rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
The literature uses a framework based on Rajan and Zingales (1998) and first applied to services broadly in Arnold, Javorcik, and Mattoo (2011) in a study of the Czech Republic. The typical study examines whether increased access to specific foreign services enhances performance in downstream sectors whose production is relatively intensive in those services. The usual specification takes the following form: Where _i_ is the firm, _j_ the sector, and **X** a matrix of sector-level control variables. _Yi,t_ is the outcome of interest (productivity, comparative advantage), and the key explanatory variable, _services linkage_ , is the interaction between a measure of a specific sector’s dependence on services inputs and a measure of services access (which could be related, for example, to services policy reforms or FDI inflows).<sup>13</sup> The hypothesis is that sectors using specific services relatively more intensively benefit relatively more from the reform of those services. This general framework becomes clearer in the specific examples discussed below.

# **_For productivity_**

India offers a powerful example of the benefits of greater participation in manufacturing value chains by foreign services firms. Conventional explanations of the modest resurgence of Indian manufacturing since the early 1990s have focused on policy reforms in manufacturing industries. But a key factor lies outside manufacturing and in the services sector. Reforms in the 1990s visibly transformed services sectors, with greater openness and improved regulation leading to dramatic growth in domestic and foreign investment. Indian manufacturing firms were no longer at the mercy of inefficient public monopolies but could now source services from a wide range of domestic and foreign providers operating in an increasingly competitive environment. As a result, they had access to better, newer, more reliable, and more diverse business services.

These improvements enhanced firms’ ability to invest in new business opportunities and better production technology, to exploit economies of scale by concentrating production in fewer locations, to efficiently manage inventories, and to coordinate decisions with suppliers and customers.

To analyze the link between services reforms and manufacturing productivity in India, Arnold et al. (2016) collected detailed information on the pace of reform across Indian services sectors, with a focus on entry and operational restrictions. To make this information amenable to econometric analysis, the study aggregated it into time-varying reform indexes. They then related the total factor productivity of about 4,000 manufacturing firms to the state of liberalization in services sectors, taking into account other aspects of openness, such as tariffs on output and intermediate inputs as well as foreign direct investment in final and intermediate goods sectors.

> 13 The _services linkage_ variable can be interpreted as a weighted average across sectors of the access measure of interest, with the weights indicating the sensitivity of sector _j_ to input _k_ (weight _aj,k_ can, for example, be the share of _k_ in total inputs of _j_ ).

15
8

# Frontier Economics

14. "Frontier economics" is the terrn ust by economist and systems theorist Kenneth Boulding to describe the approach that prevailed in indusulal countries (from at least te time of t.' scirntific revolution) until the late 1960's. At its most basic, it treats nature as an infinite supply of physical resources (raw materials, energy, water, soil, and, air) to be used for human benefit, and as an infinite sink for the by-products of the development and consumption of these benefits, irn the fo¢m of varioas types of pollution and ecological degradation.<sup>10</sup> This _throughput aspect of the flow of resources from nature into the economy and the flow of wastes back out into the "environmene'_ did not enter into predominant economic thinking, because it was believed to be _infinite_ in potential, while neoclassical economics was chiefly concerned with the allocation of those resources perceived to be _scarc .11_ Thus, according to this view, th^re is no explicit biophysical "environment" to be managed, becauwse it is irrelevant to the economy. According to Lester Thurow (in 1980), "wmTies about natural resource exhaustion are hard to rationalize from the point of view of economics."'12 _15._ Hence, the economy became disembodied from nature, in theory and in human practice. _"The standard texbook representadon of the economic process by a circular diagran, a pendulum movement between production and consumption within_ a _conmletely closed system,"_ with all flows being completely reversible, (Figure 2) was widely ac=cpted.13 This posed little problem as long as the rate of demand for natual resources ard ecosystem services did not exceed nature's capacity to provide them. Since this capacity was assumed to be infinite, for all pracdcal purposes, the issue of _scale_ of total resource flow relative to total resource stocks was not considered.4 The primary limiting factors of production are perceived, in both neoclassical and Marxist economic analysis, to be human labor and man-made capital. There is an unbridled faith in the "progress" of human ingenuity, in the benevoleace of technological advancement, and their capacity to reckon with any problems that might arise (i.e., through substitution when scarcity causes prices to rise). Since both nature's capacity and human ingenuity are seen as ? ,.idless, there is little conceptual possibility for the combination of the accumulation of damage and the depletion of resources to

- 10 Boulding, Kenneth, 1966. MThe Economics of the Coming Spaceship Earth," in HE. Jarett, ed., _Environment al QuaIly in a Growing Economy._ Johns llopdns Press, Baldtimore.

