in their place to fetch the water, fetch water themselves on motorbikes, or they would pay others who have motorbikes to fetch water.

“ _The lack of water puts stress on men. It will force you to put in the effort because you can’t live without water. It will force me to put more effort as a man (...) Sometimes it forces us to distribute roles because as men, we mostly let our wives go for water. So it reaches a point where the water that we depend on that is nearer has dried up so it forces you to take responsibilities as a man so that the wife remains at home to do other household chores as you go look for water and bring it to the house_ ”. -Man, In-depth interview It is also the case that the decision regarding water collection and source choice is intertwined with decisions on water expenditures, which is often a decision made by older men. One woman explains: _“[The] decision [of where to collect the water] is ours, all of us, not just myself, if I say I can do that by myself I would be lying, because I don’t make money, and I will have to talk to my husband if the water is from far, I can tell him I don’t want to fetch the water from the dams today so please give money for the motorbikes to fetch the water if you have 250 [shillings], or if you have 200 shillings please give it to me and I will fetch it myself from the tanks..._ " So while men report not participating in the decision about the water source used for drinking, their decision on water expenditures determines which source can be used.

The quantitative data confirms that while women are more likely than men to make the decisions about the water source for drinking, the decisions are often made jointly. But it varies by household structure. When the husband has more than one wife, he may not be in the home often. As such, a wife is delegated more of the decision-making responsibility. In extended family households, the daughter-in-law is often charged with fetching water for the household. The mother-in-law does not fetch the water typically but may have other chores and she may participate in decisions on water expenditures. Young women respondents explain that the mother-in-law’s involvement depends on the relationship: “... _in this dry season and you use the water communally, your mother-in-law could help, and if she can’t get there [she] might send a motorbike to deliver water. You can help each other. It’s dependent on how you relate.... she can use her money and send motorbikes to deliver the water_ .” Compared to men, women are less likely to be directly involved in individual-level (or personal) decisions such as health care for self, visiting family, and the use of own income. Even so, there is a significant share of men (31 percent) who also do not directly participate in at least one individual-level decision. There are 11 percent of men who do not directly participate in two or more individual-level decisions. These are primarily young men who have not yet started their own household.

Figure 1 presents the distribution of activities for which respondents are not directly involved in the decision, by number of activities in which they are not directly involved. The observed patterns are in line with those discussed thus far. When women are not directly involved in decisions, these decisions tend to regard household expenditures, followed by personal decisions. When men are not involved in decisions, the decisions most commonly regard water allocation and use, and the water source.

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