**Box 2. What have global systematic reviews revealed about the effectiveness of Active Labor Market Programs (ALMPs)?**

Several papers have been written on the effectiveness of Active Labor Market Programs (ALMPs) on a global level. Some have focused on youth and others have focused on women’s employment. Todd’s (2012) review of youth employment programs finds that ALMPs (including wage subsidy, internship, placement, and public works programs) are effective at increasing employment rates for young women, often more so than for men, in the context of Latin America. However, these programs have a mixed record on their ability to increase earnings among young women. One explanation is that these programs reduce search times such that individuals do not wait for higher-wage opportunities. Other studies of ALMPs examined 107 youth employment programs in both developed and developing countries, and focused on entrepreneurship programs rather than public works programs (Kluve et al., 2016; S4YE, 2015). One-third of the programs were found to have statistically significant positive effects: effects were stronger in low- and middle-income countries, and tended to be higher in long-term evaluations than short-term evaluations. Much of the differences in performance appear to stem from design, implementation, and context.

Several reviews extolled the merits of multi-service programs, and their effectiveness in addressing multiple constraints for women in particular (Buvenic, 2016; Kluve et al., 2016; S4YE, 2015). Skills training is the modal youth employment program in the world, and many reviews have found skills training programs to be effective if they are demand driven and located in areas where the formal labor market is developed (Buvenic, 2016; Kluve et al., 2016; S4YE, 2015; Buvinic and Furst-Nichols, 2014). However, Kluve et al. (2016) observe the largest effect for entrepreneurship programs and multiservice programs. Buvenic (2016) considered the impact of child care programs on female employment, and found their effectiveness to be proven, though results vary with context.

Reviews suggest a mixed record for programs addressing constraints to capital. While women are more likely to benefit from microfinance programs if they are specifically targeted, targeting is associated with a cost that may not justify the limited benefits. Evidence from outside of Africa shows that combining microcredit with skills training and provision of peer group space significantly improves young women’s earnings (Dickson and Bangpan, 2012), as can longer repayment periods that allow women time to reduce their aversion to risk (Buvinic and Furst-Nichols, 2014). While small, one-time grants can prove effective for larger SMEs, in-kind grants may be more effective for smaller womenrun businesses, and very poor women require more business development support for these grants to be effective at improving earnings. Young women have been shown to benefit from larger unconditional grants, even without support or training, and access to savings accounts significantly improves productivity for female entrepreneurs (Buvinic and Furst-Nichols, 2014). Provision of child care, through vouchers or community child care programs, has been found to be particularly effective in increasing female labor force participation, while also improving outcomes for children (Todd, 2012).

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