rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
- 11 -

## 3.4. ELIGIBILITY FOR SERVICES

In the public sector family planning services are readily available to all women of reproductive age. From 1981 several policies have been put in place to remove barriers to family planning provision. Services are now available to all women aged sixteen years and above. Free health services including family planning are available to the unemployed who earn less than Zimbabwe $150.00 per month. The government also heavily subsidizes both family planning services and commodities to those paying for them. Most commodities are available to the public at below cost price, such as condoms are free, one cycle of oral pills cost between twenty and forty Zimbabwe cents and intrauterine devices two Zimbabwe dollars only.

Despite the lack of legislation on Voluntary Surgical Contraception, in the public sector Voluntary Surgical Contraception is not readily accessible. Some institutions require the husband or male relation's consent and the head of the institution's signature before the service is offered. However, this situation is being reviewed.

# 4. FUTURE DIRECTIONS

Awareness and approval of modern family planning is fairly high in Zimbabwe especially among married women of reproductive age. According to the 1988 Demographic and Health Survey, 96 percent of all women know at least one modern method. The most known modern method is the oral pill followed by the condom, injectable, IUD and female sterilization. Over 90 percent of women in Zimbabwe also know a source for family planning services. Accessibility of modem family planning methods in terms of distance from providers is not perceived as a problem in Zimbabwe with almost all rural women reporting that they live less than thirty minutes from their nearest source. Almost a third of the women also report that they are visited at their homes by the Community Based Distributors.

However, despite these apparent high levels of knowledge, awareness and approval of family planning, contraceptive prevalence rate for modern methods is only 36 percent. Thus one of the challenges for the future is to research into reasons why women are not using modern methods of family planning de&pite the level of knowledge. Some of the possible reesons identified so far are:

- i) The limited range of methods available in the programme. With the contraceptive prevalence rate for modern methods at 36 percent, 31 percent of the women are on the oral pill, while only 2 percent or less are using female sterilization, Intra-Uterine Devices, injectables or condoms. Male sterilization is hardly provided because of cultural reasons.

- ii) Husbands' attitude towards family planning methods. Fifteen percent of married women perceive their husbands as against the use of modern family planning methods. However, according to research done in Zimbabwe the major problem is one of lack or inadequate information on family planning on the part of males.

- iii) There are still some myths and misconceptions about most of the modern methods.
outcomes of interest occur only for adult respondents, I mainly use the more recent round of survey data (KLPS2), treating it as cross-sectional data for 5,084 individuals.

The KLPS2 survey is comprehensive, including questions on education, employment, and fertility, as well as cognitive tests. The education section includes yearly school participation, from which secondary school completion, grade repetition, and other measures can be constructed; it also includes self-reported KCPE scores for students who complete primary school. The cognitive tests administered as part of the survey assess English vocabulary and non-verbal reasoning; the labor market section includes employment and self-employment history, including the dates and sectors of employment, as well as wages.<sup>6</sup> In order to use a regression discontinuity design, I restrict analysis to respondents reporting a KCPE score in the survey, which reduces sample size from N=5,084 to N=3,305, including only pupils who complete primary school and take the KCPE. Table 1 shows summary statistics for the restricted KLPS2 sample. The 3,305 respondents reporting test scores have higher educational attainment, more educated parents, and lower teen pregnancy rates than the full sample; this is to be expected, since these are the respondents who did not drop out during primary school.

> 6Non-verbal reasoning is measured using Raven’s Matrices, one of the more reliable measures of general intelligence (Cattell 1971); the vocabulary instrument is based on the Mill Hill test, originally designed by J. C. Raven to complement the Matrices.

8
Policy Research Working Paper 8276

# **Abstract**

This study collaborated with the Entrepreneurial Finance Lab and a large bank in Peru to use psychometrics for small and medium-size enterprise lending. Applicants used a psychometric tool and those who achieved a score higher than a threshold were offered a loan. Using a regression discontinuity design and credit bureau data, the study finds that the tool increased small and medium-size enterprise loan use by up to 59 percentage points for applicants without a credit history, without leading to worse repayment behavior. This increase in borrowing resulted primarily from financial institutions other than the partner bank. For applicants with a credit history, the tool did not increase small and medium-size enterprise loan use.

