January 1994 covering the entire Kagera region (see World Bank, 2004, and <u>http://www.worldbank.org/lsms/).</u> In 2004, another round of data collection was completed (Beegle et al. _,_ 2006a). The goal of the KHDS 2004 was to re-interview the sample of about 6,200 respondents from the 1991-1994 survey. Considerable effort was made to track surviving respondents to their current location, be it in the same community (typically a village), a nearby community, within the region, or even outside the region or abroad. Excluding households in which all previous members are deceased (17 households with 31 people), the KHDS 2004 survey re-contacted 93% of the baseline households (835 out of 895 households). The KHDS panel has an attrition rate that is much lower than that of other well-known panel surveys summarized in Alderman et al. (2001). Notably, most of the surveys in Alderman et al. cover considerably shorter time periods (2 - 5 years). Refusals in the KHDS were relatively uncommon; the main reason for not re-interviewing surviving panel respondents was failure to locate the respondent.<sup>9</sup> The sample of households includes both orphaned and non-orphaned children. In the latter group, at baseline, there were 1,085 non-orphaned children aged 6-15 for which full baseline socio-economic and anthropometric information is available and who would be at least 19 years old by 2004. Of these children, 822 (76 percent) were re-interviewed in 2004; 4 percent had died prior to 2004 and 20 percent were not located. Of these 822 tracked children, we have complete socio-economic and anthropometric data from baseline and follow-up for 718. Roughly half were traced outside of the baseline community, highlighting the importance of our tracking exercise to keep attrition rates low. In appendix 1, we present a brief analysis of the characteristics of the individuals lost in the sample. We show that despite less successful rates of re-interview for children with some observable characteristics, a number of corrections for attrition building on Becketti et al. (1998) and Fitzgerald et al. (1998) show that the results are unaffected by this attrition.

Even when parents are alive, children do not necessarily reside with them. As is the case in other Sub-Saharan countries, the rate of fostering of children is high in Tanzania. While fostering is associated with orphanhood, many non-orphaned children are not residing with one or both surviving parents.<sup>10</sup> In

> 9 It is interesting to note that the KHDS 2004 sample is remarkably similar to a random sample of households from Kagera, despite the fact that the baseline sample was not a simple random sample and given the (moderate) attrition since the baseline. The households in the KHDS 2004 had characteristics not significantly different as those found in the Core Welfare Indicators Questionnaire (CWIQ) survey in 2004 (including characteristics such as: household size, female headship, head’s education, head’s age, land holdings, livestock holdings, and dwelling characteristics). Among children under 18 years, 14% in the KHDS 2004 are single or double-parent orphans and  63% of children were living with both parents. These numbers are strikingly close to results from the DHS 2003. DHS 2003 survey found that 11% of the children under 18 years old in Kagera had lost one or both parents (a number equal to rate in the Tanzanian national sample). In the DHS, 60% of children in Kagera who were under 18 years of age live with both parents.

> 10 Despite the high rate of fostering among both orphans and non-orphans, some studies use fostering as a proxy measure of orphanhood. For example, Deininger et al _._ (2003) draws conclusions regarding the consequences of

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