is no longer overt political conflict but instead crime and delinquency.<sup>16</sup> Violence is a heterogeneous phenomenon with a number of different manifestations: homicides, robberies, kidnappings, muggings, assaults, domestic violence, sexual violence, violence against children and the elderly, etc.<sup>17</sup> Victimization surveys demonstrate that different socio-economic groups experience violence differently: middle and high-income neighborhoods are mostly affected by property crime, whereas homicides and physical injuries are more common in low-income neighborhoods.<sup>18</sup> In a study of Colombia, Gaviria and Velez (2001) find that in the main metropolitan areas the rich households bear most of the burden of property crime, whereas the poor, especially the people with low educational attainment, bear a disproportionate burden of domestic violence.<sup>19</sup> The bulk of the data on homicides and injuries are not disaggregated by ethnic groups, but evidence on the local level indicates that those who suffer from social and cultural exclusion, such as indigenous groups and afro-descendants, are likely to be disproportionately affected by violence.<sup>20</sup> Ethnic and rural violence is especially pervasive in conflict settings.

It is difficult to construct precise indicators in order to measure the magnitude of violence in its various forms and draw comparisons. As mentioned above, the most widespread measure is homicide rates, which is problematic, since it does not capture other, non-fatal types of violence and crime. Furthermore, homicide rates give a somewhat skewed picture of the crime situation, since the majority of crime tends to be property crime. Using homicides as a proxy for all violence will not yield an accurate picture. Another challenge is that homicide data are not always reliable and often includes unintentional deaths, such as car accidents. Furthermore, methodologies for violence indictors vary across countries and crimes suffer from severe underreporting, especially crimes such as domestic violence and the abuse of children and the elderly. Rubio (1998) estimates that only 15–30% of violent crimes are reported in Latin America.<sup>21</sup> Victimization surveys provide an excellent tool to form realistic estimates of the extent of crime and violence in the absence of reliable statistical data. These surveys demonstrate that underreporting is especially severe in poor areas. For similar levels of thefts, burglaries, and muggings, middle-class and rich neighborhoods have a much higher level of reporting than poorer areas.<sup>22</sup> The low level of reporting is partly explained by mistrust of the police in lowincome neighborhoods. Poorer areas also tend to display high levels of impunity. Criminals are often known and identified by shantytown dwellers, but an omerta of forced complicity protects them.<sup>23</sup>

> 16 Rodgers (1999) in Moser and Lister (1999).

> 17 The 2002 “World Report on Violence and Health _”_ defines violence as the “intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood or resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation.” Crime, on the other hand, is defined as an act punishable by law. While _crime_ and _violence_ are closely related to one another they are not interchangeable. There is non-violent crime as well as noncriminal violence.

> 18 See for instance Gaviria and Velez (2001).

> 19 Gaviria and Velez (2001).

> 20 Borjas (1995), Katzman (1999) quoted in Buvinic, Morrison and Orlando (2002). 21 Rubio (2000).

> 22 Vanderschueren and Oviedo (1995) quoted in Vanderschueren (1996).

> 23 Diagne (1995) quoted in Vanderschueren (1996).

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