# **1. Introduction**

Can digital technologies improve student learning in developing countries where enrollments have expanded rapidly, but learning levels remain low?<sup>1</sup> This question has sparked a compelling debate, to which this paper contributes.

Digital technology - defined as technologies that enable access to large amounts of information stored on portable devices – is increasingly being used for education. These technologies targeted directly at students<sup>2</sup> can potentially improve learning through two key channels: (i) through the provision of instructional content delivered in an exciting format that potentially increases student engagement with content; and (ii) by inducing reciprocal student effort in response to the gift of a valuable gadget.

The first of these two mechanisms can help compensate for the inadequate or poor quality of school inputs. This might be especially crucial in developing country contexts where textbook shortages remain acute (Fredriksen, Brar, and Trucano 2015),<sup>3</sup> teacher knowledge and/or effort are far from optimal (Bold et al. 2017) or text book materials and/or instruction is too advanced for most pupils (Glewwe, Kremer, and Moulin 2009; Banerjee et al. 2007; Beatty and Pritchett 2012).

Digital technologies could lead to greater student engagement with instructional content in multiple ways. In typical classroom environments, students are often merely passive recipients of knowledge (Hung 2011; Rasku-Puttonen et al. 2003), a problem likely to be exacerbated in overcrowded classrooms. In contrast, digital devices like computers, tablets, and e-readers can potentially make the learning experience more focused and targeted. They can offer highly individualized instruction and allow students to learn at their own pace. These features are particularly beneficial for struggling students who might have problems keeping pace with classroom instruction (Duflo, Dupas, and Kremer 2015; Banerjee et al. 2016), or even for more advanced students who might lose interest with a slower instructional pace.

The second mechanism operates through the activation of social norms of reciprocity induced by the receipt of an expensive device provided in a school setting (Akerloff 1982, Fehr et al 1998, Fehr and Gächter 2000).<sup>4</sup> In this context, getting access to an expensive gadget and the implicit signaling of the importance of learning may prolong student interest in and engagement with learning materials, especially for students who have mastered foundational reading skills.

> 1 For a discussion of issues in education service delivery in developing countries, see World Bank (2017), Pritchett (2013), and World Bank (2003).

> 2 While digital technologies can be used to support teacher preparation and instruction, in this paper we focus on technologies targeted directly at students.

> 3 A survey covering 22 SSA countries found that, in 2010, the “median country” had 1.4 students per textbook in both reading and math in primary education, ranging from about less than one pupil per book to 11 for reading and 13 for math. A 2008 study for secondary education found that in 18 of 19 SSA countries surveyed there was severe book shortage for most students (Fredriksen, Brar, and Trucano 2015).

> 4 See Sobel (2005) for a discussion of theoretical models of reciprocity and Gneezy and List (2006) for a test of reciprocity in a set of field experiments.

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