rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
The measures of inequality (Gini index and Theil index) for total household income are presented in Table 8. They indicate that the overall inequality in income has not changed much even though all households have experienced income growth. Although the overall inequality does not appear to change much, the difference between urban and rural areas is striking. While the inequality in income slightly declined in rural areas, it increased in urban. Only 11% of the overall inequality in 1993 was due to ruralurban difference and this proportion decreases to 9% of the total inequality in 1998 pointing to a closing of the gap. Table 8 also presents the inequality for the 7 regions. Three of the main regions (North Central Coast, South East, and Mekong Delta) experienced slight declines in inequality, while rest experienced increases; with Red River Delta and Central Highlands experiencing drastic ones. Between group inequality has stayed proportionately the same, thus the regional gap stayed the same.

# **Table 8. Inequality Measures for Income**

||**The **<br>|**Inco**<br>**il T**<br>|**me**<br>**Gi **<br>|**ni**<br>|
|---|---|---|---|---|
||1993|1998|1993|1998|
|**All**|0.46|0.46|0.49|0.48|
|Rural|0.40|0.38|0.45|0.45|
|Urban|0.42|0.50|0.49|0.51|
|_Within group_|0.41|0.42|-|-|
|_Between group_|0.05|0.04|-|-|
|**Regions**|||||
|Northern Uplands|0.26|0.27|0.38|0.39|
|Red River Delta|0.39|0.50|0.45|0.49|
|North Central Coast|0.38|0.35|0.42|0.42|
|South Central Coast|0.44|0.46|0.49|0.47|
|Central Highlands|0.37|0.44|0.45|0.50|
|South East|0.46|0.42|0.50|0.48|
|Mekong Delta|0.45|0.41|0.48|0.47|
|_Within group_|0.41|0.41|-|-|
|_Betweengroup_|0.05|0.04|-|-|

Source: Author’s own calculations using VNLSS 93 and 98.

The growth incidence curves, which plot the average growth in income by percentiles, visually present the distribution of growth in incomes for different groups of households (Fig.4). The poorer households in the rural areas experience a higher growth than average<sup>21</sup> which indicates that rural poverty has declined in 1993-1998, which is

> 21 The average growth displayed is the growth rate in mean.

22
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Policy Research Working Paper 9023

# **Abstract**

The objectives of this study are to understand the determinants of reservation wages and measure the gap between reservation and market wages in North Macedonia. The study makes use of recently collected information on reservation wages in the Labor Force Survey 2016 and 2017. The analysis relies on ordinary least squares, propensity score matching, Heckman-corrected estimates, and panel fixed effects. The results suggest that it is mainly supply factors that shape reservation wages in the country. Higher education achievement sizably increases future wage expectations, while age and longer spells of unemployment reduce them.

Demand factors are found to be insignificant for reservation wage formation. Observed by skill level, the results suggest that low-skilled individuals consistently value their skills higher than what the market offers and set too high expectations. These circumstances are aggravated in cases where the household is well-off and/or receives remittances. By contrast, highly skilled individuals, despite maintaining a positive reservation wage gap, have a propensity to accept market wages even when they fall below their reservation wage, likely because these workers fear rapid depreciation of their skills.

This paper is a product of the Poverty and Equity Global Practice. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://www.worldbank.org/prwp. The authors may be contacted at aoviedo@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
# FREEZE(DETOT)  TOTGRP

Table 2.5. Welfare and Structural Implications of a Deterioration of the Terms of Trade

|Omega|Sigma|EXR|PD|PX|RPD|RPX|XD|XE|QM|QQ|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|0.2|0.2|1.13|.92|.97|1.23|1.16|74.34|25.66|23.32|97.49|
|0.5|0.5|1.02|.96|.98|1.06|1.04|74.64|25.36|23.05|97.59|
|2|2|0.95|.99|.98|.96|.97|75.44|24.56|22.32|97.70|
|5|5|0.93|.99|.98|.94|.95|76.01|23.99|21.81|97.78|
|5000000|5|0.93|.99|98|.94|.95|76.17|23.83|21.66|97.79|

