rafmacalaba/datause-encoder-data huggingface dataset:
conservative estimate of the extent to which the poor benefit, for two reasons. First, we rely on surveys of people who have already been diagnosed with a particular disease, and thus who have at some point at least come into contact with medical care; once diagnosed, and given that the SUS will treat the disease free of charge, it is likely that even the poor will get treatment. It is not the case, then, that we are imputing from the prevalence of the disease among people who have no access to health care at all. Moreover, while it is possible that some low-income people never return for care after their initial diagnosis, it is at least as likely that some high-income people continue to receive private medical care for their conditions. Table 2 summarizes the results of our investigation for Brazil‘s health cases.

**Table 2: Distributive Impact of Health Litigation, Brazil**

||Percent underprivileged|Total<br>underprivileged<br>beneficiaries|Total<br>beneficiaries|
|---|---|---|---|
|HIV/AIDS|32%|209,057|660,000|
|Hepatitis|30%|45,000|150,000|
|Diabetes|14%|96,180|687,000|
|Cancer|26%|19,000|72,200|
|Hypertension|19%|138,624|729,600|
|Osteoporosis|50%|1,213,150|2,426,300|
|OTCgoods|43%|1,174|2,731|
|Private ins.|32%|12,765|40,522|
|**Grand total**|**36%**|**1,734,950**|**4,768,353**|

Ironically, after all the twists and turns of this calculation, the distribution of indirect beneficiaries is not far from the population distribution across income levels: about 36% of beneficiaries come from the bottom 2 income quintiles. Moreover, recall that about 43% of SUS users come from this income strand. In other words, not only is the income distribution among indirect beneficiaries close to the income distribution in the population, but it is also reasonably 21
## _Reproductive Agency_

Increasing reproductive agency through the provision of life skills training to girls has been shown to be an effective strategy. Adolescent girls participating in the empowerment programs mentioned above improved decision-making ability and control of their bodies, reduced rates of childbirth, cohabitation, and having nonconsensual sex, and were more likely to engage in income-generating activities (Bandiera et al. 2019; Bandiera et al. 2020). Encouraging school enrollment, delayed marriage and delayed birth through unconditional and conditional cash transfers have also been shown to be effective. One study from Malawi found that both conditional cash transfers (CCTs) and unconditional cash transfers (UCTs) resulted in fewer girls dropping out of school, though UCTs resulted in significantly fewer early marriages and early births than either the CCT or the control group (Baird et al. 2011).

## _Care and Domestic Work_

In Burkina Faso, the fertility rate remains high, and the bulk of the childcare and domestic work falls on the shoulders of mothers. One approach to tackling this issue is by focusing on intra-household dynamics. Specific couples’ interventions, such as Engaging Men Through Accountable Practice (EMAP) in the DRC, and Bandebereho in Rwanda, have been shown to increase men’s involvement in household and childcare activities (Doyle et al. 2018; Vaillant et al. 2020).

Another approach is to improve access to childcare services, either by subsidizing provision to existing centers, or by opening centers where previously they did not exist. Recent evidence from Burkina Faso shows that mobile childcare centers for women participating in a public works project improved both their employment and financial outcomes, while child development scores also increased (Ajayi et al. 2022). In Uganda, subsidizing childcare led to a 44 percent increase in household income, driven by an increase in mothers’ business revenues and fathers’ wage earnings. Lastly, a recent impact evaluation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which tested the opening of new childcare centers in rural areas, found that both women and their husbands increased their engagement in commercial activities, leading to gains in agricultural productivity, household income and women’s subjective well-being (Donald and Vaillant 2022).

# **5. Conclusion**

Existing research and data on Burkina Faso document high gender inequality in the country. However, gender gaps in economic outcomes and the root causes behind them have not been sufficiently explored. This paper investigates the underlying reasons for gender gaps in earnings in Burkina Faso, using recent household survey data to understand their change over time and the factors associated with them.

