rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
children in the household as a control (please see online appendix Table A.5).

The evidence above is also consistent with other available studies on the nonfarm sector and rural industries (TVEs) in rural China. The income gap between the farm and nonfarm households was mitigated in the early years of reform by two factors: the household responsibility reform increased farmer’s income, and, in many cases, people employed on the farm were paid wages similar to the wages paid to workers in the township village enterprises (TVEs), the growing TVE sector in effect subsidizing the agricultural employment (Peng, 1998). This also reflects in part the lingering effects of policies during the cultural revolution that were successful in eliminating any significant differences between the peasants and non-peasants in rural China (Hannum et al. (2008)).

# <u>Rural India</u>

In contrast to China, there were no restrictions on rural-urban migration in India during the study period. A substantial body of independent evidence on occupational mobility in rural India suggests strong intergenerational persistence in farm/nonfarm occupations (Reddy (2015), Motiram and Singh (2012), Azam (2015), Hnatvoska et al. (2013)). Hnatvoska et al. (2013) show that there is strong persistence in rural occupations both in 1983 and 2004-2005; the son of a farmer is highly likely to be a farmer himself. Using the IHDS (2005) survey, Motiram and Singh (2012) also provide similar evidence. The fact that there was significant persistence in farm/nonfarm occupations implies that the expected returns to investing in children’s education are likely to differ across farm and nonfarm households. But whether the intercept in the nonfarm households would be higher or lower depends partly on the expected relative returns to education in the children’s generation, i.e., whether _R_<sup>_cn_</sup> _> R_<sup>_cf_</sup> or _R_<sup>_cn_</sup> _< R_<sup>_cf_</sup> . It is, however, much more difficult to estimate _expected returns_ to education for children. One can argue that parent’s expectation would depend on their information set, a salient element in which is his own returns to education. In other words, the evidence of higher returns to education in nonfarm in the parental generation suggests that the parents would expect similarly higher returns for children in nonfarm occupations. Note that even when _R_<sup>_cn_</sup> _> R_<sup>_cf_</sup> , the intercept for the nonfarm households can be smaller as we find in the empirical analysis above (Table 2), if the households with zero (or very low) parental schooling have sufficiently lower income in nonfarm occupations, i.e., _Y_ 0<sup>_pn_</sup> _< Y_ 0<sup>_pf_.</sup> The estimates of _Y_ 0<sup>_pn_</sup> and _Y_ 0<sup>_pf_,i.e.,theinterceptsoftheincomeequationforparents,</sup> using data from NSS 1993 round (employment and unemployment round), are reported 27
- Denny, Elaine, David Dow, Gabriella Levy & Mateo Villamizar-Chaparro. 2021. “Extortion and Civic Engagement among Guatemalan Deportees.”. _Unpublished Working paper_ . Commissioned as part of the “Preventing Social Conflict and Promoting Social Cohesion in Forced Displacement Contexts” Series. Washington, DC: World Bank Group.

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Policy Research Working Paper 6736

# **Abstract**

There is widespread interest in the number of hungry people in the world and trends in hunger. Current global counts rely on combining each country’s total food balance with information on distribution patterns from household consumption expenditure surveys. Recent research has advocated for calculating hunger numbers directly from these same surveys. For either approach, embedded in this effort are a number of important details about how household surveys are designed and how these data are then used. Using a survey experiment in Tanzania, this study finds great fragility in hunger counts stemming from alternative survey designs. As a consequence, comparable and valid hunger numbers will be lacking until more effort is made to either harmonize survey designs or better understand the consequences of survey design variation.

This paper is a product of the Poverty and Inequality Team, Development Research Group. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://econ.worldbank.org. The authors may be contacted at kbeegle@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
offspring and his relatives, and specifies each’s share. Upon a man’s death intestate, his widow is entitled to one-fourth of the estate if childless and to one-eighth if she has children or grandchildren with him. Polygynous co-wives share the one-fourth or one-eighth equally (Ewelukwa 2002; NIALS 2013).

On paper then, the legal traditions suggest that Muslim widows may be better protected and the view is reflected in the literature (Ostien and Dekker 2010). However, whether laws— statutory, customary or religious—are in fact abided by and enforced is another matter. Islamic law is superimposed on long-standing customary practices that may be hard to fully extinguish, especially when inheritance is at stake. What happens in reality is examined by Peterman (2011) for the 15 Sub-Saharan countries, including Nigeria (for 2008), for which a DHS collected a special inheritance module. Ever-widowed women aged 15-49 are asked who inherited most of their late spouse’s property. Peterman finds that less than 28% of Nigerian widows inherited most of the property. Interestingly, in Peterman’s country-specific regressions investigating the probability that a widow gets any inheritance from her husband controlling for demographic, economic and geographic characteristics, a dummy for being Muslim is positive and significant, and has more explanatory power than the other covariates in the Nigeria case (although this is not discussed by Peterman). We revisit these data to probe deeper for differences in the experience of Muslim and Christian widows.

