and women.<sup>18</sup> For households with greater wealth under the business-as-usual approach, reporting of employment in market work in agriculture, as well as livestock, is significantly higher, but lower for non-farm enterprise work (ownership/management). On the other hand, the interactions of the business-as-usual survey approach with relation to the household head, marital status, and dependency ratio have relatively fewer significant effects across different labor outcomes.

Figure 5 examines how the business-as-usual approach affects reporting on participation in specific activities during the last 7 days _within_ each wealth quintile (i.e., estimating equation (1) separately for each wealth quintile). The trends in 12-month participation are similar (though with larger effects) and are presented in Appendix Figure A1.<sup>19</sup> As seen in Tables 3 and 4, Figure 5 shows that business-as-usual approach leads to under-reporting of labor participation across most activities, relative to individual interviews, with the exception of men’s employment in _ganyu_ , and with ambiguous effects on wage employment. Figure 5 shows that whether under-reporting is greater among higher or lower wealth quintiles depends on sector of activity. Similar to the results in the Appendix Tables A5 and A6, the business-as-usual approach leads to greater under-reporting in non-farm enterprise work within higher wealth quintiles, who tend to be focused in these activities — with larger effects for ownership/management as opposed to supporting work. Underreporting in agriculture, on the other hand, is more likely among men and women in lower wealth quintiles, who are also more likely to be mainly concentrated in agriculture.

Generally, trends in over/under-reporting tend to be similar for women and men for self-employed activities. For wage and _ganyu_ employment, however, there are cases where trends for men and women move in opposite directions, similar to the pooled sample results presented in the Appendix Tables A5 and A6. With wage employment, for example, we find significant over-reporting of men’s employment under the business-as-usual approach in the highest quintile — but for women, relative to individual interviews, the business-as-usual approach leads to under-reporting, even though full results from the regressions in Tables 3 and 4 (available upon request) show that wage employment is positively associated with higher wealth quintiles for both men and women. For _ganyu_ , there is significant over-reporting of men’s employment among the lowest wealth quintiles, but under-reporting among women under the business-as-usual approach. Given the earlier results from Tables 3 and 4 showing that underreporting under the business-as-usual approach tend to be greater for women, some of the gender differences may be due to norms around how women’s paid work outside the household is viewed, particularly when women themselves are not reporting. Women are often engaged in several productive activities within and outside the home, for example, but their main roles may continue to be viewed as domestic instead of in paid labor (see Benes and Walsh, 2018a; Fletcher et al., 2018; Comblon and Robilliard, 2017; and Fox and Pimhidzai 2013).

> 18 We also found that wealth interactions with the business-as-usual approach also tend to have more widespread effects on participation (in the last seven days or 12 months) as opposed to weekly/annual hours and annual earnings (results available upon request).

> 19 The full estimates are available upon request.

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