large and diverse sample.<sup>5</sup> Earlier studies have tended to focus on the experience of individual countries, and often on responses of IPV to an _individual_ woman working,(e.g. Bowlus and Seitz, 2006; Chin, 2012; Tertilt and Van den Berg, 2015) and these studies are mostly set in developed countries.<sup>6</sup> In contrast, this study considers macroeconomic shocks in a cross-section of countries over time.<sup>7,8</sup> Closely related to our approach are two recent studies, set in the US and the UK respectively, which consider how macroeconomic changes in relative male and female economic opportunities influence IPV.<sup>9</sup> Using demand driven variation in female relative to male wages at the county level in the United States, Aizer (2010) shows that IPV is decreasing in women’s relative wages. Anderberg et al. (2016) similarly find that improvements in the relative employment rates of women in the UK are associated with lower rates of IPV, and that male unemployment acts to inhibit IPV.<sup>10</sup> These findings can be rationalized with reference to a household bargaining model in which better labour market prospects for women relative to men increase their bargaining power by improving their outside options. The higher the threat point of women, the more averse men are to committing violence that may enhance the risk of marital dissolution (Farmer and Tiefenthaler, 1997). This study is able to

> 5 As discussed below, recent country specific studies instrument unemployment rates with a Bartik-style instrument. This is not possible in the sample in this paper since it would be necessary to gather data on industrial composition for every country in the sample. In contrast, by virtue of using data from several countries, the results have wider scope. The study is also able to investigate the role of barriers to divorce.

> 6 Understanding domestic violence in developing countries is important because rates are higher and women’s outside options are more limited, related to their having weaker property rights (Agarwal, 1994; World Bank, 2012), more limited labour market opportunities, and facing cultural and legal barriers to divorce.

> 7 This is useful because the macroeconomic unemployment rate captures changes in all women’s employment opportunities, including those who do not work.

> 8 Here, the study has summarized research predicting IPV, without attempting a comprehensive survey and focusing upon studies that model IPV as a function of individual employment or aggregate unemployment rates. There is a wider literature. For instance, Gulesci et al. ( _forthcoming_ ) find that mothers whose daughters were exposed to compulsory schooling increases are 12 percentage points less likely to find domestic violence justifiable, and there is not similar spillover associated with increases in their son’s education. Other studies have explained familial or regional variation in IPV with reference to _cross-sectional_ differences in childhood experiences or the historical shaping of gender norms respectively (Alesina et al. 2016; Tur Prats 2015).

> 9 Both of these studies use the Bartik instrument, relying upon variation in local industry shares.

> 10 Other studies that highlight the beneficial impacts of women’s own employment and income for IPV include Bowlus and Seitz (2006), Tauchen et al. (1991), Farmer and Tiefenthaler (1997) and Pronyk et al. (2006).

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