rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
<!-- Start of picture text --> Bids for photovoltaic projects in JNNSM Phase | Batch<br>80) Winners: 150 MW |<br>70 [ 0°<br>(final prices: 182-212 US$/MWh) ; 350<br>vn 60 - + 300 =<br>zs 50 - + 5250 =<br>5 40 5 aa -20 F<br>S 30-/ ( 10 8<br>20 4 \ S<br>2 1 H - 100 0<br>10-40 L* —_ Y Lo_ 50<br>182-198 198-215 215-232 232-248 248-265 265-282 282-298 298<br>(ceiling)<br>Equivalent price bid in USS/MWh<br>mam No of Bids (Primary Axis) -&—Capacity (MW) (Secondary Axis)<br><!-- End of picture text -->

<!-- Start of picture text --> Bids for CSP projects in JNNSM Phase| Batch |<br>Winners: 470 MW<br>18 (final prices: 175-204 US$/MWh) 700<br>16 + + 600<br>W-D | _ 500 =<br>8 io) - 4005<br>5a 8 OL - 300 =2<br>9 6° -_ 20 «8<br>2 4 f ‘ + 2<br>>0.Ik 5S, a__La -a)100 8<br>172-188 188-205 205-222, 222-238 +=.238-255 255<br>(ceiling)<br>Equivalent price bid in US$/MWh<br>mam No of Bids (Primary Axis) —&—Capacity (MW) (Secondary Axis)<br><!-- End of picture text -->

<!-- Start of picture text --> Bids for photovoltaic projects in JNNSM Phase| Batch II<br>80 1200<br>70 - Winners: 350 MW - 1000<br>$ + (final prices: 125-157 US$/MWh) | ed =<br>BS =<br>6=.S 405304 / -- 400600 oS>8<br>2010 5 sy san 8<br>{ \ 200<br>oi “0<br>123-140 156-173 190-206 223-240 (ceiling)256<br>Equivalent price bid in US$/MWh<br>mmm No of Bids (Primary Axis) Capacity (MW) (Secondary Axis)<br><!-- End of picture text -->
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51
_-6-_ manufactured good (See Yeats (1977) for documentary evidence on this point). Finally, some manufacturing processes require location near abundant sources of relatively-cheap production inputs like energy. The production of some metals from ores (bauxite) are examples of these types of manufacturing processes. 8/ Aside from these locational factors, there are other reasons why factor proportions may not be reflected in actual trade flows. Protectionism is of obvious importance as trade barriers in major markets can be an important constraint to trade. Many empirical studies have documented the restrictive effects of trade barriers developing countries often face in textiles, clothing, foodstuffs, footwear and other products. Production incentives like subsidies, procurement practices and tax concessions for domestic industries may also distort trade flows. Finally, a lack of access to technologyt capital markets, marketing and distribution systems, or oligopolistic practices of established firms, may be additional reasons why trade patterns do not follow lines of comparative advantage.

While the above factors all relate to external barriers, policies pursued by the developing countries themselves also cause trade to be diverted from lines of comparative advantage. Many developing countries in Latin

- 8/ If the objective is to forecast the future com;osition of developing country exports, a factor proportions analysis, by itself, could be inappropriate for dealing with products where transport or related factors have a strong locational influence. For "flagging" these items, the revealed comparative advantage approach may be more appropriate since the results incorporate the "net" effect of different factors influencing the production process. Yeats (1985) provides an RCA framework that is useful for analyzing competitive inroads made by developing countries in specific industries. Lead times, may however, be an important drawback. Since revealed comparative advantage indices are constructed from actual (current) trade flows they may not signal trade changes until after they have in fact occured.
of years, there were extremely high rates of real per capita growth (exceeding 10 percent in one year) associated with the boom in the resource sector.

But in addition to the economic growth that occurred over this time period, there was also a substantial amount of foreign assistance provided to the government of PNG that has been increasing over time. As mentioned in the Introduction, the country is becoming more geopolitically important and foreign assistance has potentially been increasing from a wide range of countries as a result (e.g., Hayward-Jones 2017). Figure 1 reports total assistance provided by Australia, as reported by the Australian government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; the total assistance provided by the United States, as reported by the U.S. government’s State Department; and total assistance provided by all OECD partners for a subset of years. The figure illustrates these patterns.

# **Section 3a. Data**

The analysis focuses on the change in well-being indicators between the 2009 HIES and the 2016-2018 DHS. The 2009 HIES is a nationally and regionally representative survey of 4,104 households, and is also able to report statistics at the rural and urban levels. The survey includes detailed information on consumption that was used to construct estimates of the national poverty rate for 3,658 households from the entire sample. The extensive survey also captured access to several essential services.

The DHS was conducted in four waves between 2016 and 2018. The survey is nationally and provincially representative, and can report estimates at the rural and urban levels. Data collection was difficult and fieldwork could not be completed in 33 of the 800 census units originally selected in the sample design. Reasons for the delays and for not completing work in each census unit include difficulties in handling the terrain in the country, adverse weather, and security issues (e.g., DHS 2019).

