, prices, and national welfare as well as changes in US farm household welfare and change in developing country poverty focusing on the impacts of agricultural reforms undertaken in rich countries. We extend this analysis to global reforms and non-agricultural sectors, separately identifying the contributions of these reforms to the poverty headcount results. The concluding section summarizes our findings and offers policy recommendations.

# **Analytical Framework**

Figure 1 provides an overview of the analytical framework used in this paper. The boxed items in the top two rows represent inputs to the framework, and the boxes at the bottom of the Figure represent outputs of particular relevance to this study. The other entries represent intermediate steps in the analysis. As can be seen, we begin with three fundamental sources of data: household survey data from the US, household survey data from the 15 focus countries, and the GTAP data base. Agricultural earnings data in the latter two sources are reconciled, as the GTAP data are notoriously weak when it comes 7
conditional on working is $382 ($337) compared to $337 ($303) for ballot losers. These are still substantially below the actual employment rates and incomes of the migrants, suggesting that psychological effects of losing the ballot are not playing an important role in the understated expectations of the ballot losers.

# **6.5 Extended Family trying to Moderate Remittance Demands?**

The Tongan-born population in New Zealand was 17,682 by the time of the 2001 Census, compared to a population in Tonga of just over 100,000. As a result, many Tongans know someone in New Zealand, who may be a source of information about job opportunities. Those applying to move to New Zealand under the PAC have more relatives in New Zealand than those not applying (McKenzie, Gibson and Stillman, 2006). Among our sample of PAC ballot losers, 51 percent have a parent or parent-in-law in New Zealand, 87 percent have a sibling or sibling-in-law, 55 percent have an aunt or uncle, and 53 percent have a cousin.

Extended family such as uncles, aunts and cousins are an important source of remittances, with 43 percent of all remittances coming from extended family (McKenzie, 2006). However, the remittance demands from extended family are seen by many as a burden on migrants. Based on her study of Tongan migrants in Australia, anthropologist Helen Lee writes that “these young people often argue that it is important to meet the needs of the immediate family before others, and while they uphold the importance of respect and of ties to the extended family, many believe that obligations to extended family create unwarranted demands on families already struggling to make ends meet”. Lee (2003, p155) One mechanism that immigrants might use to try and mitigate the pressure to remit to extended family, or to at least reduce the level of remittances sought, might be to claim that they are earning less than they actually are. If this is the case, conditional on the total immigrant network that potential emigrants have in New Zealand, we should expect them to have lower expectations of income if this network includes extended family.

19
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the future who is fully under the new system. In Mexico almost everyone has retired under old-system rules, given the short period for building up individual accounts and the option current workers have to revert to the old system upon retirement. Moreover, in all three cases we don't know what the rate of wage growth and rate of return on investments, upon which DC benefits depend, will be in the future. Along similar lines, longitudinal data are not available. Thus, we could not use actual employment histories of current retirees and workers to estimate their retirement accumulations and entitlements.

> _Construction of representative men and women._ We solved these problems by constructing synthetic men and women-using cross-sectional data on current behavior of people at different ages, educational levels and marital status to proxy the lifetime employment, wage and contribution histories of "typical" persons in each category. We then simulated how the average man and woman in each category would fare under the rules of the old and new systems, given these histories.<sup>7</sup> While we focus on the average person in each category, we also make some attempt to estimate the dispersion within

> each cell. Five educational levels are presented, ranging from incomplete primary to

> several years of post-secondary. The modal group has full secondary education in Chile, incomplete secondary in Argentina and primary education in Mexico (Appendix A). With

> the exception of young women in Chile, fewer than a quarter of our sample had any postsecondary education. We use education as a proxy for "permanent income."

This methodology assumes that age-specific labor force participation and wage behavior will remain constant through time (except for secular wage growth), separately for each schooling level. We interpreted these as age effects rather than cohort effects. In reality, cohort effects are undoubtedly involved. Female labor force participation rates are strongly positively correlated with education, and educational levels have been rising dramatically over time (Table 3). This means that aggregate female labor force participation rates will also rise through time. Changing social norms may lead to additional increases in female employment probabilities within each educational category. Moreover, the work incentives and disincentives in the new pension systems may alter work habits.

