rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
# **1. Introduction**

Risks, both systemic and idiosyncratic, are part of normal life, especially in developing countries. When they materialize, households can experience considerable hardship, including the destruction of assets, deterioration of health, and loss of employment, income and consumption. Many of the risks frequently faced by households, especially the poor and vulnerable in rural areas, are inherent to agriculture. This is particularly problematic for most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where agriculture constitutes the main economic sector that supports the livelihoods of the vast majority of the population.

Climate hazards are increasingly becoming the most common risk faced by rural farmers. Droughts, floods, sea rise and extreme temperatures are projected to become more intense and frequent owing to global warming and to the emergence of new weather patterns. The consequences of these trends are not trivial. Recent estimates indicate that climate change could force more than 100 million people into extreme poverty by 2030. Global crop yields are expected to drop by as much as 5 percent in 2030, even after accounting for higher technology adoption and innovation (Hallegatte et al. 2016). This will likely prompt distressing effects through potentially higher food prices and changes in rural incomes. Climate change is also expected to exacerbate health risks such as malaria and diarrhea.

A growing body of research shows that weather shocks can influence key development outcomes at the household level. Surveys of the literature typically conclude that extreme weather has significant detrimental damages on nutrition, education and health. In coping with adverse events, households may dispose of productive assets, such as livestock and land, further undermining their income generating processes, consumption and other dimensions of welfare (Baez et al. 2010). Beyond their contemporaneous effects, the consequences of climate-related shocks can be long-lasting. For instance, Alderman et al. (2006) find that exposure of individuals to droughts in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1984 during childhood explains that they were 3.4 centimeters shorter and earned 14 percent less by adulthood. Similarly, Maccini and Yang (2009) find that the health, education, and socioeconomic outcomes of adult Indonesian women were sensitive to weather shocks experienced in early years of life. Women exposed to higher levels of 2
|Concentration of Exports – Number of<br>products accounting for 75% of export<br>growthto theROW(Annex Table 3)**|47|11|7|22|2|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Share of Textile and Apparel in total<br>exports<sup>#</sup>|28.2|72.8|82.7|52.1|60.1|

Notes: * Products shown in each country’s regional exports that match exports to the ROW that were among its dynamic exports (products which accounted for 75 percent of total export growth between 1990-1998). The share for Nepal must be treated with caution, as a large share of its regional exports were reported under SITC 9310 (miscellaneous category), and therefore do not fully reflect the extent of “divergence”. ** Export growth between 1990 and 1998. Out of a possible 1252 products (using the number of products exported by U.S. in 1998 as a benchmark) reported under the SITC 4-digit level. # Based on authors calculations for year 1998.

Central to the concentration of exports by Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and to some extent Sri Lanka is the dominance of textiles and apparel. Over 85 percent of Bangladesh’s exports are concentrated in textiles and apparel. Textile and apparel bias is not too different for Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, where its dominance ranges from 60 to 70 percent. The textiles and apparel sector is heavily protected in most countries. Although Sri Lanka has drastically reduced the level of protection in the sector, most other countries in the region have been somewhat reluctant to undertake sweeping reforms. Furthermore, India maintains a vehement opposition to the inclusion of textiles and apparel under SAPTA, although tariff rate quotas were allowed to a limited extent under the India–Sri Lanka bilateral trade agreement.

In sum, divergence and concentration data on the part of Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, and to some extent Pakistan, do not auger well for a rapid increase in regional trade. The prospects of increased regional exports, contingent upon the degree to which dynamic exports are incorporated in the regional export mix, do not appear to be the case in South Asia. The divergence can be discerned from the underlying shift of South Asia’s trade, which has undergone a greater orientation toward unskilled and semi-skilled manufacturing products for which the SACs appear to compete with each other in third markets.

Furthermore, the heavy bias demonstrated by the concentration of exports may complicate prospects for increasing regional trade. Except for India, most countries in the region export a narrow range of goods, dominated by textiles and apparel. Reforms that have helped reduce the general level of protection have nevertheless retained a relatively high level of protection for textiles, apparel, and certain manufacturing products. Furthermore, SAARC members other than India have the capacity to export a limited range of products. Unless the export base undergoes a substantial diversification that complements the imports of 26
omy: Lessons from Two Technological Revolutions. American Economic Review, 97(1):6488.

- Bartelsman, E., Haltiwanger, J., and Scarpetta, S. (2009). Measuring and Analyzing Cross-country Dierences in Firm Dynamics. In Producer Dynamics: New Evidence from Micro Data, NBER Chapters, pages 1576. National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc.

- Bartelsman, E., Haltiwanger, J., and Scarpetta, S. (2013). Cross-country dierences in productivity: The role of allocation and selection. American Economic Review, 103(1):30534.

