Given a paragraph, generate a claim that is supported by the given paragraph. 1) The claim must contain information from within the paragraph. 2) A sentence within the paragraph can be used as a claim. 3) The claim should not have contradictions within the paragraph. 4) The claim should be at most one sentence long.

[Q]: The decision by Cleveland County District Judge Thad Balkman in Norman, Oklahoma, came in the first case to go to trial out of 2,700 nationally by states, counties and cities seeking to hold drug companies responsible for the deadly epidemic. Balkman reduced the amount he had awarded in August by $107 million after agreeing with New Brunswick, New Jersey-based J&J that he had made a math error. J&J said it will appeal, and that the award and finding of liability were "neither supported by the facts nor the law." A spokesman for Oklahoma Attorney General Mike Hunter said that office is reviewing the decision and will formally respond within the next few days. Opioids were involved in almost 400,000 overdose deaths from 1999 to 2017, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Following a non-jury trial, Balkman ruled in August that Oklahoma had proven that J&J engaged in misleading marketing about the benefits of painkillers, and that their addictive risks caused a public nuisance in the form of the opioid crisis. Hunter had sought to have J&J pay $17 billion to help fund addiction treatment and other services to repair damage from the opioid epidemic over the next 30 years. Balkman, however, awarded only enough money for one year of programs, saying Oklahoma failed to support its claims regarding the need to abate the epidemic in future years. Following the August ruling, Oklahoma asked Balkman for permission to return to his courtroom annually to prove those costs, but Balkman on Friday maintained his prior ruling. J&J, meanwhile, argued that it deserved a $355 million credit, reflecting pre-trial settlements by the drugmakers Purdue Pharma LP and Teva Pharmaceutical Industries Ltd. Balkman concluded on Friday that state law did not allow such credits. Last month, J&J and four other companies proposed a $48 billion settlement framework to resolve all of the opioid cases they face, with J&J paying $4 billion. Lawyers for the local governments have opposed the proposal. If approved, the settlement would let J&J resolve some of the thousands of product liability lawsuits it faces. The company also faces litigation over whether its baby powder causes cancer, a claim it denies.
[A]: Oklahoma judge reduces Johnson & Johnson opioid payout to $465 million.

[Q]: Peebles, a 30-year-old black man who's skeptical of what he hears from the news media and government, initially didn't see the need for alarm over the virus. "I felt it was a complete hoax," Peebles said. "This thing happens every two or four years. We have an outbreak of a disease that seems to put everybody in a panic." Peebles is among roughly 40 million black Americans deciding minute by minute whether to put their faith in government and the medical community during the coronavirus pandemic. Historic failures in government responses to disasters and emergencies, medical abuse, neglect and exploitation have jaded generations of black people into a distrust of public institutions. "I've just been conditioned not to trust," said Peebles, who is now obeying the state's stay home order and keeping his distance from others when he goes out. Some call such skepticism the "Tuskegee effect" distrust linked to the U.S. government's once-secret study of black men in Alabama who were left untreated for syphilis. Black people already suffer disproportionately from chronic conditions like diabetes and heart disease and are far more likely to be uninsured. How the government and medical community responds to the crisis will be especially crucial for outcomes among black Americans, civil rights advocates and medical experts say. "We are right to be paranoid and to ask tough questions," said U.S. Rep. Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts who joined other congressional leaders in asking the government to collect and release information about the race and ethnicity of people who are tested or treated for the virus that causes COVID-19. "History has shown us, when we do not" ask questions, said Pressley, who is black, "the consequences are grave, and in fact life and death." NAACP President Derrick Johnson, who hosted a coronavirus tele-town hall with U.S. Surgeon General Jerome Adams last month, said black and brown communities need reliable information about the crisis. "Now that this has been deemed a pandemic, I am most concerned with inequities in who's provided tests, who's provided treatment and how those tests and the treatments are administered, in a way that is open, transparent, and equitable," Johnson said. For most people, the virus causes mild or moderate symptoms, such as fever and cough. But for some, especially older adults and people with existing health problems, it can cause more severe illness, including pneumonia and death. Cities with large black populations like New York, Chicago, Detroit, Milwaukee and New Orleans have emerged as hot spots for the coronavirus. Figures released by Michigan's Department of Health and Human Services show 40% of those who have died from COVID-19 are black in a state where African-Americans are just 14% of the population. And many Southern states with large black populations have been slow to mandate statewide restrictions shown to slow virus spread. According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, black adults are 60% more likely than non-Hispanic white adults to be diagnosed with diabetes, 40% more likely to have high blood pressure and are less likely to have those conditions under control. Additionally, in 2015, black women were 20% more likely to have asthma than non-Hispanic whites. Those disparities make the availability of a treatment or vaccine urgent, even as the virus is currently projected to claim tens of thousands of lives. But given history, Peebles said he wouldn't rush to accept a remedy. "If we got to a place where the government says, 'OK, now it's time to take a vaccine,' then I'm definitely going to be skeptical of their intentions," he said. Launched in 1932 by the U.S. Public Health Service, the Tuskegee study involved roughly 600 poor black men in Alabama who weren't treated for the sexually transmitted disease so researchers could track its progress. The program was exposed and ended in 1972, and then-President Bill Clinton formally apologized in 1997. The Tuskegee legacy has helped pollute the black community's relationship with American medical science. A 2016 paper found the fallout included mistrust of medicine among black men, along with fewer interactions with doctors and higher mortality rates. In Tuskegee, where many families include descendants of victims, many residents don't trust government health information, said Lucenia Dunn, a former Tuskegee mayor. So volunteers trying to get the word out about coronavirus have gone door-to-door distributing fliers with cartoon-like illustrations that don't look "too official," she said. "We have a general distrust in this community,'" Dunn said. "I call it 'subconscious rejection.' The attitude is, 'I'm going to rebel against this. You people have been telling us lies for years. Why should I believe you now?'" In Los Angeles, Jahmil Lacey helped found a public health group for black men and boys, TRAPMedicine, that educates black barbers and organizes workshops to address health disparities among their customers. "People will quote the Tuskegee experiment as the reason why black people don't trust health care, but there's so much more than just that one example," Lacey said. "We don't trust systems that are connected to white supremacy. So, we have to do the work to repair it." Indeed, Tuskegee didn't happen in a vacuum. In the 1950s, doctors at the John Hopkins Hospital used cervical cancer cells from Henrietta Lacks, a black mother of five, to pioneer medical advances and research that continue globally today. Lacks, who died in 1951, never gave her consent and her family has never been compensated. One way to begin healing the mistrust is to increase black representation in the medical field, said Dr. Nicollette Louissaint, executive director of the Washington-based emergency response advocacy group Healthcare Ready. "We have to make sure that ... the message itself and the messengers are being adapted to the appropriate audience," said Louissaint, who is black. "It's going to be really important that we get that right." ___ Reeves reported from Birmingham, Alabama. Both are members of the AP's Race and Ethnicity team. Follow Morrison on Twitter at http://twitter.com/aaronlmorrison. Follow Reeves on Twitter at https://twitter.com/Jay_Reeves
[A]: Amid coronavirus pandemic, black mistrust of medicine looms.

