Rosenblaum’s (2015) findings on the unintended consequences of reform are supported by Bhalotra et al.’s (2017) analysis. Bhalotra et al. (2017) draw on NFHS data, and use a differencein-difference approach that exploits state-level variation in the timing of the inheritance law reform (and an indicator to capture the post-ultrasound period) to isolate the impact of inheritance reform on female feticide, female infanticide, and fertility stopping behavior. They find that following inheritance reform, SRB increased, female infant mortality (relative to male infant mortality) increased, and male-biased fertility stopping behavior increased. Furthermore, they find that stated son preference (measured as the desired share of sons among desired total births) increased in the post-reform period.<sup>17</sup> Given the negative impact of the reform on female fetal and child survival, Deininger et al. (2018) question whether some of the positive first-generation impacts Deininger et al. (2013) find translate into positive second-generation impacts. To examine this, they draw on three-generation individual data from the 2011 REDS follow-up conducted in Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, and Orissa, and they use a difference-in-difference strategy that exploits variation in cohort exposure to the law, state variation in implementation, and gender of the child observed. They find that postreform, first-generation female beneficiaries were more likely to complete primary education, brought more assets into marriage, and were more likely to have access to a bank account. These positive first-generation effects translated into positive second-generation effects as investments in the education and health of second-generation females (relative to male siblings) increased. At the same time, however, Deininger et al. (2018) observe that first-generation beneficiaries saw a reduction in the share of daughters born (i.e. the reform was associated with an increase in sex selective abortion among first-generation women).

Taken together, these studies suggest that while reform in property rights is an important step towards improving the status of women and girls, it does not necessarily bring about _immediate_ positive change in parents’ valuation of daughters.

# _Pension schemes_

Another area of possible intervention is in social protection for the elderly. As highlighted previously, sons are preferred over daughters because they can support parents during old-age. In Hubei province in China, for example, nearly 50 percent of the respondents to a fertility survey stated that the primary reason to have a son was because they needed support during old-age (Davin 1985). It follows that when the State steps in as the main provider of support for the elderly, it obviates the economic need for sons as support during old-age. This, in turn, can erode some of the deep-rooted preference for sons.

Ebenstein and Leung (2013) provide some evidence of this using the case of China’s rural old-age pension program. In 1991, China established an alternative to the family-based system of elderly support in rural areas, by initiating a funded, defined-contribution pension plan. Individuals would have to voluntarily contribute to the pension plan, and these contributions could be supplemented with subsidies from employers and local communities. To estimate the causal impact of this new

> 17 Some evidence also suggests that the reform was associated with an increase in marital conflict and the incidence of wife beating (Anderson & Genicot 2015).

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