rafmacalaba/data-use-mentions-extended huggingface dataset:
23 urban households were regrouped in one stratum per division. Yet it is feasible to retrieve approximate expansion factors by stratum for previous years using information on the number of household living in the various areas in the 1981 and 1991 censii, and using geometric projections for computing rates of growth in the number of households between these two years. We conducted this exercise, which yielded the expansion factors in Table A2 for the survey years 1983-84 to 1991-92. Note also that the definition of urban areas in the HES does not match that of the 1991 census (this was taken into account in computing the expansion factors in Table A2). In 1991-92 for example, the HES counts as rural 12 of 107 municipalities reported by the 1991 census as urban, as well as all 415 thana headquarters and nonmunicipal towns also reported as urban by the census. Therefore, the urban population share in the HES is lower than that in the Census (in 1991-92, the urban share was 16.5 percent according to the HES, versus about 20 percent according to the 1991 census). We used BES shares for the macro simulations. A second comparability issue between the 1995-96 LES and previous surveys relates to the collection method for the food diaries recording consumption expenditures. In 1995-96, the households kept their food diary for 7 days (for a few households, the number of days is lower, but this information is available in the data, so that adjustments can be made). Accordingly, the total monthly food expenditure was computed as the total expenditure recorded in the diary times 30.42/7 (with 30.42 days also being used to estimate the monthly food poverty lines in the cost of basic needs method). In previous years however, the households kept their diary for 15 days. The issue relates to the quality of the recall. It could be conjectured that households keep better track of their food expenditures over a 7 days than over a 15 days period. Then the monthly food expenditure totals for previous years would
north- or south-ward.<sup>28</sup> Otherwise, the only other prospect is to obtain secondary jobs away from fishing activities. Indeed, that latter is what we empirically observe in Table 5.

Table 5 presents the ATE estimates for two dependent variables directly related to the labor-market responses: (1) fishery weekly work hours and (2) the probability of having secondary jobs (in the surveyed month). To get at the heterogeneous responses, we continue to split the _Formosa_ -affected sample into upstream (Ha Tinh & Quang Binh) and downstream provinces (Quang Tri & Hue). The empirical results obtained in Table 5 strongly corroborate the overall hypothesis after looking at satellite data. Consistently estimated across – the choices of control groups, the downstream fishers in Quang Tri and Hue those who were likely “trapped” inside the contaminated zone – responded to _Formosa_ by reducing their weekly fishing workload by approximately 29 hours. This massive and significantly es-

> 27 Besides the higher transportation cost, fishers would also have to worry about inflated expenses related to the preservation of seafood’s freshness – a crucial factor of the selling price.

> 28 In terms of traveling to safe zones, these fishers either have to make their ways further down south to Binh Dinh or Phu Yen – areas far away from _Formosa_ , or up to the distant northern zones

20
to missing pre-fixes or mistakenly included county codes. As a result, between 22-33 percent of each treatment arm was not sent the intended message. Using data from the text message delivery, we can account for which taxpayers were or were not sent a message due to this error.

Finally, the randomization was conducted at the taxpayer identification level, but a small subset of taxpayer IDs shared identical phone numbers. This is likely because some taxpayers were issued multiple taxpayer IDs, or households sharing a single number contained multiple taxpayers. This leads to spillovers in actual treatment between the various treatment arms and the control group.

These spillovers complicate our ability to discern the effects of each treatment in isolation. To account for this, for our main analyses we restrict our sample to the roughly 60% of taxpayers that have a unique phone number (one that is not shared with any other taxpayer in the sample). As we show in Appendix section A1.3, those who only have unique phone numbers are no more or less likely to receive any particular treatment, so this restriction does not undermine the randomization.

The actual frequencies of treatment across each group are summarized in Table 2. Because we know the actual distribution of messages that were sent, we can instrument for actual message delivery with assignment to treatment.

# **3.4 Outcome data**

Our data on outcomes was retrieved from the TRA at the beginning of August 2018. We merged the complete record of all property tax payments made for a given taxpayer ID between June and the beginning of August to our original experimental sample. For each taxpayer ID we record, for each date during this period, whether any payments associated with that ID had been made up to that date as well as the cumulative amount of payments made so far. For a 6
br>(%)|-0.8|5.4|28.6|-12.1|6.4|47.8|1.3|

Note: Data from East Europe has a slightly different methodology, see Correa and Iootty (2010), and the comparison should be viewed as illustrative. Source: CRBS survey and ECA survey. Changes in sales and employment are for June of 2009 compared to the same month in 2008.

