rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
Table 6: Cost-benefit-analysis

|Older cohort<br> <br> <br>|You<br>|nger cohort<br> <br>|
|---|---|---|
|Per beneficiary<br>($)<br>Total<br>($)<br>Per|benefic<br>($)|iary<br>Total<br>($)|
|Discounted stream of income (B)<br>96<br>64,573,510|601|404,598,373|
|Discounted cost (C)<br>76<br>51,469,388|76|51,469,388|
|B-C<br>19<br>13,104,122|525|353,128,985|
|Return for each USD invested<br>1.3||7.9|
|_Assumptions:_<br>Number of beneficiaries = 673,162.<br>Annual cost per beneficiary = USD 27.<br>Benefits start at age 18 and continue for 40 years.<br>Returns to education = 6.5%.<br>Discount rate = 5%.<br>Average annual earnings = 33% of 2012 GDP per capita in PPP terms.<br>Additional years of schooling for younger cohort = 0.7.<br>Additional years of schooling for older cohort=0.1.|||

# 8. **Discussion**

This paper showed that expanding access to preschools in rural Indonesia increased enrollment in preschools and improved child development outcomes. Most importantly, some of these positive impacts were sustained into primary school for the younger cohort. The evaluation design of the Indonesia ECED project allowed us to assess treatment effect variation across two cohorts of children who were exposed to key components of the project at different points in the project lifespan. Although the project had positive impacts for both cohorts of children, the fact that these impacts varied across cohorts suggests that the maturity and timing of preschool interventions are important factors to consider in impact evaluations.

There are a number of factors that explain the different outcomes resulting from expanded access to early childhood education services observed across the two cohorts in this evaluation.

The first is that children in the younger cohort were significantly more likely to enroll in project playgroups than the older cohort. The younger cohort was also enrolled in these services for longer than the older cohort. This was likely due both to the older cohort being at the upper end of the appropriate age range for playgroups at the onset of the project, as well as the maturity of the playgroups themselves at the time when the cohorts were able to enroll.

Another factor is how project playgroups evolved between 2009 and 2013 in terms of user fees. Approximately half of the project playgroups were not charging user fees at the beginning of the project, meaning that many of the children in the older cohort accessed the services for free (Brinkman et al. 2015).<sup>22</sup> By the end of the project, less than a quarter of the centers were free, with approximately half of all project playgroups charging between 10,000 and 25,000 IDR, which was comparable to the amount charged by non-project playgroups.

Among those children only enrolled in project playgroups, the wealth profile was very different for the two cohorts of children. On average, children in the younger cohort had

> 22 See Appendix Table 7.

20
For more information on the WHO/UNICEF JMP service ladders for monitoring WASH in health care facilities refer to the core questions and indicators?.

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+ Core questions and indicators for monitoring WASH in health care facilities in the Sustainable Development Goals. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2018 (https://apps.who. int/iris/handle/10665/275783, accessed 17 May 2023). ?|mproved water sources are those whose design and construction enable them to deliver safe water. They include piped water, boreholes or tubewells, protected dug wells, protected springs, rainwater, and packaged or delivered water. + Improved sanitation facilities are those designed to hygienically separate human excreta from human contact. They include wet sanitation technologies (e.g. flush and pour flush toilets connecting to sewers, septic tanks or pit latrines) and dry sanitation technologies (e.g. dry pit latrines with slabs, composting toilets).
**Table 4.1  Grant and Credit Programs**

|**Sector**|**Grant Programs**|**Credit Programs**|**Total**|
|---|---|---|---|
|**1.- Fishing**|2|-|2|
|2.- Agricultural and animal husbandry|16|4|20|
|3.- Mining|2|6|8|
|4.- Commerce, restaurants and hotels|2|-|2|
|5.- Cross-sectoral|38|12|50|
|**Total PSD programs**|**60**|**22**|**82**|
|**6.- Special**|8|-|8|
|7.- Social assistance|5|1|6|
|**Total reported programs**|**73**|**23**|**96**|
|8.- Not received / Aggregated|7|-|7|
|**TOTAL**|||**103**|