22
45 mixed (Bernard et al (1978), Omran and Standley (1981)). It has been hypothesised that instead they are passed on as "reducetions in the resources given to the fetus (resulting in premature and LBW infants)" (Population Council (1984)). As discussed above, high parity and family size do play such a role, while other evidence also suggests strongly that the confluence of nutritional shortage and metabolic stress in work patterns powerfully influences birthweights (Dunn (1979), Bantje (1980), Petros-Barvazian and Behar (1978)).

We have seen how patterns of reproductive behaviour can have profound influence on maternal and child welfare. Within the framework outlined here, such influence may be seen to alter welfare through extension or contraction of the set of utility possiblities, as morbidity, birth status and survivorship probabilities affect capabilities.

# 4. Policy and Research

This paper has attempted to categorise relationships between fertility, maternal education and maternal and child nutrition and mortality. Our analysis has focused upon the capabilities of the mother, as a member of a domestic group, as a potential or actual participant in labor, and as a recipient and user of information. The central importance of both culture and resources in affecting the constraints on choice has been stressed.
family wealth explains 8, 9 and 5 percent at the corresponding levels. Gender explains a significant share of scores inequality only at the secondary exam (3 percent). Again religion has no explaining power. These results thus suggest that family resources and geography explain most of the variation in achievements at official exams.

# **4. Some Evidence on the Determinants of Learning Outcome Inequalities**

The findings of Section 3 showed that a significant share of achievement inequality is associated with circumstances determined at birth. They also suggest that these inequities do not appear suddenly at adolescence, such as at tracking taking place at the end of basic education, but rather build progressively through primary and lower secondary schooling grades. Here we look at some of the factors affecting learning inequalities, particularly at the early years. We focus on three main factors: type of school system attended, household spending on private tutorials, and tracking. Egypt has different school systems, such as public, private (including religious) schools, some of which use English or other languages for teaching. For our analyses, we use information from the SYPE survey on the type of the primary, preparatory and secondary schools attended by teenagers, distinguishing private, public, but also experimental language and traditional schools, and on households’ expenditures in private tutoring at the same levels.

Based on data from the UNESCO Institute of Statistics, **Figure 4** reports the evolution of public spending on education in Egypt, in share of GDP, and benchmarks it with the corresponding public spending in lower middle countries, Arab and Middle East and North Africa countries (note that the series of data are incomplete). It shows that public spending in education has stagnated over the long run (and decreased compared to the early 1980s) and slightly diminished in Egypt over a more recent period between 2003 and 2008, from about 5 to 3.9% of GDP. A similar evolution is observed in other MENA countries but the level of these expenditures is slightly lower in Egypt. The decline in public expenditure on education might contribute to the low learning achievement of many young Egyptians on the TIMSS test.

27
|TableS- C|||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|The Worldat Work|||||||||||||
|_Estinates as ashareof wrkuing agep opul_|_ation in region_||||||||||||
|.__________________|_____<br>Working age|Unemployed|Not in labor|Workers in|Workers in|Workers in|Wage|Non-wage|Wage|Non-wage|Wage|Non-wage|
||population||force|agriculture|industry|5ervices|agriculture|agriculture|industry|industry|services|services|
||. <br>**(%/o)**|**(%/o)**|**(%/o)**|**( /3⁄4)**|**( /3⁄4)**|**(0/6)**|**(3⁄4/o)**|**(%/o)**|**(/o)**|**(**/)|**(/)**|**(n)**|
|World|**__**<br> <br>100|<br>3.4|<br>30.1|<br>30.4|<br>13.6|<br>22.6|<br>2.4|<br>27.9|<br>8.0|<br>5.6|<br>14.6|8.0|
|I lighlas"lile econondes|100|5.8|30.4|3.1|19.1|41.6|1.2|1.9|17.0|2.1|35.6|6.0|
|Mliddle income econondes|100|4.4|36.2|18.3|15.9|25.2|4.7|13.6|12.2|3.7|17.2|8.0|
|Low incomne econonsdes|100|2.2|26.9|44.3|10.8|15.9|<br>1.6|42.7|3.2|7.6|7.4|8.5|
|||unemployed|otin labor forc|agriculture|industry|services|||||||
|East Asla and Pacilic|100|2.3|18.1|46.1|14.3|19.2|<br>2.1|44.1|5.2|9.1|10.0|9.2|
|Europe and Central**Asia**|100|5.8|26.1|16.4|24.2|27.6|3.4|12.9|20.0|4.2|22.2|5.4|
|Latin Amerlca and Caribbean|100|3.0|43.5|12.2|13.6|27.6|5.1|7.2|10.5|3.1|19.0|8.6|
|MiddleEastand NorthAfrlca|100|7.1|48.3|14.8|10.4|19.3|<br>3.1|11.7|7.6|2.8|14.0|5.4|
|O.E.C.D.|100|5.8|30.4|3.1|19.1|41.7|1.2|1.9|17.0|2.1|35.7|6.0|
|SosthA.ila<br>_|100|<br>1.7|<br>40.9|35.8|8.4|13.2|<br>1.3|34.4|2.6|5.9|5.6|7.6|
|Sub-Saliaran Africa|100|4.1|31.8|41.4|5.9|16.8|<br>3.8|37.5|2.3|3.7|6.4|10.4|

