rafmacalaba/data-use-mentions-extended huggingface dataset:
where F(zt) is a dummy variable on various fiscal policy and business cycle variables (zt) where 1 is defined as an adverse outcome. For example, the impact of climate shocks may differ in economies with high levels of government debt, those in recession, or those that generally implement procyclical policy (government spending tends to rise in good times and fall in bad times).

# 3.2. Data

We focus on natural disasters (such as floods, drought, earthquakes, etc.) from the EM-DAT database. While natural disasters are only a subset of broader climate shocks and are not always directly related to climate change, they are nonetheless informative on some aspects of the process of climate change as the frequency of many of these natural disasters increase (most clearly droughts and extreme temperature).

Floods stand out as one of the most recurrent natural calamities worldwide. In recent years, the incidence of such disasters has surged. Among the regions most impacted, East Asia and Pacific (EAP) bears the brunt, closely trailed by Sub-Saharan Africa. However, it is not solely the frequency that alarms but also the severity. The proportion of the population affected annually has notably escalated, averaging around 3 percent (Figure 1.A). Particularly concerning is the EAP region, where an average of about 6 percent of the population faces the consequences of natural disasters each year (Figure 1.B.).

EM-DAT compiles data on total persons affected, total deaths, and total economic damages of natural disasters from various sources, including UN agencies, non-governmental organizations, reinsurance companies, research institutes, and press agencies. It records human and economic losses at the country level for disasters meeting at least one of the following criteria: 10 fatalities, 100 affected people, a declaration of a state of emergency, or a call for international assistance. In reviewing event-specific data, we note a decreasing prevalence of missing values (as a fraction of events reported) over time. Missing observations for total
|---|---|---|---|---|
|Contribution<br>Rate<br>Employer|1%|3%|6.91%|Safe<br>harbor<br>provisions: non<br>elective 3%, or<br>matching<br>contributions|0%|
|Automatic Escalation<br>Employer|2%<br>2017‐18;<br>3% 2018/10+|No|No|No|No|
|Contribution<br>Rate|1%|3%|‐|Safe<br>harbor|2%|
|Employee||||provisions: 3%+||
|Automatic Escalation<br>Employee|3%<br>2017‐18;<br>5% 2019|No|No|Safe<br>harbor<br>provisions:<br>1%<br>increase<br>per<br>year upto 6%<br>2%<br>3%<br>4%|2014‐2015;<br>2016‐2017;<br>2018+|

Source: national sources In the case of New Zealand, employers contribute at a rate of 3 percent of wages, and employees can choose between three contribution rates- 3 percent, 4 percent, or 8 percent. An employee can contribute

> 29 Department for Work and Pensions (2013).

21
# _1 Teacher provides learning activity to most students_

_How_ time is spent in school is even more important than the _amount of time_ spent in school (OECD, 2014). Classic work by Stallings (1976) summarized findings from 108 classrooms across 10 different large-scale teacher effectiveness study sites and found that classrooms where the school day is longer and there is more time for children to spend engaged in a reading activity were also related to higher reading scores in both first and third graders. Evidence from the PISA (2006) from 50 developed and developing countries demonstrated a large positive association between teachers’ instructional time on students’ test scores (Lavy, 2015). This finding was replicated in younger children: 10- to 13-year-olds in Israel (Lavy, 2010) exposed to more instruction showed higher test scores. Other studies in Germany, the United States, and Switzerland corroborated this finding, linking increased instructional time with higher student learning (Pischke, 2007; Dobbie & Fryer, 2013; Cattaneo, Oggenfuss, & Wolter, 2017).

These findings have also been replicated in studies of developing countries. Using data from seven Latin America countries, Bruns & Luque (2014) showed that teachers from schools ranked in the top 25<sup>th</sup> percentile of student learning averaged 80 percent of their time on task, compared to teachers in the bottom 75<sup>th</sup> percentile, who were only on task 30 percent of the time.