Source : Computed As a result of this adverse terms of trade shock, the same amount of exports would now buy fewer imports. In order to increase exports to pay for more expensive imports there has to be real depreciation of the exchange rate (a decrease in the price of the domestic good relative to the price of the export good). This will induce a resource movement away from the domestic to the export sector. Whether or not there is real depreciation depends on the relative importance of the income and substitution effects associated with the terms of trade shock. Devarajan, Lewis and Robinson (1990:636) explain that the income effect would dominate the substitution effect when the elasticity of import substitution is less than one. As shown in table 2.5, the domestic sector would contract while the export sector would expand. There would be no structural change in the economy when the elasticity of substitution is equal to one. When this elasticity is greater than one, the substitution effect dominates the income effect and the export sector contracts while the domestic sector expands. These results are also confirmed by table 2.5.

The above discussion reveals that _the relevance of the policy response to external shocks depends on the structure of the economy_ . When the elasticity of import substitution is less than one, the policy advice is to depreciate the real exchange rate to mitigate the effects of an adverse terms of trade shock. Otherwise, real exchange appreciation is advocated for the substitution of domestic goods for more expensive 20
Lewis and Lockheed

# **Social Exclusion and the Gender Gap in Education**

Despite a sharp increase in the share of girls who enroll in, attend, and complete various levels of schooling, an educational gender gap remains in some countries. In this paper we argue that one explanation for this gender gap is the degree of social exclusion within these countries, as measured by ethno-linguistic heterogeneity, which triggers both economic and psycho-social mechanisms to limit girls’ schooling. Ethno-linguistic heterogeneity (or ethno-linguistic fractionalization, ELF) has appeared in the literature as a driver of economic growth, civil conflict, and the availability of public goods (Alesina, Devleeschauwer, Easterly, Kurlat, and Wacziarg. 2003; Habyarimana, Humphreys, Posner and Weinstein, 2007; Matuszeski, and Schneider 2006), but this is a first application of the concept to explain gender gaps in education. The organization of this paper is as follows. Section 1 discusses the effects of female education on economic and social development. Section 2 reviews the evidence regarding gender and ethnic differences in schooling, and introduces the concept of “social exclusion” as it applies to these differences. Section 3 examines the origins of social exclusion and reviews various theories from economics, sociology and psychology regarding how social exclusion can account for gender and ethnic differences in education. Section 4 tests the association empirically through cross-country analyses, and Section 5 presents our conclusions.

# **1. Girls’ Education and Development**

The importance of girls’ education for economic and social development is well known. Evidence from cross-country studies, household surveys, and anthropological observations provides a sound basis for concluding that educating women provides multiple payoffs for households and societies (World Bank 2001; Herz and Sperling 2004; Lloyd and others 2005). Development economists have emphasized the importance of girls’ educational attainment in reaching overall development goals. Summers (1994) noted that “investment in girls’ education may well be the highest return investment available in the developing world”. Levine, Lloyd, Greene and Grown review the evidence for investing in adolescent girls, in particular (Levine and others 2008).

The positive association between gender equality in educational attainment and GDP levels is well known. For more than a decade, cross-country studies examining the impact of female education on GDP and economic growth consistently have demonstrated positive effects 2
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# **2. Experience with Irrigation Water Reallocations**

## **2.1 Review of International Experience**

10. Interesting reviews of the experience with irrigation water reallocations are provided by two recent sources: Molle and Berkoff (2006; summarized in Molle and Berkoff, 2009), and a special issue of the journal _Paddy and Water Environment_ with ten articles, including an overview article by Levine et al. (2007). The former presents a large number of case studies from 19 countries, and the latter 9 case studies from 7 countries. The countries range from the western United States and Europe to China and Taiwan, China and a range of countries in South-East Asia, South Asia, Middle East and North Africa, and Latin America. The irrigation water is often transferred to rapidly growing cities, but also to industry (for example, a Coca-Cola plant in Kerala, India) and the environment (Australia and the United States).

