Affective imDact: The affective impact of apprenticeship is generally regarded as being as important in the indigenous systems as it is in the regulated ones in the modern sector. The apprentice typically starts his training at a much earlier age than in the European systems and may effectively become part of the household of the master, who thus becomes responsible for bringing him up as well as imparting occupations skills. As Allen observes, "this phase of his life--what would conventionally be termed "adolescence" in the West--is cruci.al in many other ways than the purely vocational. His view of what is happening around him, his perceptions and aspirations, his attitudes and values, are framed to a large degree within this context of his relationship to his master and his work" (Allen, 1982). While one may have mixed feelings about the wider implications of this inculcation of values, there is no doubt that it serves to facilitate the transition into employment, and especially employment related to the training, in a way that institution-based training does not.

Technological conservatism: One of the weaknesses of the indigenous apprenticeship system is the inherent conservatism in the transmission of skills. The master cannot pass on more than he knows himself and the apprentice has little everyday recourse to other sources of skill development. It should not however be inferred that the small-scale enterprises that host the indigenous apprenticeship system are forever trapped at a fixed level of technological expertise. Machines replace hand-tools, and power machines manual ones. The process can be dramatic, as is illustrated by the recount of a Tunisian ca:penter that "one worked manually until a Maltese installed machines in the town center and rented them out at 6 francs an hour. Before that one would spend much more time on a job but it was better done. I was earning 10 francs a week before, and 10 to 25 francs a day afterwards. One used to be able to spend a whole year working on an order for a single house, and now a door is ordered in the morning and collected the same evening" (Tunisia, National Institute of Statistics, 1977, p. 150).

Allen (1982) warns explicitly against attempts to characterize specific traditional sector trades in terms of "traditionality" or "modernity": "Tailoring, for example, though in existence for many centuries and a crucial component of the indigenous culture, has taken on a radically different form in recent decades. The present-day tailor [in Zaire] is likely to sew and embroider on a Spanish machine; use cloth produced by large multinational concerns based in Kaduna; and sell his goods on a market, the characteristics of which are determined by a highly inflationary, oil-based and internationalized economy. The skills, products, technology, market, and relations of production of the tailor are "modern". Indeed, there are few skills about which much the same could not be said."

# 5.6 The scoRe for government intervention in the modern sector

A large number of different types of stick and carrot incentives for the promotion of enterprise-based training are in use around the world. The most common types are financial (subsidization of trainee wages, subsidization of training-related education, and levy/grant schemes), or regulatory (maximum or minimum ratios of apprentices to skilled workers), but these do not exhaust

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