- 11 Daly, Hemman E., 1989. "Steady-State Vensus Growth Economics: Issues for the Next Century." Paper for the Hoover nstdtution Conference on Populadon, Resources and Environment, Stanford University, Febmay 1-3, 1989.

- 12 Thurow, Ler, 1980. _The Zero-Sum Society. Basic_ Books, New York, p. 112. B Georgescu-Roegen. Nicholas, 1971. _The Entropy Law and the Economic Process,_ Havd University Prss, Cambridge, MA.

- 14 Daly. Heman E., 1989. Q&e
# **5. Conclusion**

This paper examines female entrepreneurship in Latin America. It first shows that up to 50% of microenterprise owners in Latin America are women. However, the share of female owners declines with firm size and is a low as 12 percent for firms with more than 11 employees. The paper then asks how the characteristics and performance of female-owned firms in Latin America compare to those of male-owned firms. Firm-level surveys from a number of countries show that female-owned firms are smaller than male-owned firms in terms of employees, physical capital, sales, and costs. They also have lower profits than male-owned firms.

The productivity analysis in this paper reveals that, among micro and small-sized firms, femaleowned firms are less productive than male-owned firms. However, there is no difference in productivity across medium and large sized female- and male-owned firms.

The paper considers several possible factors that could be the reason why female-owned firms tend to be smaller than male-owned firms. There is no consistent evidence that female-owned firms have less access to finance than male-owned firms. Moreover, female firm owners are not more likely to perceive a host of other factors related to regulation and market conditions as an obstacle to firm operation and growth than male firm owners. The only large difference is that female firm owners are much more likely to view child care and household obligations as obstacles to firm operation and growth.

Combined household and micro firm data from Mexico also points to child care obligations restricting the growth of female-owned firms. This data shows that the differences in size and profits between female- and male-owned firms are larger for women who live in households where children under the age of 12 are present. The presence of children accounts for about 30 to 40 percent of the size and profit difference between female- and male-owned firms. Additional results from Mexico and Bolivia also show that female-owned firms are two to three times more likely to operate inside the owner’s home than male-owned firms. This suggests that household obligations could restrict location, size, and industry choices for female-firm owners, possibly leading to performance differences.

The findings of this paper suggest that policy should focus on promoting the growth of existing female-owned firms rather than encouraging the creation of more female-owned firms. The percentage of female firm owners among micro firms is already high in most countries, but it appears to be more difficult for women to grow their firms into small and medium-sized businesses. The obstacles to the growth of female-owned firms that need to be addressed now seem to have less to do with access to finance or regulation, but rather with child care and family obligations. However, more research is needed to investigate whether providing child care facilities can foster the growth of female-owned firms in Latin America.

21
inefficient. Third, we show that labor market failures generate constraints to adoption of irrigation.

We begin by estimating the returns to irrigation in Rwanda. We identify these returns using a plot-level spatial discontinuity design in newly constructed hillside irrigation schemes. We sample plots within 50 meters of gravity fed canals, which originate from a distant water source and must maintain a consistent gradient along the hillside. We survey 969 cultivators on 1,753 plots for 4 years.<sup>2</sup> We then compare plots just inside the command area, which have access to water for irrigation, to plots just outside the command area, which do not. Treatment on the treated estimates reveal that irrigation enables the transition to dry season cultivation of horticulture. While we find no effects on rainy season yields, labor, or inputs, dry season estimates correspond to 53% - 71% growth in annual cash profits. To our knowledge, this is the first study to use a natural experiment to estimate the returns to irrigation in sub-Saharan Africa; our estimate is almost identical to an estimate from Duflo & Pande (2007) in India.<sup>3</sup> Despite the large effects we estimate, adoption is low: only 30% of plots are irrigated 4 years after canals became operational. At this level of adoption, the sustainability of hillside irrigation systems is in doubt: even the large gains in cash profits to adopters are unable to generate enough surplus to pay for routine maintenance costs.<sup>4</sup> We investigate the effect of irrigation on inputs to shed light on what might determine farmers’ decisions to adopt irrigation. In this context, the dominant input associated with irrigation is households’ own labor. The shadow wage that prices household labor is notoriously difficult to value, but if this labor were valued at the market wage, estimated effects on household labor would be 6 times as large as estimated effects on expenditures on hired labor and other inputs, and estimated effects

> 2These numbers are only for the sample of households whose sampled plot is within 50 meters of the associated discontinuity; in full we survey 1,695 cultivators on 3,332 plots.

