Given this result, we next check whether treatment decreases the male head‘s knowledge of the candidate choice of women in his household. Using follow-up survey data which asked the male head and each woman in the household about whether other women in the household had cast a vote and for whom they had voted, we construct cross-reports regarding candidate choice. Using these cross-reports, we find that male heads in treated households are indeed significantly less informed about the candidate choice of women in their households.

Interestingly, we also find evidence of cognitive dissonance (e.g., Mullainathan and Washington, 2009). Women in control clusters, among whom turnout was lower, were less likely to believe that the election was free and fair and more likely to report witnessing or hearing instances of violence in the village, compared to reports by women in treated clusters.

While there is an extensive literature on the impact of Get-out the Vote or GOTV campaigns in developed countries, and in the US in particular (see Gerber and Green, 2000a and 2000b), much less is known about the impact of such campaigns in developing countries where voters tend to have poorer access to information and institutionalized party structures are also much less developed (Aker et al. 2010, Banerjee et al. 2010 and Pande 2011 for a review).<sup>7,8</sup> This paper contributes, therefore to two literatures. First, it adds to this nascent literature on preelection voter information campaigns in developing countries. Second, it is the only paper which, to our knowledge, assesses the impact of information externalities on voter turnout and candidate choice. This is critical for correctly measuring the cost-effectiveness of an information campaign, but it is also important for assessing the types of information that can be successfully transmitted through social networks.<sup>,</sup> In this regard, our paper is closest to Duflo and Saez (2003) and contributes also to the burgeoning literature on social networks and peer effects (e.g. Sacerdote, 2000 and Kling, Liebman and Katz, 2007).

> 7 In an experiment in the US where voters received postcards with information about their voting record, Gerber et al. (2008) find that turnout increased by about 8 percent in households that were shown their voting records as well as that of their neighbors. This increase in turnout is comparable to the impact of direct canvassing. Perhaps more related to our study, Nickerson (2008) conducted a door-to-door canvassing experiment to assess information spillovers within the household. He targets households with two registered voters and finds that the member that did not answer the door is nearly 60% as likely to vote as the treated member.

> 8 In developing countries there is a small experimental literature that has focused on electoral violence, clientelism and vote buying in the context of developing countries. Collier and Vicente (2007), for example, study the effect of an information campaign against electoral violence in Nigeria. Wantchekon (2003) has examined the effectiveness of clientelist messages in Benin and Vicente (2007) analyzes an information campaign against vote buying in Sao Tome and Principe, Vicente and Wantchekon (2009) provides a review.

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