This paper is a product of the Finance and Private Sector Development Team, Development Research Group. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://econ.worldbank.org. The authors may be contacted at mbruhn@worldbank.org and cruizortega@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
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based colonial constructs and codification of gender roles discussed in this paper had significant impact on the dynamic of gender relations with long-term consequences for gender production. To the extent that the contours of the production system in the region and gender production continue to reflect the sexual division of labor established during the colonial period, these colonial constructs may just be as sticky as pre-colonial social norms and cultural beliefs. Furthermore they may explain counterfactual evidence from economic dependency models, which have found that breadwinner wives continue to perform more housework than linear dependency models would predict (Brines (1994), Greenstein (2000)).

We commence with important observations about Sub-Saharan Africa‘s physical environment, community and economy in the pre-colonial era, noting patterns in agriculture, women‘s labor, marriage and kinship. Through the concepts of ―rights in persons‖ and ―wealth in people‖ we discuss the premium communities placed on women‘s labor and procreation. It is not surprising then that most people held in bondage in pre-colonial Africa were women, and that pawnship which expanded in the late 19<sup>th</sup> century when slavery was abolished by colonial rulers was increasingly feminized (Robertson and Klein (1983), Falola and Lovejoy (1994)). Missionary presence in Africa from the early 19<sup>th</sup> century, their endeavors to remake African families monogamous and nuclear, and their encouragement of African participation in the market as a civilizing influence fed the embers of individualism and fathers secluded women in the domestic domain under the Christian discourse of ―respectability.‖ The attractiveness of these missionary and colonial processes for African chiefs and male elders in their gender struggles provides the backdrop for the normalization of processes that were then unfolding and the invention of customs and traditions that backdated the triumph of men. African chiefs and male elders argued alongside missionaries and colonial officials that African women did not belong in towns, collaborating from Sierra Leone through the Gold Coast, the Copperbelt and the Witwatersrand to deny women space in towns in the face of long-standing traditions of female industry and entrepreneurship (Little (1973), White (1987), Allman (1996), Parpart (2001), Bradford (1992)). Longue durée studies of poverty (Iliffe (1987), Kalu (2006)), violence and warfare (Reid (2007, 2010)), disease (McNeil (1976), Packard (1989, 2007), Akyeampong (2006), Iliffe (2006)) and other major themes have deepened our understanding of these phenomena in contemporary Africa. This paper is a similar undertaking in the sphere of women (gender), production and development in Africa. The pre-colonial and colonial installment privileges historical and ethnographic works with some statistical data becoming available over the course of colonial 4
|Trinidad<br>and|1.67|
|---|---|
|Tobago||
|United Kingdom|1.86|
|United States|1.85|
|Uruguay|1.77|
|Venezuela|1.84|
|Zambia|1.79|

- _(*) Open:_ None or minimal regulation for outward and inward transactions together with a generally nondiscriminatory environment. **_Largely_** _Open:_ Some regulations are exercised on outward and inward transactions with the need of documentary support but withou **t** he need of governmental approval. **_Partially Closed:_** Regulation and govemmental approval is required for outward and inward transactions and it is usually granted.

- _Largely Closed:_ Substantial restrictions and governmental approval is required and seldom granted for outward and inward transactions.

# **B. Democracy Measure**

Democracy is, of course, a multi-dimensional and poly-significant concept, and difficult to measure empirically in a uniform way. Given the thrust of our analysis, however, on the link between democracy and financial openness, it is possible to rely on a comparative notion of democracy. This is based on the degree to which different countries meet the most commonly accepted criteria of democratic order - i.e. the majority principle, universal suffrage, civil rights and political liberty.<sup>29</sup> Thus, our measure of democracy follows the recent literature exploring the role of democracy on economic growth (Helliwell, 1992), income levels (Londregan and Poole, 1996), and wages (Rodrick, 1999). This measure defines democracy as a composite index and draws on the Freedom House measures of political and civil liberty; that is: This index will be defined from 0 to 1, with 0 indicating low democracy and 1 indicating high. Political and civil liberty indices are from the _Comparative Survey of Freedom_ that Freedom House has provided on an annual basis since 1973. The _Survey_ rates each country on a seven-point scale for both political rights and civil liberties (1 representing the most free and 7 the least free).

The _Survey_ assesses a country's freedom by examining its record in these two areas: A country grants its citizens political rights when it permits them to form political parties that represent a significant range of voter choice and whose leaders can openly compete for and be elected to positions of power in government. A country upholds its citizens' civil liberties when 29 See Archibugil (1998) for a discussion ofvarious premises for democracy.