Of the 103 programs identified in 2002, only 82 were strictly private sector development programs— based on their objectives and target beneficiaries. Of the 82 remaining programs, 60 were grant programs and 22 were credit programs (which included guarantees). The resources executed in 2001 by the 60 grant programs amounted to 13.149.145 UF (or US$328.7 million as of late 2001).<sup>54</sup> Fishing, agriculture, mining, and commerce received the bulk of the resources (see Tables 4.2 and 4.3).

**Table 4.2  Grant Programs in Private Sector Development**

|**Grant Program**|**Percentage**|
|---|---|
|Franquicia Tributaria a la Capacitación, SENCE|36.4%|
|Ley No 18.450 Fomento al Riego y Drenaje, CNR|9.7%|
|Sistema de Incentivos para la Recuperación de Suelos Degradados ,<br>SAG|6.2%|
|Programa para la recuperación de suelos degradados, INDAP|5.3%|
|Programa de Promoción de Exportaciones, PROCHILE|4.5%|
|FONDEF, CONICYT|3.8%|
|Servicio de Asesorías Técnicas, INDAP|3.8%|
|Fondo de Desarrollo e Innovación (FDI), CORFO|3.7%|
|Proyecto Asociativo de Fomento (PROFO), CORFO|3.5%|
|FONTEC, CORFO|3.5%|
|Subsidio Ley 19.561 a la Forestación, CONAF|2.3%|
|Fondo de Asistencia Técnica (FAT), CORFO|2.3%|
|Programa Riego, INDAP|2.2%|
|Others|12.8%|
|Total|100.00%|

Source: Almeyda and De la Barra (2002). See Annex B.

In 2001, the grant programs provided an average of 612 UF (US$15,300) per client firm. Outreach — was impressive there were 1,095,206 beneficiaries in 2001. However, due to the lack of an

> 54 The exchange rate at the time of this part of the study was US$25 per UF. As of March 2004, it is US$27.

32
Policy ReseaRch WoRking PaPeR 4909

# **Abstract**

This paper examines the impacts of natural disasters on schooling investments with special focus on the roles of ex-ante actions and ex-post responses using panel data from Bangladesh, Ethiopia, and Malawi. The importance of ex-ante actions depends on disaster risks and the likelihood of public assistance, which potentially creates substitution between the two actions. The findings show that higher future probabilities of disasters increase the likelihood of holding more human capital and/or livestock relative to land, and this asset-portfolio effect is significant in disaster prone areas. The empirical results support the roles of both ex-ante and ex-post responses (public assistance) in coping with disasters, but also show interesting variations across countries. In Ethiopia, public assistance plays a more important role than exante actions to mitigate the impact of shocks on child schooling. In contrast, households in Malawi rely more on private ex-ante actions than public assistance. The Bangladesh example shows active roles of both ex-ante and ex-post actions. These observations are consistent with the finding on the relationship between ex-ante actions and disaster risks. The results also show that among ex-ante actions, human capital accumulated in the household prior to disasters helps mitigate the negative effects of disasters in both the short and long runs.

This paper—a product of the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery Unit, Sustainable Development Network Vice Presidency—is part of a larger effort in the network to disseminate the emerging findings of the forthcoming joint World Bank-UN Assessment of the Economics of Disaster Risk Reduction. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://econ.worldbank.org. The team leader—Apurva Sanghi—can be contacted at "asanghi@worldbank. org", and the author of this paper at "f.yamauchi@cgiar.org". We thank Apurva Sanghi and participants at the World Bank for useful comments.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
complex survey design with cluster sampling and stratification for most surveys is taken into account, the dominant part of the variance would likely be the first term in (6).<sup>16</sup> Finally, the assumption of constant parameters employed by most, if not all, existing studies is overly restrictive and much more demanding than our Assumption 2. As implied by Corollary 1.2., this assumption can lead to a number of very general results such as any imputed quantities—including mean consumption or any percentile along the consumption distribution— can approximate those based on the true data. These results are sweepingly broad and are thus unlikely to hold under most contexts. We will come back to more discussion on the validity of this assumption in the next section on empirical results.

