rafmacalaba/data-use-mentions-extended huggingface dataset:
# **BACKGROUND**

Notwithstanding the Asian crisis in 1997-1998, schooling in Indonesia has been characterized by rapid development since independence in 1945. Elementary school enrollment increased steadily since the early 1970s, when it was around 76 percent, to being nearly universal by 1995 (Ahuja and Filmer, 1996). This was fueled by a major expansion of the availability of elementary schools in the early 1970s. While also increasing in this period, enrollment rates at the junior secondary (grades 7-9) and senior secondary (grades 10-12) levels remain at 75 to 80 percent. More recently, despite the Asian financial crisis that hit Indonesia in late 1997 and early 1998, enrollment rates at all levels were unchanged between 1997 and 2000 (see results in Pradhan, 2001, and Strauss _et al_ ., 2004, drawn from two different sets of household surveys).

In Indonesia, focusing on junior secondary schools is appropriate for several reasons. The universal enrollment achieved at the elementary level makes the junior secondary level a focal point for efforts to increase school attainment in Indonesia and achieve compulsory junior secondary education. At the same time, there are on-going efforts aimed at decentralizing decision-making in the education system, devolving authority from the centralized system to the district ( _kabupaten_ ) level. Policy-makers at the district level, in the presence of grant money, can benefit from studies that shed light on which school types are effective. In addition, a better understanding of the determinants of junior high school outcomes can also inform efforts to raise senior secondary enrollment levels, since these outcomes presumably influence continuation to and eventual graduation from senior secondary schools.

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communities by providing cash transfers to mothers in the households on the condition that their children attend school on a regular basis. In localities where PROGRESA currently operates, households that have been characterized as poor, and have children enrolled in grades 3-9, are eligible to receive these educational grants every two months. The levels of these grants were determined taking into account, among other factors, what a child would earn in the labor market or contribute to family production. The educational grants are slightly higher at the secondary level for girls relative to boys, given their propensity to drop out at earlier ages. Every two months, confirmation of whether children of beneficiary families attend school more than 85% of the time is submitted to PROGRESA by school teachers and directors, and this triggers the receipt of the bi-monthly cash transfer for school attendance. The average monthly payment (received every two months) by a beneficiary family amounts to 20% of the value of monthly consumption expenditures prior to the initiation of the program.

Because of budgetary constraints, the program was introduced in phases. The necessity to introduce the program in phases was capitalized upon by phasing in the program along the lines of a randomized experiment where localities were either randomized to be in (treatment localities) or out (control localities). The resulting experimental data was used to evaluate program impacts regarding different outcomes related to schooling, health and nutrition<sup>5</sup> . Specifically, the sample used in the evaluation of PROGRESA consists of repeated observations (panel data) collected for 24,000 households from 506 rural localities in the seven states of Guerrero, Hidalgo, Michoacan, Puebla, Queretaro, San Luis Potosi and Veracruz. Of the 506 localities, 320 localities were assigned to the treatment group and 186 localities were assigned as controls.

where its effects were evaluated to a different population.

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113 of 162 countries on gender equality, according to the Gender Inequality Index (GII), produced by UNDP.<sup>3</sup> This rank is far behind some countries in Southeast Asia: Singapore (12), Malaysia (59), Vietnam (65) and Thailand (80), though other Southeast Asian countries have similar rank: the Philippines (104), Cambodia (117), Myanmar (118) and Indonesia (121). Despite this low ranking on gender equality, Lao PDR has relatively low rates of IPV, compared to a set of countries for which comparable data are available. The most recent source of nationally representative data on GBV in Lao PDR is the Lao National Survey on Women’s Health and Life Experiences, which uses the standardized World Health Organization methodology. The survey results suggest that 15.3% of ever-partnered women experience physical and/or sexual violence from an intimate partner in their lifetime. To contextualize this

> 3 The GII measures gender inequalities in three aspects of human development—reproductive health, empowerment and economic status. To do so, it aggregates 5 indicators: maternal mortality ratio, adolescent birth rates, proportion of parliamentary seats occupied by females, proportion of females and males aged 25 years and older with at least some secondary education and labor force participation rate of female and male populations aged 15 years and older.

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# Simulating increased competition in the ICT sector in Djibouti

We use the EDAM4 data from 2017 to explore the ICT sector in Djibouti and conduct a simulation on the potential benefits of market forces in decreasing the prices of ICT services. We present basic summary statistics on expenditures related to the sector. Next, we discuss the methodology and the tool used for simulations, before presenting the findings.