> These potential changes in age-specific female labor force participation rates were not taken into account. However, in addition to the "average" woman in each educational

12
benefit of more teacher-student interaction, general consensus is that a STR of 30:1 is optimal and that levels below this have very low marginal returns. Since teacher salaries are a significant cost, a low STR tends to have a high financial burden. Indonesia has one of the lowest student-teacher ratios in the region, as is illustrated in Figure 8 (left hand side). Comparable STRs for Asia/Pacific countries are around 31:1 for primary and 25:1 for junior secondary.22 Indonesia’s rates are significantly lower, at ~20 and ~14 for primary and junior secondary respectively (Figure 8, right hand side). Indonesia’s ratios are on par or even lower than the ratios in the US and many European countries. It is also well below Indonesia’s national policy regarding STRs, which is set 23 at 40:1 for primary and 28:1 for junior secondary .

Figure 8 Primary and Secondary School Student -Teacher Ratios by Selected Countries, 2003 Primary School Junior Secondary School <!-- Start of picture text --> Cambodia 56.24 Philippines 37.09<br>India 41.33 India 32.32<br>Philippines 34.93 Lao PDR 25.66<br>Korea, Rep. 31.26 Vietnam 25.59<br>Mongolia 30.77 Thailand 24.86<br>Lao PDR 30.64 Cambodia 23.59<br>Vietnam 24.65 Mongolia 21.52<br>China 21.05 United Kingdom 19.05<br>Thailand 20.68 China 18.61<br>Indonesia 20.29 Korea, Rep. 18.24<br>Japan 19.56 Malaysia 17.72<br>Malaysia 18.92 United States 14.92<br>United Kingdom 17.1 Indonesia 14.23<br>United States 14.81 Japan 13.22<br>0 10 20 30 40 50 60 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40<br><!-- End of picture text --> _Source_ : Edstats 2003.

The supply issue is in part related to distribution inefficiencies. Based on the standards set by the current staffing entitlement formula for primary school (9 teachers minimum and a target STR of 40:1), approximately 55 percent of schools are oversupplied, while 34 percent are undersupplied (Figure 9).<sup>24</sup> Inequities in distribution are particularly evident when looking at supply of teachers in urban, rural and remote schools. Urban and rural areas schools have substantial oversupplies (with 68 percent and 52 percent of the schools having an oversupply, respectively), while remote schools have serious teacher shortages, with 66 percent of the schools being undersupplied. The government’s new policy of doubling the base salary for teachers working in remote schools should encourage teachers to work in remote schools.

> 22 Source: EdStats database. Primary ratio clearly defined with weighted ratio, but secondary ratio estimated by authors due to unavailability of data.

> 23 World Bank 2006, ‘Potential for significant equity, efficiency and quality improvement: Teacher employment and deployment in Indonesia’

> 24 The total over and undersupply is calculated based on 2005 Employment and Deployment survey results of urban, rural and remote schools. The total is weighted based on 2004 Susenas calculations on the percent of 7-15 year olds living in urban and rural areas and an assumption that 10 of schools are remote. Part-time teachers are calculated to become full time equivalents.

18
ment from combining road and internet investments are, on average, 22 percent larger than the sum of the isolated effects. The positive effects vary by country, gender, age group, education level, and location. In more advanced economies, the benefits of investing jointly in internet and roads tend to be greater. Within countries, roads benefit rural areas more than urban areas in terms of job creation. Furthermore, due to the greater influence of high-speed internet in urban occupations, the complementarity between the two types of infrastructure is significantly stronger in these areas. Combining internet and road investments generates an impact that is 72 percent greater in urban locations, but only 5 percent greater in rural locations. The simultaneous expansion of road and internet access leads to a decrease in low-skilled employment, particularly in agricultural employment. The combination of both types of infrastructure also increases firms’ demands for skilled workers and firms’ productivity, reducing firms’ losses and increasing the opportunity for firms to enter into government-contracted work. Although both men and women profit from having access to improved roads and faster internet connections, women benefit more. Our findings suggest that the joint expansion of roads and internet is a major factor in Sub-Saharan Africa’s structural development and transformation. Therefore, we argue that development policy measures that target job creation should integrate the simultaneous development of both of these types of infrastructure to achieve optimal impacts.

# **References**

- Abbasi, M., M. S. M. Lebrand, A. B. Mongoue, R. Pongou, and F. Zhang (2022): “Roads, Electricity, and Jobs: Evidence of Infrastructure Complementarity in Sub-Saharan Africa,” Policy Research Working Paper Series 9976, The World Bank.

