Figure 5 shows that the latter were almost twice as likely to have attained (or attended, in the case of Lebanon) secondary (high-school or vocational) and post-secondary education.

Figure 6 presents the relative distribution of surveyed Syrian refugees across specific industries prior to the crisis, compared to the employed Syrian population. In line with the differences in educational profiles, in 2010, Syrian refugees were less likely than the typical employed Syrian to be working in high-skill jobs such as those in the public administration, health, and education industries. Workers in these jobs include, for instance, those employed in the executive and legislative administration of central, regional, and local bodies, as well as public servants, teachers and instructors, physicians, and dentists. There is also evidence that refugees were less likely to have been employed in jobs in professional services, such as financial or legal services. Finally, they were more likely have accumulated sector-specific experience in low-skill jobs in construction and “other services,” which encompasses a broad range of jobs related to the provision of services, ranging from repair and installation of equipment to transportation/storage and communication.

# **3. Life after Displacement**

This section characterizes proxies of welfare among Syrian refugees after displacement, considering shelter, labor market attachment and plausible determinants thereof, and financial security.

## **_A. Living Conditions_**

The importance of the quality of shelter for both physical and mental health is suggested by recent research based on observational studies and randomized controlled trials. As an example of the former literature, (Cattaneo, Galiani, Gertler, Martinez, & Titiunik, 2009) used a natural experiment to show that the replacement of dirt floors with cement floors in urban slums in Mexico had a positive impact on child health and maternal mental health. Three randomized controlled trials of improvements in housing conditions provided by the TECHO NGO in Uruguay, El Salvador, and Mexico estimate a positive effect of the intervention on satisfaction with one’s own shelter and overall quality of life (Galiani, et al., 2016). They also provide evidence that child health might be affected in some settings.

Our observational data for 2015 and recall data for 2010 are consistent with the possible detrimental effects associated with worse living conditions. For most refugees, forced displacement implied a transition from living in houses and apartments to living in nonstandard facilities such as collective centers, worksites, and abandoned buildings, including dwellings built for purposes other than human habitation, such as garages and storage rooms. Refugees living outside camps in 2015 and 2016 – in Lebanon, this includes the entire population of refugees – have experienced an improvement in housing since that time. The share of households living in houses and apartments has increased, especially in Kurdistan and Jordan, where almost all out-of-camp refugees are now living in standard housing (Figure 7). In Lebanon, the rates upon arrival and currently show little or no improvement, roughly 75 percent and 78 percent, respectively. As a consequence of the process that led to these living conditions, refugees tend to live in crowded 7