We identify as “consumer of telecom services” the households that responded having spent money during the past month<sup>15</sup> on fees on phone services (fixed or mobile), bought mobile “credit”, used a phone booth, and/or paid a monthly contract for phone (fixed or mobile) or internet services. Table 3 presents the percentage of the population that reported positive expenditures in each of the telecom items, as well as reporting spending in “any” of these categories. The relatively low penetration of telecommunication services among the Djiboutian population partly explains why only about 22 percent of the population is found to be a telecom user, with this share being driven mostly by purchase of cards of credit for mobile phone minutes and/or data. There are marked differences in usage rates across the consumption distribution. Among the poorest decile, less than 5 percent of the population declared having expenditures on telecom services. This rate increases with the level of consumption reaching 23 percent around the middle of the distribution and to about 35 percent among the top 10 percent (Table 4). Expenditures on telecom services also appear to be correlated with the level of consumption, with users in the top 10 percent of the distribution spending more than 10 times the level of expenditures of those in the bottom 10 percent. It is notable that users devote similar shares of their total expenditures to telecom services.

**Table 3. Percentage of the population reporting expenditures on telecom services**

|**Telecom Service**|**% Consumed**|
|---|---|
# Introduction

Understanding mechanisms to improve working conditions in GVCs is a policy priority for governments in both producing and outsourcing countries, both from a social and economic point of view. Working conditions often fall short of international standards in producing countries. At the same time, a growing number of studies show that better working conditions are positively associated with improvements in profits, productivity, and firm survival (World Bank 2015).

Labor and social standards for firms in GVCs have been introduced in countries to address poor working conditions, but their effectiveness is not fully evident. Moreover, there is limited availability of firm‐level evidence about factors that facilitate increased compliance with labor and social standards. This paper helps fill this gap by strengthening the micro‐level analysis of firms' compliance with labor standards in Vietnam’s apparel sector through one possible policy measure: transparency. The findings support evidence‐based policy making.

This research leverages factory‐level data from the ILO‐IFC Better Work Vietnam program to assess the relationship between transparency of working conditions and firm compliance with labor standards in Vietnam. It exploits a change in the policies of Better Work Vietnam when, in 2015, the launch of a new Public Disclosure Programme was announced that will make factories’ names publicly available along with their compliance (or lack thereof) with certain “critical issues”. These critical issues include compliance clusters around discrimination, child labor, minimum wage payments, and various aspects of safety and health in the workplace. The primary objective of the Public Disclosure Programme is to accelerate the pace of improvements across the industry, thus raising worker well‐being and the industry’s reputation for ethical standards (Better Work Vietnam 2015).

We test whether changes in the transparency mechanism through public disclosure in GVCs changes firms’ adoption of better practices regarding working conditions. Specifically, the key question around compliance with labor standards in Vietnam that the paper addresses is:

- _Is there evidence that transparency through the Public Disclosure Programme accelerates adoption of compliance requirements? Does
for formal title suggest that, if there is demand for title, full title seems preferred to half-way solutions. The high willingness to pay by the 55% of respondents who want formal title reinforces this and calls for measures to either increase efficiency of public land administration service delivery or explore properly structures of public-private partnerships (PPPs) ideally in a build-operate-transfer (BOT) mode for issuance and initial maintenance of titles at an affordable cost while building public sector capacity to ensure maintenance in the medium term.

Third, by documenting that, despite legal provisions mandating gender equality, access to land is biased against women and that formal systems reinforce rather than redress female exclusion, LFS data strengthen the case for more gender-sensitive land policy. To reduce the risk of the recently launched National Land Titling Program permanently disempowering women, measures are needed to make women aware of their land rights, ensure women’s joint land rights are documented, and monitor gender impacts.

Data for the Prindex global poll in Zambia were collected concurrently with the LFS. Prindex data suggest that having property rights documented does not matter economically -regressions point to no link between documented rights and the ability to transfer land and even a negative and significant link between informal documentation and the ability to use land as collateral. While omission of most non-residential agricultural 3
are all countries in which take-up rates in job retention schemes have been high. A second group of countries has focused on mitigating the impacts of the crisis on workers by expanding unemployment insurance systems. In the United States, Israel, Norway, Canada and Ireland, the unemployment insurance system has played an important role in response to the crisis. While projections, administrative data and surveys suggest that increases in unemployment have been minimal for the first group of countries, unemployment has increased significantly for the second group (Rothwell, 2020; OECD, 2020).

A large body of research in the last months has focused on better understanding the impacts of COVID on labor markets in specific countries, with particular attention to identifying groups severely affected by the crisis and jobs at risk. An increasing number of papers has also focused on the impacts of the pandemic on small firms, on the role of policies in shaping labor market dynamics, and on potential shock-induced changes in labor market behaviors such as job search.