- Abbasi, M., and R. Pongou (2022): “AIDS in the Digital Age: Evidence from Submarine Internet in Africa,” _Available at SSRN_ .

- Allen, T., and C. Arkolakis (2014): “Trade and the Topography of the Spatial Economy,” _The Quarterly Journal of Economics_ , 129, 1085–1140.

- Almeida, R. K., C. Carlos H. L, and J. Poole (2017): “The Impact of Digital Technologies on Worker Tasks: Do Labor Policies Matter?,”Technical report.

38
be located through a search of reported cases.<sup>45</sup> Further, the search terms we used, although capturing the vast majority of relevant cases, may have missed other reported cases that were pertinent.

Despite these drawbacks, a study this type offers several advantages. Perhaps most compellingly, it is one of the few ways to create a data set of not only court cases, but of labor disputes, concerning contract teachers. It is difficult to find detailed information about the development of contract teacher systems in different states, and certainly of teacher struggles or resistance to these contract systems. Court records provide one of the best ways of examining what contract teachers’ complaints are both at the primary/high school and college level. These court records, however imperfect, are often the only public record available.

Finally, there is no reason to think there is any systematic bias in the inclusion or exclusion of cases in the Manupatra database. The trends identified in our sample are likely representative of the broader trends in Indian jurisprudence. Even if not capturing every contract teacher case, this data should provide relatively accurate information about trends in litigation of labor disputes involving contract teachers. Cases that were controversial, concerned multiple parties, or involved a relatively novel point of law might have been reported more often. Still, these potential biases should have stayed constant through the years surveyed. In this way, these cases provide a good snapshot of what is happening over a period of years both at the Supreme Court and in the examined High Courts.

# _Supreme Court Results_

Our survey of the case law found the major types of cases brought by contract teachers concerned claims related to:

- <u>Regularization.  Contract teachers argued they should have their status regularized</u> after working a lengthy period.  These cases also concerned disputes over the reach of state regularization legislation (which was particularly common in suits brought by college lecturers).

- <u>Termination.  Contract teachers claimed they were unfairly terminated or should</u> not have been terminated either during their contract or after its completion.

- <u>Equal pay. Contract teachers claimed that they should be given equal pay as</u> regular teachers because they did equal work.

- <u>Benefits.</u> After being regularized, former contract teachers argued they should be given benefits and seniority due to them from the date they started as a contract teacher, not the date they began as a regular teacher.

- <u>Other</u>

> 45 Also, some news articles indicated the Supreme Court and High Courts had decided cases pertinent to the study, but no recorded judgment could be found.  For example, _SC sets aside HC order on HP para teachers_ , THE TRIBUNE, Jan. 29, 2006, _available at_

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060129/nation.htm#3 (discussing Supreme Court setting aside High Court order that had invalidated criteria of appointment for contract teachers in Himachal Pradesh) 13
oroblems with initial income and secondary school enrollment rates may induce biased results.® In the case of populetion growth, census data may be very poor, and the causal links with per capita output growth are ambiguous [Becker, Murphy, and Tamura (1990)]. Furthermore, in the case of secondary school enrollment rates, human capital represents more than formal schooling, and enrollment rates do not control for educational quali.y. Nonetheless, other measures of education (primary enrollment, literacy) yield similar rezults.’ There are also problems with including the ratio of physical capital investment to GDP as an I-variable. The causal relationship between growth and investment is ambiguous, and the theoretical justification for iucluding many variables in growth regressions is that they may explain investment Tf investment is already included, the only channel through which other explanatory variables can explain cross-country per capita growth differentials is the efficiency of resource allocation. To partially clarify this ambiguity, we investigate the ability and robustness of macroeconomic "variables of interest" to explain the ratio of physical investment to GDP.

6 For example, if initial income is mis-measured, the estimated coefficient on initial income will be biased towards being negative. Romer (1989) uses instrumental variables for initial income and the literacy rate and finds that they become insignificant. However, it is unclear that the instruments used (consumption of newsprint and number of radios per capita) are adequate and he uses literacy rates which we find are not as strongly correlated with per capita growth as primary and secondary school enrollr -. rates. , Secondary enrollment may be preferable to primary and literacy rates because many countries have reached the upper bound for these other measures. A measure of average years of schooling of the labor force around 1380 constructed by Psacharopoulos and Arriagada (1986) was found to be highly correlated with the secondary enrollment ratio.

8