# _2 Students are on task_

Student engagement is one important predictor of whether learning is taking place (Christenson et al., 2012; Castillo, 2017). Literature has characterized engagement as malleable, and factors like teacher support, classroom structure, and task characteristics influence how engaged students are (Fredricks, Blumenfeld & Paris, 2004). Bruns & Luque (2014) found that when students are on task and engaged (e.g., reading, writing, listening, or talking about a relevant topic versus staring out the
Redfin and Zillow in the United States. The data differ in detail but a listing typically consists of the asking price, the location (the city or a further subdivision), and the date when it was listed. Interviews with the Ministry of Housing in Cairo confirmed that the listing price provides a good approximation to the actual sales price.<sup>13</sup> We keep listings classified as houses, apartments, flats or villas, since these refer to private housing. There are a number of other types of listings which we exclude, the three largest groups being land, shop, and chalet.

The model that relates the value of the house to household expenditure (per capita) is estimated using the household survey data, which report (imputed) rents not property prices. We will be assuming that rent- and sale (or listing) prices are proportional to each other, which is sufficient for our needs.

> 10For a recent discussion of challenges with real consumption measurement, see e.g. Van Veelen (2002) and Van Veelen and Van der Weide (2008).

> 11Source: PovcalNet, accessed 31 October 2015.

> 12The URLs are respectively: www.betakonline.com; and www.bezaat.com.

> 13For our purposes it is sufficient that the actual price is proportional to the listing price.

14
and footwear. Large enterprises were found to be predominantly owned by men, with women owning only around 7 percent of businesses with more than 100 employees. The report also noted that most MSMEs, including those owned by women, remained in the informal sector, which in turn, hampered access to formal finance.<sup>4</sup> An unpublished assessment of the relationship between gender and firm performance from the World Bank Enterprise Survey data found that female-owned firms tend to have lower sales revenues and number of workers.<sup>5</sup> The assessment also found that firm characteristics such as firm size and sector were driving the performance gap between male and female owned and operated firms, rather than just gender. Further, female-owned small firms in the manufacturing sector consistently had lower labor productivity and sales revenues compared to their maleowned counterparts of the same firm size and in the same sector.

**Myanmar’s social and cultural traits present significant challenges to addressing gender inequality.** While the Constitution prohibits the state from discrimination of its citizens based on gender, the same Constitution also states that “...nothing shall prevent appointment of men to the positions that are suitable for men only.” A gender equality situational analysis for Myanmar noted that over the past decade there have been several improvements in the economic and social status indicators for women in Myanmar.<sup>6</sup> However, this improvement has helped nurture a pervasive assumption that men and women enjoy equal status and opportunity, and that this is a unique trait of Myanmar society. While on paper Myanmar is a signatory to multiple international and regional conventions against discrimination, and the Constitution prohibits discrimination based on gender,<sup>7</sup> in reality, social and cultural norms continue to undermine gender equality. Several parts of the legislation regarding family law, including divorce, are discriminatory towards women. For example, adultery alone, if committed by a man, is not grounds for divorce,
regression analysis) for the data given in a “non-standard” form, where the standard form is defined as the most common form being used in the dataset, _viz_ . monthly wages for male workers.<sup>21</sup>

> 20 For example, the US gives the data on 11 occupations in 1983 and 150 occupations in 1999. 21 They do several such calibration and show (in an  Annex) that the results (inequality statistics) do not depend on a particular calibration. For our calculations, we have used their suggested base-wage calibration denoted _x1wu_ in the oww.dta database.

24
.0562)|(0.0328)|(0.0348)|
|Observations|607|607|607|607|607|607|
|R-squared|0.839|0.497|0.847|0.678|0.721|0.589|
|Prov-Year FE|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|
|Lagged city|||||||
|characteristics|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|
|SOE reform|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|
|Tariff shocks|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|
|Excludingmigrants|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|Y|

Note: This table reports the effect of FDI shock on city level school enrollment by student age group. Standard errors are clustered at the city level. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1.