The consequence of inheritance for women’s economic and social support is reviewed by Cooper (2010); also see Cooper and Bird (2012). Its critical nature is fully perceived by women themselves as suggested by evidence of behavioral responses to the risk of widowhood. Although understudied, such responses are documented in recent work. The risks of widowhood are one possible explanation for findings of son-preference in the literature. Milazzo (2014) provides evidence for son preference in Nigeria. Women with earlier-born daughters significantly and dangerously increase their fertility, use fewer contraceptives, and reduce birth spacing relatively more than those with first born-sons. More direct evidence of the link to widowhood is found in Lambert and Rossi (2016) who show that Senegalese women whose husbands have children from other marriages, and hence ‘rivals’ for his inheritance, reduce birth spacing and increase the number of pregnancies to potentially dangerous levels in the attempt to have a son as insurance against widowhood. Finally, Dillon and Voena (2017) demonstrate that married couples make significantly lower productive investments in land in Zambian villages 8
25 TRADE, TRANSPORT, AND TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT confirm that the GQ caused a spatial reorganization of manufacturing within the secondary region (See Table 14 in Appendix D).<sup>26</sup>

# **6. Conclusion**

In this paper, we explore how the interaction of external and internal trade costs affects the distribution of manufacturing activity across regions within India by examining the effect of two policy interventions during the period 1989-2009. These include the trade liberalization episode of the early 1990s and the construction and upgrade of the large scale Golden Quadrilateral (GQ) highway program during the 2000s. Using data from the organized manufacturing sector, we establish three key findings. _First_ , trade reforms in India helped disperse economic activity to secondary regions, but for the wrong reasons – incompetent manufacturers moved to these regions seeking protection from import competition. _Second_ , massive infrastructure investments in transport costs were successful in spreading manufacturing activity. Overall there was reallocation toward the primary region and only districts along the network benefited within the secondary region. _Third_ , economic activity in the interior region remained depressed and is in fact falling, irrespective of changes in external or internal trade costs. Our economic geography model of trade and production supports these results.

Reduction in transport costs may create spatial winners and losers. Reducing economic distance in the secondary regions and hinterland may possibly also lead to a decline in local activity. For remote locations, improved connectivity implies better access to markets, but also removes protection from outside competition for local producers. As our work suggests, activity in remote regions remains depressed even when connected by the GQ highways. Improvements in transport connectivity are often not enough to support economic development in less attractive locations. Complementary conditions such as the quality of local amenities, connectivity with ports and the strength of comparative advantage in the export sector are key factors in determining the gains across regions. Domestic policies that support spatial mobility of labor and investment in such complementary factors can mediate potential trade-offs between spatial efficiency and equity within countries, and allow for faster development.

> 26For this exercise, we only looked at the period 2000-05 because 95 percent of the GQ already been completed by 2006. Because none of the districts that were treated early belonged to the interior region, we cannot do a similar analysis for this region.
would be most hydrologically-sensitive to the climate change scenarios that were used in the simulation. Hydrological sensitivity of the Indus and Uruguay basins is described as moderate and that of the Mekong is described as low. The adaptation scenarios that have been considered in the basins include mainly investment in larger storage, and adjustments to allocation regimes. However, because these two adaptation interventions are associated with transboundary property rights, the authors correctly identify that climate change could likely lead to either cooperation or conflict among the basin riparians.

Using simulations, Arora and Boer (2001) analyzed twenty three basins, among them twelve that are international. Applying one climate change scenario they simulated future mean annual discharges and mean annual floods in 2100. Findings suggest that rivers in middle to high latitude are expected to face between +67 and -16 percent change in mean annual discharge and between +68 and -28 percent change in mean annual flood. On the other hand, rivers in tropical and low latitudes are expected to face between +5 and -79 percent change in mean annual discharge and between +26 and -74 percent change in mean annual flow. These findings necessitate a serious consideration of water management adaptation, including a possible adjustment of infrastructure. A recent global study (Palmer et al. 2008) evaluated the future (2050, A2 Scenario) impact of climate change on the discharge of major dammed rivers. The findings are in agreement with Arora and Boer (2001), but much more comprehensive in coverage. They then evaluate a set of river basin management strategies (Bernhardt et al. 2005) to propose a range of interventions that may mitigate future impact of climate change and manmade development on river flow.

Similar findings are suggested by Milly et al (2005), namely an increase of runoff (10-40 percent) by 2050 in high latitude basins in North America and Europe, and in certain low latitude basins such as the La Plata and basins in western Africa. A decrease in runoff between 10 to 30 percent is expected in basins in southern Europe, the Middle East, and basins in mid-latitude western regions of North America and southern Africa.

Climate change is said to affect future river flows by increasing intra and inter-annual variability, and in certain locations to reduce annual means. However, historical records of many river basin flows suggest that significant variability and trends in mean flows have already been observed (Arora et al, 2001; Milly et al. 2005; Palmer et al., 2008; Dinar A., 2009). This means 7
- Rubin, E. S., Cooper, R. N., Frosch, R. A., Lee, T. H., Marland, G., Rosenfeld, A. H., Stine, D. D., 1992. Realistic mitigation options for global warming. Science 257 (5067), 148–149.