39
# **Evidence from a Randomized Evaluation of the Household Welfare Impacts of Conditional and Unconditional Cash Transfers Given to Mothers or Fathers**<sup>*****</sup>

Richard Akresh University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Damien de Walque The World Bank Harounan Kazianga Oklahoma State University _Keywords_ : Cash transfers; Conditionality; Intrahousehold Bargaining; Education; Health; Africa _JEL classification_ : I21; I12; I38; J12; J13; O15; C93

* These data were collected for a project evaluating social protection strategies in Burkina Faso, which greatly benefited from the support of Marie-Claire Damiba, Seydou Kabré, and Victorine Yameogo from the Secrétariat Permanent du Comité National de Lutte contre le SIDA et les Infections Sexuellement Transmissibles in Burkina Faso and Nono Ayivi-Guedehoussou, Hans Binswanger, Ousmane Haidara, Timothy Johnston, Mead Over, and Tshiya Subayi-Cuppen at the World Bank. Data collection was supervised by Robert Ouedraogo, Jean-Pierre Sawadogo, Bambio Yiriyibin and Pam Zahonogo from the University of Ouagadougou. The project is funded by the NBER Africa Project and the following World Bank trust funds grants: Strategic Impact Evaluation Fund (SIEF), Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program (BNPP), Gender Action Plan (GAP), Knowledge for Change Program (KCP), WB-DFID Evaluation of the Community Response to HIV and AIDS, Trust Fund for Environmentally & Socially Sustainable Development (TFESSD), and Luxembourg Poverty Reduction Partnership (LPRP). The authors thank Emilie Bagby, German Caruso, Christine Jachetta, Marleen Marra, and Nga Thi Viet Nguyen for excellent research assistance.

Contact Information: Richard Akresh, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Department of Economics, 1407 West Gregory Drive, David Kinley Hall, Room 214, Urbana, IL 61801.Email: <u>akresh@illinois.edu; Damien de</u> Walque, The World Bank, Development Research Group, 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C., 20433. Email: <u>ddewalque@worldbank.org; Harounan Kazianga, Oklahoma State University, Department of Economics, 324</u> Business Building, Stillwater, OK 74708. Email: <u>harounan.kazianga@okstate.edu</u>
MOZAMBIQUE’S INFRASTRUCTURE: A CONTINENTAL PERSPECTIVE

# Power

## **Achievements**

Mozambique’s energy supply is relatively reliable compared to its African peers. According to the Enterprise Survey for 2007, firms’ value lost due to power outages in Mozambique was 2.4 percent of sales, less than half the value lost in other LICs and close to the level of MICs. In Mozambique there were 37 days when power outages occurred, vis-à-vis 70 and 124 days in middle- and low-income countries respectively, but the duration of power outages in Mozambique (4.2 hours) was above the level of most of neighboring countries. Around 11 percent of the energy consumed by firms in Mozambique was generated in-house, a level comparable to that of MICs and half that of other LICs (table 13). The delay in obtaining an electric connection (13 days) was one-third of the regional average (42 days). Due to the relativity good quality of energy supply, the percentage of firms identifying energy as a major constraint in Mozambique was below the Sub-Saharan average (table 14).