17
# **3. Empirical Identification Strategy**

# _3.1 Previous Sibling Rivalry Research_

Sibling rivalry is the idea that within a family, siblings compete for limited resources. If constraints such as credit, capital, or labor bind, all else equal, a child with fewer comparatively higher valued siblings will be better off. Historically, the sibling rivalry literature for developing countries has focused on sibling sex composition and the number of sisters a child has. This is because in societies with a pro-male bias, investments in girls generally have lower returns than boys, and so having more sisters (i.e. siblings with lower returns) reduces competition for scarce resources and raises investments in all children. Sibling rivalry in child investments in poor countries is well documented (Parish and Willis (1993) for Taiwan, China; Morduch (2000) for Tanzania; Edmonds (2006) for Nepal; Ota and Moffatt (2007) for India; and Dammert (2010) for Guatemala and Nicaragua).<sup>13</sup> Although the empirical results from these sibling rivalry studies that focus on sibling sex composition are similar, the underlying behavioral models may differ. For instance, Garg and Morduch (1998) focus on credit constraints and differences in relative investment returns for boys and girls as the cause for sibling rivalry. On the other hand, Edmonds (2006) and Dammert (2010) emphasize that if it is not possible to hire labor for home production and girls have comparative advantage in doing it, both boys and girls benefit from having more sisters (holding constant the number of siblings), an outcome which is observationally indistinguishable from Garg and Morduch (1998). In our paper, by comparing direct measures of child ability across siblings, our approach provides a test of sibling rivalry that does not depend on assumptions of gender bias in returns to education (Garg and Morduch 1998) or on the division of labor based on gender (Edmonds 2007; Dammert 2010).

> 13 Akresh and Edmonds (2011) highlight the distinction between sibling and residential rivalry.

12
points in time have a concentration below 6 mcg/m<sup>3</sup> . We removed several regions in which pollution briefly spiked to values over 40 mcg/m<sup>3</sup> in 2006, during which a particularly strong fire season occurred. After removing the relatively unpolluted areas and these outliers, we are left with a final number of 113 areas that consist of polluted urban clusters. Apart from the 113 areas that we defined as polluted urban areas, we perform an additional estimation focusing on 60 heavily polluted areas that exceed the WHO air quality guidelines in all years.

# **5.2 Estimation Approach**

We use percentage changes, and work with demeaned series that are cleared from both the time-invariant and cross-sectionally invariant impacts similarly to a Fixed Effects approach, to remove any trending behavior or strongly dependent co-movements, and control for heterogeneity. We find nonzero medians after removing all average effects, indicative of heavy tail action. This strengthens justification for our _t_ -approach against the Gaussian alternative. Plotted distributions of levels and returns are included in the Appendix, appendix B.2.

We base our spatial weights matrix on Gaussian kernels around features computed from the local distributions in returns (prior to demeaning). Specifically, we use the first, second and fourth moments (excess), together with 25 and 75 quantiles of the local returns to describe the sample distributions, and cumulative returns to describe the total effect of moving through that distribution. The similarity approach around these local statistics informs the model on similarities in the behavior and direction of the local time-series. The cross-sectional spillover channels thus arise as functions of similarities in the local temporal patterns, which suggest that those regions share commonalities such as co-integrating forces or common latent factors. We estimate VARMA and SVARMA models with both _p, q_ equal to three, such that if Grangercausal effects follow after one lag, variables can potentially influence each other indirectly through another channel while direct effects may in fact be zero. We minimize the _AICc_ evaluated at the PMLE, to minimize divergence w.r.t. the _true_ probability measure.

# **5.3 Results**

Tables tables 2 and 4 in the appendix present the estimation results for the SVARMA(AICc). VARMA(AICc) results are contained in tables 1 and 3. The parameter results suggest that the processes are fat-tailed, Gaussian estimation would be overwhelmingly rejected both in the 24
likely to have a mortgage than to rent, while here we find that they are more likely to rent as opposed to own (with or without mortgage). In only few countries is there a significant relationship between gender of the household head or household size and the log-odd ratio between renting and owning. Interestingly, in several countries, female-headed households are more likely to rent, while the relationship between household size and tenure status varies across countries. For many countries we find that households with no dependents are significantly more likely own, with the exception of Finland, where this relationship is reverse. In some countries, both old and new EU countries, house dwellers are significantly more likely to own than to rent. The relationship between education and tenure status is highly significant in most countries, with more educated households significantly more likely to rent than to own. Employment status, the location of the dwelling (urban vs. rural) and the household type enter significantly in some countries, but not with consistent signs across countries. Finally, we find negative interaction terms between age and education and age and income in almost all countries, suggesting that the relationship between tenure and income is stronger for more educated households, while more educated households are also more likely to move into ownership status as they grow older. However, neither of these results point to expected income as criterion for tenure status.

