Rather less evidence is available on the second type of intervention: alleviating the time constraints for women who already have children through child care services. To our knowledge, the only experimental evidence in Africa is a randomized evaluation of a preschool intervention in Mozambique, which relieved caregivers of 15 hours of child care per week and yielded a 26 percent increase in labor force participation of preschoolers’ caregivers (Martinez et al., 2012). While a large proportion of primary caregivers are mothers, the sample also included fathers, older siblings, and grandparents, and effect sizes were not isolated for young women. These results are consistent with positive results from Latin America (Attanasio and Vera-Hernandez, 2004; Berlinski and Galiani, 2007; Berlinski et al., 2009).

# **3.4 Occupational Choice**

Few interventions have addressed the occupational choice of young women directly, and the only experimental evidence from Africa relates to labor market information, under the hypothesis that young women and their families have little knowledge on the availability and profitability of jobs. Hicks et al. (2015) study vocational training vouchers in Kenya and found that, prior to enrollment, students were frequently mistaken about which trades had the highest average earnings in their region. In addition, preferences for which training courses to pursue were divided sharply along gender lines. A randomized controlled trial providing accurate information about the returns to various male-dominated and femaledominated trades was successful in getting young women to sign up for training in male-dominated trades. However, further follow-up found that these women were not more likely to complete training or pursue work in those trades than women who were not provided with such information.

Information in the form of media and “edutainment” may be particularly effective in affecting occupational choice. In Ethiopia, poor farmers were randomly invited to view a one-hour documentary on individuals from similar communities who had succeeded in agriculture or small business. After six months, these individuals exhibited more forward-looking behavior. They scored higher on tests of aspirations, saved more, and were more likely to enroll their children in school. When a larger density of individuals had viewed the documentary in a village, effects were stronger, confirming that peer networks affect individual aspirations (Bernard et al., 2014). Suggestive evidence collected by GIL in Uganda and Ethiopia demonstrates that peer groups and mentorship could be important complements to information interventions for occupational segregation in particular, though this has not been rigorously tested (Alibhai, 2015; Campos, 2014).

Evidence from South Asia confirms the potential of interventions to tackle social norms surrounding occupational segregation and aspirations through two interventions: (i) exposing girls to industries where no clear gender assignment has been made, and (ii) placing women in leadership positions. A program in India evaluated by Jensen (2012) provided three years of recruiting services to help young women in randomly selected rural Indian villages get jobs in the business process outsourcing (BPO) industry. By connecting the villages to experienced recruiters, the intervention aimed to increase awareness of and access to BPO jobs, and increase employment opportunities for women. The intervention led to employment gains and increased enrollment in post-school training courses for working women aged 18 to 24 and corresponding delays in marriage and fertility. Women aged 15 to 21 at baseline from villages exposed to the recruiting intervention were 4.6 percentage points more likely to work in a BPO job than 24