How did firms respond to this significant shock? In the CRBS 2009 survey, the Cambodian firms were asked about the actions taken in response to the financial crisis, such as increasing or decreasing sales prices, getting new loans, increasing or decreasing inventories, or developing new products. Because of the large number of actions possible, we grouped them into four types of responses, related to (1) production, (2) financing, (3) labor, and (4) management. In Table 4, we show the proportion of firms reporting any of these actions. We distinguish between firms that were credit constrained or not. A firm is classified as (increasingly) credit constrained, if it reported a change in the availability and/or cost of finance from at least one possible source (private commercial banks, state-owned bank or government, non-bank financial institution, credit from suppliers, advances from customers and informal sources (e.g. friends, family, money lenders), and not credit constrained otherwise.<sup>8</sup> Firms have taken many different actions in response to the crisis, affecting production, finance, labor and management practices. For instance, 50% or more of all firms reduced sales prices, reduced inventory of finished products, looked for new customers / markets, looked for new finance and new business partners and developed / introduced new products / services. Also credit constrained firms were more likely to take action than firms that were not classified as credit constrained, particularly with respect to
Statistics of Japan, 2019). For these countries, we rely on microdata from 2019, except for the U.S. (2018). For Japan we only have aggregates by business-size bins and thus can only produce the individual business size distribution (i.e., not the joint earnings-size distribution).

Our earnings variable includes all sources of income corresponding to individuals’ occupations, all pre-tax. In all the data sources we use, workers classify themselves as self-employed, employees, or employers. For all employees and employers (business owners) we assign business sizes in number of workers as reported by the individual.<sup>7</sup> For consistency across countries, we restrict the sample to individuals who report deriving income from an economic activity, are at least 20 years old, and report positive earnings. We only report calculations including individuals in the private sector, but the stylized facts also hold when the public sector is included. Additional country-to-country details are provided in the Appendix (Table A.1.).

# **3 Results**

## **3.1 Latin America’s full business size distribution in perspective**

Figure 1 depicts the employment-weighted business size distribution for Latin America and the other regions in our sample. Each bar shows the average across countries in the region for the corresponding figure, weighted by each country’s workforce. We begin with Panel A, where businesses are classified according to whether they are self-employment initiatives or employer businesses above or below the 10-employee threshold. This is the most comprehensive panel in terms of country coverage because information on size bins defined by the 10-employee threshold is collected in most countries, including all those in our sample. The contrast between LATAM economies and all AEs in the sample is stark. While firms with at least 10 employees absorb, on average, 70% of the workforce in Europe, rich Asian economies, and the United States, they only explain 32% of employment in LATAM. The bulk
Porto, G. (2005). “Informal Export Barriers and Poverty,” Journal of International Economics Vol. 66, pp. 447–470.

Porto, G. (2006). “Using Survey Data to Assess the Distributional Effects of Trade Policy,” Journal of International Economics 70, pp. 140–160.

Ural Marchand, B. (2012). “Tariff Pass-Through and the Distributional Effects of Trade Liberalization,” Journal of Development Economics, 99(2), pp. 265–281.

World Health Organization (2003). “Diet, nutrition and the prevention of chronic diseases,” Technical Report Series, Geneva, Vol. 916, pp 1–150.

17
Thus far, causal empirical studies on the pandemic’s employment effects have not provided strong evidence to support the presence of a female “added worker effect” during the onset of the pandemic, defined as a temporary increase in the labor supply of married women whose husbands have become unemployed (Lundberg, 1985). For example, by employing a triple-differences approach on granular Dutch administrative data, Meekes et al. (2020) observe no significant effect of household composition and spouses’ employment status on workers’ labor supply in the Netherlands. Peluffo and Viollaz (2021) provide a plausible explanation behind the lack of an “added worker effect”, in which they argue that the nature of the current pandemic has made it less likely for previously unemployed spouses to acquire new employment during the crisis.