The Table 4 Panel B log-odd ratios between owning with and without mortgage show the importance of controlling for the nested nature of the tenure decision. Unlike the results reported in Table 3 Panel B, we now find that richer households that own are more likely to have a mortgage in most countries, especially in the old EU countries, which might be explained with the tax advantage of mortgage payments. As in Table 3, however, older households that own are actually more likely to be outright owners. As before, we find the relationship between gender and tenure status to be insignificant in most countries, while larger households are more likely to own in most countries, both 21
component of monetary policy actions from changes in the federal funds futures around the announcement. This approach works well for the period until 2008 when for most part the Federal Reserve Board conducted conventional monetary policy, using the target federal funds rate as the main policy instrument.

The policy framework changed starting on November 25, 2008, when the FOMC announced a program to purchase the direct obligations and mortgage-backed securities (MBS) of housing agencies. Subsequently, at its regular meeting on December 16, 2008, the FOMC lowered the target federal funds rate to its effective lower bound, i.e. to a range between 0 to 0.25 percent. This marked the end of the period of conventional monetary policy, and the onset of what came to be known as the period of unconventional monetary policy, as per Chart 1 below. The subsequent period consisted of a program of direct asset purchases, commonly known as the Large-Scale Asset Purchase Program (LSAP), as well as of forward guidance regarding the path of monetary policy.

**Chart 1: The Period of Unconventional Monetary Policy**

<!-- Start of picture text --> Federal Funds Target Rate (%) Federal Reserve Total Assets ($ bn)<br>6.0 5000<br>5.0 4000<br>4.0<br>3000<br>3.0<br>2000<br>2.0<br>1.0 1000<br>0.0 0<br>2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016<br><!-- End of picture text --> _Source_ : Federal Reserve Board Since the federal funds futures rate no longer provided a meaningful basis to identify monetary policy surprises during the unconventional monetary policy phase, the literature used high frequency changes in longer term Treasury yields instead to identify policy surprises. The identifying assumption is similar to the one used for the conventional monetary policy period: movements in Treasury yields in a narrow window around the policy announcements are due to unanticipated changes in the stance of the US monetary policy. Different researchers prefer yields of different tenors, and during different durations of periods around FOMC announcements.<sup>11</sup> Hanson and Stein (2015) e.g. use changes in 2-year Treasury yield as the proxy for monetary policy news, but obtain similar results when they use alternatives to estimate revisions in policy. They choose a two-day window over which to measure the change in Treasury yields, and argue that a window of two days, rather than a shorter one, better captures the full market response to

> 11 As per Financial Times, February 1, 2017, “Two year yields are among the most sensitive to changes in monetary policy....”

6
schooling attainment remains low in rural areas of both Bangladesh and India at the time of the survey years. The mean and median years of schooling are 4.97 and 5.00 respectively for Bangladesh, and 6.23 and 7 for India. The relatively lower education attainments in Bangladesh compared with India were present during parents’ generation as well: median years of father’s education was 2 years in Bangladesh compared with 2.50 years in India. The average number of children per household in Bangladesh is about 5.74 compared with 3.53 in India. This difference probably reflects the fact that Bangladesh data include information on children from other marriages while India data do not. There are some differences in the age distribution of children also: median age for Bangladesh data is 30 years compared with 33 years for India. The gender gap in education between boys and girls is about 1 year in Bangladesh in contrast with 2 years in India.

Table A.1 also reports the ratio of standard deviation of parent’s education to that of children’s education for both all and coresident children in columns 3 and 7. The ratio is unambiguously smaller in the full sample (including both coresident and non-resident children) compared with that in the coresident sample. This is consistent with the observation noted earlier in the introduction that a higher estimate of this ratio in a coresident sample is likely to partially offset the biases in IGC estimates.

Figures 1.A (Bangladesh) and 1.B (India) plot the probability of nonresidency at the time of the survey against the schooling of children. The graphs in both Bangladesh and India show that probability of nonresidence is higher in the tails. Also, the probability of nonresidence is higher for girls at any given level of schooling, although the gender gap closes substantially at the right tail in the case of Bangladesh.

# **4. Empirical Results**

We begin the discussion with a graphical presentation of the data, following the classic analysis of truncation in Hausman and Wise (1977). Figures 2 and 3 report the bivariate linear plots of children’s schooling against parents’ schooling for both the full and the coresident samples for Bangladesh and India respectively. The coresidency rate is much 9