> 3Existing work that estimates the returns to irrigation using natural experiments is predominantly from groundwater irrigation in South Asia, leveraging variation in slope characteristics of river basins (Duflo & Pande, 2007), aquifer characteristics (Sekhri, 2014), or well-failures (Jacoby, 2017) for identification. Estimates of the return to irrigation in Africa include Dillon (2011), who estimates the returns to irrigation using propensity score matching in Mali. More broadly, Dillon & Fishman (2019) review the literature on the impacts of surface water irrigation infrastructure.

> 4This is distinct from the collective action failures discussed in (Ostrom, 1990). Low adoption of irrigation as a threat to sustainability has also been documented by Attwood (2005), who argues that cost recovery was a challenge for canal irrigation systems in nineteenth and early twentieth century India until the introduction of sugarcane.

3
**Table 7. IV regression of percentage change in permanent workers on demand shock**

||(1)|(2)|(3)|(4)|
|---|---|---|---|---|
||||Credit co<br>|nstrained<br>|
|_Demand shock_|||No|Yes|
|Change in sales (%)|**0.18**(1.81)|**0.18**(1.86)|0.05 (0.52)|**0.33**(2.62)|
|Change in sales x temporary(%)||0.00 (0.04)|**-0.13**(1.98)|0.05 (0.65)|
|_Type of labor (omitted: managers)_|||||
|Professionals|1.35 (1.00)|1.34 (1.00)|-0.78 (0.38)|2.47 (1.46)|
|Skilledproduction workers|-2.00 (0.85)|-2.00 (0.85)|**-3.56**(1.69)|-1.02 (0.28)|
|Unskilledproduction workers|-4.02 (1.48)|-4.02 (1.47)|-1.80 (0.83)|-5.52 (1.25)|
|Non-production/service workers|**-2.90**(2.47)|**-2.90**(2.47)|**-4.56**(2.86)|-2.00 (1.22)|
|_Sector (omitted: (Other) manufacturing) _|||||
|Garments|0.41 (0.11)|0.42 (0.12)|4.40 (0.78)|0.13 (0.03)|
|Trade|-1.87 (0.46)|-1.86 (0.46)|-1.58 (0.36)|-0.68 (0.11)|
|Tourism|5.16 (1.46)|5.17 (1.46)|3.59 (1.10)|5.89 (1.15)|
|Other|4.19 (1.24)|4.20 (1.24)|4.84 (1.33)|4.82 (0.98)|
|_Size_ _(omitted: Small)_|||||
|Medium|-2.75 (1.44)|-2.74 (1.41)|0.45 (0.16)|-3.97 (1.35)|
|Large|-4.07 (1.31)|-4.06 (1.29)|1.10 (0.29)|-5.71 (1.21)|
|_Phnom Penh (dummy) _|-2.71 (0.60)|-2.71 (0.61)|1.76 (0.33)|-6.88 (1.00)|
|_Constant_|7.16 (0.90)|7.13 (0.87)|-3.94 (0.45)|15.52 (1.37)|
|Underidentification test (p-value)<sup>~~a~~</sup>|22.2 (0.18)|19.1 (0.27)|9.82 (0.63)|13.5 (0.63)|
|Weak identification test (10% critical value)<sup>~~b~~</sup>|4.42 (3.24)|4.55 (3.55)|14.1 (3.56)|6.27 (3.55)|
|Overidentification test (p-value)<sup>~~c~~</sup>|15.3 (0.51)|15.2 (0.44)|10.6 (0.47)|15.5 (0.42)|
|Endogeneitytest (p-value)<sup>~~d~~</sup>|0.04 (0.85)|0.92 (0.63)|0.12 (0.94)|3.20 (0.20)|
|Number of observations<br>|802|802|322|480|
|R<sup>~~2~~</sup>|0.09|0.09|0.07|0.07|

Note: standard errors are clustered at the firm level and t-values are reported in parentheses. Coefficients which are significant at 10% are reported in bold.<sup>a</sup> Kleibergen-Paap LM statistic.<sup>b</sup> Kleibergen-Paap Wald F-statistic with Stock-Yogo weak ID test critical values for 10% maximal LIML size.<sup>c</sup> Hansen J-statistic.<sup>d</sup> Hausman specification test.

Table 7 presents the results of the instrumental variable regressions. We have estimated the regressions with limited information maximum likelihood because LIML is more robust than 2SLS in the presence of weak instruments (Stock and Yogo 2002). The tests on under- and weak identification as well as overidentification are all passed without difficulty at the 10% level. The Hausman specification test for endogeneity suggests that there is no significant bias in the OLS estimates.

