rafmacalaba/data-use-mentions-extended huggingface dataset:
BOTSWANA’S INFRASTRUCTURE: A CONTINENTAL PERSPECTIVE

**Figure 5. Trading across borders is costly for Botswana**

<!-- Start of picture text --> a. Export costs b. Import costs<br>CAR CAR<br>Niger Zimbabwe<br>DRC Rwanda<br>Zimbabwe DRC<br>Rwanda Niger<br>Botswana 3.01 Botswana 3.39<br>Zambia Zambia<br>Sudan Sudan<br>SSA 1.96 SSA 2.49<br>South Africa South Africa<br>Tanzania Tanzania<br>OECD OECD<br>0 1 2 3 4 5 6 0 1 2 3 4 5 6<br>US$ thousand per container, year 2010 US$ thousand per container, year 2010<br><!-- End of picture text --> _Source:_ Doing Business Database 2010.

_Note:_ CAR = Central African Republic; SSA = Sub-Saharan Africa; OECD = Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development; DRC = Democratic Republic of Congo.

# Roads

## **Achievements**

Overall, Botswana has made remarkable achievements in its road sector, expanding its total paved road coverage from just 12 km at independence in 1966 to about 7,892 km in 2008. Moreover Botswana has tackled the maintenance of its existing roads comparably well, even though a separate road fund has not yet been established.

The total road network length was 28,152 km as of 2008. The classified network, with about 17,735 km, consists of primary and secondary networks (about 5,000 km) and 12,700 km of tertiary roads. The public highway network, which falls under the jurisdiction of the roads department, consists of 6,116 km of paved and 2,800 km of unpaved road. District roads fall under the responsibility of the district councils. The unclassified network is estimated to be around 5,668 km and the urban network 4,749 km.

Botswana
a large-scale survey among students and graduates, both with and without a credit from SOFES. The control group is then formed by the people who did not receive financial support from SOFES. The impact of treatment thus reflects the effects along the external margin, i.e. between students with and without a SOFES credit.

Briefly, **_the main findings of this analysis_** are as follows: (i) Impact on accessibility of higher education: Using the Mexican household survey ENIGH 2000, we find that students who receive some kind of financial support have a 24 percent higher chance of enrollment into an university program. This is a significant impact. We should mention that these results need to be interpreted with caution, since we cannot control for some other important variables in the estimation (principally academic aptitudes, type and conditions of financial aid). Nevertheless, it seems warranted to conclude that financial aid matters for university access.

(ii) Impact on academic performance: Using both the SOFES survey (external margin) and the SOFES database (internal margin), our findings suggest that SOFES recipients perform better in terms of grade point average (GPA). The GPA increases by 0.17 on a 10 point scale, which is a 3% improvement. This corresponds to an improvement of 25% of the standard deviation of 0.7. However, the causal impact from loans on GPA identified 29
Earnings peaks in the latter countries are found at 46 – 47 years in the private sector and at 53 in the public sector (Juraida (2001), based on 1998 data).

**<u>Table 4.  Predicted Age of Peak  Earnings</u>**

||**All employees**|**Males**|**Females**|
|---|---|---|---|
|**Estonia, 2000**|33|34|31|
|**Latvia, 2002**|32|36|30|
|**Lithuania, 2000**|36|34|39|

_Notes:_ Controls include education, age, ethnicity, ownership sector, sector of economic activity, job location, local unemployment rate. Occupation and marital status are not controlled for. Only full-time employees included _. Source:_ Latvia: Calculations based on LFS data; Estonia and Lithuania: Hazans (2002).

It must be noted that particular age groups might have an advantage in some characteristics not accounted to in the models, so that actual age-earnings profiles can be somewhat different from the predicted ones. Appendix Figure 20 presents actual age-earnings profiles for the Baltic countries.

> 11  In contrast with OECD (2003a), where data allowed distinguishing level but not the shape of the profiles between educational groups.

33
variables, real interest rate, broad money supply (M2) and changes in real effective exchange rate have positive signs for the full sample, suggesting a positive covariance structure with nonperforming loans. More specifically, a real exchange rate appreciation may have weakened the performance of export-oriented sectors of the economy, and exacerbated the banking crisis, especially for economies which are highly dependent on exports. This was the case for a number of countries in the CFA subpanel. These countries witnessed a rapid appreciation of their currency in the 80s and early 90s. When coupled with a deterioration of terms of trade, some of these countries, especially Cameroon and Côte d’Ivoire, the leading coffee and cocoa exporters, were dramatically affected by the banking crisis in the 90s, partly as a result of large concentration of loans in the depressed agricultural export sectors [Daumont et al. (2004)]. The much smaller probability value associated with changes in real effective exchange rate for countries in the CFA sub-panel may indeed reflect the relatively strong correlation with nonperforming loans and real exchange rates appreciation.

