# **2 Methodology**

<mark>This research explores the trajectories, attitudes and perceptions of youth out of school and out of work in Pernambuco, Brazil,</mark> focusing on the gendered <mark>dimensions of the causes and consequences of their situation. The following questions guided the research: i) What are the trajectories of youth out of work and out of school and which barriers did they experience to remaining active in work and/or the educational system? ii) What are their aspirations related to work and education, plans for the future and perceived barriers to implement them? iii) How may their different family, community, school and work experiences have shaped their mindsets and choices? iv) Do the answers to the above questions differ between male and females? If so, why?</mark> <mark>The paper is based on 77 in-depth interviews with young men and women (18-25 years) out of work and out of school</mark><sup>8</sup> <mark>in rural and urban Pernambuco. The interviews explored a range of themes, including family and community contexts; experiences and perceptions about work and education; aspirations, plans for the future and perceived barriers to implement them; and knowledge about public policies. In addition, a set of nine “positive deviance cases” (PD)</mark><sup>9</sup> <mark>was collected from the same urban sites to serve as a benchmark, helping to investigate the factors and strategies that enabled some individuals to continue their education beyond high school and to successfully enter the job market, despite sharing the same community background. Finally, 18 key informant interviews were conducted with local community leaders, policy practitioners and academics in the areas of education and labor to inform the research design as well as to capture their perspectives on the issue (see annex 2 for extended methodology).</mark> <mark>Certain themes and realities were not explored in-depth in this research, such as: participation in crime and violence; the situation of underage youth; and how sexuality, race and ethnicity might impact the situation of youth.</mark><sup>10</sup> <mark>In addition, the sample is limited to low-income populations in certain locations of rural and urban Pernambuco who may face a reality different from that of youth in families with higher incomes or in other geographic locations.</mark>

> 8 Two different groups of youth out of work and out of school were recruited: 1) youth who selfreported as “not having studied or worked in the last year”; and 2) youth who “did not study but had informal temporary work (less than 20 hours) in the month prior to the interview”.

> 9 The PD cases were divided into two groups: 1) youth who were currently attending or had concluded a technical course or a university degree; and 2) youth who had concluded a technical course or a university degree and managed to secure a “trabalho fixo com carteira assinada” (formal fixed job) upon completion.

10 The importance of analyzing overlapping constraints has been highlighted through the concept of intersectionality (see for instance: Tas, Reimao, and Orlando (2013)). The intersection of identities (gender, sexual identity and orientation, ethnicity, etc.) produces different experiences and relations when comparing different groups, which can significantly affect outcomes and lead to “cumulative disadvantages”. Data already show that overlapping constraints also matter in this context: Black women in Brazil (when controlling for household wealth) have a higher probability to become a _nem-nem_ compared to white women (Simoes et al 2013).

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