Given a paragraph, generate a claim that is supported by the given paragraph. 1) The claim must contain information from within the paragraph. 2) A sentence within the paragraph can be used as a claim. 3) The claim should not have contradictions within the paragraph. 4) The claim should be at most one sentence long.

Instead, he said, he met them on their front lawn, where he popped the girl's joint back in. "It is a very easy thing to do, but it made a huge difference for them," he said. Gulbransen has had to rethink how he runs his pediatric practice on Long Island since the coronavirus crisis started. "We're in the heart of the storm," said Gulbransen. His practice remains open and now also welcomes some non-pediatric patients who have had trouble being seen by a doctor. He said his practice has been physically rearranged to keep sick patients away from those who are well. Other recent adjustments include doing telemedicine, although he is unsure how insurance reimbursements will work with such consultations. He said he was worried about his pediatric patients picking up on their parents' anxieties, as well as the health and financial welfare of his staff. "The anxiety level is palpable," said Gulbransen. "But it's a privilege," he said, adding, "you're here for your patients. You gotta push and do whatever it takes." New York state, the epicenter of the pandemic in the United States, had a coronavirus death toll exceeding 10,000 as of Tuesday, out of more than 28,000 across the country. The disease looks different in children than it tends to with adults, said Gulbransen. "We had a 6-week-old with COVID, and really (the infant had) no other symptom than a runny nose," said Gulbransen. He has also treated "quite a few toddlers and plenty of schoolage children," who were all doing well. Cases of the illness involving children are "dwarfed by adult cases, although some of the (child) cases can be quite severe," according to Dr. Lorry Rubin, director of pediatric infectious diseases at Cohen Children's Medical Center, part of the Northwell Health network. Sometimes previously healthy children, often adolescents, develop pneumonia "and that can be severe and possibly lead to them needing oxygen or ventilatory support," Rubin said. Still, most pediatric COVID-19 patients do well. Rubin said he was aware of only one child who had died, who also had a terminal congenital illness. Among infants under 60 days old in whom COVID had been detected, "all of them have done quite well," he added. "The frequency of pediatric illness requiring hospitalization is low," Rubin said. "No question, it's not as bad in children and less common than in adults." But with New York's healthcare system at full throttle treating coronavirus patients, Gulbransen wants to take no risks. His motto is: "Whatever you do, don't send someone from this office to the ER."
'Don't go to the ER': how a New York pediatrician is dealing with the coronavirus outbreak.

That could all change with a controversial Nov. 4 ballot initiative in which voters will get to decide for the first time whether to abolish a 1963 state law designed to protect small businesses. The law requires North Dakota pharmacies to be owned by local pharmacists or run by hospitals with a local pharmacist on staff. Supporters of the initiative argue it will remove an embarrassing anachronism, give consumers more choice and lower prescription drug costs. Opponents say that allowing national chains would destroy North Dakota's tradition of personalized pharmacy care and be yet another example of how the state's neighborly way of life is changing too fast. Canada, Germany, France and many other countries, they also note, have similar laws requiring local pharmacy ownership. "Independent pharmacies are more apt to focus on customer service," said Gabe Gretz, who bought Service Drug Pharmacy in Williston last year with his father. "This is our bread and butter. It's not just a hobby for us." "North Dakota Nice" is a truism here, not an irony, and most retail stores are still prohibited from opening before noon on Sunday - a throwback to laws designed to encourage family time. Yet since the oil boom began around 2010, drawing thousands of new residents to jobs where roughnecks can earn more than $100,000 a year, drug use, assault and other violent crimes have jumped. Recent sex-trafficking charges brought against an oil field worker in Williston, a once quiet town that is now the epicenter of the boom, marked the first charges of that type ever filed in the area and has escalated tension between new and old residents. Many newly arrived oil workers, and even some