11. Both reviews also try to not only document but also categorize the large and growing reallocation experience, including according to different types and mechanisms of transfers, and compensation issues. Some of the distinctions are not always clear-cut.

12. **Types of Transfers** . One distinction can be made between _temporary_ and _permanent_ transfers. Temporary transfers typically occur during emergencies such as a drought. Once the emergency is over, allocations revert to the original pattern. Permanent transfers may be _outright_ or _gradual_ transfers. Gradual transfers occur, for example, when a source of water tapped by several users is progressively diverted to a city; initially, the effects may be diffuse and largely unidentifiable.

13. Another distinction is between transfers of a _large_ or _limited_ percentage of the irrigation water source of origin. Outright permanent transfers, for example, may have large impacts when the transfer amounts to a large part or all of an existing source (e.g. the conversion of irrigation reservoirs to municipal use in China), or may be more easily accommodated if only a limited percentage of the available supply is diverted.

14. **Transfer Mechanisms** . A further categorization can be made based on the mechanism of the transfer, i.e. a transfer of _formal and informal rights_ to the use of water or by _administrative decision_ . In many developed countries, such as the western United States, reallocations take place through the transfer of _formal_ rights.<sup>2</sup> This may occur in a _free market_ with the price reflecting market conditions either in real time, or over a longer period (such as a season), or permanently. Because free markets usually fail to

> 2 Depending on the legal arrangements, water rights may be transferred separately from land rights, or they may be attached to the land.

4
information would clearly enhance the relative effectiveness of the transfer scheme over the simple untargeted scheme considered here.

Which policy has more impact on poverty is unclear on _a priori_ grounds. The selftargeting mechanism in a workfare program is expected to assure that the gains from an EGS are not uniform but tend to be higher for the poor (although the extent of self-selection is an empirical question).<sup>8</sup> Against this, the EGS incurs deadweight losses associated with the foregone incomes of participants and the extra non-wage costs incurred for non-labor inputs and supervision. Our empirical results to follow will reveal which scheme has the greater impact on poverty, given the trade off between targeting performance and efficiency cost.

# **3. Data**

Our analysis is based on the Employment-Unemployment Schedule (“Schedule 10”) of India’s National Sample Survey (NSS) for 1999-00. At the time of writing, this is the most recent available “thick sample” NSS with the complete version of Schedule 10.<sup>9</sup> In addition to standard data on household characteristics (religion, caste, land ownership, demographics, schooling), Schedule 10 includes detailed information on employment characteristics for all members of every household. For each person, information is collected on her principal activity in the year preceding the survey and daily activities during the week preceding the survey.

Schedule 10 also collected consumption expenditures (including imputed values for consumption in kind), which we use in studying the impacts on poverty. However, Schedule 10 used an abbreviated version of the main consumption module used by the NSS (including in the

> 8 On the comparative targeting performance of workfare schemes see Coady et al. (2004).  For a more general discussion of the incentive properties of such schemes see Besley and Coate (1994).

> 9 The larger “thick” samples are surveyed every five years. Smaller (“thin”) samples are surveyed annually, with an abbreviated version of Schedule 10.

11
# Coefficients of Variability of Education (for the Population Age over **15)**

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DISCRIMINATION AGAINST SEXUAL MINORITIES IN EDUCATION AND HOUSING: EVIDENCE FROM TWO FIELD EXPERIMENTS IN SERBIA

# **1. Access to Primary School Education for Students Perceived to be Gay**

Evidence from many countries illustrates that LGBTI students face discrimination and bullying from teachers, school staff, and their peers.<sup>xiv</sup> A 2014 UNICEF study showed that homophobic bullying has negative impacts on the students’ attendance and can increase the likelihood of alcohol consumption, depression, and even attempted suicide.<sup>xv</sup> This in turn leads to lower learning outcomes and higher dropout or expulsion rates. Poor performance in school reduces opportunities for higher education and access to quality employment. Addressing discrimination against LGBTI students is particularly important considering Sustainable Development Goal 4, under which Serbia (and all countries) has committed to ensuring inclusive and equitable quality education for all. In Serbia, discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, or being intersex in schools has not been systematically researched. This experiment, therefore, fills an important data gap for policymakers, school leaders, and the LGBTI community.