In practice, the set of the observed overlapping variables between the two survey rounds can be small (i.e., few common variables exist between the two surveys), which may effectively result in these variables being unable to capture well the intertemporal change in poverty. Put differently, Assumption 2 may not hold due to the existence of a limited set of overlapping variables, which can in turn invalidate our imputation framework. However, in such cases, if the trend in the unobserved variables across the survey round and the direction of their correlation with household consumption is known (or can be inferred from previous survey rounds), we can still obtain bound estimates of poverty as proposed in the following proposition.

# **Proposition 2: Bound estimates**

_Given Assumptions 1 and 2, if the set of the observed overlapping variables between the survey rounds does not fully capture the change in poverty over time, but assuming that the general trend of the changes in the unobserved variables as well as the direction of their correlation with household consumption is known, we can obtain bound estimates on the poverty rate in period 2. In particular, without loss of generality assuming that these unobserved variables have a positive correlation with household consumption, if this trend is positive, we can obtain an upper bound_

> 16 An implication of this is that the standard error for the imputation-based poverty estimate can in fact be even smaller than that of the true rate if the sample size in survey 2 is much larger than in survey 1 and there is a good model fit. See, e.g., Matloff (1981) for further discussion.

18
Policy Research Working Paper 9500

# **Abstract**

This paper investigates the relationship between immigration and the exposure of native workers to the health and labor-market risks arising from the COVID-19 pandemic. Using various measures of occupational risks based on European Union labor force survey data, the paper finds that immigrant workers, especially those from lower-income member countries in Eastern Europe or from outside the EU, face greater exposure than their native-born peers to both income and health-shocks related to COVID-19. The paper also shows that native workers living in regions with a higher concentration of immigrants are less exposed to some of the income and health risks associated with the pandemic. To assess whether this relationship is causal, a Bartik-type shift-share instrument is used to control for potential bias and unobservable factors that would lead migrants to self-select into more vulnerable occupations across regions. The results show that the presence of immigrant workers has a causal effect in reducing the exposure of native workers to various risks by enabling the native-born workers to move into jobs that could be undertaken from the safety of their homes or with lower face-to-face interactions. The effects on the native-born population are more pronounced for high-skilled workers than for low-skilled workers, and for women than for men. The paper does not find a significant effect of immigration on wages and employment—indicating that the effects are mostly driven by a reallocation of natives from less safe jobs to safer jobs. .

This paper is a product of the Social Protection and Jobs Global Practice and the Development Research Group. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://www.worldbank.org/prwp. The authors may be contacted at lbossavie@worldbank.org, dgarrotesanchez@worldbank.org, mmakovec@worldbank.org, and cozden@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent._ Produced by the Research Support Team
- 16 -

In the last set of regressions, we try to separate out compliance with Chapter 5 from other design features of supervision and regulation by introducing as regressors four indexes constructed using BCL’s survey of bank regulators. Specifically, these indexes measure the presence in the laws and regulations of various provisions related to discipline, information disclosure, auditing requirements, and lack of banking restrictions (Barth, Caprio, Levine, 2001). Among the BCL variables, only the disclosure index has a significant impact on ratings once compliance with Chapter 5 is controlled for. Surprisingly, however, its coefficient is negative, perhaps suggesting that having many disclosure requirements but not enforcing them is detrimental to bank soundness.