The survey consisted of a household survey, and then separate surveys for eligible men and women in the household. In all households in the survey, all women who were aged 15-49 and who were either usual residents of the household or who spent the night before in the household were eligible to complete the women’s questionnaire; and for every 7
urban centers, likely to materialize either with time lag or in the medium to long-run.

**Figure 1: Probability of being poor across economic regions overtime**

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# **Poverty Dynamics across Socioeconomic Groups**

The scope of poverty and its dynamics also varies significantly across SEG. A cross-section analysis focusing on 1994 identifies households deriving their income from food and export crops as the poorest, with poverty incidence much larger than the national average. Altogether, these two socioeconomic groups accounted for over 90% of all poor (see Table 4). Their relative contribution to national poverty remains stable, despite the steady decline in poverty among export crop farmers for which the incidence of poverty declined to 42.4%, following increased volume of exports, particularly in the cotton sub-sector after the 1994 CFA Franc devaluation.<sup>22</sup> These two SEGs also have the largest poverty gap. The persistence of high poverty gap even when the distribution, as a result of increased mean, has shifted to the right in the second round may also suggest that the poor from this group might not have fully benefited from growth. The benefits of growth in a highly redistributive context would have reduced the gap between the poverty line and average income of the poor, had it been characterized by a trickle down effect, with much higher increase of income occurring at the lower end of the income distribution. Instead, this gap became larger for subsistence farmers, the largest and poorest SEG. Expressed as a fraction of the poverty line, the absolute deviation between the mean income in this poorest group and the poverty line in the 22 An analysis of agricultural production during the 10 year periods pre- post-devaluation suggests large extensification of cotton production and increase volume in the post-devaluation, see INSD, 1998.

12
Policy Research Working Paper 6688

# **Abstract**

This paper uses data from a large survey of Chinese firms to investigate whether local government efforts to facilitate market development improve firm efficiency. Both government provision of information about products, markets, and innovation and government assistance in arranging loans are positively associated with firm efficiency. Those private firms with weak access to and knowledge of financial, input, and product markets benefit most from such assistance. These patterns are robust across multiple estimation approaches. Case studies of specific types of market facilitation by local governments are provided. The evidence is consistent with the notion that government facilitation can help some firms overcome market failures in the early stages of development. The paper argues that changing fiscal dynamics that forced local governments to become increasingly self-reliant in generating revenue and a government promotion system based on local economic performance compelled these efforts at market facilitation.

This paper is a product of the Finance and Private Sector Development Team, Development Research Group. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://econ.worldbank.org. The authors may be contacted at at lxu1@worldbank.org or rcull@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
retical framework. This finding would be of limited interest if salaries were entirely determined through a ‘lock-step’ schedule. However, in fact, there is substantial room for salaries that reflect performance, as the adjusted R<sup>2</sup> after our extensive controls never exceeds 0.71.

Perhaps TVA cannot be rewarded because it is difficult to observe or verify. Using our data on private schools, we replicate the specifications in Columns 2 and 3 for private school teachers in Columns 5 and 6. The differences in compensation schemes in Column 5 are striking. As has been noted before (Andrabi et al., 2008), the private sector pays teachers according to their outside option, penalizing women and teachers who are locally resident. The private sector also rewards training and education (in similar ways for education but less so for training). However, the premium on seniority is much lower and TVA is highly correlated with salaries. A 1sd increase in TVA is associated with a 11% increase in wages, and this coefficient is statistically significant at the 5% level.

In Column 6, we replicate the regression in Column 5 including school fixed effects. The inclusion of school fixed effects eliminates the positive relationship between mean TVA and salaries. There are two possible reasons for this: (1) across school TVA estimates are biased because unobservably better students attend more expensive schools or (2) the link between teacher pay and TVA is driven by the fact that better teachers are sorting into higher-paying, better private schools. While either explanation is possible, given that we find little evidence of bias in our across school TVA estimates in Appendix Table A5 or Tables 5 and 6, we believe that the second explanation is more likely, indicating that high-performing private schools pay higher wages to attract better teachers.

Our results suggest that teacher compensation in the public sector _does not_ reward more productive teachers, but it is unlikely that this is because teacher productivity is impossible to observe. In the private sector, more productive teachers work at schools where they earn substantially more than less productive teachers. Our framework points to the next natural question: would a decline in public sector wages lower the average quality of public school teachers? To answer this question, we now estimate the effects of the contract teacher policy, which lowered wages by 35%, on the characteristics of individuals entering the teaching profession and on TVAs.