It is therefore not surprising that the results in the IV regressions are very similar to those in the OLS regressions. Also now we find that firms will tend to smooth inputs more if they are not credit constrained 24
**Table A1: Historical IFC Financial Statements and Ratios.** Data series assembled from IFC Annual Reports. Total assets prior to 1974 do not include the undrawn portion of a loan from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Values of assets prior to 2001 are not directly comparable with those after due to a change in accounting standards requiring derivatives to be held at fair rather than book value (FAS No. 133). Return on equity is net income/total capital. Return on assets is net income/total assets. The leverage ratio is total assets/total capital. The expense ratio is non-interest expense/total assets.

||Balan|ce Sheet|Income Stateme|nt||Financial Ratio|s||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Fiscal Year|Total<br>Capital|Total<br>As-<br>sets|Net<br>In-<br>come|Non-<br>Interest<br>Expense|Return on Equity|Return on Asset|s<br>Leverage|Expense|
||$ Mn|$ Mn|$ Mn|$ Mn|||||
|1957|93.5|93.6|1.7|0.7|1.79%|1.79%|1.001|0.78%|
|1958|97.3|97.4|2.4|1.1|2.42%|2.42%|1.001|1.18%|
|1959|99.4|99.5|1.7|1.4|1.75%|1.75%|1.001|1.42%|
|1960|104.3|104.5|2.1|1.7|1.99%|1.99%|1.002|1.63%|
|1961|107.2|107.8|2.4|2.0|2.20%|2.19%|1.006|1.87%|
|1962|109.8|111.6|2.6|2.0|2.40%|2.36%|1.016|1.77%|
|1963|115.2|115.4|3.3|2.2|2.88%|2.87%|1.001|1.87%|
|1964|119.3|119.4|2.9|2.5|2.44%|2.44%|1.001|2.06%|
|1965|122.2|122.3|3.0|2.7|2.46%|2.46%|1.001|2.23%|
|1966|128.2|128.4|4.4|3.1|3.40%|3.40%|1.001|2.38%|
|1967|134.8|134.9|6.0|3.2|4.47%|4.47%|1.001|2.37%|
|1968|142.9|143.2|6.2|3.5|4.37%|4.36%|1.002|2.46%|
|1969|155.2|156.0|7.5|4.1|4.81%|4.78%|1.005|2.66%|
|1970|165.8|184.1|10.3|5.4|6.18%|5.57%|1.111|2.91%|
|1971|172.1|237.0|6.2|6.5|3.58%|2.60%|1.377|2.74%|
|1972|179.7|264.7|8.0|7.1|4.43%|3.00%|1.473|2.67%|
|1973|166.7|278.9|4.2|7.5|2.50%|1.49%|1.673|2.70%|
|1974|172.5|355.5|5.9|9.2|3.44%|1.67%|2.060|2.58%|
|1975|178.2|457.6|5.4|10.4|3.03%|1.18%|2.568|2.28%|
|1976|186.7|523.7|7.7|11.4|4.12%|1.47%|2.805|2.18%|
|1977|195.7|653.8|8.9|13.1|4.55%|1.36%|3.340|2.01%|
|1978|243.8|720.8|12.5|16.2|5.13%|1.73%|2.957|2.24%|
|1979|347.7|819.7|19.2|20.9|5.52%|2.34%|2.357|2.55%|
|1980|446.4|907.8|20.7|26.5|4.63%|2.28%|2.034|2.92%|
|1981|551.3|1,084.8|19.5|34.3|3.53%|1.80%|1.968|3.16%|
|1982|678.1|1,233.4|21.6|39.3|3.18%|1.75%|1.819|3.18%|
|1983|747.6|1,313.8|23.1|43.1|3.08%|1.75%|1.757|3.28%|
|1984|774.3|1,389.9|26.3|45.0|3.40%|1.89%|1.795|3.24%|
|1985|804.2|1,672.8|28.3|51.5|3.52%|1.69%|2.080|3.08%|
|1986|885.6|2,236.4|25.4|60.2|2.87%|1.14%|2.525|2.69%|
|1987|1,059.2|2,814.1|53.8|63.7|5.08%|1.91%|2.657|2.27%|
|1988|1,288.5|3,427.0|100.6|71.6|7.80%|2.93%|2.660|2.09%|

45
2 does capture much of what does matter to individual living standards<sup>in</sup> - Bangladesh most importantly the adequacy of household<sup>food entitlements -</sup> and it is at least a tractable definition for empirical<sup>analysis. Probably</sup> for this reason, it has been the most common definition<sup>in past studies of</sup> poverty in Bangladesh, as elsewhere.

