<mark>cleaners, etc.) for foreign employees. On the other hand, the cheap but illegal</mark><sup>13</sup> <mark>labor force provided by refugees to the hosts improved cash crop production (Landau, 2004).</mark><sup>14</sup> <mark>Based on qualitative interviews undertaken by Whitaker (2002) at the time of the refugee crisis in 1995, many employees previously working with hospitals, schools and other governmental organizations decided to leave their jobs in quest of a higher salary with international relief organizations. More specifically, in the Ngara cluster in Northwestern Tanzania where the population of refugees was more than twice the number of Tanzanians in 1994 (see Tables A1 and A2; Figures A5 and A6 in Annex A). It was reported that more than 50 percent of the health center staff and 35 percent of dispensary workers had left their government jobs to work with relief agencies. This massive desertion of public schools and hospitals in favor of international humanitarian organizations has obviously affected the short and long-run human capital outcomes of children who were still in their early age at that time.</mark> <mark>Tanzanian schools located at the border with Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo were substantially damaged, as some refugees sheltered in classrooms upon their arrival and, in some instances, used desks as firewood for cooking and heating, while school latrines became rapidly filled. In 13 schools in one of the most affected clusters (Ngara), 72 classrooms, 757 desks, 68 latrines, 31 chairs, 10 doors and 36 windows were damaged (Mwakasege, 1995).</mark> <mark>The performance of students was also significantly affected by the refugee presence, as lessons were disrupted. At the demand of village leaders and relief organizations, the majority of teachers became involved in the registration of refugees, hence dedicating less time to teaching their lessons at schools for relatively longer periods of time, varying from 2 to 7 weeks (Mwakasege, 1995). Due to several factors, including among others the willingness of both teachers and students to reap the benefit of petty businesses flourishing around the camps, the performance of students during the influx period from 1993-1995 was significantly reduced. Mwakasege (1995) warned against the long-term implications of these disruptions on educational performance in refugee areas already during the crisis.</mark> <mark>Local health facilities also became quickly overburdened and, by December 1994, drug shortages were observed in several hospitals. This was the case especially in dispensaries in the Kasulu cluster (Kitanga and Kilelema villages). Despite the health care services back-up of humanitarian agencies, the supply in medicines significantly dropped after the refugees were moved into camps. In several hospitals in</mark>

> 13 <mark>This mainly has to do with the 3km perimeter set by the government preventing and restricting refugees living in camps to fully engage in employment activities with the local Tanzanian population.</mark>

> 14 <mark>This information was obtained by Landau from an interview conducted on December 12, 1999 with the Deputy Director of the Kasulu District Development Program.</mark>

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