# 6.4 School enrollment by gender

Lastly, we test how the effect of FDI shock on school enrollment varies by gender. We calculate high school and college enrollment for boys and girls separately based on population censuses. The results are reported in Table 14. FDI shock has a positive impact on high school and college enrollment for both boys and girls. The effect on high school enrollment is larger for girls while the effect on college enrollment is higher for boys. High-skill FDI shock has a larger effect on female college enrollment than on male (Appendix 3, Table A7 and A8).

Table 14. FDI inflows and local school enrollment: by <u>gender</u>

||(1)<br>Panel A: F<br>|(2)<br>emale<br>|(3)<br>Panel B:<br>|(4)<br>Male<br>|
|-
49

# **Table 2a**

## **Dependent Variable: Growth Rate of Real GDP Per Worker Innovation Pillar Indicators**

|**Years : 1960 - 2000**|**Reg 2a.1**|**Reg 2a.2**|**Reg 2a.3**|**Reg 2a.4**|**Reg 2a.5**|**Reg 2a.6**|**Reg 2a.7**|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|**Growth of Capital**<br>**Per Worker**|**0.2119*****<br>**(0.0424)**|**0.2147*****<br>**(0.0434)**|**0.2251*****<br>**(0.0385)**|**0.2118*****<br>**(0.0499)**|**0.2020*****<br>**(0.0473)**|**0.2136*****<br>**(0.0492)**|**0.2150*****<br>**(0.0492)**|
|**Initial GDP (1960)**|**-3.7103*****<br>**(0.8717)**|**-3.7533*****<br>**(0.8494)**|**-3.5395*****<
that reduce interfirm heterogeneity and increase competition should reduce racial and gender gaps. Nonetheless, it is also possible that the current high levels of unemployment may penalize more these minority groups and increase gaps. It is not clear what is behind the gaps across formal and informal workers and whether more enforcement would increase or decrease them. Regional gaps probably vary according to overall economic dynamics that may be beyond the control of policy makers. However, based on the numbers reported by Ferreira et al. (2017), we should expect that the speed of convergence in the return among the groups will decrease, as it did during the 2000s compared to the 1990s.

Education expansion is a way of reducing inequality that may be effective, if the Brazilian economy manages to switch from a situation characterized by the “paradox of progress” and move to a phase of decreasing inequality in the “Kuznets curve”. Not only is there a long way until Brazil reaches the levels of schooling as other developed countries, but there is space for improvement in the quality of education, where Brazil lags behind even among developing countries. However, apart from improving the quantity and quality of schooling, there is little space for the government to act.

> 23Based on data from PNAD Cont ́ınua, third quarter of 2018.

30
rms that could formalize once formal sector's entry costs are removed, but choose to remain informal to enjoy the cost advantages of informality, correspond to 41.9 percent of all informal rms. Finally, the remaining 48.8 percent correspond to rms that are too unproductive to ever become formal. Hence a very small fraction of informal rms in Brazil seems to be constrained by high formalization costs, and therefore reducing them will have a limited eect on formalization. Since these policies involve scal costs, they are in general not costeective even when they have positive formalization eects.