locals, say they hope the ballot measure passes so that they can use the same chains they've grown accustomed to elsewhere. Rite Aid Corp has no outpost in the state, North Dakota's Walmarts have no in-store pharmacies and the state's lone Walgreens, on the Minnesota border, is prohibited from selling prescription drugs. CVS is able to operate only a handful of pharmacies in North Dakota thanks to a 2006 buyout of several Osco Drug stores that operated before the 1963 law. "Honestly, it's not convenient getting my prescriptions here," said Jan Anseth, a resident of Williston who spends winters in Arizona where she gets her medications from a national chain. In North Dakota, Anseth says, she runs into problems transferring prescriptions and getting anything more than a 30-day supply. The ballot's primary sponsor, North Dakotans For Lower Pharmacy Prices, was funded with $168,000 in contributions from Walmart, Walgreens, Kmart and others. In campaign materials, the group cites data the Kaiser Family Foundation compiled in 2009 showing North Dakota has one of the highest per capita costs for prescription drug and medical devices in the country. Walmart says North Dakotans are missing out on its popular $4 prescription program, which makes many generic drugs available at the sharply discounted price. Crying foul, the state's independent pharmacists say they're able to often meet or beat prices from national chains, most of whom lose money on pharmacy sales as a way to get customers in the door. A random survey by Reuters of North Dakota's independent pharmacies showed that a 30-day supply of the generic blood thinning drug clopidogrel ranged in price between $10 and $59.95. A CVS in Bismarck, the state capital, quoted a price of $149.95 for the same dosage. "I get to set the prices here at my pharmacy," said Jenna Wahlstrom, a pharmacist at Larsen Service Drug, which her grandfather founded in Watford City in 1952. "It's not a corporate decision." Like the big chains, Wahlstrom offers her customers a smartphone app and online refill ordering. Her pharmacy has transferred hundreds of prescriptions from retail chains for workers who have moved to the state, she said. Ahead of the vote, the state's top politicians are declining to take sides. Governor Jack Dalrymple, a Republican who took office in 2010, says he shops at locally owned Aerohead Plaza Drug while in Bismarck and believes it has been able to compete effectively with the nearby CVS. Yet in the 1990s, as a state legislator, Dalrymple voted to keep the pharmacy law intact. "I don't know," he now says, "if that was the right vote."
Big pharmacies knock on door of oil-rich North Dakota.

"Florida's GOP primary for U.S. Senate has turned into mutual finger-pointing over which candidate is possibly more like former Republican Charlie Crist. A super PAC called the Florida First Project released an ad July 14 calling Sen. Marco Rubio's primary opponent Carlos Beruff a ""Charlie Crist Republican,"" a major insult among the Florida GOP faithful. The PAC supports Rubio's re-election bid and is managed by several staffers from Conservative Solutions PAC, which backed Rubio's presidential run. ""Beruff supported Crist even after he switched parties, and stabbed Republicans in the back,"" the ad says. The line refers specifically to the Bradenton developer's support for Crist's 2010 Senate campaign against Rubio. Former Gov. Crist switched from Republican to having no party affiliation as Rubio's campaign gained steam. After losing that race, Crist lost a 2014 re-election bid for governor as a Democrat, and currently is running as a Democrat for a U.S. House seat held by Rep. David Jolly, R-Indian Shores. Beruff has released his own ad counterattacking Rubio, accusing him of being a ""political opportunist"" like Crist. We wondered whether Rubio's challenge of Beruff's Republican bona fides was correct. Did Beruff still support Crist after Crist became an independent candidate? Hisactions at the time don't indicate Beruff shunned Crist entirely, despite what he says now. Grist about Crist Beruff likes to claim that he is a political outsider, but he haslong been involved in Florida politics. Crist as governor appointed Beruff to three political boards: the Sarasota-Bradenton Airport Authority, the State College of Florida Board of Trustees, and the Southwest Florida Water Management District. Beruff also has donated thousands to Republican candidates over the years, including to Crist's Senate campaign. Crist announced his Senate candidacy in May 2009. Federal Election Commission reports from June 2009 showed Beruff gave Crist the maximum allowed for individuals $2,400 for the primary and $2,400 for the general elections. (Beruff's companies also had donated to Crist when he ran for governor in 2006.) As Rubio gained traction, Crist toyed with the idea of switching his registration. An April 2010 story in the Sarasota Herald-Tribune listed Beruff as a donor who would continue to support Crist if he made such a move. The story also listed other Republicans as faithful to Crist, including former Sarasota Republican Party chairmen Bob Waechter and Eric Robinson, and prominent chiropractor Gary Kompothecras. By the end of April 2010, down 20 points to Rubio in the polls, Crist announced he would cede the Republican nomination for Senate by switching to no party affiliation. Several weeks later, in June 2010, Beruff attended a fundraiser for Crist (with several Democrats) at Kompothecras' Siesta Key home. It seems peculiar that Beruff would have gone to any Crist event during the politically charged atmosphere of the 2010 Senate race had he disagreed with Crist's decision. At the time, Republicans faced a bitter rift in their party over Crist's defection, and choosing sides was a very public issue. To give you an idea of how contentious Crist's decision was, state Rep.David Rivera of Miami called it ""one of the biggest betrayals in American history since Benedict Arnold."" Beruff's political opponents have made hay of his attendance at thefundraiser, repeatedly. U.S. Rep. Ron DeSantis, who faced Beruff in the primary before dropping out, made the same accusation back in February, starting a website called CharlieCristRepublican.com. Lt. Gov. Carlos Lopez-Cantera dropped out of the Senate race and also lobbed the attack at Beruff earlier this summer. But Beruff has recently deniedsupporting Crist, despite going to the fundraiser, and said he gave up on Crist after he ""got stupid"" and left the Republican Party. A Crist spokesman declined to say whether Beruff threw support to Crist at the fundraiser. We couldn't find any other reports from six years ago listing Beruff as a vocal Crist advocate when he turned NPA. We also didn't find an instance of Beruff speaking out against Crist. Through campaign spokesman Chris Hartline, Beruff told PolitiFact Florida he voted for Rubio over Crist, but was ""disappointed"" in Rubio's performance. The Washington Free Beacon asked Beruff about the 2010 fundraiser after Lopez-Cantera's comments. Beruff admitted he was there, but said he was no longer supporting Crist at the time. There's no record of Beruff donating to Rubio. ""If Dr. Gary (Kompothecras) invites me to something at his house, I go, unless I am out of town,"" Beruff told the Free Beacon. ""He's a good friend, even though we don't share political roadways all the time."" Beruff also said he had not donated to Crist after the party affiliation switch, saying ""follow the money."" Hartline echoed the sentiment when we asked him about it. ""It's a lie, and Marco Rubio knows it,"" Hartline told us in a statement. ""Carlos never supported Charlie Crist after he left the Republican Party. His last donation to Crist was June 1, 2009, almost 11 months before he became an independent."" Of course, there's good reason why Beruff didn't donate any more money, even if he wanted to. He had reached the $4,800 legal limit and was prohibited from giving further. ""Beruff could not have given more in the 2010 cycle, but he gave at a time when Crist was running for the Republican nomination,"" Douglas Weber, senior researcher at the Center for Responsive Politics, told PolitiFact Florida via email. There is no evidence of Beruff giving Crist money since. Furthermore, news reports at the time said some donors demandedrefunds after Crist's party switch. Beruff did not. Hartline said it was because Beruff ""turned his focus to helping Rick Scott in his run for governor."" Our ruling Florida First Project said Beruff ""supported Crist even after he switched parties."" Beruff had supported Crist's 2010 Senate run when Crist ran as a Republican, giving the maximum legal amount in donations. After Crist switched to an independent run, Beruff also attended a Crist fundraiser, although he denied supporting Crist in any way at that event. The Bradenton developer was listed as dependable Crist supporter in a news report prior to the switch, and didn't ask for a refund of his donations. We found nary a mention of Beruff beyond that. But the bottom line is, even if Beruff denies it now, there's evidence that he didn't give Crist the same cold shoulder other Republicans immediately did."
Florida First Project Says Carlos Beruff "supported (Charlie) Crist even after he switched parties.