this technology comes with strong economies of scale. Use of digital technology to reduce trade and transaction costs, including those related to identifying partners, negotiating a deal, proving compliance with standards, and logistics (Jouanjean 2019), while not without challenges (Zant 2024), can be more size neutral. It offers the opportunity to improve market access (Huang _et al._ 2022), resilience (Guo _et al._ 2023), and reduce risk or credit constraints (van Campenhout 2022).<sup>2</sup> Low marginal cost of disseminating and accessing advice digitally has also been shown to increase uptake (Abate _et al._ 2023; Mohammed and Abdulai 2022) and willingness to pay (Hidrobo _et al._ 2022b). Yet, efforts to establish nation-wide farmer registries in countries as diverse as <mark>the Philippines (Reyes and Mina 2017),</mark><sup>3</sup> India,<sup>4</sup> Kenya,<sup>5</sup> Guinea, Mali, and Niger (Ba _et al._ 2019) have struggled to take off or be maintained.

Our paper shows that, from an IT perspective, a viable farm registry can be put together rather quickly and that even small farmers who have traditionally remained informal will sign up if they see tangible benefits. Beyond grants, farm registries provide opportunities to link small farmers to markets and data to allow them to access services—from technical advice to insurance—that are otherwise limited to much larger farms. The ability to realize these opportunities depends on public action beyond the upfront investment to establish a registry to ensure the information it contains is current and reliable, something that will be achieved in Ukraine through a requirement that all state support be channeled through the SAR platform and its use as the basis for an EU-type integrated administration and control system (IACS), and regulation to govern data access. As <mark>the impact of new technology is sensitive to implementation (Muralidharan</mark> _<mark>et al.</mark>_ <mark>2023), this</mark> creates opportunities of great interest to other developing countries.

Third, a large and growing body of literature shows that weather-induced fluctuations in agricultural yields, the frequency of which is likely to increase with climate change, can trigger persistent conflict (Harari and La Ferrara 2018). Conflict <mark>in turn can l</mark> ead households to reduce human capital investment (Akresh et al. 2023; Büttner et al. 2022) and, by modifying their assessment of risk (Federle et al. 2022), influence activity choice (Arias et al. 2019; Fergusson et al. 2020), trust (Korovkin and Makarin 2023), social interaction (Couttenier et al. 2022), and long-term economic outcomes (Chiovelli et al. 2021; Ibanez et al. 2022). By reducing households’ vulnerability to shocks, c <mark>ash transfers can thus lessen conflict</mark> risk (Fetzer 2020) and increase resilience (Agwu 2023).<sup>6</sup> Survey-based evidence on the effect of transfers for farmers in conflict settings is more limited: <mark>in the Republic of Yemen, where conflict increased child malnutrition, cash</mark>

> 2 Whether or not this is size neutral is an actively discussed issue, a combination of digital new actors and public action, can improve access for all (Birner _et al._ 2021)  (Reinhardt 2023) and involves challenges (Finger 2023).

> 3 A complete overhaul of the Filipino farmer registry (https://www.pna.gov.ph/articles/1218397) has yet to produce tangible results.

> 4 Refer to <u>https://agristack.gov.in/#/ and https://www.nic.in/products/fruits/.</u>

> 5 Refer to <u>https://www.kalro.org/kiamis/ and https://www.fao.org/kenya/news/detail-events/fr/c/1630294/.</u> 6 Premand and Rohner (2024) show that in Nigeria, beyond reducing conflict through an increase in poor households' opportunity cost for fighting, transfers created incentives for looting that increased conflict. Digital transfers can and are less likely to be intercepted by rebel groups than public cash transfers that are transmitted via analog means (Ghorpade 2020).

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