rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
surveyed areas travel these routes on a daily basis which can be expected to improve recall and the accuracy of reporting.

Table 2 presents summary statistics for our measure of access to water across the surveys. The limited water access in these countries is confirmed. On average, few households have water in the home or plot, and most travel outside to collect water. However, there is considerable variance both across and within countries. Only 0.2% of rural Rwandan households have water in their home or plot versus 69% of Pakistani households. But even in Pakistan, about 20 percent of rural households had to walk at least 30 minutes round-trip to reach the nearest source of water.

Household water sources vary across countries. In Yemen, 19 percent of households report access to piped water (within a private or cooperative network); of those with access in the home or garden, about 50 percent have piped water. In Pakistan and Nepal, about 70 percent of households with water in the home use handpumps, 20 percent have piped water, and the rest have wells. In India and Morocco, households with private access to water most often use dug wells or handpumps. In the African countries in our sample, the majority of households access water from communal standpipes, wells, handpumps, or an open source such as a lake or river.

Women are also revealed to hold primary responsibility for collecting water in these rural areas (Table 2, last two columns). In time use data provided by some of the surveys, many report spending at least an hour each day collecting water.

_Women's participation in market-based activities_ : A central interest in this paper concerns the impact of water infrastructure on women’s participation in market work. By ‘market work’ we mean market-based activities from which women either bring income into the household, or maintain control over some resources in line with arguments that this bolsters their status and bargaining power within the household with potential externalities for their children. In addition to their domestic work, the majority of rural women in poor countries work, many on the family farm. Yet, own-farm activities for women in these countries are typically not associated with much control over the use of inputs and the distribution of revenues (Ellis, 2000). Unless they are part of female headed households or live in the few countries where women control their own plots, they are unlikely to control any of the proceeds themselves. As we are unable to identify from the 16
<!-- Start of picture text --> itive for both harmonizing and non-harmonizing countries, even if the harmonized standard results<br>in a moderate increase in compliance costs.<br>I find strong support for these predictions using a new World Bank database of EU product<br>standards in the textiles, clothing, and footwear sectors (Czubala et al., 2007). These standards are<br>issued by the European Normalization Committee (CEN). Although compliance is voluntary as a<br>matter of law (as is the case for the standards considered by Swann et al., 1996, and Moenius, 2004),<br>there is potential for these standards to have significant economic impacts: as at the end of 2006,<br>CEN had issued 12,357 standards and approved documents and had another 3,510 in preparation.<br>Results in this paper should therefore be seen as complementing previous work (see below) that<br>focuses on EU-wide harmonization of mandatory standards, through EC Directives.<br>Standards data are related to export variety of non-EU countries using measures built up from<br>highly detailed, 8-digit mirror (import) data. Results show that the total count of standards in<br>a given sector is negatively associated with the range of varieties exported by partner countries:<br>the elasticity of product variety with respect to the number of standards is 0.6 in the preferred<br>specification. A higher proportion of internationally harmonized standards in the total—proxied<br>by the number of standards which are identical or equivalent to ISO standards—is found to be<br>positively associated with export variety. Moreover, I find evidence that the impact of international<br>harmonization is stronger for low income exporters: the elasticity of export variety with respect to<br>the proportion of harmonized standards is 0.03, compared with 0.02 for the full sample. Although<br>quantitatively small, these elasticities are statistically significant at the 1% level.<br>To be sure that I am identifying genuinely exogenous variation in the standards measures, I<br>adopt a novel instrumental variables strategy based on the two-tier political economy framework<br>within which trade policy and standards function in the EU. The argument is that the EU-wide<br>size of each sector (proxied by total value added and number of employees) is an indicator of<br>the industry’s resources with which to lobby governments. Since harmonization can reduce the<br>costs faced by overseas competitors, incumbents have an incentive to lobby against it, as a way of<br>raising their rivals’ costs (see e.g., Salop and Scheffman, 1983). In addition, Herfindahl indices<br>3<br><!-- End of picture text -->
According to the top row of data in table 4, 1.6 per cent of China’s total 2007 exports to these eleven other economies were in 6-digit HS products that would become subject to their newly initiated trade remedy investigations sometime after the beginning of 2008. Not surprisingly, there is substantial variation in this statistic across the eleven economies. The highest is India, which has subsequently initiated investigations under one of its trade remedy laws (during 2008 through 1Q 2009) covering more than 7.6 per cent of its 2007 imports from China. Other countries that have investigated a relatively large share of their total 2007 imports from China during this same subsequent economic crisis period include Argentina (3.2 per cent), Brazil (2.5 per cent), Canada (2.2 per cent) and the U.S. (2.0 per cent).

