Bin Laden reportedly discussed the planes operation with KSM and Atef in a series of meetings in the spring of 1999 at the al Matar complex near Kandahar. KSM's original concept of using one of the hijacked planes to make a media statement was scrapped, but Bin Laden considered the basic idea feasible. Bin Laden, Atef, and KSM developed an initial list of targets. These included the White House, the U.S. Capitol, the Pentagon, and the World Trade Center. According to KSM, Bin Laden wanted to destroy the White House and the Pentagon, KSM wanted to strike the World Trade Center, and all of them wanted to hit the Capitol. No one else was involved in the initial selection of targets. Bin Laden also soon selected four individuals to serve as suicide operatives: Khalid al Mihdhar, Nawaf al Hazmi, Khallad, and Abu Bara al Yemeni. During the al Matar meetings, Bin Laden told KSM that Mihdhar and Hazmi were so eager to participate in an operation against the United States that they had already obtained U.S. visas. KSM states that they had done so on their own after the suicide of their friend Azzam (Nashiri's cousin) in carrying out the Nairobi bombing. KSM had not met them. His only guidance from Bin Laden was that the two should eventually go to the United States for pilot training. Hazmi and Mihdhar were Saudi nationals, born in Mecca. Like the others in this initial group of selectees, they were already experienced mujahideen. They had traveled together to fight in Bosnia in a group that journeyed to the Balkans in 1995. By the time Hazmi and Mihdhar were assigned to the planes operation in early 1999, they had visited Afghanistan on several occasions. Khallad was another veteran mujahid, like much of his family. His father had been expelled from Yemen because of his extremist views. Khallad had grown up in Saudi Arabia, where his father knew Bin Laden, Abdullah Azzam, and Omar Abdel Rahman (the "Blind Sheikh").

Question: "Whose father was expelled from Yemen?"

Response: "The Blind Sheikh"

A: no

The protagonist Preetam ( ( ( Ganesh , on a visit to Eva Mall amidst a heavy wind , spots a pretty girl , Nandini . While staring at her , he inadvertently falls into a manhole . Nandini rescues him from the pit , but in the process loses her heart-shaped watch she had just bought . While accompanying his mother to Madikeri , Preetam confronts a man named Jaanu . Jaanu , who has been following Nandini , beats up Preetam thinking that he is in love with Nandini . Preetam , unaware that Jaanu has vowed not to allow any one near Nandini , trashes Jaanu and his gang in return . In Madikeri , Preetam meets Nandini unexpectedly . He identifies himself and expresses his love towards her and offers to tie the watch as an indication for their marriage . Nandini , who is already engaged rejects his request . Still , Preetam vows to marry Nandini if she meets him again . In the meantime , Preetam discovers that his host in Madikeri , Col. Subbayya is Nandini's father , who is pretty much deaf , and Nandini's marriage is a just a week away . Dejected , Preetam throws Nandini's heart-shaped watch away . But Nandini calls him over the phone and taunts him to return . Delighted , Preetam goes in search of her watch and brings it back . While searching it , he spots a rabbit , Which he calls Devadas , and brings it along with him . Since Nandini's friends are due to arrive from Mumbai for the marriage , Preetam takes Nandini to the railway station . The train from Mumbai is delayed by five hours , so Nandini and Preetam decide to visit a nearby hill-temple .

Question: "What happened when Preetam unexpectedly ran into Nandini in Madikeri?"

Response: "He gave her the rabbit"

A: no

These experiments in political Islam faltered during the 1990s: the Iranian revolution lost momentum, prestige, and public support, and Pakistan's rulers found that most of its population had little enthusiasm for fundamentalist Islam. Islamist revival movements gained followers across the Muslim world, but failed to secure political power except in Iran and Sudan. In Algeria, where in 1991 Islamists seemed almost certain to win power through the ballot box, the military preempted their victory, triggering a brutal civil war that continues today. Opponents of today's rulers have few, if any, ways to participate in the existing political system. They are thus a ready audience for calls to Muslims to purify their society, reject unwelcome modernization, and adhere strictly to the Sharia. Social and Economic Malaise In the 1970s and early 1980s, an unprecedented flood of wealth led the then largely unmodernized oil states to attempt to shortcut decades of development. They funded huge infrastructure projects, vastly expanded education, and created subsidized social welfare programs. These programs established a widespread feeling of entitlement without a corresponding sense of social obligations. By the late 1980s, diminishing oil revenues, the economic drain from many unprofitable development projects, and population growth made these entitlement programs unsustainable. The resulting cutbacks created enormous resentment among recipients who had come to see government largesse as their right. This resentment was further stoked by public understanding of how much oil income had gone straight into the pockets of the rulers, their friends, and their helpers. Unlike the oil states (or Afghanistan, where real economic development has barely begun), the other Arab nations and Pakistan once had seemed headed toward balanced modernization. The established commercial, financial, and industrial sectors in these states, supported by an entrepreneurial spirit and widespread understanding of free enterprise, augured well. But unprofitable heavy industry, state monopolies, and opaque bureaucracies slowly stifled growth. More importantly, these state-centered regimes placed their highest priority on preserving the elite's grip on national wealth. Unwilling to foster dynamic economies that could create jobs attractive to educated young men, the countries became economically stagnant and reliant on the safety valve of worker emigration either to the Arab oil states or to the West. Furthermore, the repression and isolation of women in many Muslim countries have not only seriously limited individual opportunity but also crippled overall economic productivity. By the 1990s, high birthrates and declining rates of infant mortality had produced a common problem throughout the Muslim world: a large, steadily increasing population of young men without any reasonable expectation of suitable or steady employment-a sure prescription for social turbulence.

Question: "Which Political Islam experiments faltered during the 1990's?"

Response: "Social and Economic Malaise"

A:
no