However, for a number of macroeconomic regressors, the probability value is unexpectedly high for the full panel and across sub-panels of CFA and non-CFA countries. This is especially the case for inflation and domestic credits provided by banks. For the latter regressor, the probability largely exceeds the 10 per cent threshold level. Although much lower for inflation, it is still relatively high, suggesting that inflationary pressures may not have played a critical role in the rapid accumulation of impaired loans in the 1990s. Indeed,

> 40 In Cameroon for instance, per capita income fell by over 50 percent in real terms [Emini and Fofack (2004)]. 41 Invariably, banking crises are associated with falling saving rates across Sub-Saharan Africa. Negative trends are also observed in Ethiopia, Zimbabwe and Côte d’Ivoire. In the latter, average saving rates fell from over 21 per cent of GDP in the early 80s to less than 16 per cent in the early 90s.
long as at least either spouse was targeted, their access to extension improved, although the size of the impact did depend on who was targeted. When the male spouse is targeted through FIF, women are three percentage points more likely to have received advice in Round 2 compared to the control group, and this difference increases to five percentage points for Round 3. Households targeted via WIF saw a larger increase in access to extension services: by endline women were 14.2 percentage points more likely to have received extension advice compared to control households. One reason for this larger increase could be mechanical, women targeted by WIF worked directly with the DA to develop their income-generating proposals. This direct contact with extension service staff could explain women’s increased likelihood of accessing extension services.

However, we do not see any impact on men, regardless of who is targeted. This could be because, compared to women, men already have greater access to extension in Ethiopia (FAO 2019), as was also evident from our baseline data. Women are starting from a lower base—only 31 percent of women in control households accessed extension services at baseline, compared to 58 percent of men in control households (Table 1). When both spouses are targeted, our interaction term is not significant. This suggests no potential synergy from targeting both spouses for increasing access to extension services.

14
high. The share of the population that lived in a household that owned at least one mobile phone was high prior to the conflict across the entire country and amongst vulnerable groups<sup>15</sup> , there is anecdotal evidence that the share with access to mobile phones remained high following the start of the conflict<sup>16</sup> , the geographic coverage of the survey reaches the vast majority of the country that is the primary focus of this analysis<sup>17</sup> , and the WFP survey itself demonstrates that the number of mobile phones owned by households has mostly not changed at the national and governorate level.<sup>18</sup> In addition to the issue of how mobile phone access has changed since the beginning of the conflict, there is the possibility that sample selection (i.e., non-random non-response) could be affecting the generalizability of the estimates. For example, in random digit dialing phone surveys in the United States of political preferences, the surveys are generally good at predicting party affiliation and many other political attributes relative to traditional household surveys but over-predict the amount of civic engagement due to differences in who is most likely to respond to a phone survey (e.g., Abraham et al. 2009).

To the degree that we are able to assess in such a data and evidence-scarce environment, we validate the WFP survey’s representativeness of the broader mobile phone-using population by demonstrating that the survey is capturing trends that are independently corroborated by other sources. First, we demonstrate that the survey does in fact detect large declines in many welfare outcomes and access to basic services relative to the last nationally-representative survey that are consistent with the reports of humanitarian and news agencies on the ground.<sup>19</sup> Second, the

> 15Prior to the escalation of the conflict, 85 percent of the total population lived in a household that owned at least one mobile phone and would be represented by the mVAM.
and 2018 (Bedoya et al., 2019). Our analysis uses data from the baseline and targeting surveys from an impact evaluation of the TUP program conducted in Balkh province.

**Ultra-Poor Designation** Eligibility for the TUP program was determined based on geographic criteria,<sup>2</sup> followed by a two-step process including a community wealth ranking (CWR) and a follow-up in-person survey. CWRs were conducted separately in each village, coordinated by a local NGO and village leaders, in collaboration with the government team.

> 1The anti-poverty program implemented in Togo and described by Aiken et al. (2021) was based on the methods developed and evaluated in this paper. Due to the time-sensitive nature of the COVID-19 response described in Aiken et al. (2021), the two academic articles are in circulation concurrently.

> 2The poorest villages were identified by the availability of veterinary services, financial institutions, and social services, and being relatively accessible (Bedoya et al., 2019).