# 5.3.2 Other formalization policies (reduction of entry costs, increase in enforcement)

Even though reforms targeted at the reduction of formal sector's entry costs have not been eective in inducing rms to formalize, they might still produce important aggregate eects. Indeed, some papers show that reducing entry costs into the formal sector can produce positive and sizable aggregate eects in general and specically in Brazil. Ulyssea (2010) develops a two-sector matching model that incorporates the main features of Latin American labor markets. The model is numerically solved using Brazilian data and several policy simulations are performed. The simulation results show that lowering the costs of entry into the formal sector substantially improves employment composition. Making formal sector's entry costs similar to informal sector's would increase formal employment by nearly 31 percent and reduce unemployment by 36 percent. As a consequence of the changes on employment composition and the reduction of unemployment rate, average productivity and specially welfare show a substantial increase. Hence, high entry costs not only play an important role in determining employment composition, but also generate a considerable deadweight loss. This latter eect comes from the fact that high creation costs reduce the number of formal vacancies created and, as the informal sector is not able to completely absorb all workers, unemployment increases. In a recent article, Ulyssea (2018) shows that reducing entry
Komives, Whittington, and Wu "Infrastructure Coverage and the Poor: A Global Perspective" Ghana, Nicaragua, Albania (not including Tirana), and Vietnam were the countries in our sample where the use of unimproved water sources was most prevalent. In Pakistan, Jamaica, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, and Bulgaria, very few households (even in rural areas) obtained water from rivers or streams. It is interesting to note that in countries where coverage of in-house taps was high, the number of households still relying on rivers, streams, or springs was not necessarily low. In Albania (excluding Tirana), for example, 32 percent of households used in-house water taps and yet 42 percent still relied on basic water sources (relatively few households use other improved sources). In Cote d'Ivoire, on the other hand, the majority of households obtained water from informal, private, or community sources. Although only a minority of households in Cote d'Ivoire had in-house taps at the time of the LSMS survey, few households relied on rivers or streams as their primary water source.

Figures 11 and 12 examine the relationship between income and household water source choice in the poolec urban and rural samples from all countries except Nepal.<sup>3 2</sup> In both urban and rural areas, a smaller percentage of the poorest households than households in other income deciles had in-house taps, and a greater percentage of the poor used informal, private, or community sources. In urban areas very few households at any income level were using a river or stream as their primary water (or drinking water) source. In rural areas between 20 percent and 30 percent of households in all but Cle richest deciles relied on unimproved water sources.

Water vendo.-s are an informal source that has recently attracted much attention in discussions of water service and the poor. Information about water vendors is available in four of our fifteen sample countries: Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana, Pakistan, and Nicaragua
school principals and teachers are present in school when they see fit, resulting in serious problems of lateness and absenteeism and low teacher-pupil contact hours (MOESS, 2008).

As is the case in some other developing countries, the public perception is that private schools have higher educational standards compared to public schools in both urban and rural areas; this perception is reinforced by the better performing private school pupils at various assessments such as the School Education Assessment (SEA), the National Education Assessment (NEA) and the Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE). In 2007/8, private school enrolment stood at 24% of the total national enrolment, while the number of private schools increased by 36% between 2005/6 and 2007/8 (from 2,990 to 4,068. The main advantage of private schools is that they facilitate better English language skills; however, they also provide more access to extra classes and special tuition to students (Ampiah, 2008; 2010).

Practices relating to language of instruction are also important. In Ghana, there are two languages involved in basic education: the child’s own vernacular as well as English language, which is more widely used in education. From primary 4 onwards, the English language becomes the medium of instruction (as well as a school subject). A relatively recent decision by the Ministry of Education has been to develop quality bilingual literacy instruction in all primary schools. However, implementation challenges remain, as some teachers are not functional in local languages, most classes in urban areas are multilingual and textbooks, while written in English are taught in the local language (Ampiah, 2010). Based on the outcome of TIMSS 2007, the majority of the Ghanaian 8<sup>th</sup> grade students (66%) rarely spoke English at home – if ever – and the home language was found to be associated with lower achievement in both mathematics and science (Anamuah-Mensah, Mereku and Ampiah 2008).

