Slovenia. Case and Deaton (1998) conclude that pension income is spent in the same way as other sources of income in South Africa, so that “a rand is always a rand”.

The gender of recipients of cash transfers like those made by the BDH may also be important in determining how transfer income is used. If pooling of resources within the household is incomplete, as predicted by a variety of non-unitary household models (for example, Chiappori 1988; 1992; Bourguignon et al. 1993), cash transfers to women may increase their bargaining capacity within the household and result in a pattern of expenditures that better reflects their preferences. A handful of papers provide evidence that women have different preferences over expenditures from men. Thomas (1990) uses data for urban Brazil to show that the effect of non-earned maternal income on nutrient demand is between four and seven times larger than the corresponding effect of non-earned paternal income. Hoddinott and Haddad (1995) argue that the share of income controlled by women is positively correlated with food shares in Cote d’Ivoire. Doss (2005) shows that the share of assets and the share of land owned by women are positively associated with higher food expenditures among rural households in Ghana. Lundberg, Pollack, and Wales (1997) exploit a sudden, unanticipated policy reform in the United Kingdom. In this reform, a universal child benefit, which had primarily consisted of reductions in taxes withheld from the paycheck of a child’s father, was replaced by a direct cash payment made to the child’s mother. Lundberg, Pollack, and Wales argue that this reform led to a substantial increase in expenditures on women’s clothing and children’s clothing relative to men’s clothing—see also Ward-Batts (2003) for another paper that reaches similar conclusions with the same data. On the other hand, Hotchkiss (2005) shows that childless couples, who were unaffected by the reform, also had large increases in expenditures on women’s clothing, which casts doubts on the Lundberg, Pollack and Wales identification strategy.

There are also a handful of papers that analyze the effect of “conditional cash transfer” programs in Latin America. In these programs, women receive transfers only if they comply with a number of conditions—women with pre-school-aged children must make regular visits to health centers, where children receive growth monitoring and food supplements, if necessary, and women with school-aged children must ensure that they are enrolled in school and attend regularly. The best known of these programs is the _PROGRESA_ program in Mexico (now called _Oportunidades_ ).

A number of papers analyze the impact of _PROGRESA_ on expenditures, and arrive at different conclusions. Hoddinott and Skoufias (2004) use the random assignment of _PROGRESA_ to poor communities to show that households eligible for transfers consumed more food than noneligible households; however, Hoddinott and Skoufias do not analyze changes in the food share, so it is not clear whether the increase in food expenditures is a result of higher incomes or changes in consumption patterns. Attanasio and Lechene (2002) explicitly focus on the shares of expenditures 2