Boys and men face pressures to be the provider, which may lead to them dropping out of school to engage in income-generating activities to a larger extent than girls. According to some of the focus group participants who were male, life was not without its obstacles for them. Indeed, poor families with sons may choose to discontinue their sons’ educations so that they can seek employment that offers needed income. A male youth from Madani who had a job said, “Sometimes it does not happen because there are circumstances that control you.” A male youth from Nyala who did not work said, “Sometimes you have to give up this in exchange for work at a young age to provide additional income for your home.”

# **The gender-based division of roles and labor starts at home**

For a woman in Sudan, two events are particularly important in shaping her future: getting married and having children. Some Sudanese girls will complete their secondary level education, or beyond, either before or after getting married. Some will also get jobs. However, the challenges of marriage followed by childbearing and child-rearing will lead many to drop out of the labor market. Since women often have limited bargaining power within the household, this affects their access to different types of economic opportunities, including financial capital and other resources that could facilitate entrepreneurial activities.<sup>28</sup> In sum, marital status contributes to defining the decision to enter the labor market. Compared to individuals who have never been married, married, divorced, and widowed men are more likely to be in the labor force and employed (World Bank 2018a). On the other hand, women, youth, and adults are less likely to be active when married, compared to those who have never been married. Results of the determinants of labor force participation show that the odds ratio of married women and men being in the labor force is 0.609 and 2.077, respectively, meaning that married women are about 40 percent less likely and married men are over 100 percent more likely to be in the labor force compared to their unmarried counterparts.<sup>29</sup> In 2014, one in five girls in Sudan aged 15–19 was already married, and thus they are more likely to be poor, uneducated, and nonusers of contraception (World Bank 2018a). About 60 percent of the married adolescents in 2014 were pregnant or had at least one child. High rates of early marriage and childbearing lead to unnecessary health risks for mothers and babies, higher rates of secondary school drops outs, and associated lower educational and labor opportunities for young women.

The likelihood of women being in the labor force is higher when they are the household heads as well as when they live in households with fewer dependents.<sup>30</sup> The average household size in Sudan is six, and the larger the household, the less chances of individuals being active in general. However, in households with many dependents, women are less likely and men are more likely to be employed and participate in the labor force. Overall, the share of households that are headed by women in Sudan represents less than 15 percent of all households. Women and youth living in female-headed households are less likely to be involved in employment and the labor force: the odds of such women being in the labor force are 42 percent lower compared to women living in male-headed households. For household heads, having

> 28 Campos et al. (2019) discuss the household-level constraints to female entrepreneurship in Africa, which are similar to the ones brought up in this report, namely: household allocation of productive resources and time constraints and care. 29 World Bank staff calculations based on NHBPS 2014/15.

> 30 This paragraph builds on World Bank staff calculations using logistics regression model, based on NHBPS 2014/15. More information in Annex 2.

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