Kinsey, 2001; Dercon & Krishnan, 2000 ). Nevertheless, the impacts of malnutrition on poor children in their early development are more profound and in most cases irreversible.

**_Education._** As outlined by Baez et al. (2010), the impacts of disasters on educational outcomes can be transmitted in various ways, and isolating these effects and determining their direction of causality can be difficult. Generally speaking, disasters can result in direct physical damages to education infrastructure (such as buildings), and related services and resources (such as loss of electricity, etc.). In a broader sense, such resources also include teachers, who are just as affected by natural events and are often unable to seamlessly proceed with teaching, as they try to cope in the aftermath. The resulting absence of a small number of teachers can effectively disrupt the education of a large number of children. Potential income losses may furthermore result in reduced school attendance (e.g., due to unaffordable tuition fees), or increased child labor. While the exact role of each of these channels varies from case to case (and remains to be fully understood), overall evidence of the negative schooling effects due to disasters has been documented for various cases.

In principle, income volatility can be expected to result in deteriorating educational outcomes of poor children, as poor households without access to savings or loans are typically forced to divert investments away from non-essential expenses. Jensen (2000) provides evidence that in those regions in Côte d’Ivoire, which experienced income shocks due to significant agricultural shocks between 1986 and 1987, school enrollment rates declined by 20% in comparison to non–affected regions. Krutikova (2010) offers evidence from Tanzania, showing that income shocks (which may include anything from natural events to theft, or fires) have a significant impact on the school attendance and performance of children from poor households. The author shows that older girls (age 12-15) and younger boys (age 7-11) are most negatively affected, and that these consequences are highly persistent (measurable at least 10-13 years after the shock). This is in line with evidence by Jacoby and Skoufias (1997), who suggest that a 10% decline in agricultural income due to reduced rainfall would result in an average fall in school attendance by five days in the respective season.

In the context of education, it is crucial to note that adverse natural events have been shown to also increase the incidence of child labor – usually at the expense of schooling. This evidence is part of a broader literature on increased child labor as a consequence of various idiosyncratic shocks, such as economic downturns. Santos (2007) shows that following an earthquake in El Salvador in 2001, not only did school attendance fall by 7% for children from heavily affected households – children from these households were also three times more likely to work. Baez and Santos (2007) offer further evidence for the impact of Hurricane Mitch in Nicaragua in 1998: The authors find that in those areas heavily affected by the hurricane, children’s labor force participation increased by 58%. De Janvry et al. (2006) present further evidence suggesting that poor households use child labor as a mechanism to cope with (temporary) income shocks: survey data from low-income households in rural Mexico shows that more than 25% of teenagers aged 13-16 (younger children to a lesser extent) work intermittently, i.e. transition in and out of the labor force repeatedly whenever needed.

It is important to note that negative impacts on human capital outcomes can be either a direct or an indirect consequence of disasters. Impacts are direct if, for instance, an earthquake destroys schooling facilities and thus directly reduces school attendance of children. However, if a flood destroys a household’s savings, an indirect consequence of this may be to take children out of education in order to 10