- Bento, P. and Restuccia, D. (2017). Misallocation, establishment size, and productivity. American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics, 9(3):267303.

- Bhattacharya, D., Guner, N., and Ventura, G. (2013). Distortions, Endogenous Managerial Skills and Productivity Dierences. Review of Economic Dynamics, 16(1):1125.

- Brandt, L., Kambourov, G., and Storesletten, K. (2020). Barriers to Entry and Regional Economic Growth in China. Working Papers tecipa-652, University of Toronto, Department of Economics.

- Brandt, L., Van Biesebroeck, J., and Zhang, Y. (2014). Challenges of working with the Chinese NBS rm-level data. China Economic Review, 30(C):339352.

- Buera, F. J. and Shin, Y. (2013). Financial Frictions and the Persistence of History: A Quantitative Exploration. Journal of Political Economy, 121(2):221 272.

- Buera, F. J. and Shin, Y. (2017). Productivity Growth and Capital Flows: The Dynamics of Reforms. American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics, 9(3):147 185.

- Camacho, A. and Conover, E. (2010). Misallocation and productivity in colombia's manufacturing industries. IDB working paper series N0. IDB-WP-123.

- Casacuberta, C. and Gandelman, N. (2009). Productivity, exit and crisis in uruguayan manufacturing and services sectors. mimeo.

- Chen, K. and Irarrazabal, A. (2015). The Role of Allocative Eciency in a Decade of Recovery. Review of Economic Dynamics, 18(3):523550.

37
# 6. **Rolea of Informal Associations**

In conclusion, informal savings associations are used by many people in both rural and urban areas as a way to put aside a block of money for large consumer purchases, predictable education expenses or business investment. The rotating savings funds are not used currently to provide a cushion of security in case of medical emergency or other unexpected needs. A subset of informal savings associations--the moziki associations--does provide a mechanism for financing catastrophic hcalth care by granting short-term loans to members.

Because mcmbership in informal associations is very small (4 to 20 members), insurance schemes would not be feasible. The emergency loan funds are a good alternative, however, and associations should be encouraged to provide this service to members. Operations research might also explore the possibility of lengthening the repayment period for loans, and charging interest. These options may not be feasible, however, due to the short life of most of these informal associations. Most informal associations lasted less than a year, in the sense that membership generally turned over after one or two cycles when the savings objective had been obtained. Some of the same members may form a subsequent informal association, but it is considered a different association.

The savings and credit study proposed many ways in which donors can help strengthen COOPECs (Savings and Credit Cooperatives), another more formal but still grass-roots type of savings association. The study team recommends that the PASS implement that study's recommendations, especially to provide training in financial management to COOPEC managers and administrative staff. As COOPEC organizations begin to function more effectively, the possibility of providing health insurance through COOPECs directly (or using COOPECs to help administer insurance plans) can be explored.

54
# **Introduction**

For a long time the view of utility as an absolute concept has permeated economic theory. By not accounting for comparative concerns this tradition has limited economic explanations of empirical phenomena. Over the last years, the economic literature has therefore increasingly questioned the reluctance to model relative utility, influenced by extensive research in other disciplines such as psychology, sociology and biology. While relative concerns have been found important for utility in a number of empirical studies, few of these studies address the question of relevant reference groups in more detail. Most research uses objective average income data of relatively distant comparison groups instead of more suitable perception data which contain information about proximate comparisons.

This paper proposes that individuals compare themselves with those most similar to themselves and whom they know about. Using data on perceived relative income by siblings allows testing for the relevance of a most proximate reference group. For respondents in the sample, having higher income relative to one’s siblings has a significant positive effect for life satisfaction. When the sample is split in different subsamples, this positive effect is only robust for individuals with income above the sample median, or for respondents who work in managerial professions. These findings support an interpretation of increasing relative rank concerns with higher income and professional achievement. The overall relevance of siblings’ relative income is a new contribution to the literature on relative income.

Siblings have in general similar circumstances and opportunities in life and their personal characteristics are well-known to individual survey respondents. Making use of individual perception data resolves problems of asymmetric information that will occur if estimation data consists of objective income averages. Siblings also have the advantage of being an exogenous reference group in contrast to groups that individuals can endogenously choose to accommodate relative rank preferences.