Finally, while these are not broken out in table 4 specifically, it is worth noting that some of major economies do have two or three large trade value cases that may be the ones that largely determine just how much trade will be affected by the use of trade remedies during the crisis. Particular examples for the U.S. include the China safeguard (CSG) case initiated in April 2009 over “Tires,” which has the potential to impact $1.9 billion of imports from China (2007 values). The EC has more than half of its $8 billion in imports under investigation being tied up in only three different product-level investigations. The EC has $2.7 billion in imports from the U.S. associated with two cases initiated in 2008 – the “Biodiesel” case for $1.7 billion and “Prepared binders for foundry molds or cores” for $970 million. (Coincidentally, with respect to this last case, the U.S. has a simultaneous investigation over the same 6-digit HS product imported from China.) The third major EC case is its investigation involving “Flat-rolled products of stainless steel” from China, Korea and Taiwan, as it had 6-digit HS imports totaling $1.8 billion in 2007. Finally for China’s use of trade remedies, more than half ($3.7 billion) of the $6.2 billion in potentially affected imports stems from a 2009 case covering 6-digit HS imports from Korea and Thailand of “Terephthalic acid.”<sup>13</sup>

# **3 Questions raised by the early data on use during the crisis**

Even if the overall level of imports affected by the increasing use of these trade remedies during the crisis is not currently large, economists have a long established line of research identifying many channels through which the use of these policy instruments can generate unintended consequences with costly implications for economic welfare. In this section we use this economic research to guide our investigation of underlying cases that constitute potentially worrisome examples of resort to trade remedies during the crisis.

> 13 Again, the estimate of the size of trade at stake in these cases may be over-estimated given that our data derives from the 6-digit HS import data and not the subproducts at the 8- or 10-digit HS level that may be applied in these particular investigations.

15
Finally, there have been widespread reports of militant organizations that were active in the region. We classify organizations that are commonly accepted as militant and/or banned from operating in Pakistan under the rubric of militancy.<sup>11</sup> These are _Jamaat u Daawa/Lashkar e Tayyaba, Jaish e Muhammad, Hizbul Mujahidden, Tehreek e Mujahideen, Harkat ul Mujahideen, Al Rashid trust_ and _Al Badar Mujahid_ . It is important to note that there were a number of other religious organizations such as _Al Khidmat_ , the charity arm of the _Jamaat e Islami_ that were active in relief-work that are part of the mainstream of the Pakistani political process and are not militant. Figure 3 shows that the presence of the militant organizations at the village level was extremely limited even in villages close to the fault-line—of all organizations, these had the lowest coverage and even at their highest point right next to the fault-line, not more than 10 percent of household report receiving assistance from such an organization.

One organization in particular has gained much notoriety as of late--Jamat-udDawa/Lashkar-e-Tayyeba (a.k.a. LeT). Recognized as a terrorist organization by a number of nations, LeT was suspected as masterminding the Mumbai attacks of 2008. On the other hand, LeT as an organization has been acknowledged for its charity work following the earthquake. In an article written in _The New Yorker_ , journalist Steve Coll commented that the organization set up several facilities after the earthquake. The reported data, however, seem to indicate otherwise with regards to the earthquake relief efforts. LeT as an organization visited a total of 23 of the 126 villages in our sample, which may appear impressive, especially for a single organization. However, at the household level, LeT’s presence was minimal in the vast majority of such villages. In 19 of the 23 villages, 7 or fewer households recalled that LeT was present for relief efforts. All in all, of the 28,297 households surveyed, only 268 households identified LeT’s

> 11 We should stress that we are not experts on militancy nor was this survey designed to gauge the presence of militancy in the region. The answers to “who came to help” were unprompted and unguided responses given by the households in our census.