# <u>Endogeneity of BCP Compliance</u>

In this paper, we use individual bank level information to test the impact of compliance with the BCPs. Since an individual bank’s soundness rating is unlikely to have an impact on country-level measures of supervisory quality, reverse causality should not be a serious concern. However, soundness ratings are correlated within countries, so it is possible that assessors may assign better compliance ratings to countries whose large banks are generally considered to be financially sound. Furthermore, since the level of compliance is a policy choice made by the countries themselves, countries with sounder banks may face less political opposition in adopting more rigorous regulatory and supervisory processes compared to those countries with distressed banks. On the other hand, it can also be argued that countries with weak banks coming out of a financial crisis may have the strongest incentives and political support to reform their regulations and supervision. So in principle the endogeneity of supervision may bias the relationship with soundness in either direction.
i3between poor people's investment in sustainable activities distinguishes these developmeLlt projects from simple welfare schemes that may reduce misery, at least in the short term, but do not equip the poor with the institutional mechanisms that allow them to magnify the resources that have been invested.

Once one recognizes the importance of institutions a difficult question then arises: what do appropriate institutions look like? Of most direct relevance to this discussion are institutions that have an organizational structure like farmer cooperatives or government ministries. The kinds and combinations of "appropriate" institutions that facilitate sustainable growth, however, may vary considerably from sector to sector and from place to place. For example, a financial institution that successfully provides credit to credit groups will bear little resemblance to a research station doing farming systems rpsearch on local smallholder agriculture. But development experience suggests that there are some general characteristics that many of these "appropriate" institutional structures share.

It is the objective of this paper to describe and evaluate these broad components. The paper is divided into two parts: first, it outlines characteristics of institutions that promote both economic growth and the reduction of poverty; second, it addresses the problems and prospects encountered in developing institutions which actively involve the poor. A wide variety of successful (and relatively less successful) case studies are used from different sectors and sub-sectors in both sections. Cases were chosen to provide insight into the lessons learned from institutional initiatives and to convey the geographical and sectoral variety of successful, poverty-orientad institutional activities.
11 Nigeria, Tanzania and Uganda, are among the latest reormer. Thei fur atempt at serious and sustained reform began during 1986-87. Thus, all the sampled countries have had at least _5_ years of experience with structural adjustment and trade reform. In terms of resources, extenal assistance to these countries has bee sgnificant. Between 1980 and 1991, Bank structural adjustment loans/credits (SALs and SECALs) alone, that is not taking into account co-financing, IMF loans, debt rescheduling, and other bilateral assistance, has amounted to $ 6.4 billion (Table 2). As a share of GDP, in 1990 rt disbursement of external assistance from all sources to these countries ranged from a low 0.7 percent in Nigeria to high of 48.2 percnt in Tanzania. In per apita terms, this amounted to a low of $2 in Nigeria to a high of $100 in Senegal.<sup>11</sup> What has been the impact of this generous investment of resources? Have the countries in question implemented the required trade and other accompanying reforms and have these had a 3ignificantly positive impact on their economic performance? Several studies<sup>12</sup> have tried to answer these questions. In the majority of these studies, especially those undertaken within the Bank, extensive use has been made of the ALCID data base to track countries' implementation and a before/after or control group methodology isemployed to analyze the impact of reform on several indicators of economic performance. To avoid repetition of these efforts and to remain within the more modest objectives of this summary paper, a different methodology is employed. In this work, the ranking of countries in terms of implementation ismore subjective. Based on a much smaller sample of countries, the emphasis is placed on what prevented or encouraged implementation. Specifically, the objective in this study is to se whether the experience of the sampled countries offers new insights and general lessons that either confirm or contradic **t** he accepted knowledge about trade policy implementation and its impact. First a brief clarification is needed of the meaning of trade liberalization.

# 11 World Development Report, 1992, Table 20.

12See for example Nash and Thomas (1990), RALs 1, 2 and 3. For the most recent studies focusing ov SSA, **see** for example Nash (1993), EEC (1992), and Elbadawi et al. (1992).