civic behaviours. Refugees report to be more interested in politics than natives, and are more likely to engage in political activism (boycott, petition, demonstration, etc.). They are also significantly more likely to participate in voluntary organisations, such as sport or cultural clubs, trade unions, or humanitarian organisations. Again, this pattern contrasts with Albanian immigrants, who are much less likely to engage in political or civic activities relative to Greek natives (Table 3). These findings are consistent with existing evidence (Blattman, 2009; Bellows and Miguel, 2009) that exposure to violence and conflicts – such as the religious persecutions Greek refugees were victim from in Turkey – can lead victims to higher political and civic mobilization and engagement (as a post-traumatic coping mechanism).<sup>25</sup> An important body of work even suggests that individual exposure to war violence may increase social cooperation at the local level, including community participation and prosocial behavior (for a review, see Bauer et al. (2016)).

One question that remains is whether Albanians will gradually assimilated over time, and in particular whether the second generation of Albanian immigrants will be equally integrated as the 1923 refugees. Although it is probably too early to say (as most Albanian arrived in Greece after 1991), the ESS provides some suggestive evidence that Albanians have not yet experienced any progress in integration outcomes. Although the ESS sample contains (almost) no second generation Albanians, I can examine the integration outcomes of first generation migrants who arrived in Greece at different ages. If second generation migrants were to integrate better than the previous generation we would expect to detect such a trend already between migrants who arrived at a young and older age. Table A.6 in the appendix shows that it is not the case: migrants who arrived at a young age ( _<_ 24) are as likely as those who arrived later in life to report Greek as the first language spoken at home, to feel discriminated, to have the Greek citizenship, or to participate in civic organisation. This apparent absence of social assimilation is consistent with the lack of integration in terms of educational outcomes among younger and older immigrants from the first generation (see Table A.4).

# **5.4 Effects of the refugee inflow on host communities’ social cohesion**

I now explore the effect of the refugee inflow on the social cohesion of the host communities in the long-run, more than 80 years after the resettlement.

**Sport associations** Table 4 presents the OLS estimates of the relationship between the 1928 share of refugees and the presence of at least one sport association in the early 2000s at the community level. I estimate various specifications: starting from a regression controlling for geographical and historical variables (see description in section 4.2 ), for the community’s population in 1991 and

> 25A set of the literature explores positive responses to trauma, the so-called post-traumatic growth theory (Tedeschi and Calhoun, 1996; Powell et al., 2003), that also includes changes in political action and beliefs. For example, Palestinians who personally survived aerial attacks are more likely to engage in political activism (Punamaki, Qouta and Sarraj, 1997).

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