Studies focused on the United States suggest that significant job losses were recorded in March and April, with some initial signs of recovery in May, which however seem to have slowed down by the end of June. Evidence from both standard surveys (Béland et al., 2020a; Cowan, 2020) and private sector data (Coibion et al., 2020; Cajner et al. 2020) points to unprecedented drops in employment, increases in unemployment and declines in labor force participation. Between February and April 2020, it was estimated that at least 20 million people lost their jobs (Coibion et al., 2020; Cajner et al. 2020). These patterns have been accompanied by significant declines in job vacancies posted by firms (Kahn et al., 2020; Campello et al., 2020). Estimates based 6
# **Traffic, Air Pollution, and Distributional Impacts in Dar es Salaam: A Spatial Analysis with New Satellite Data**

**Susmita Dasgupta**<sup>**1**</sup> **, Somik Lall and David Wheeler**

Key words: traffic congestion; air pollution; pollution exposure; vulnerable population; satellite monitoring; Tanzania JEL classification: Q53, R41, R11

> 1 Authors’ names are in alphabetical order.  The authors are respectively Lead Environmental Economist, World Bank; Lead Urban Economist, World Bank; and Senior Fellow, World Resources Institute.
# **<<A>>Empirical strategy**

We attempt to systematically assess whether and to what extent the urbanization in Indian districts during the 1983–1999 period affected rural poverty in these districts. We argue that districts are an appropriate spatial scale for such an analysis in India because all of the _location_ and _economic linkage_ channels described above are likely to display most of their effects within a district’s boundaries. This argument is consistent with the theoretical discussion above suggesting that the effects of city growth are concentrated in surrounding rural areas. Specific evidence on India confirms that this relationship is likely to be the case.

First, intradistrict migration in India is a large component of total rural-urban migration. According to the census (Government of India 1991), 62 percent of the total stock of permanent internal migrants was intradistrict in 1991, although a share of this stock was composed of women migrating for marriage reasons.<sup>13</sup> This statistic does not deny the existence of long-distance migration in India, which increased during the 1990s (Jha 2008). However, long-distance rural-urban migration is primarily directed at a few growing metropolitan areas, such as Mumbai, Delhi, Bangalore, and Chennai, which are excluded from the analysis for this reason.<sup>14</sup> Notwithstanding the importance of intradistrict migration, in the empirical section, we test the robustness of the results against the relative size of the intradistrict migrant population.

Second, during the period of analysis, most agricultural goods markets do not appear to be well integrated at the national or even at the state level in India. The extremely poor transport infrastructure is one of the largest obstacles to trading bulky agricultural goods throughout the country (Atkin 2010). Furthermore, India maintains high internal food-trade barriers, including tariffs at state borders, licensing 11
7|64.1|53.7|53.3|63.6|90.6|66.0|
|age 25-29|78.7|78.9|39.3|51.5|67.7|74.0|65.0|
|age 30-34|62.4|88.7|64.0|32.6|72.5|90.1|68.4|
|age>34|60.7|75.6|41.5|38.7|38.0|81.7|56.0|
|**Trade**||||||||
|No Trader|63.5|51.4|39.9|50.8|67.5|86.5|59.9|
|Importer|93.7|66.6|68.6|100.0|96.6|99.1|87.4|
|Exporter|78.2|65.6|35.5|81.4|67.0|89.1|69.5|
|Two-way|90.8|100.0|55.7|100.0|100.0|89.3|89.3|
|**Foreign Status**||||||||
|Domestic|64.1|50.0|42.3|58.0|64.9|88.0|61.2|
|Foreign|97.0|72.5|26.2|42.8|84.9|88.7|68.7|

Source: Author’s own elaboration from enterprise surveys _On average, only 20% of African firms have developed or purchased any software recently._ Across countries, Kenya and DRC show the highest percentage of firms that have purchased or developed
coincided with sharp increases in infant mortality rates; however, they attribute this at least partly to the collapse in public spending on health, which occurred during the same time. There is some evidence that the 1997-99 financial crisis in Indonesia had adverse impacts on neonatal mortality rates in both urban and rural areas (Rukumnuaykit 2003; see also Simms and Rowson 2003).<sup>4</sup> Stillman and Thomas (2004) show that weight-forheight of children deteriorated during the 1998 economic crisis in Russia. Bhalotra (2010) shows that in rural areas in low-income countries, infant mortality rates increase during economic downturns. Based on data from World Development Indicators (2009), an analysis by Buvinic (2009) of countries’ progress toward the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) suggests that girls in poor households in the countries with pre-existing high child mortality rates (and/or low female schooling) are highly vulnerable to the effects of the global economic and food crises. Their situation is especially precarious in the subset of 15 countries, mostly in Africa, that are affected by both low female schooling and high infant and child deaths, as well as decelerating growth (Buvinic 2009).<sup>5</sup> Unlike schooling impacts, however, there is strong suggestive evidence in lowincome countries of gender differences in the way recessions affect infant mortality (Baird, Friedman, and Schady 2007; Friedman and Schady 2009). Baird et al. (2007) use Demographic and Health Survey data from 1986-2006 on mothers’ reports of births and deaths from 59 low-income countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and South