## **1.1. Methodology**

### **Experimental Scenario**

The experimental scenario was designed to assess if the presence of perceived femininity among 14‐year‐old boys had an impact on their chances to enroll in the seventh (7th) grade of public primary schools in Serbia.<sup>xvi</sup> In Serbian culture, men and boys who are perceived to be feminine are commonly assumed to be gay. In contrast, masculine girls or women are not always directly perceived to be lesbian. The inclusion of masculine girls, or any other part of the LGBTI population that the Serbian people are less familiar with, would not only have reduced the naturalness of the experimental scenario but also complicated the interpretation of the results. Notably, it is irrelevant in the scenario whether the boy in question is gay— only that he is perceived in the community to be gay, and may therefore be vulnerable to discrimination.

The schools were contacted by six members of the research team acting as mothers looking to enroll their son in a new school because the family was relocating for employment reasons. At the beginning of the interview, before the school administrator has a chance to make any statement about the availability of places, the mother mentions that the boy is “feminine,” and that his femininity is quite obvious, so she wants to draw the school’s attention to the fact. Primary schools are obliged by the law to enroll students. The telephone conversation was designed based on three assumptions:

- i. The femininity of the boy is the only obvious characteristic distinguishing the potential student which could affect the decision about his admission to school;

- ii. The mother’s statement about the femininity of her son is very clear and supported by a convincing argument as to why she is mentioning it at all;

- iii. The conversation should gather information that can be transformed into statistically comparable data.<sup>xvii</sup>

4
a booster listing exercise and survey in neighboring GNs in order to attain a larger sample for our intervention, re-interviewing those interviewed in the original sample. After dropping those firms that had closed since the first baseline, this gave a sample of 1,533 firms. Appendix 2 provides more details on the sampling methodology.

# **3.2 The Intervention**

Our main intervention consists of a temporary wage subsidy to firms with the purpose of encouraging owners to hire an additional full-time employee. The April 2009 survey – taken before anyone was made aware of the wage incentive program – asked for information about each employee currently working at the enterprise. In early July, we notified those assigned to the wage incentive treatment that we would pay a flat amount of 4,000 LKR per month for a period of six months if they hired an additional employee working at least 30 hours per week, and a flat amount of 2,000 LKR per month for a further two months. The employee had to be someone living outside the owner’s household and could not be an immediate family member (spouse, parents, siblings, and children). Participants were told that payments would start in August 2009 and, regardless of when the worker was hired, end by May 2010. In other words, workers had to be hired by October 1, 2009, for the full amount of the subsidy to be paid. The subsidy represents about half of the earnings of a typical unskilled worker. It is also approximately half the minimum wage, which in Sri Lanka is set by Wage Boards and ranged from approximately 7,000 to 8,000 LKR per month during the time of the intervention. Note that the minimum wages only apply to formally registered workers.

Several studies of the impacts of wage subsidies on workers in developing countries have found employers reluctant to register hired workers formally in the social security system where they would have to pay labor taxes (e.g. Galasso et al, 2004; Groh et al, 2016). Since the vast majority of microenterprises in Sri Lanka do not register their workers (de Mel et al, 2013), we did not make legal registration of workers a requirement of the program. Once we were notified by the participant that a worker had been hired, we sent a research assistant to conduct an interview with the new employee. We also conducted a short interview with the owner focused on the search and hiring process. Research assistants then made occasional unannounced visits to the enterprise to make sure the employee was working. In a few cases, the research assistants were unable to confirm that the employee was in fact working full time. In all such cases, within a few visits the 9
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