**Table 13. Benchmarking Mozambique’s power indicators**

||**Unit**|**Low-income,**<br>**nonfragile**<br>**country**||**Mozambique**|**Middle-**<br>**income**<br>**country**|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
||||**1997**|**2003**<br>**2006–07**||
|National access to electricity|% population|32.8|6.6|8.1<br>9.4|49.5|
|Urban access to electricity|% population|72.8|25.8|25<br>26|74.4|
|Rural access to electricity|% population|12.7|2.1|1.1<br>1.7|26.3|
|Installed power generation capacity|MW/million people|20||98<br>—|799|
|Power consumption (residential)|kWh/capita|107||26<br>29 [1]|4,479|
|Power outages|Day/year|124.5||—<br>37.2|70.6|
|Firms’ reliance on own generator|% consumption|21||—<br>10.8|11|
|Firms’ value lost due to power outages|% sales|6||—<br>2.4|2|
|Delay in obtaining an electrical connection|Days|41||—<br>12.7|12|
|Collection ratio|% billings|93||100<br>100|100|
|System losses|% production|24||25<br>26|20|
|Cost-recovery ratio|% total cost|89||71.3<br>85.8|85|
|Total hidden costs as % of revenue|%|88.4||—<br>38|140.6|
|Effective power tariffs (US cents/kWh)|**Mozambique**|Predomina<br>hydrogener|ntly<br>ation|Predominantly thermal<br>generation|Other<br>developing<br>regions|
|Residential at 100 kWh/month|6.8|10.7||15.7||
|Commercial at 900 kWh/month|8.0|12.9||19.0|5.0 – 10.0|
|Industrial at 100 kVA|6.5|9.3||13.0||

_Source:_ Eberhard and others 2009; derived from AICD electricity database (www.infrastructureafrica.org/aicd/tools/data). Other sources include: access data coming from Demographic and Health Surveys 1997 and 2003; utility data from AICD electricity database (www.infrastructureafrica.org/aicd/tools/data). Data referring to outages is coming from the 2007 Enterprise Survey. _Note:_ [1] The total consumption was 474 kWh: 29 kWh domestic, 396 industry, and 48 other. — = Not available.

31
**Decoupling and recoupling**

Yet another source of concern arises from the less-than-perfect correspondence between stocks holdings and the volume of flows. Levy Yeyati and Williams (2010) report that the relationship between the size (that is, the absolute value) of this year ́s flows and end-of-lastyear ́s holdings (based on holdings data from LMF and BoP flow data) is significant for EM equity and FDI but not for debt instruments. However, using EPFR ́s global fund data, they find that the link is significant and stronger for both equity and debt instruments. At any rate, to the extent that flows are only imperfectly characterized by initial holdings, it is useful to proxy globalization both by foreign liability stock (as is typically done in the literature) and flow ratios.

# **b. Globalization, benchmarking and financial recoupling**

Does foreign participation increase the market betas to global returns? Does FG amplify the response of cross-border flows and asset prices in times of global turmoil? A first look at the data appears to contradict this hypothesis. Although in principle there seems to be a significant link between holdings and betas (Didier et al, 2010) a closer look reveals that it is entirely accounted for by the group of non-EM developing frontier markets.<sup>18</sup>

**Table 9** illustrates the point. The first column reproduces the main result in Didier et al. (2010), which tries to explain the financial channel behind the large post-Lehman betas, controlling for market moves with time dummies: US holdings from TIC data do not explain but significantly amplify the sensitivity of EM equity to global returns (measured from a regression of the monthly change in the local stock market index against monthly returns on the S&P 500). However, as the next two columns reveal, the result is entirely driven by frontier markets: US equity holdings do not change significantly the impact of S&P returns on equity returns in either developed or emerging economies. The same is true when, in the second half of the table, we drop the Lehman interaction and replace time dummies by S&P returns (a specification closer to our focus on market betas, here assumed to be a linear function of US holdings). Given that flows and stocks are not always tightly correlated (and that, ultimately, it is the flow that influences the price action in these markets): does the test change when we use the volume (that is, the absolute value) of TIC equity liability flows? According to the results in column 9, the

> 18 Tatiana Didier kindly provided the data for this table.