2
# **Table 7. Hidden Public Liabilities (CZK bn)**

||1993|1994|1995|1996|1997|1998|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Konsolidacni Banka (KOB)X<br>(net of provisions and reserves)|79|81|79|70|86|98|
|Ceska Inkasni (CI)<br>(net of provisions and reserves)|20|27|25|17|8|7|
|National Property Fund (FNM)|29|33|40|22|17|15|
|State guarantees<br>(risk adjusted guarantees outstanding)|3|3|6|28|74|107|
|Hidden public liabilities<br>(net of provisions and reserves)|131|144|150|137|185|226|
|_Hidden public liabilities_**_(%_**_of GDP)_<br>_(net ofprovisions and reserves)_|_13.1_|_12.5_|_11.1_|_8.9_|_11.2_|**_12.7_**|
|Provisions and reserves of KOB and CI|19|24|42|59|71|84|
|Gross hidden public liabilities<br>(not adjusted for provisions and reserves)|150|168|192|196|256|310|
|Reported gross government debt|159|162|154|_155_|173|194|
|_Reported gross government debt (% of GDP)_|_15.8_|_14.1_|_11.5_|_10.1_|_10.5_|_10.9_|

1 Activities of Konsolidacni Banka include financing of the Stabilization Program of Ceska Financni. Therefore, the table does not include Ceska Financni as a separate entity.

Sources: Konsolidacni Banka, Ceska Inkasni and National Property Fund.

_Off-budget programs,_ such as guarantees and support extended through Konsolidacni Banka, National Property Fund, PGRLF and other, possibly new, agencies and guarantee funds, _impose cost on taxpayers with a delay but with no discount._ As it has already started to happen, past hidden deficits and servicing of the hidden government debt outside the budgetary system gradually generates claims on government budget.

_One source of budget claims are state guarantees._ Assuming no new state guarantees issued, the budget may need to cover about CZK 4 bn annually in the future years, and CZK 33 bn in year 2002 if the debt of Slovenska Inkasni to CSOB is not resolved. Table 8 builds on table 5 and, taking into account individual guaranteed debt repayment schedule, it shows the expected guarantee claims on future budgets. Figures in table 8 are obtained by multiplying the default risk by annual scheduled payments. (See annex 2 for details.) More conservative assumptions for default risk would increase the estimated claims on budget resources.

16
household members about their knowledge of and distance to different types of service providers. A new question added in the 2000 survey asked about healthcard ownership, the treatment variable for this study.

The Child Information (CI) book was administered to the parent or guardian of all children aged 15 or less. Areas covered by modules in the CI book include self-treatment, outpatient and inpatient treatment for children and vaccination histories. Questions about health care use for children were not conditioned on the child reporting illness. Data were also collected on the type of provider sought, frequency of visits and in most instances, the cost of each visit. The instrument used in all three waves followed a similar structure and repeated the same questions, in order to allow comparison across different waves.

In addition, I obtained data on BKKBN sub-district poverty rates, which are used by the government to distribute healthcards across districts and sub-districts.

# **Specification of the propensity score function**

The first step is to estimate the propensity scores which will be used as a basis for matching each child in a healthcard household with a child in a household without the healthcard. The propensity score function in Equation (3) above was specified with a binary outcome variable indicating healthcard ownership. Its purpose is to model the likelihood of an individual belonging to a household that was allocated a healthcard on the basis of observable characteristics of the individual, household and community.

24
promoting industry and innovation networks while the central government coordinates the overall effort. [<sup>49</sup> ] _National small business policy._ Small firms play a critical role in the Tokyo innovation process and national small business policies help foundation firms keep up with the technology frontier. Small business policies are the joint product of central and local governments in Japan. Local governments survey small businesses and provide the results to METI's Small and Medium Enterprise (SME) Agency. The SME Agency analyzes information on small businesses gathered from localities all over Japan, formulates policy guidelines, and disseminates the findings and policies through a small-business "white paper" every year.

SME Agency policies are implemented by local governments, chambers of commerce and industry, commerce and industry associations, and the central federation of cooperative unions. Small enterprises with 20 or fewer employees in manufacturing and 5 or fewer employees in commerce and service industries belong to commerce and industry associations. Cooperative unions are made up of businesses with fewer than 10 employees. Each prefecture has a central federation of cooperative unions. Local industrial policy is thus couched within a coordinated national policy framework. The framework enables the central government to identify local best practices and make them known to all localities. (Fujita and Hill 1998: 192194).

Following the 1989 Fusion Act, the SME Agency rewards firms that combine across industries in fusion associations to share state-of-the-art technologies and managerial expertise about new product development and business lines. Fusion policy also promotes inter-firm networks to gather sales information and to place and process orders. The aim is to use networks to help small firms handle orders in smaller lots, across a wider range of products and models, in shorter product life cycles, with improved quality, and with decreased delivery time.