4
Policy Research Working Paper 9192

# **Abstract**

As cities grow and spatially expand, agricultural land is converted into residential land. In many developing countries, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, this process is accompanied by a change in land tenure, whereby plots held under traditional customary arrangements are sold to new urban residents, possibly with formal property rights. This paper studies joint land-use and land-tenure conversion in an urban economics model in which intermediaries purchase agricultural land from customary owners and attempt to transform it into residential plots with statutory property rights. The spatial equilibrium includes a mix of land uses and rights where statutory and non-statutory residential plots coexist with customary land that is mainly used for agriculture. Because customary ownership is subject to uncertainty (because of tenure insecurity), the conversion process includes a potential information asymmetry between customary owners and intermediaries. The analysis shows that a market failure may emerge whereby some customary owners prefer to continue farming their land rather than participate in the urban residential land market, which results in a city that is too small. Empirical analysis using Malian data validates the key features of the model captured by land price gradients, as well as the ranking and the variance of land prices, and is suggestive of the presence of information asymmetry.

This paper is a product of the Development Research Group, Development Economics. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://www.worldbank.org/prwp. The authors may be contacted at pierre.picard@uni.lu and hselod@worldbank.org.

_The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly.
Foreign|32%|32%|33%|98%|-|

Source: Author’s elaboration from Enterprise Survey (2014) <u>Differences across sectors: Indian and Bangladeshi firms located in the food, apparel, automobile, and</u> electronics sectors are very innovative in terms of technological innovations compared to organizational innovations (Figures 2). The most dynamic sectors are electronics in Bangladesh and apparel in India. This contrasts with what is observed in Nepal, where the rate of firms introducing non-technological innovations is higher than the rate of firms introducing product and/or process innovations, especially in the apparel and

> 8 Foreign-owned firms are those that have over 25% ownership by private foreign individuals, companies or organizations.

16
health. Violent attacks against civilians were used to capture such exposure, which emphasizes the experience of violence in the community where people live, because the distress, fear and anxiety do not arise exclusively through individual victimization. The identification of the effect relied in the variation of exposure to violence by municipality of residence of the mother while pregnant, and the gestation stage when violence occurs.

The main finding was that mothers exposed to violence during early-pregnancy gave birth to babies who weighed less and had higher odds of being underweight. This effect was visible for the sub-sample of baby boys, but not of baby girls, and when focusing on newborns whose mothers were at the lower end of the maternal education distribution. This finding has implications for the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage, since it indicates that the children of disadvantaged women exposed to in utero shocks are born with poorer health. Pregnancy is a key developmental stage, and the poorer health at birth of these children can result in lifelong disparities in health and in other areas of well-being. The benefits of early-life interventions are particularly cost-effective in the long-run (Heckman 2000); a priority for policies seeking to reduce disparities in outcomes would be to protect vulnerable expecting mothers from shocks or to provide avenues, beyond the easing of financial constraints, to alleviate their negative effects. The outcomes analyzed in this study referred to specific aspects of newborn health, namely growth and early-life mortality, but

> 61 For instance, we do not know if the women smoked during the first, second or third trimester nor whether she also did it before conception. Also, because these survey questions are only asked to women (of reproductive age) who had a live birth within five years of the survey, it is impossible to assess them for pregnancies where the fetus did not survive to birth.

> 62 If anything, according to mothers’ statements in DHS surveys, the bias would slightly favour girls. For instance, the reported share of unintended pregnancies is 23.02% when the baby is a girl
as _project playgroups_ ) and received training for teachers in these playgroups. As part of the project evaluation, data on children enrolled in project playgroups as well as their peers living in the same village attending other types of early childhood programs (i.e., kindergartens, Islamic kindergartens, and non-project playgroups) were collected. The quality of 578 early childhood programs, located in 303 poor villages across 9 districts, was observed during the 2013 survey conducted as part of the impact evaluation of the Indonesia ECED Project.<sup>10</sup> In each of these centers child development outcomes of approximately 15 students were measured.<sup>11</sup>

# _Measures_

# **_Early Development Instrument (EDI)_**

The key dependent variables of interest are children’s developmental outcomes measured using the Early Development Instrument (EDI), which has been shown to be a valid and reliable measure of child development internationally (Ip et al., 2013; Janus et al., 2011; Janus et al., 2007; Janus and Offord, 2007; Brinkman et al., 2013). The EDI is comprised of five domains: physical health and well-being, social competence, emotional maturity, language and cognitive development, and communication skills and general knowledge. Each domain is scored from 1 (low) to 10 (high). A teacher in the early childhood education center in which the child was enrolled

> 10 There were 310 total villages sampled in the evaluation of the Indonesia ECED Project. In 7 of these villages, the available centers did not meet the study’s criteria used for sample inclusion. In the remaining 303 villages, two centers were typically observed. The sampling rule was to pick one project playgroup (when available) and one other center – either a kindergarten or a non-project playgroup.

> 11 In practice, the number of students sampled in each center ranged from 4 to 16.

