by 3.1 percentage points, which is a 100 percent increase over the control group mean.<sup>18</sup> The remaining columns of Panel B consider outcomes that were explicitly addressed in MTV Shuga. In columns 4-5 we show that treatment improved respondents’knowledge about the need to take a second test and that this test should be after at least three months (window period).<sup>19</sup> Columns 6-7 show improved support among treated respondents for the claim that HIV positive boys should be allowed to play football. This is noteworthy, as Shuga prominently features a sub-plot about a boy who was born with HIV and struggles to remain part of a football team. Appendix Table A13 shows analogous results for a larger number of individual outcomes that are also explicitly featured in the TV series, such as knowledge about transmission during pregnancy, contagion through sexual intercourse, awareness of antiretroviral (ARV) drugs.

The increase in HIV testing rates is an important result of our intervention and it is worth investigating deeper how it occurs. A first underlying factor is that individual knowledge about what testing is and why one should test improves. Secondly, it is possible that Shuga alerted people to the fact that HIV may be relatively common, thus leading them to update their expected risk of contagion.<sup>20</sup> We test this hypothesis in Appendix Table A14. We find no effects on the expectation that the respondent or the partner have HIV, while we find an increase of about 3 percentage points in the subjective probability that someone of the same age in the community is HIV+, representing an 8 percent increase over the control group mean.<sup>21</sup> Testing may thus at least in part be a response to higher perceived risk.

An additional dimension we investigate is the difference between people who have a stable partner and people who do not. Appendix Table A15 shows that while the nature of the partner does not typically affect the impact of Shuga on other outcomes, it has a strong predictive power when the dependent variable is the index of HIV testing (column 3). The increase in testing in response to treatment is entirely driven by people who do not have stable partners, possibly because they realize the risk involved (one of the messages featured in Shuga).

> 18 The sample in this regression is smaller because not all respondents attended health camps. Also, given that the option to test for HIV was given at follow up but not at baseline, for this regression we cannot estimate the specification interacted with the baseline value of the outcome.

> 19 The discussion on the window period is explicitly featured in a scene where the main female character receives the results of her HIV test and the nurse tells her that she cannot consider herself free from risk until she takes a second test at least three months later.

> 20 For an analysis of testing in response to ‘external HIV risk’, see Godlonton and Thornton (2013).

> 21 To elicit subjective probabilities, we followed Delavande and Kohler (2016) and asked respondents to select a number of beads ranging from 0 to 10, with each bead representing a 10 percent increment in probability. As commonly found in the literature, our respondents on average overestimate HIV prevalence rates. Note, however, that 1/4 of the characters in Shuga are HIV+, and in particular the main male character is. This may increase perceptions of how common HIV-AIDS is.

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