_Tokyo metropolitan government’s innovation policies._ TMG's Bureau of Industry and Labor guides Tokyo's industry, and especially the city's small firms, in the new directions specified by national technology policy. Some Tokyo small firms have considerable R&D resources, but most do not. TMG can't emphasize frontier technology areas, like life science and nanotechnology, because they require a basic research capacity that most small businesses don't have. TMG focuses instead on the more applied side of environmental, medical and information technology. TMG hopes the concentration of universities and corporate R&D labs in the 39
in the labor market, as in Becker (1993). In the context of South Asia, this paper answers two questions: (i) how can the marriage penalty be separated from the child penalty in the absence of individual-level panel data, and (ii) what drives the marriage penalty in South Asia. Does it represent optimal labor supply or a misallocation of talent?

To answer these questions, we use multiple rounds of the nationally representative – Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) from four South Asian countries Bangladesh, India, Maldives, and Nepal. Separately estimating child and marriage penalties presents several challenges. First, since the timing of these major life events is endogenous, naive comparisons in the labor market outcomes between married and unmarried women or parents and the childless are contaminated by omitted variables. Recent work on child penalties has used event-study methods to solve this identification problem (Kleven et al., 2021, 2019, 2024).

However, even if a design exploits sharp changes in labor supply around marriage or childbirth for identification, these two events are correlated in time for a given individual. As such, estimates of the marriage penalty are obscured by the presence of children, and estimates of the child penalty are likewise capturing at least in part a marriage penalty. One solution is to use individual-level panel data, where a woman’s employment status is observed before and after both marriage and childbirth. Here, event-study techniques readily apply, augmenting standard specifications with timing indicators for both events simultaneously, with marriage and childbirth coefficients separately identified by variation across women in the timing gap between these two events (Kleven et al., 2023).

However, access to such rich panel data is rare, particularly in developing country settings. We propose a method that allows for the separation of the marriage penalty from the child penalty in repeated cross-sectional data. Following Kleven et al. (2023), we generate pseudo-panels by matching women surveyed in the year of their marriage with younger unmarried women and older married women to construct pre- and post-marriage counterfactual employment trends. Our contribution is to restrict the pool of potential post-marriage matches to women without children (the “no child” sample) in order to isolate the marriage penalty from the child penalty. We then re-run this matching procedure on the unrestricted sample of women where children may be present (the “ignore 3
household consumption across the Jordanian population, the sharp decline in poverty observed in 2002-2010 is mostly due to the strong rise in consumption levels rather than the reduction in inequality. It is however interesting to note that the contribution of the redistribution effect becomes larger as we move away from the decomposition of the headcount index and examine poverty incidences that reflect poverty severity such as P1 and P2. Indeed the contribution of the redistribution effect more than doubles from 12.3 percent when looking at the decomposition of P0 to 29.7 percent when examining the decomposition of P2. These findings endorse the argument that the poorest in Jordan have been successful in reducing the gap with the rich in the past decade, a positive contribution brought forward by the strong economic growth of the past decade.

|**Chane in incidence of overt (% )**<br>**Table 4: Grow**|**th and R**|**edistribut**|**ion Decompositi**|**on of Pover**|**ty Changes**||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|**g py**<br>**Poverty Line= JD813.7**|**2002**|**2010**|**Actual change**|**Growth**|**Interaction**|**Redistribution**|
|**Poverty Headcount Rate (P0)**||||**_Cont_**|**_ribution to Chan_**|**_ge (%)_**|
|Kingdom|32.0|14.9|-17.1|83.3|4.4|12.3|
|Urban|29.4|14.4|-15.1|83.1|3.1|13.8|
|Rural|40.8|17.6|-23.2|79.1|6.2|14.6|
|**Poverty Gap (P1)**|||||||
|Kingdom|8.4|2.9|-5.5|83.1|-6.4|23.3|
|Urban|7.6|2.7|-4.8|82.1|-6.6|24.5|
|Rural|11.3|3.7|-7.6|82.2|-7.1|24.9|
|**Squared Poverty Gap (P2)**|||||||
|Kingdom|3.1|0.9|-2.2|83.8|-13.5|29.7|
|Urban|2.8|0.8|-2.0|82.4|-13.3|30.9|
|Rural<br>Source: World Bank Staff Calculations using|4.4<br>Official Hou|1.2<br>sehold Incom|-3.2<br>e and Expenditure Sur|85.0<br>veys|-15.9|30.9|

The previous findings are replicated when taking into account the regional dimension. Similar to the overall national poverty case, findings from Table 4 suggest that regional poverty levels are also predominantly determined by the deviations from the mean per capita real consumption (growth effect). Regional disparities are therefore mostly due to the differences in growth levels observed in household consumption levels between rural and urban families over the past decade. However one should not neglect the important contribution made by the reduction in inequality within these regions, a phenomenon that is more accentuated in rural areas compared to urban ones (respectively 14.6 and 13.8 percent). Having established that household welfare growth was the main driver behind the reduction in overall poverty in Jordan, 19