The following section takes a close look at some recent data<sup>suggesting</sup> that the problem of poverty in Bangladesh may be diminishing<sup>quite rapidlv.</sup> In section III, I will offer an empirical assessment of<sup>now much impact on</sup> poverty in Bangladesh we might expect from economic growth, and from changes in overall inequality. Section IV offers some conclusions.

# II. Has Poverty Increased or Decreased in Bangladesh During the 1980s?

Estimates from various surveys during the 1970s indicated a<sup>rising</sup> prevalence of poverty in Bangladesh (Muqtada, 1984; ILO, 1985; Islam<sup>and Khan,</sup> 1986; Rahman, 1986; Alamgir and Ahmed, 1988). Has this<sup>trend reversed in the</sup> 198Os?

# Some Recent Evidence

The Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) has recently published estimates of poverty for various years in the 1970s and 80s. Using the Household Expenditure Surveys (HES), BBS (1988b) give estimates<sup>of the</sup> absolute number, and proportion of the population, that<sup>were unable to attain</sup> a caloric intake of at least 2122 calories per person per day (a<sup>popular</sup> poverty line for Bangladesh; also see Alamgir, 1978). These<sup>estimates appear</sup> to have been based on a comparison of actual household expenditure<sup>with an</sup>
# **Gender, Ethnicity and Cumulative Disadvantage in Education:**

# **Evidence from Latin American and African Censuses**

Emcet O. Tas<sup>*</sup> Maira Emy Reimão<sup>†</sup> Maria Beatriz Orlando<sup>‡</sup>

## **JEL classification:** I24, J15, J16.

**Keywords:** Gender, ethnicity, intersectionality, education, school completion.

**Sector Board:** Social Development

-

World Bank, etas@worldbank.org.

- University of California, Davis, mairaemy@gmail.com.

- World Bank. morlando@worldbank.org.

The authors gratefully acknowledge the feedback received from Maitreyi B. Das, Judith Morrison, Ana Maria Muñoz, Djibril Ndoye, Josefina Posadas, Samuel Freije-Rodriguez, Precious Zikhali, as well as the participants of the conferences where this paper was presented. The latter included the Social Inclusion Seminar at the World Bank headquarters in Washington, D.C.; 83<sup>rd</sup> Annual Meetings of the Southern Economic Association in Tampa; and 22<sup>nd</sup> Annual Conference of the International Association for Feminist Economics at Stanford University, Palo Alto. The findings, interpretations, and any remaining errors in this paper are entirely those of the authors.

**Correspondence:** Emcet O. Tas, The World Bank Group, MSN MC8-811, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, D.C. 20433, USA. Email: etas@worldbank.org. Tel: (+1) 202-458-8868.
rationalization and other activities. The central commission sets the bulk tariffs for all central generation and transmission utility companies and decides on issues relating to interstate exchange of electricity. The state commissions have the authority to set tariffs for all types of electricity customers in their respective states; however, state governments are entitled to set policies on the subsidies allowed for electricity supply to any consumer class and are authorized to cross‐subsidize. With this administrative setup in place, the government outlined an ambitious plan for achieving 100 percent electrification of villages by the end of 2007 and universal coverage of households by 2012 (Cust, Singh, and Neuhoff 2007).

In 2005 the government launched the Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana (RGGVY) program, the national program aimed at electrifying all 100,000 unelectrified villages of more than 100 people. The program was also to provide free electricity connections to more than 23 million rural households living below the poverty line. The program has led to substantial progress: according to a recent World Bank report (Pargal and Banerjee 2014), India’s official electrification rate rose by 15 percentage points in 10 years, from 59 percent in 2000 to 74 percent in 2010. Most of the new customers were located in rural areas. The new targeted timeline for 100 percent connectivity is during the 12th five‐year plan (2013– 17).

While the electrification rate has risen, the quality and reliability of electricity service vary considerably. For example, using night lights data, Min and Gaba (2016) show that many villages in India that were officially classified as electrified under the RGGVY program remained in the dark for years after the completion of electrification projects. In addition, India continues to face widespread power outages. In July 2012, the country experienced the largest blackout in world history, with more than 600 million people unexpectedly losing power for two days. The scale of this blackout highlights the challenges that India faces in keeping the lights on. The government has made achieving universal and fully reliable electricity supply an important policy priority. In 2014, the Government of India and State Governments launched a “24×7 Power for All” Joint Initiative with the objective to provide 24×7 power across the country by 2019. Several important policy decisions have since been implemented to strengthen generation, transmission and distribution, as well as to improve the financial viability of state distribution companies.

6