Finally, there are important macro-level differences in political systems that influence how willing or able a person may be to participate in political and social life in the context of their displacement. The Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project categorized Iraq and Uganda as electoral autocracies<sup>7</sup> in the year of our surveys; in contrast, the Philippines was considered electoral democracies at the time of enumeration.<sup>8</sup> In Figure 1, we plot the three contexts according to their Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) scores for Civil Liberties (y-axis)<sup>9</sup> and levels of violence (x-axis)<sup>10</sup> to visualize the civic space in each context to participate in society as well as a proxy for the fear of violence they might have for participating. Higher scores indicate better security and civil liberties conditions, respectively.

Figure 1 shows that, unsurprisingly, levels of physical violence and civil liberties are highly related. It also highlights the meaningful differences in the contexts that we analyze in potential costs to participation as well as ease of entry into civic life. Iraq scores the lowest on both, indicating that it is the most violent context and the context with the least civic space, followed by Uganda, and the Philippines, respectively.

Given these differences, we expect that any consistency we find across cases is likely to generalize to other internal forced displacement contexts. That said, we only seek to explain these dynamics in contexts of internal displacement; refugee experiences, economic migrants, and other forms of migration are beyond the scope of this paper. Inconsistency in patterns across our surveys, in contrast, highlight findings that may be a function of contextual differences and warrant further

> 7According to the V-Dem codebook, electoral autocracies have “De-jure multiparty elections for the chief executive and the legislature, but failing to achieve that elections are free and fair, or de-facto multiparty, or a minimum level of Dahl’s institutional prerequisites of polyarchy” (Coppedge, Gerring, Knutsen, Lindberg, Teorell, Alizada, Altman, Bernhard, Cornell, Fish et al. 2021).

8Electoral democracies are defined as “De-facto free and fair multiparty elections and a minimum level of Dahl’s institutional prerequisites for polyarchy as measured by V- Dem’s Electoral Democracy Index, but either access to justice, or transparent law enforcement, or liberal principles of respect for personal liberties, rule of law, and judicial as well as legislative constraints on the executive not satisfied as measured by V- Dem’s Liberal Component Index” (Coppedge et al. 2021).

9We use the Civil Liberty Index, which V-Dem describes as “Civil liberty is understood as liberal freedom, where freedom is a property of individuals. Civil liberty is constituted by the absence of physical violence committed by government agents and the absence of constraints of private liberties and political liberties by the government.” It is a scale that runs from 0 to 1, with 1 indicating higher levels of civil liberties.

> 10In particular, we use the Physical Integrity Index, which V-Dem describes as: “Physical integrity is understood as freedom from political killings and torture by the government. Among the set of civil liberties, these liberal rights are the most relevant for political competition and accountability. The index is based on indicators that reflect violence committed by government agents and that are not directly referring to elections.” It ranges from 0 to 1, with 1 signifying the highest levels of physical integrity protection and 0 representing the highest levels of violence.

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