During the 1990s after NAFTA was signed, industrial development grew rapidly with foreign investment. Large factories known as maquiladoras were built to export manufactured goods to the United States and Canada. Today, most of the maquiladoras produce electronics, automobile, and aerospace components. There are more than 406 companies operating under the federal IMMEX or Prosec program in Chihuahua. The large portion of the manufacturing sector of the state is 425 factories divided into 25 industrial parks accounting for 12.47% of the maquiladoras in Mexico, which employ 294,026 people in the state. While export-driven manufacturing is one of the most important components of the state's economy, the industrial sector is quite diverse and can be broken down into several sectors, which are: electronics, agro-industrial, wood base manufacturing, mineral, and biotech. Similar to the rest of the country, small businesses continue to be the foundation of the state's economy. Small business employs the largest portion of the population.[citation needed]
Most maquiladoras today produce what?
electronics, automobile, and aerospace components

In the 1960 election to choose his successor, Eisenhower endorsed his own Vice President, Republican Richard Nixon against Democrat John F. Kennedy. He told friends, "I will do almost anything to avoid turning my chair and country over to Kennedy." He actively campaigned for Nixon in the final days, although he may have done Nixon some harm. When asked by reporters at the end of a televised press conference to list one of Nixon's policy ideas he had adopted, Eisenhower joked, "If you give me a week, I might think of one. I don't remember." Kennedy's campaign used the quote in one of its campaign commercials. Nixon narrowly lost to Kennedy. Eisenhower, who was the oldest president in history at that time (then 70), was succeeded by the youngest elected president, as Kennedy was 43.
Who was the Democratic candidate for president in 1960?
John F. Kennedy

A 2000 United States Department of the Treasury study of lending trends for 305 cities from 1993 to 1998 showed that $467 billion of mortgage lending was made by Community Reinvestment Act (CRA)-covered lenders into low and mid level income (LMI) borrowers and neighborhoods, representing 10% of all U.S. mortgage lending during the period. The majority of these were prime loans. Sub-prime loans made by CRA-covered institutions constituted a 3% market share of LMI loans in 1998, but in the run-up to the crisis, fully 25% of all sub-prime lending occurred at CRA-covered institutions and another 25% of sub-prime loans had some connection with CRA. In addition, an analysis by the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas in 2009, however, concluded that the CRA was not responsible for the mortgage loan crisis, pointing out that CRA rules have been in place since 1995 whereas the poor lending emerged only a decade later. Furthermore, most sub-prime loans were not made to the LMI borrowers targeted by the CRA, especially in the years 20052006 leading up to the crisis. Nor did it find any evidence that lending under the CRA rules increased delinquency rates or that the CRA indirectly influenced independent mortgage lenders to ramp up sub-prime lending.
What percent of sub-prime loans had some connection with CRA in the run-up to the financial crisis?
25%