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Internal Migrationt The physical location of the population has also changed markedly. Analysis of the two most recent census results shows that rural-rural migration, primarily within provinces outside the line of rail, has been numerically the most important type of population movement. Nevertheless, rural-urban migration has remained very important - albeit with important shifts in volume over the years since independence. Urbaniqstion has been extremely rapid, such that by the mid 19808 Zambia was the most urbanised country in Sub-Saharan Africa (exluding South Africa), with almost half of the population living in urban areas by that time (World Bank 1987, Table 33). The movement to the towns was greatest in the early post-independence years. Table 2 shows that urban growth of 9 per cent per year in the 19608, slowed to about 7 per cent by the early 1970s. Further reductions in the annual rate of growth to around five per cent, appear to have occurred. Although the most recent disaggregated data are for 1980, ^ is probable that urban growth slowed sharply after that date as a result of the increased economic hardships associated with urban living. Data for the three largest towns are shown in Table 2. Their growth was particularly marked until 1974. Subsequently, the growth of the two copper-belt towns of Kitwe and Ndola fell beb id that of other urban centres. The capital city, Lusaka, however, continu*i to Srow rapidly, at least until 1980, - albeit at a somewhat slower pace than during t..e first independence decade. There has, therefore, been a redirection of migration away from the Copperbelt - which was initially worst hit by the recession of the late 19709 - towards the capital. Net-migration to the Copperbelt fell in relative terms by almost 50 per cent between 1969 and 1980, whilst that to Lusaka changed little over the period. Already by 1980 there wes evidence of increased return flows of migrants from the Copperbelt to Northern and Luapula provinces. Such out-migration from the urban areas most affected by economic decline will almost certainly have further increased over the past few years.

Schooling: The provision of schooling for Zambians has increased enormously since independence. Access at primary level has quadrupled, such that by 1984 more than 1.2 million children were in primary school. Secondary school places had increased ten-fold to 125000 by the same year, and university and technical college enrolments had increased likewise to approximately 10000 students. Even such rapid expansion of schooling as this, however, takes many years to change the educational profile of the population - significantly particularly in the context of Zambia's high rate of population growth. Thus, the population census of 1980 revealed that almost half of the population aged 15 years and above had not completed lower primary schooling, and were thus probably still illiterate. Moveover, only 10 per cent had had some post primary schooling, wi-ih tiny proportions having proceded to the tertiary level. These fact ,elp to explain the continued skill shortages which, as will be shown below, represent an important constraint upon Zambia's social and economic development.

Participation in the Labour Force: Somewhat unusually, the 1980 census defined the labour force to include all persons aged 12 years or more. They comprised 3.3 million persons. Of those, just over half (1.7 millions) were regarded as being economically active, with the remainder being students, housewives, retired or disabled persons, etc. Using these conventions, 71 per cent of the male labour force was recorded as being economically active, with