# **4. Data**

# **_4.1 Data Source_**

We draw data on employment and other labor market outcomes from Indonesia’s National Labor Force Survey (Sakernas), a nationally representative labor force survey that has been implemented since 1976. In August 2020, Sakernas covered all 514 districts spread across 34 provinces in Indonesia.

The Sakernas survey contains individual-level information on employment outcomes, such as labor force participation, employment status, employment sector, occupation, working hours, and incomes/wages, among others. The survey also contains individual-level demographics that are used as control variables in our estimations, such as gender, age, household size, education, and work experience, among others. However, the survey does not publish the household identifiers of each respondent, limiting the ability to capture explicitly the within-household dynamic in our analysis.

12
# **INTRODUCTION**

Africa’s ports are vital to the continent’s domestic economies. Maritime trade accounts for more than 90 percent of the continent’s imports and exports and ports therefore play a fundamental role in facilitating Africa’s integration to international trade. However both importers and exporters face high costs for sea transport and substantial inefficiencies in port clearance operations. UNCTAD reports that the average freight rate for imports for example is 47 percent higher than in other developing countries and twice the rate in developed countries, estimated at 5.21 percent (UNCTAD, 2003). For containerized imports, cargo dwell time - defined as the time between vessel arrival and container exit from the port facilities - exceeds 20 days in average for most ports in the continent which makes African ports the most time-inefficient ports in the world. This is an added burden on business as compared to other regions in the world, as businesses relying on just in time shipment are less likely to develop in such environment, and local importers need to integrate higher storage and inventory costs. This paper aims at understanding the long cargo dwell time issue in Sub-Saharan African ports. It focuses on containerized imports through the port of Doula in Cameroon and leans upon extensive customs and port data collected locally. It also seeks to provide some theoretical background and methodological tools to address a crucial obstacle to Africa’s international trade.

The choice of Douala as a case study builds on its critical position as the gateway to several Central African countries and as one of the largest ports in Western and Central Africa. Thanks to a longstanding partnership between Cameroon (and especially the Cameroon Customs, the Facilitation Committee and the Single Window for External trade), World Customs Organization (WCO) and the World Bank, the port platform performance including cargo dwell time has been long monitored (tracking of delays within the logistics chain in Douala have been thoroughly monitored by several sources since the end of the 1990’s, first as part of adjustment and debt reduction initiatives and
number of periods the country is included in after the first difference is taken, with a maximum of three changes. Column 3 documents the count of bilateral route observations included at the exporter-importer-industry level for the intensive-margin estimations. The total observation count is 103,839 intensive-margin changes for an exporter-importer-industry. Countries differ in their observation counts, even if observed for the same number of periods, due to variations in their industry-level reporting in the UNIDO database and minimum requirements for export volumes discussed below.

Column 4 documents the average manufacturing productivity levels for countries, expressed in US dollars. While direct comparisons across countries are limited with an unbalanced panel, productivity differences between industrialized countries and developing nations are clearly evident. Oil-producing countries (e.g., Kuwait, Norway) have the highest average labor productivity levels, with Ireland, Japan and Singapore among the highest when excluding oil producers. Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar are among the lowest levels recorded. A small number of country-industry observations with under ten employees or very problematic data are excluded. Column 5 documents the mean growth rate in labor productivity for each country over its observations. These growth rates are five-year differences, with outliers winsorized at their 2% and 98% levels for reporting. Hong Kong, Myanmar, Peru, and Syria have the highest growth rates, while the Dominican Republic, Tanzania, and Romania show the sharpest declines.

Table S1b provides similar statistics for the 26 industries, aggregating over countries. Industry 353 (Petroleum refineries) has the highest average labor productivity, while industry 322 (Wearing apparel, except footwear) has the lowest. Productivity growth is strongest in industries 382 and 383 (Machinery, except electrical, and Machinery, electric). Productivity growth rates are lowest in industry 323 (Leather products) and industry 361 (Pottery, china, earthenware).

Most Ricardian models suggest using labor productivity to measure comparative advantage. This is fortunate in that manufacturing output and employment data are among the most available metrics for the broad grouping of countries under study
’s use – e.g., these countries were responsible for 85% of the antidumping investigations and 87% of antidumping measures imposed by all WTO members over the 1995-2004 period.

