households with the financial resources to purchase herds of cattle and additional land at altitudes suitable for fruit and vegetable trees are better able to navigate changes in glacial melt water than the majority of less endowed farmers who are in no position to switch to income‐ generating livestock or high‐labor crops. Their livelihood and adaptive trajectories differ, they may even be moving in opposite directions, yet are affected by the same ecological constraints.

<!-- Start of picture text --> Extreme flooding events in Palca wash away precious farm land, further exacerbating land<br>scarcity. In response, those who have limited land to start with refrain from crop rotation and<br>fallowing, which in turn contributes to the proliferation of pests on crops. Again, only the more<br>affluent farmers are able to afford required amounts of pesticides. Moreover, to illustrate a case<br>of differential vulnerability, evidence from the Andes (also observed in the Himalayas) suggest<br>that uneven allocation of dwindling water from the glaciers and increased water prices are likely<br><!-- End of picture text --> Extreme flooding events in Palca wash away precious farm land, further exacerbating land scarcity. In response, those who have limited land to start with refrain from crop rotation and fallowing, which in turn contributes to the proliferation of pests on crops. Again, only the more affluent farmers are able to afford required amounts of pesticides. Moreover, to illustrate a case of differential vulnerability, evidence from the Andes (also observed in the Himalayas) suggest that uneven allocation of dwindling water from the glaciers and increased water prices are likely to hurt low‐income and other disadvantaged groups first. This is the case, for instance, in La Paz and El Alto, the largest cities having experienced ~50% of retreat of the Tuni and Condoriri Glaciers over the last 50 years (Rossing 2010). To allow the poorest and most disadvantaged to escape poverty traps, institutional reforms and just policies are needed that provide social protection and expand ensured access to assets for more beneficial asset diversification and risk management options that are affordable to everybody, not only the most affluent.

<!-- Start of picture text --> to hurt low‐income and other disadvantaged groups first. This is the case, for instance, in La Paz<br>and El Alto, the largest cities having experienced ~50% of retreat of the Tuni and Condoriri<br>Glaciers over the last 50 years (Rossing 2010). To allow the poorest and most disadvantaged to<br>escape poverty traps, institutional reforms and just policies are needed that provide social<br>protection and expand ensured access to assets for more beneficial asset diversification and risk<br>management options that are affordable to everybody, not only the most affluent.<br><!-- End of picture text --> Other dimensions of identity and inequality are less well understood. However, case studies of gender‐ differentiated impacts have mushroomed over the last decade and yielded important yet still partial insight into the role of intersecting inequality. There is also growing evidence of detrimental impacts on children, for instance through malnutrition, stunting, and inadequate water supply as a direct result of droughts or indirectly through food price increases (Olsson et al. 2014a; Smith et al. 2014). At the end of this section are two additional vignettes regarding inequality in the context of climate change: the first describes the role of age and race at the backdrop of the 1995 Chicago and the 2003 European heat wave. The second explores gender dimensions across changing climatic trends and extreme events.

What remains exceedingly rare are in‐depth case studies that explore how different inequalities intersect, beyond the standard ‘2x2 model’ (e.g. race x age as illustrated in Vignette 4 on the Chicago heat wave). Looking back at the insights on climate change and indigenous peoples, it is striking that indigeneity is often assessed as a stand‐alone category, even though being indigenous always inevitably means a specific gender, age, ability and so forth. An exception is work by Pearce et al. (2011) that points to heightened risks among male Inuit in Canada due to their hunting activities on insecure sea ice while women are likely to experience more harm from reduced food supplies and reduction in consumption. We urgently need compelling in‐depth accounts of how several of the identity markers interact with each other and, in their specific constellation, how they drive vulnerability and capacities for adaptation, for instance gender with age and with indigeneity. In fact, Chapter 13 Livelihoods and Poverty identifies the limited knowledge on intersecting and simultaneous axes of privilege and marginalization as one of the major research gaps to date, leaving us with only few insights into which distinct drivers of vulnerability are at play in which particular contexts (Olsson et al. 2014a). These social 22