6
business practices predict higher survival rates and faster sales growth (McKenzie and Woodruff, 2017).

Several channels have been suggested to explain how management and organizational practices lead to higher productivity. Workforce management through supervision and the setting of appropriate incentives can encourage higher levels of effort from workers. For example, basing pay on output instead of paying a fixed rate by the hour increased productivity by 44 percent in a windshield installation firm in the US (Lazaer 2002). In cases where output is not directly measurable or contractable, good workforce management can still increase effort: Baker, Gibbons & Murphy (2002) and Gibbons & Henderson (2013) argue that good managers are able to establish relationship of trusts and that through these “relational contracts” with their workers, employees exert higher levels of effort knowing that this will be reciprocated in some form in the future. Nevertheless, setting incentives can be tricky. Badly-aligned incentives can create a barrier to firms adopting more productive technologies, as Atkin et al. (2017) showed with soccer-ball producers in Pakistan, or can undermine worker moral, as Breza, Kaur & Shamdasani (2018) showed with performance pay in a manufacturing plant in India.

Other channels contributing to higher levels of productivity include careful monitoring, measurement and recording of performance output, allowing for rapid adjustments if necessary (e.g., continuous improvement). Better recruitment and training practices can lead to both better hires as well as increased interaction and better problem-solving by employees (Gant, Ichniowski, and Shaw, 2002; Ichniowski, and Shaw, 2009).

# _Skills_

Human capital is a key driver of productivity in both low- and high-income countries. Growth accounting decompositions and comparisons of regional income data suggest that about half of the differences in income levels between countries can be explained by education (Acemoglu & Dell 2010, Mankiw, Romer & Weil 1992).

The skills that workers bring to the firm influence productivity and performance. Gennioli et al. (2013) use Enterprise Survey data of 20
_area_ refers to the target level for the small area poverty estimates. In recent household surveys, GPS coordinates of households, enumeration areas, or villages are often available, which allows analysts to link survey data with other auxiliary sources of remote-sensing or geospatial data and improve the precision of poverty estimates.

Although linking surveys with geospatial auxiliary data generates less precise small area estimates than using a census, it offers several important benefits. Geographic linking allows the relationship between the spatial auxiliary indicators and economic welfare to be estimated directly in the prediction model, avoiding the restrictive assumption that predictors must be identically distributed in the survey and auxiliary data. In addition, some spatial auxiliary data are collected continuously and are highly predictive of subarea poverty, and both the quality and availability of geospatial data are improving rapidly. Compared to other forms of “big data” such as mobile phone data, indicators derived from satellite imagery are attractive because of the comparative ease of acquiring data and the absence of selection bias.

Despite the potential value of this approach, only a couple of existing studies have quantified the gain in the precision of small area estimates achieved by supplementing survey data with geospatial data, in the

> 1  Examples of papers that find strong correlations between big data and welfare are Yeh et al (2020), Jean et al, 2016, Steele et al, 2018, Engstrom et al (2017) and Pokhriyal and Jacques (2017), among others. 2 Elbers, Lanjouw, and Lanjouw (2003), Tarozzi and Deaton (2009), and Molina and Rao (2010), among many others.

> 3 Lange, Pape, and Putz (2018).

2
8

**Figure 4:  Total FDI and privatization proceeds from all developing countries, 1990-2003**

<!-- Start of picture text --> 200<br>180<br>160<br>140<br>120<br>100<br>80<br>60<br>40<br>20<br>0<br>1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003<br>FDI, net inflows Privatization Proceeds<br>Billions<br><!-- End of picture text --> Source: World Bank Development Data Platform and FDI Database

# **B.     Regional trends**

13. Proceeds are highly concentrated in a few countries in three regions. Regional shares have changed over time—with Latin America declining sharply and both Europe/Central Asia and East Asia increasing their shares in recent years.

# _Latin America_

14. Latin America is the biggest contributor to developing country proceeds, raising $195 billion or 47 percent of total proceeds from 1,300 transactions over the entire time period (Figure 5). But its share fell dramatically over time from almost 60 percent in the 1990s to under 20 percent between 2000 and 2003 (Figure 6) and to only two percent at its lowest point in 2003. The decline is largely attributable to the drop-off in activity in Argentina and Mexico, which together with Brazil accounted for over 80 percent of regional proceeds in the 1990s, mainly from telecoms and electricity (65 percent of regional proceeds) and energy (20 percent). As activity in Argentina and Mexico tapered off due to the dwindling stock of enterprises and/or political will, Brazil became more or less the only active Latin American country after 2000: large transactions in electricity (CELPE), energy (Petrobras), and banking (Banespa) accounted for its 85 percent share of regional proceeds, and made it the number two revenue generator among all developing countries since 2000.