> 7 Thanks go to Bruce Blonigen for his collecting and original conception of publicly posting the antidumping data for the United States at his website at <u>http://darkwing.uoregon.edu/~bruceb/adpage.html. His generation of this</u> public good has arguably spawned additional research into antidumping, improving transparency and allowing for more in depth research to improve scientific understanding over the implications of the policy instrument. The current project is largely the result of researchers recognizing the Blonigen contribution and wondering why no one had done something comparable for other countries’ use of AD. Additional personal thanks are also due to Tom Prusa for generously sharing his personal collections of antidumping data as well. Furthermore, Robert Staiger and Frank Wolak made data on the use of US antidumping for the 1980-1986 period (Staiger and Wolak, 1994) available on the NBER data CDs earlier in the 1990s (Feenstra, 1997).

3
Fully accrual Other<br><!-- End of picture text --> Source: Responses to SALM survey Concerning publication, in all cases except one, the sovereign balance sheet is published. The sole case of no publication concerns the country producing its sovereign balance sheet on an 11 It is interesting to compare this percentage with the results of a recent IMF report indicating that 29 percent of countries are using either a full or modified‐accrual accounting system. Of course, selection bias related to the typology of respondents to the SALM survey may explain this difference.

8
much lower coverage among rms than pure information reporting, especially for the self-employed. D150 and D153 records are available for only 5.0% and 5.8% of the self-employed and 8.4% and 11.% of corporations respectively.<sup>22</sup> 98.5% of D150 records are submitted by state institutions, meaning that withholding by private non-nancial rms is minimal. A signicant share of informative declarations cannot be matched with income tax records, suggesting that a large number of rms covered by third-party information or withholding are incompliant on the extensive margin.

In addition to the tax returns and informative declarations, we use the D140 and D141 registration and deregistration records for 2006-2014 to construct snapshots of the tax register for each scal period. Firms use the D140 form both for registration purposes, as well as for modication and deregistration. If the government deregisters a rm de ocio, which happens if a rm has not led taxes for at least three years, a D141 form is used.

# 4 Anatomy of Compliance

This section presents the anatomy of tax compliance in Costa Rica, identifying mis-reporting through discrepancies between two data reports on the same tax base, as applied by Fisman & Wei (2004). We start with the extensive margin, estimating the share of non-lers by matching tax declarations led to the set of tax liable rms as constructed from the tax register and available third-party reports. We then consider the intensive margin, estimating misreporting by comparing third-party reported and self-reported sales and costs. Finally, we estimate compliance with the payment obligation, comparing tax returns with payment receipts. We compare compliance by the self-employed and by corporations, as the two groups face dierent tax schedules and the selfemployed have been identied in the literature as a particularly evasion-prone segment of taxpayers.

## 4.1 Extensive Margin Compliance

To examine compliance on the extensive margin, we construct the set of tax liable rms and compare it to the self-assessment declarations led
, with maturity of over one year). The limited availability of long-term financing is one of the frequently mentioned constraint in informal surveys of the private sector.

The ratio of retained earnings to total assets is much lower in Egypt than in other countries. This result is in contrast with comparison of profitability ratios, which are similar in Egypt and other countries. This phenomenon is somewhat puzzling. Available data does not allow verification of the presumption that it results from companies in Egypt paying out a 4
. It may be that the applicant pool changes in anticipation of this churn or immediately after. Unfortunately, the institution does not retain data on the historical applicant pool, and therefore incorporating behavioral responses is currently outside the scope of our work.

10Existing gender pay gap studies using single-firm data separately describe the gender differences in job assignment (Malkiel and Malkiel, 1973; Ransom and Oaxaca, 2005), entry salaries (Gerhart, 1990), salary growth and promotion (Jones and Makepeace, 1996; Hersch and Viscusi, 1996; BarnetVerzat and Wolff, 2008) and/or retention (Petersen and Saporta, 2004; Giuliano et al., 2005; Gobillon et al., 2014), but they do not provide, as we do, a quantitative comparison of these gender pay gap sources.

11The Oaxaca–Blinder decomposition evaluates the extent to which differences in an outcome vari6
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