# **5.2 Methodology**

While our TVA measures do not appear to be biased, we cannot simply regress TVA or other teacher characteristics on a teacher’s contract status to estimate the effect of a contract teacher policy since contract status is not randomly assigned. The 2% of teachers hired and retained on temporary contracts prior to 1998, as well as the 17% hired on permanent contracts after 1998, are likely to be highly selected. Instead, the hiring regime change in 1998 allows us to instrument for 21
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25
male extreme poverty rates, varies through the lifecycle when controlling for different individual and household characteristics . When looking at simple differences without controls, young women suffer from a sharp rise in the female poverty penalty between the ages of 20 and 30, from about 0.4 to over 2 percentage points. This penalty then falls and ultimately disappears by age 40. Moving from the unconditional difference to the base specification that includes country effects and household education slightly slows the increase in the gender disparity between ages 20 and 30. This likely results from controlling for country dummies, to the extent that poor women in their twenties are disproportionately prevalent in poorer countries, where young women face larger penalties in absolute terms. Controlling for household dependency ratio confirms that the pronounced spike in the female poverty penalty between the ages of 20 and 30 is due to the increased presence of young children. In this specification, however, girls and young women still face a 0.5 to 1 percentage point higher poverty rate between the ages of 0 and 15. Furthermore, when controlling for the individual’s economic activity, women are a full percentage point more likely to be poor than men, all the way from birth until age 45. This is consistent with a higher share of men entering the labor force, and that labor force participation lifting more men than women out of poverty, particularly between the ages of 15 and 19. To sum up, there is an observed female poverty penalty, which increases with age and peaks at the 20‐30 age group. Part of the sharp increase is due to the presence of young children; however, across all specifications we can observe a poverty penalty of 0.5 to 1 percentage point on girls and young women ages 0 to 15.

_Figure 9. Difference between female and male poverty rates (poverty penalty), by age group and specification_ Source: WB Staff’s calculations based on GMD.

Notes: The Y axis represents the difference between predicted extreme poverty rates for women and men by age group, based on separate r. Sample of 71 countries Household Type and Gender: Looking beyond headship Lessons from the individual‐level analysis indicate that household composition, particularly the presence of dependents like young children, plays an important role when it comes to looking at gender differences in poverty through the lifecycle. In this section, we further explore household characteristics and composition to expand on gender differences when it comes to poverty. We seek to expand on 20
Given the large potential impact that contingent liabilities can have on DSAs, authorities in SSA countries are encouraged to properly account for these risks where significant. Part of the challenge faced by analysts is the difficulty in quantifying the valuation of fiscal risks from exogenous shocks and the realization of explicit or implicit contingent liabilities of the government. It is often not easy to determine the likelihood of a sufficiently large shock that will trigger contingencies for government obligations. However, in cases where significant contingent liabilities are anticipated, incorporating a crude estimate is more useful than omission. Future capacity building efforts may also help further the identification and disclosure of fiscal risks in the DSA.

# **4.7 International sovereign bond issuance by developing SSA countries**<sup>22</sup>

Sub-Saharan African countries have increasingly tapped international investors as an additional source of sovereign financing since the global financial crisis, most notably in the last two years. The issuance of international sovereign bonds by SSA governments has increased rapidly, rising from a 2009 issuance by Senegal for USD 200 million, to over USD 6.2 billion issued in 2014 by six SSA sovereigns (Table 4.3). This increase in access to financial markets offers tremendous potential benefits to SSA countries, such as supplementing low domestic savings, further diversifying the investor base, extending the maturity profile of debt profiles, and helping address declining access to concessional financing.

**Table 4.3: SSA Issuance of International Sovereign Bonds (USD millions)**

|**Country**|**2009**|**2010**|**2011**|**2012**|**2013**|**2014**|**Total**|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Angola||||1000|||1000|
|Cote d'Ivoire||2330||||750|3080|
|Ethiopia||||||1000|1000|
|Gabon|||||1500||1500|
|Ghana|||||750|1000|1750|
|Kenya||||||2000|2000|
|Mozambique|||||850||850|
|Namibia|||500||||500|
|Nigeria|||500||1000||1500|
|Rwanda|||||400||400|
|Senegal|200||500|||500|1200|
|Seychelles||168|||||168|
|Tanzania|||||600||600|
|Zambia||||750||1000|1750|
|Total|200|2498|1500|1750|5100|6250|17298|
|Source: Tyson(2015).||||||||

However, international bond issuance also brings significant risks. These risks vary by country context and the purpose of the borrowing, with increased foreign exchange risk the most notable. Given the typical large size of international issuance (most frequently greater than USD 500 million), the foreign exchange exposure of the country’s debt portfolio can increase significantly, leaving the country at risk of future depreciation inflating servicing costs. This risk can be significant for the region, as evidenced by the large depreciations of the Ghanaian and Nigerian currencies in 2014. The recent slowdown in commodity

> 22 International sovereign bonds are defined as government bonds issued in foreign currency in international jurisdictions. South Africa has issued many such bonds but is outside the scope of the paper, and thus excluded from the section.

22