> 4 This evidence is slightly controversial, since other studies do not find impacts of the Indonesian crisis of 1997-98 on child health outcomes (Strauss et al. 2004, Frankenberg et al. 1999).

> 5 Countries with high infant mortality rates are those in the highest quartile of the distribution of under-five mortality rate scores (per 1,000 live births) for 151 developing countries  in the
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of residential structures is taken into account, the Korean conventional private domestic saving rate is essentially doubled for the period 1963-76 (Williamson, 1977).

# B. Dominance of Real Estate in Korean Household Portfolios

22. Land has represented a very large part of Korean national private wealth. According to the unpublished National Wealth Survey of 1968, its share was 23 percent of total wealth including agriculture, business and government in addition to househOds. Such a share is considerably higher than in developed countries.23. What was not considered by Korean policy makers during the 1960s and 1970s was that macro-policies which lower the effective private rate of return to other investments were driving savings into "land speculation" and contributed to raising land values above what they could have been otherwise. This linkage between the value of land and the discount rate in the economy can easily be stated. Defining:

# Pi = price of land ( or average land values)

# r = average land rents

# i = effective discount rate

land can be appraised at the net present value of an infinite stream of rents as: Because these variables change over time, the relationship can be restated in rates of change as: In Korea, both P1 and r* have been positive and large during the seventies, as already reported. Generally, one can expect that land values will increase at a lower rate if the effective discount rate increases over time. Because government policies of the period were driving a wedge between the effective private return and the higher national rate they contributed to raising the rate of appreciation of land.

9/ See the article by Angus Maddison, "Growth and Slowdown in Advanced Capitalist Economies," Journal of Economic Literature, Spring 1937.
general surveys (Afghanistan and South Africa) under study have adopted the WGSS questions to the letter. Event for this subgroup of countries, caution is needed while comparing results across countries. What people may understand from the questionnaire and how they reply could differ given different languages,<sup>2</sup> , cultures, interviewer training and other contextual factors in ways that are beyond the purview of the researchers. Although the functional difficulty questions are worded the same way, there are a few differences in the questionnaires of these five countries. Ethiopia, Malawi, Nigeria, and Tanzania have the WGSS as part of a longer health section in the questionnaire, while Uganda has a separate section titled ‘disability’ after the health section. Tanzania has a somewhat different answer scale including an additional category, no difficulty with assistive devices as follows: 1 - no difficulty, 2 – no difficulty with assistive devices, 3 - some difficulty, 4 – a lot of difficulty and 5 - unable to do. Categories 2 and 3 were collapsed into one category (no difficulty) for comparability with other countries. Although these differences between surveys may seem minor, such minor changes in question wording or in the placement of the question may significantly affect the resulting estimates (Mathiowetz 2001).

Finally, while the WGSS was initially developed for use in censuses among those 5 years of age and older, the six domains may not be adequate to capture disability among children (Loeb et al 2018). We therefore calculate disability indicators only for adults who are 15 years old and older, and their households.

> 1 The answer scale is in fact:  No difficulty, Partial difficulty, Large difficulty, Complete difficulty. However, the IPUMS data set under use in this study only has a yes/no answer.

> 2 The WG has a translation protocol to help preserve the meaning of the questions, but it is not known whether that protocol was used for the data sets with the WGSS.

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challenge for governments is how to effectively implement the reform. Some do it through specifically designed reform committees, others through already existing structures in the government. Close to half of the reform committees globally are housed in the Prime Minister’s office reporting directly to him/her, while others are part of a working group in a Ministry or Agency. In most economies, public sector representatives are members of both the steering board and the working groups. However, this does not define the quality of engagement. Many engage very actively with the private sector at every stage of the process, while others do not engage at all or very little. Each approach can have a different degree of success. This paper and accompanying dataset provide new insights to help governments strengthen their institutions for better business regulations. The dataset also provides many opportunities for future research, both in terms of theory on the role of institutions in development and concept validation on the organization and effectiveness of reform committees. Lastly, combining these data with other datasets such as the Business Ready data can help governments better design business regulatory reforms important to firms and society at large.

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