Finally, there are
a home or an automobile, to smooth consumer purchases over time, or to finance small business activities. The cost of credit outside the formal banking system is high, as the data in Box 1, below. Finally, all Mexicans may pay a price as a result of such a large percentage of the population being outside of the banking system, as informal savings are often not channeled to productive activities, lowering the potential rate of growth of the economy. Box 2, on the following page, estimates the costs of being unbanked to a median income couple in Mexico City at 15% of total income. The individuals who are unbanked bear most of these costs.

|**Box 1 Non-bank cred**<br>**_Origin_**|**it terms are expensive**<br>**_Purpose_**|<br>**_Monthly_**<br>**_Interest_**<br>**_Rate_**|**_Payments_**|**_Loan size_**|**_Loan term_**|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|**_Grocery Store_**|Food|30%|Daily|US$5 to<br>US$15|Weekly and<br>Bi-weekly|
|**_Stores offering ‘lay-_**<br>**_away ’plans_**|*clothes<br>*home furnishings<br>*sports goods|30%|Weekly|US$10 to<br>US$50|One to three<br>months|
|**_Chain_**<br>**_Stores_**<br>**_consumer loans_**|Consumer durables<br>Electro-domestic items,<br>Building materials|15%|Weekly|US$150 to<br>US$1000|Six months|
|*
for program eligibility, and all sample beneficiary households reported receiving the full benefit amount (Innovative Development Consultants 2005).

In 2017, the Punjab government adjusted the value and delivery of program benefits to households. Renaming the program Khadim-e-Punjab Zewar-e-Taleem, it raised the benefit value, which had remained constant in nominal terms since the program’s introduction, to PRs 1,000 a month ($9.50).<sup>10</sup> The new benefit level is equivalent to 18 percent of average household consumption spending per adult equivalent in Punjab (or 21 percent of the corresponding average for rural Punjab).<sup>11</sup> The government also began modifying how program benefits are delivered to households by requiring parents of beneficiary girls to register for an ATM card called the Khidmat Card. This card allows them to withdraw program benefits from branches of the Bank of Punjab. Our study’s observation period ends before the introduction of these adjustments to the program.

# **5. Data and empirical strategy**

# _Data_

We use data from the Punjab government’s Annual School Census from 2003 to 2015. These data are independent of those used by the government for administering the Punjab Female School Stipend Program. Initiated in 2003, the census is an annual field survey of government schools that gathers basic information on schools and teachers, including student enrollment by grade and gender, with a reference date of October 31.<sup>12</sup> Its main purpose is to monitor the status of government schools.

The provincial education department has primary responsibility for managing all stages of the census and sole responsibility for designing the census questionnaire. At the

> 10 At the average exchange rate of PRs 105 per U.S. dollar in 2016.

> 11 Based on the 2015/16 Pakistan Household Income and Expenditure Survey.

> 12 The government school year runs from April to March.

12
WPS3634

# **QUANTIFYING THE RURAL-URBAN GRADIENT IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN**

Kenneth M. Chomitz, Piet Buys, and Timothy S. Thomas

## **Abstract**

This paper addresses the deceptively simple question: what is the rural population of Latin America and the Caribbean? It argues that rurality is a gradient, not a dichotomy, and nominates two dimensions to that gradient: population density, and remoteness from large metropolitan areas. It uses geographically referenced population data (from the Gridded Population of the World, version 3) to tabulate the distribution of populations in Latin America, and in individual countries, by population density and by remoteness. It finds that the popular perception of Latin America as a 75% urban continent is misleading. Official census criteria, though inconsistent between countries, tend to classify as ‘urban’ small settlements of less than 2000 people. Many of these settlements are however embedded in an agriculturally based countryside. The paper finds that about 13% of LAC populations live at ultra-low densities, of less than 20 per square kilometer. Essentially all these people are more than an hour distant from a large city, and more than half live more than four hours distant. A quarter of LAC population is estimated to live at densities below 50, again essentially all of them more than an hour distant from a large city. Almost half (46%) of LAC lives at population densities below 150 (a conventional threshold for urban areas), and more than 90% of this group is at least an hour distant from a city; about a third of them (18% of LAC total) are more than four hours’ distant from a large city.

World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 3634, June 2005 _The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the