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Policy Research Working Paper 10166

# **Abstract**

This paper examines the effectiveness of income protection and job protection policies for the post-pandemic economic recovery of the second half of 2020 through 2021. The paper is based on a new data set of the budgets of social protection programs implemented as a part of the pandemic stimulus package in 154 countries. The empirical analysis shows that, in the short run, higher expenditure on job protection measures is associated with more robust gross domestic product growth, increased employment, and decreased inactivity and poverty rates compared to the expansion of income protection programs. Both policies had a significant economic impact only in countries with weaker pre-pandemic social insurance systems. In countries with broader coverage of the social insurance system, the income and job protection programs appear to have had a limited impact on post-pandemic recovery. Because the structural economic changes induced by the pandemic are expected to materialize fully in several years, more research is needed to understand the longer-term effects of job protection and income protection policies on labor markets and economic recovery.

This paper is a product of the Office of the Chief Economist, Europe and Central Asia Region. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://www.worldbank.org/prwp. The authors may be contacted at ademirguckunt@gmail.com, mlokshin@worldbank.org, and itorre@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
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34
were targeted at reducing the impact of food price increases. Consideration should be made also of the potential shock to food prices stemming from reduced application of inorganic fertilizer and related reductions in local food production. Input subsidy programs have the potential to address issues fertilizer affordability, though studies have shown that the cost of input subsidy programs can outweigh their benefits (Jayne and Rashid, 2013) and that increasing fertilizer use alone may not be profitable due to associated expenses in acquiring the input as well as lack of complementary inputs such as improved seeds, irrigation and credit (Liverpool-Tasie, Omonona and Sanou, 2015).

This study has some limitations. Though the experience of farmers in six countries is represented, and represented at various points in time, the findings would be strengthened with the inclusion of additional country coverage as well as additional data points for each country. Data on the agricultural experience is not as well represented or as harmonized across countries immediately after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic as it is in later years, which limits our ability to analyze precise time trends at the onset of that crisis. Additionally, given the mode of implementation of the surveys, through mobile phone, the sample may be biased towards farmers that are less remote and/or less poor. Though the use of survey weights addresses this concern in part, the findings may be seen as a lower bound as households without mobile phones, and whom price shocks may be expected to impact most severely, are excluded from the HFPS sample.

# **5. Conclusions**

This study examined recent trends in inorganic fertilizer use by smallholder farmers in six SubSaharan African countries over the 2018 – 2024 period in view of price increases following multiple global and local crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian invasion of Ukraine and, in some countries, conflict and insecurity. Using high-frequency longitudinal phone survey data from these countries implemented around the same period, in conjunction with face-to-face surveys conducted on the same sample of households before the crisis period, this study documents the dynamics of incidence and use of inorganic fertilizer and farmer’s coping strategies.

The results highlight the varied responses by farmers to the price shocks prevalent in this period. While the share of households using fertilizer remained relatively stable in most of the studied countries, in early 2023 more than 45 percent of fertilizer-using households in Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Malawi, Nigeria, and Tanzania reported shortfalls in the quantity of fertilizer acquired, reaching nearly 70 percent in Malawi. These fertilizer shortfalls were sizable, with 19
optimal firm sizes of say 0.4 workers. Given the integer constraint, these firms may be more profitable without a worker than with a worker. The subsidy may change this optimal in the shortterm to be closer to one worker, leading to hiring. The model would predict that, all else equal, firm owners with higher management ability will be closer to the threshold, and so be more likely to respond to the intervention. However, since the wage subsidy does not change this nonconvexity, employment afterwards should return back to the original level.

The first three sources of labor market frictions offer the possibility that some firms are small because of these frictions, and that a short-term subsidy may have lasting impacts on firm size. However, if labor markets function reasonably well, then we would predict a subsidy to have no lasting impact on employment. The above theories also offer predictions for which types of firms may respond more, at least in the short-run, to a subsidy – those with higher management ability if non-convexities are an issue, younger firms and those with no previous experience with workers if learning one’s type is an issue, and wealthier firms if credit constraints bind and capital is needed to make new workers productive.

