was around 7,000 and 6,500 women in 1991 and 2003, respectively.

# **_Variables_**

Our dependent variable is whether or not the woman stated that it was imperative to have a son (“must have a son”). As Table 3 shows, this variable is clearly related to women’s actual childbearing decisions: those who reported strong son preference were far more likely than the others to manipulate their sex ratios at birth if they had not yet borne a son.

Our independent variables include a range of socio-economic characteristics of the woman and her husband. These have been shown in previous studies to be related to fertility attitudes and behaviors, and therefore we hypothesize that they are similarly related to the strength of son preference. The educational level of the woman and her husband is hypothesized to be inversely related to son preference, as is their employment status, especially in white-collar jobs which imply a higher social status. Rural residence is hypothesized to be associated with greater pressure to conform to traditional views on the need to bear sons, and residence in a metropolis to be associated with weaker son preference than residence in a small city. In addition, the 1991 survey asked about where respondents and their husbands had lived for the longest period before marriage, and we hypothesize that this will be similarly related to son preference as current residence. We also hypothesize that since traditional attitudes have been weakening over time, a woman’s age will be inversely related to her son preference.

Additionally, we hypothesize that there is a secular trend in the intensity of son preference between 1991 and 2003 which cannot be explained by the other independent variables in our model. To test this hypothesis, we include for a pooled sample of the 1991 and 2003 surveys, a dummy for the year of survey (with a value of 1 if the respondent was interviewed in 2003 and 0 if it was in 1991).

A number of variables capture the extent to which women and their husbands are subject to familial pressure, which might be expected to be associated with stronger son preference. The extent of parental pressure to have sons is captured by whether the husband is the only son. As described above, the filial duty to have a son is especially strong if the husband is the only son, and therefore the only person who can assure the continuity of the lineage. Ideally, we would have analyzed this effect for the eldest son, who is traditionally the one designated to continue the lineage, but this information is not available in the 2003 survey. Similarly, if the couple lives in a joint family ⎯ typically with the husband’s parents, though this is not specified ⎯ we would expect the woman to be subject to greater pressure to have a son.

Women who indicate lower conformity to tradition in their marriage decisions by marrying at an older age are hypothesized to have lower son preference. In addition, the 1991 survey collected information on whether the parents decided the marriage, and we hypothesize that this will be associated with stronger son preference.

The 1991 survey also asked the woman’s and her husband’s religion. We hypothesize that those who report that they are “Buddhists” will have higher son preference than others, as has been found elsewhere.<sup>23</sup> Very few people report their religion as Confucian, since Confucianism is viewed more as a part of the culture, not a religion as such, but Confucian values are pervasive across the population regardless of religious affiliation.<sup>24</sup> They are strongest amongst those who report themselves to be “Buddhist” — who are concentrated most in the Eastern region, which also manifests the most conservative Confucian values.<sup>25</sup> After centuries of suppression of traditional Buddhist tenets, the term “Buddhist” has come to be largely synonymous with stronger 7