<u>14</u>
prices in estimating the NPCs for molasses, _except_ in years when the volume exported was less than 50,000 tons. In these years we have used the Pakistan export unit values, on the grounds that the Pakistan molasses are approximately the same grade as the Indian molasses, and because it seems reasonable to suppose that India would supply markets in the same areas as the Pakistan markets if the export controls were to be lifted.

Figure 16: **NPCs for mill molasses, 1965-94. Exportable hypothesis** Sources and notes: See Annex 10. Weighted average of the NPCs for UP, Maharashtra and TN.

The estimation of export reference prices and the NPCs for molasses are shown in Annex 10. Based on the estimated fob prices, the export reference prices in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu are obtained by deducting port costs (i.e. storage, loading, customs clearance etc) and marketing and transport costs from the producing areas to the ports of Bombay and Madras respectively However, relative to the fob prices, transport costs from UP were much higher than from the producing areas in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, and deducting them as well as port costs from the fob prices would have given negative reference prices in a number of years. To handle this, we arbitrarily assumed that under free trade without the molasses export and distribution controls, UP molasses would not be exported but would supply inland markets in the most distant of which it would compete with Maharashtra molasses. In addition we made the further simplifying assumption that the transport costs to these markets from the UP producing areas would be the same as the distance from the Maharashtra producing areas. On these two assumptions, the reference price for UP is the same as the reference price in Maharashtra.. By coincidence, the estimated producing area -to -port transport costs in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu were identical, and so the reference price in all three states was the same. Since the controlled ex-mill prices were also the same, the estimated NPCs turned out to be identical in the three states.

40
- 13 -

use of nontariff barriers in developed countries. 12/. Table 2 shows the 1966-86 changes in these indices as well as the actual value of the 1966 frequency index. With the exception of fuel imports, Table 2 shows that there have been major increases in the NTB frequency ratios over the 1966 to 1986 period. For all developed countries approximately 17 per cent of all fourdigit SITC products were affected by NTBs in 1966 and this ratio increased 37 percentage points (to an overall value of 54 per cent) by 1986. Food products recorded the highest overall 1966-86 increase in the frequency index (53 percentage) while the table shows that the percentage of affected products in this group rose by 40 points or more in Italy, Netherlands, Norway, United Kingdom, Switzerland and the United States. 13/ Analysis of the underlying trade statistics for the European Communities countries shows that the extension of variable import levies to additional products was a major factor accounting for the rise in the EC coverage ratios for foodstuffs (over 98 per

- 12/ In computing NTB indices, we have utilized a broader group of measures than has been previously employed by the World Bank for analyses of trade restrictions. Specifically, we have included several measures like health and sanitary regulations and safety and industrial standards in order to achieve comparability with data drawn for the 1960s. This would influence the levels of NTB indices in 1966 and 1986, but should not affect our analysis of trends in nontariff barrier use since the indices have been calculated for the same group of measures. As a result of this methodological change, the empirical results presented in this study are not directly comparable with those of other World Bank investigations.

- 13/ Over the 1966-86 period the United States extended agricultural trade barriers to a number of important product groups. In 1986, approximately 63 per cent of the tariff line items in SITC 02 (Dairy Products and Eggs were covered by quotas, while seasonal tariffs and tariff quotas were also applied extensively in this sector. Quotas were applied to U.S. sugar imports, while a sliding scale variable import charge was also introduced for these products. Quotas are now applied extensively to United States imports of oil seeds and oil nuts (SITC 22) where over 33 per cent of the tariff line products are covered, while import authorization requirements, special import taxes, tariff quotas and seasonal tariffs are now applied in several important sectors (i.e., live animals, fish and preparations, fruits and vegetables and beverages).