# **3 Experimental Design and Data Collection 3.1 The Sample**

We aimed to select a random sample of urban microenterprises with two or fewer paid employees, owned by males aged 20 to 45 and operating in non-agricultural sectors. We chose to focus on male-owned enterprises because our previous work with capital grants showed that male-owned businesses appeared to have more growth potential, with female-owned firms facing additional constraints (de Mel et al. 2008, 2009). We took a random sample of firms, rather than screening on interest in hiring workers, in order to understand whether the average microenterprise is laborconstrained.

To attain this sample of firms, we selected Grama Niladhara (GN) divisions within Colombo, Kandy, and the Galle-Matara areas, and went door-to-door listing households from a random starting point. The listing collected information on each adult active in the labor force, and was used to screen on age, self-employment status, and sector to select firms for our sample. This was then followed by a baseline survey which collected details of the business and the owner. The first phase of this occurred in April 2008 (see Appendix 1 for a timeline) as part of a larger panel survey that also included other urban areas in Sri Lanka. We then returned in October 2008 and conducted 8
9 such as having children vaccinated) to contribute to ever-lower mortality may be declining. It is natural that diminishing returns to simple widespread interventioins such as antimalarial spraying would set ir wherever mortality is relatively low (e.g. where the infant mortality rate is below 100 per thousand births).<sup>12</sup> This would imply that in the future, the effects of development on health are likely to be observed more and more throtugh changes in individual behavior, and changes in such factors as education, access to information, and possibly greater access to critical (mostly preventive) health care services that have the potential to affect individual health behavior.

> O Education, especially of mothers, is a critical determinant of child.ren's healthl<sup>3</sup> .

In some settings, it probably substitutes for better sanitation (Merrick, 1985), and for greater availability of care and vice versa (Rosenzweig and Schultz, 1982), possibly because availability of care and education both reduce tLe costs to mothers of getting and exploiting information on how to care for children.

Estimates using the Cebu, Philippines study indicate that mother's education reduces diarrhea by increasing food intake, increasing use of preventive health services, and improving personal hygiene practices (Cebu Study Team, 12 For further discussion of this point see Birdsall, 1980 and Birdsall, 1988.

13 Wolfe and Behrman (1987) argue that much of what appears to be education may simply reflect family background characteristics that are not observed. Their result has not been duplicated, and may result from the fact that educated siblings contribute during childhood to cogniti"re development of siblings that ultimately receive less formal education; or from a narrow range of differences in education across siblings. Moreover, using the same data set, the authors recently report that differences in education across adult sibling mothers are reflected in changes in their own health (Behrman and Wolfe, 1989).
# **Chart 6A: Uphill Flows of FDI and Exports of Sophisticated Goods (Averages for 2003-2007)**

<!-- Start of picture text --> ISR<br>ZAF<br>MYS<br>IND<br>BGR<br>PHL<br>BRA<br>PAN ARGTUR KOR<br>IDN MEX CHN<br>TWN<br>CHL POL THA HUN<br>ROM<br>0 .05 .1<br>Uphill exports of sophisticated goods<br>.04<br>.03<br>.02<br>Uphill outflows of total FDI<br>.01<br>0<br><!-- End of picture text --> _Sources: UN COMTRADE, Thomson Financial SDC Platinum database, and Financial Times’ FDI Intelligence database._ Uphill outflows of FDI (measured as FDI outflows of a country to countries with a higher per capita GDP (PPP) than itself) and exports of sophisticated goods are all expressed as a share of a country’s GDP.

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<!-- Start of picture text --> BRAZIL Iiit<br>in"1 TOT<br>zn<br>12S Sf<br>7.5 IMP. 'Y-<br>5.,<br>2.S<br>6.3<br>166 1968 1797 1972 t974 1976 1970 196S 1962 1984<br>T0T ISIIAEL<br>Imp? NMm<br>112.5<br>118.11 185.8~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1 15<br>16Z. 5 187. In S<br>181.10 .<br>1966 1968 197 1972 1974 1976 1978 1906 196Z 1964<br><!-- End of picture text --> TOT : **Terms** of **Trade Inde** IN : **Price** of Import In US **$ (Index)** Wll: Inflatlon **Rate,** Monthly **Basis, Within Year**