The process of acquiring apatta after a land sale/purchase can take a minimum of 3 months if there are no objections at any stage (Table 7). Typically, it takes 3-5 years and entails numerous trips to the tehsil office by the purchaser. If for some reason the RI is not kept 'happy' by the purchaser it may take as long as 12 years (Box 8). Often the size of land parcel for which the _patta_ is issued is less than the size of land parcel actually purchased. For instance, two brothers Ishwar and Ulla Gowda of Gopalpur, Ganjam district, purchased 2.12 acres from Chanchala Pradhan. The patta records 2.06 acres even though they cultivate the full extent of the 2.12 acre plot. Ishwar and Ulla Gowda fear that problems are likely to arise when they decide to sell the plot. The new purchaser would negotiate on the basis of the existing _patta_ and pay for only 2.06 acres while actually acquiring the full 2.12 acres.

Delays in processing, discrepancies, and rent-seeking seem to go hand in hand. It is argued by revenue department officials that these are a consequence of the excessive work burden of the revenue inspectors and registration clerks. This is discussed in the following section.

# _4.1.3 Land records management_

Following land settlement and registration, the RORs and copy of the maps are supplied to the Tehsildar who is expected to maintain and regularly update them. However, it is commonly observed that the RI rarely corrects the RORs on time, and mutation cases remain pending for many years, thereby severely compromising the rights and interests of individual land holders.

Often inefficiencies arising from poor maintenance of RORs and the field maps increase transaction costs. It is argued that high transaction costs in sale and purchase of land place a disproportionately high burden on the rural poor, and are likely further to depress the land sale market thereby reducing their access to private, arable land. This section examines whether rationalising the responsibilities of the RI and the tehsildar in the course of the computerisation of land records and land registration would be likely to have a positive impact on the efficiency of land administration.

While the present system of land record management owes its origin to Todarmal, it was mainly developed under British rule in the 19th century. The colonial administration relied almost entirely on revenue from land and so an efficient land records system was essential to its survival. However, regular updating of land records was rare. In _zamindari_ areas, the intermediaries were only interested in collecting rent. For this part-time rentcollectors (e.g. _guntia_ in Orissa) were hired and there was no systematic system for land records management. Most of the updating occurred during periodic settlement operations. A large proportion of Orissa's land area fell under _zamindari_ tenure and so for all practical purposes, Orissa was a 'non-land record state'.

The need to improve and strengthen land revenue administration has long been recognised. As early as 1958, the poor state of land records was identified as one of the important causes of the failure of land reforms (GOI, 1958). Thirty-five years later, the then Prime Minister remarked: Many Chief Ministers have told me that even if they do not expect any money out of land revenue, they would like to see someone to keep the land records because it is a record of rights. If nobody has a record of rights, might becomes right....Whether any land revenue is paid, whether that amount is considerable or not, whether that needs to be collected still or does not need to be collected, ... the maintenance of land records is a must and that has to be done. (Rao, 1992: 6-7) However, constant reiteration in successive Five Year Plans of the need to improve and strengthen land revenue administration and update land records has done little or nothing to arrest their neglect on the ground: 32