ument we humans may carry in our wallets. So, dogs are subject to permanent surveillance. As suggested by Fox and Gee (2019) , dogs are designated as objects which belong to a person, who can be sanctioned for any breach of the daily restrictions imposed on animal mobility. For this very reason, this transformation of an animal into a good, invites scrutiny of 'its' human masters.
At dawn during lockdown, the streets look abandoned, except for some hurried key workers and dog walkers. I walk 'my' dog during these hours. But after months of conversations and interviews with my fellow dog walkers, something has changed. I recognize the dogs, but no longer most of their 'owners'. The women who would usually walk their dogs daily have disappeared, only to be replaced by their partners, perhaps as a justification for leaving the house. Where before lockdown, women had assumed the duty of walking their dogs, taking the opportunity to meet with others with whom they would chat and establish a bond, now they appear to have been relegated to the domestic sphere. That is to say, one of the most evident effects of the forced isolation, at least in the streets of Madrid, has been the rise of gender inequality among dog walkers.
During outings, while their dogs run around and play on the grass, dog walkers will sometimes cluster spontaneously into small, informal, neighbourly inter-species associations, especially in the parks. Their formation changes from day to day, and from hour to hour. These people do not form a particular collective, but rather make up sporadic social clusters, as they meet the needs of 'their' dogs while living in the same neighbourhood. There are no pre-existing obligations among them.
Their lives are tied to diverse contexts articulating multiple, heterogeneous 'partial connexions' (Strathern 2005) . Their exchanges are based on what Bauman (2003) called 'instantaneous obsolescence', as they casually encounter and recognize one another, exchange greetings and brief conversations about dogs, only to say goodbye, knowing that a little way down the road, similar interactions may be repeated with others. But sometimes they proceed in the same direction and share time and space, 'keeping each other company' on their strolls. They talk about 'their' dogs, but also about the park, the streets, the city and its people. Sometimes affection can grow, which does not demand any reciprocity, but reproduces itself through repeated encounters.
While dog walkers find each other in specific contexts and at particular times, those without a dog remain anonymous in the urban landscape under lockdown.
Cohabitation with companion species, understood following Haraway, thus influences the type of encounters that take place between neighbours which are of a different order in the city. 3 In Madrid, the routine 'walk', which gives meaning to human-animal relations (Fletcher & Platt 2018) , allows neighbours to gradually extend the range of public spaces traversed, as they move in unison through streets that would normally never feature in their strolls: 'we keep each other company as we walk our dogs and, as we do so, we change the city we live in'; indeed, some people (re) assume their role as social agents, demanding urban improvements that materialize in better pavements, streets and parks, as well as other leisure spaces. At the same time, the daily visits to urban parks reclaim these public spaces and so help prevent their degradation. These physical spaces are constituted into 'places' for interspecies groups who cross and overlap with each other casually and sporadically, sometimes solely through an exchange of greetings. Remote or marginal locations become active spaces for mingling, where networks of mutual aid and commitment can be forged. An informal mutual aid community emerges, initially oriented towards sharing in the care of dogs (for example, by walking them for others who may be ill or travelling), but eventually extends to other things. Neighbourly bonds are strengthened, and a fuzzy sense of belonging to the same neighbourhood or community emerges.
The dog walks are particularly important to women of an advanced age and living alone; these social walks are the main way they keep in touch with their social networks. However, with shielding being enforced among the elderly during the Covid-19 pandemic, contacts with their peers have all but vanished. During the lockdown, visibly frightened, they lean out of the doorways to their homes, not daring to go any further, while record mortality rates amongst the elderly are announced on the news. Before the lockdown, however, at least twice a day, if not more, they would stroll through the streets of their neighbourhoods. Come rain, come shine, going out for a walk was an essential daily activity -both for the sake of their non-human companions and for meeting others doing the same thing at the same time and place.
These walks also encouraged dog walkers to pay attention to their appearance ('you can't just go out looking a mess, or there's no knowing what they'll say'), particularly in groups where socialization took place across genders. Some of these 'owners' use social media, such as WhatsApp groups, to stay in contact beyond the hours they are in the park. One of these groups, containing 30 members or so (mostly female and of advanced age), was initially created to coordinate the times of the day when people would meet up and keep one another company on their dog walk in the park. However, this group is now less about dogwalking than an important line of communication among its members and a means to cheer one another up and enquire about each other's health and emotional state.
One indirect result of the lockdown is dog mess. A man walking 'his' dog in the park told me that 'people don't pick up the [dog] shit because nobody sees them' -which suggests a discomforting thought that urban hygiene depends on punitive control. A woman who follows the same route every day came to a different conclusion: 'since they're not used to doing it, [men] never pick them up. They must think that's what street cleaners are for. Either that, or they're just a bunch of pigs'. The accumulation of dog mess is not an insignificant problem, as many of the daily tensions between dog owners and the rest of the population relate to this issue.
Another issue impacting social relations among dog walkers and others is that many people -both dog owners and members of the public -demand that dog 'owners' only take their dogs off the lead in the specially enclosed spaces reserved for them in parks. Often not very hygienic, these locations are so small that they tend to affect the behaviour of the dogs, making some of them suspicious or aggressive. Calls to confine dogs to these small spaces connects hygiene to urban development. The presence of canine excrement and discussions about control and its removal form part of the transition towards new models of urbanism and urbanity in which a renewed hygienism is constituted as a base.
At the same time, this tension shows a normalization of the behaviours described above, both by dogs and by people. Due to this, local regulations concerning the behaviour of animals -directives inseparable from other legal rules -subordinate urban planning to the achievement of political and economic goals sought by those promoting urban development (and its regu lations) (Cátedra y Tomé 2018) .
In other words, dogs are an aspect of biopolitics, normalizing the city in the service of power. However, the perception of dogs as a 'companion species' breaks this conception by contemplating the existence of inhabitants who traverse the city, though on a lead, endowed with rights that allow them to break the 'medical-political' lockdown enforced on humans who do not 'own' a dog.
In conclusion, the relationships we form with our pets shape the spaces we inhabit and how we move around in them. This narrative has discussed the role of dogs in the city of Madrid during the Covid-19 lockdown. As an emergency ethnography, I have shown that owning a dog has conveyed special privileges upon 'owners' and a sense of freedom to go out on daily walks. However, lockdown has also precipitated changes among those who are involved in dog-walking activities: if in Madrid, it used to be predominantly socially networked women who walked 'their' dogs as a kind of sociable outing, during lockdown, men have increasingly taken this over, walking the dogs with attendant consequences. This work is the result of an emergency ethnography carried out in my Estrella middle-class neighbourhood (barrio) in Madrid (Spain), during the first seven weeks of the pandemic lockdown. It is based on numerous informal conversations with people walking their dogs. It follows up on as yet unpublished 6-month ethnographic fieldwork between 2019 and early 2020.
1. Dirección General de Derechos de los Animales (Ministerio de Derechos Sociales y Agenda 2030).
2. Even though the term 'owner' denotes possession and is therefore problematic in rendering the non-human animal into an agency-less object, in these pages I use it in the colloquial sense in which it is used by those who live with dogs, with no intention of expressing the unidirectional appropriation of a life. For this reason, as is the case with other words that may be read in this sense, it always appears in quotation marks.
3. 'I find that notion, which is less a category than a pointer to an ongoing "become with", to be a much richer web to inhabit than any of the posthumanisms on display after (or in reference to) the ever-deferred demise of man'. (Haraway 2008: 16-17) .