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- World Bank, 2012. Inclusive green growth : the pathway to sustainable development. World Bank, Washington, D.C.

# **Appendix A. Model**

We extend the model proposed by Vogt-Schilb and Hallegatte (2014). The quantity of emission reductions done with measure _i_ at time _t_ is denoted _ai,t_ . The abatement potential of measure _i_ is denoted _Ai,t_ , imposing the following constraint:<sup>6</sup> The second constraint on emission reduction is that they cannot grow faster than the diffusion speed _vi_ , such that: The abatement target, set for a date in the future _T_ (e.g. 2020 or 2030), is denoted _a_<sup>_⋆_</sup> _T_<sup>.Itsetsthefollowingconstraint:</sup>

- 6 In the model proposed by Vogt-Schilb and Hallegatte (2014), abatement potentials do

- not evolve over time. This is the only difference.

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Globalization and the Gender Wage Gap

# **<u>ABSTRACT</u>**

There are several theoretical reasons why globalization will have a narrowing as well as widening effect on the gender wage gap, but little is known about the actual impact, except for a number of country studies. This study provides a cross-country study of the impact of globalization on the occupational gender wage gap, based on the rarely used but most far-ranging survey of wages around the world, the ILO October Inquiry. This annual survey was started in 1924 and contains a wealth of information on wages and the gender wage gap. For the period 1983-99, there is information on the gender wage gap in 161 narrowly defined occupations in more than 80 countries around the world. This study finds the following: (i) the occupational gender wage gap appears to be narrowing with increases in GDP per capita; (ii) there is a significantly narrowing impact of trade and FDI net inflows on the occupational gender wage gap for low-skill occupations, both in poorer and richer countries, and for high-skill occupations in richer countries; (iii) there is no evidence of a narrowing impact of trade, but there is evidence of a widening impact of FDI net inflows on the high skill occupational gender wage gap in poorer countries; and (iv) wage-setting institutions have a strong impact on the occupational gender wage gap in richer countries.

Overall the study concludes that the occupational gender gap appears to fall with increasing economic development, trade and foreign investment, but not always. The lack of evidence of a narrowing impact of trade and evidence of a widening impact of FDI net inflows on the high-skill occupational gender gap in poorer countries show that globalization may not lower and in some instances may increase occupational gender wage gaps. This finding complements earlier studies documenting an increase in wage inequality after trade liberalization in a number of developing countries, possibly reflecting skill complementarities.

Remco H. Oostendorp Free University Amsterdam De Boelelaan 1105, Kamer 4A-23 1081 HV Amsterdam, The Netherlands roostendorp@feweb.vu.nl 1
# **Table 5: Overall Secured Transactions Scope in MENA Countries**

||**Broad pool of assets**|**Mechanisms to secure all movable of a**|**Future assets,**|
|---|---|---|---|
|**Country**|**accepted as collateral with**|**company (Enterprise charge, nantissement**|**products and**|
||**generic description**|**de fonds de commerce)**|**proceeds**|
|Algeria|N|-|-|
|Bahrain|N|Y|N|
|Egypt|N|Y|N|
|Iraq|N|N|N|
|Iran|N|N|N|
|Jordan|N|N|N|
|Kuwait|N|Y|N|
|Lebanon|N|Y|N|
|Libya|-|-|-|
|Morocco|N|Y|N|
|Oman|N|N|N|
|Qatar|N|N|N|
|Saudi Arabia|N|N|N|
|Syria|N|N|N|
|Tunisia|N|Y|N|
|UAE|N|Y|Y|
|West Bank &<br>Gaza|N|-<br>|-<br>|
|Yemen|N|~~N~~<br>N|~~N~~<br>Y|

_Source: Doing Business_ 2010 With regard to _intangible movable property_ , the use of these types of assets as collateral is much more limited, although a few countries allow the use of receivables, securities, bank accounts and salaries as collateral.

Another inhibitor to expanding the use of movable property as collateral is the requirement to describe each piece of collateral specifically. Certain assets, such as inventory or accounts receivable, exist as a pool, but the individual elements are constantly changing as a matter of daily business. It is impossible to make new adjustments to a security agreement for each change. Floating pledges, where a changing pool of assets such as inventory or accounts receivable is used as collateral, without the need to document each individual piece of collateral, though common in more advanced financial systems, also by and large do not exist in the MENA region. Table 6 illustrates how the MENA region compares with others in the scope of their laws governing secured transactions.

15
# **Figure 1: FDI inflows and FDI stock in China, 1980-2005**

FDI inflows in China, 1980-2005 <!-- Start of picture text --> 80 000<br> 70 000<br> 60 000<br> 50 000<br> 40 000<br> 30 000<br> 20 000<br> 10 000<br>-<br>1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004<br>FDI stock in China, 1980-2005<br> 350 000<br> 300 000<br> 250 000<br> 200 000<br> 150 000<br> 100 000<br> 50 000<br>-<br>1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004<br>FDI inflows (Million dollars)<br>FDI stock (Million dollars)<br><!-- End of picture text --> Source: UNCTAD World Investment Report online database.

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