[Q]: With Britain set to leave the European Union within weeks, Pinder Sahota at the world's biggest insulin maker Novo Nordisk, and Sanofi's Hugo Fry have rebuilt operations to withstand the most turbulent of events. The two companies told Reuters they had spent millions of pounds, which they cannot recoup, stockpiling millions of packets of insulin - used to treat diabetes - inside Britain and building new shipping and air freight routes. Their plans, formulated over three years, show the lengths companies across the continent are having to go to overhaul long-standing supply chains that may not survive Britain's biggest trade upheaval in half a century. "There is nothing comparable to this," Novo Nordisk's UK General Manager Sahota told Reuters of the Danish company's preparation. "It's unprecedented from a logistics point of view. We're preparing for the worst-case scenario, the most extreme." With two Brexit deadlines already been and gone, Prime Minister Boris Johnson has vowed to take Britain out of the EU with or without a deal by Oct. 31 - increasing the chance of a sudden departure that brings trade tariffs and customs checks with the continent for the first time in decades. The government's own planning shows that, in a worst-case scenario, lorries seeking to enter Europe at the French port of Calais could face delays of two-and-a-half days, creating supply disruptions that could last for months. That poses a real risk for the pharmaceutical industry which imports 37 million packs of drugs from Europe a month. According to the government, three-quarters come via that route. While Britain's GSK and AstraZeneca are world leaders in respiratory and cardiovascular treatments, Britain's insulin is imported. "In the case of pharmaceuticals, you can't just throw things onto a boat or a lorry, you have to test and validate these routes into the country," Fry told Reuters in his office to the west of London, adding they had backups to their backup plans. Both Sanofi and Novo Nordisk have reserved space on ferries going the longer route to eastern English ports to avoid the main Calais-Dover crossing if needed, and also air freight if required. "We anticipate that route is going to become congested so what we've done is open up other routes," said Sahota. "So two other routes that we've opened up are Denmark to Immingham (in north-east England) and Netherlands to Immingham." SKY-HIGH STOCKPILES Novo Nordisk, Britain's biggest insulin supplier, has tripled its warehouse capacity to hold 18 weeks' worth of stock - 3.8 million packs that piled high would stand 12 times the height of the London Shard skyscraper. Eli Lilly of the United States and France's Sanofi, the country's second and third-biggest suppliers, have similar stockpiles. Frustration is growing that while they dedicate huge resources to such preparation, they are spending less time on their normal jobs. "When we're doing this, we're not doing other stuff," Fry said. "We're not working on projects that will bring our most innovative products to the market. "Although we are happy to do it, it is starting to weigh on our balance sheet, on our logistics, keeping all this additional stock in the country. It's not an ideal situation." The companies are confident they will be able to guarantee the British supply of insulin to the around 1 million diabetes patients who need it. But some patients like Georgina from London, who was diagnosed with Type 1 diabetes more than 30 years ago, have become increasingly alarmed as the chances have grown of Britain leaving the EU without a deal to govern their trading relationship. "For me, I can't tell you how worried I am about that. It's life-threatening for me," she said, declining to give her last name. She added that she also worried about older patients she encountered at clinics. The British government is organising a regular freight service reserved just for drugs as part of its preparations alongside industry for Brexit on Oct. 31. "We are doing everything we can to help ensure the supply of medicines and medical products remains uninterrupted, including insulin," said the department of health and social care. The two drug companies did not say how much their Brexit preparations had cost, beyond many millions of pounds. With fixed contracts with Britain's health service, they cannot raise prices. Both Fry and Sahota have had to delve into arcane areas of transport. As part of their planning, for example, they have had to factor in how many drivers are needed to avoid breaking legally mandated rest laws, how long refrigerated lorries can operate in one stretch, and what happens in the event of fuel shortages. "We're doing everything we can," said Fry. "I know more about ferry crossings now than I ever thought I would."
[A]:
With a backup to the backup, insulin makers say they're primed for Brexit.