LYDIA, in Ancient Geography, a celebrated kingdom of Asia Minor. The ancient writers inform us, that Lydia was first called Maeonia or Meonia, from Meon, king of Phrygia and Lydia; and that it was known under no other denomination until the reign of Atys, when it began to be called Lydia, from his son Lydus. Bochart, finding in his learned collection of Phoenician words the verb Luz, sig-pifying[7:13:607] “to wind,” and observing that the country we are ^peaking of is watered by the Maeander, so famous for its windings, concludes that it was thence named Ludia or Lydia ; but this, it must be obvious, is too fanciful and i ’ emote a derivation to be the true one. As to the ancient name of Maeonia, he takes it to be a Greek translation of the Phoenician word lud, in which he agrees in some measure with Stephanus, who derives the name of Maeonia ’ τora Maeon, the ancient name of the Maeander. Some take ,the word Maeonia to be a translation of a Hebrew word sig-ιifying metal, because, according to them, that country was In former times rich above any other with mines. Though Lydia and Maeonia are by most authors indifferently used nr one and the same country, yet they are sometimes distinguished; that part including Mount Tmolus, and watered by the Pactolus, being properly called Maeonia; and the other, situated upon the coast, Lydia. This distinction s observed by Homer, Callimachus, Dionysius, and other indent writers. In after ages, when the Ionians, who had >lanted a colony on the coast of the Aegean Sea, began to nake some figure, that part was called Ionia, and the name “f Lydia given to the ancient Maeonia. Lydia, according to Pliny, Ptolemy’, and other ancient geographers, was Sounded by Mysia Major on the north, by Caria on the ιouth, by Phrygia Major on the east, and by Ionia on the vest, and was situated between the thirty-seventh and ,hirty-ninth degrees of north latitude. But what the an-ñents style the kingdom of Lydia was not confined within hese narrow boundaries; it extended from Halys to the Egean Sea. Pliny’s description includes Aeolia, situated )etween the Hermus and the Caïcus.

As to the origin of the Lydians, Josephus, and after him ill the ecclesiastical writers, derive them from Lud, Shem’s burth son; but this opinion has no other foundation than he similitude of names. Some of the ancients conceive the ^ydians to have been a mixed colony of Phrygians, Mysians, ιnd Carians; but others, finding some conformity in religion and religious ceremonies between the Egyptians and Tuscans, who were a Lydian colony, conclude, without further evidence, that they were originally Egyptians. All ve know for certain is, that the Lydians were a very annent nation; and this is manifest from their fables; for pltys, Tantalus, Pelops, Niobe, and Arachne, are all said to ιave been the children of Lydus. Zanthus, in his Lydiaca, Quoted by Stephanus, informs us, that the ancient city of lscalon, one of the five satrapies of the Philistines, men- ,ioned in the books of Joshua and the Judges, was built by me Ascalus a Lydian, whom Achiamus, king of Lydia, had ιppointed to command a body of troops which he sent into syria, we know not on what occasion. The Heraclidae, or dngs of Lydia descended from Hercules, began to reign ιefore the Trojan war, and had been preceded by a long ine of sovereigns sprung from Atys, and hence styled Myadae ; a strong proof of the antiquity of that kingdom. I The Lydians began very early to be governed by kings, ∣vhose authority seems to have been despotic, and the brown hereditary. We read of three distinct races of kings eigning over Lydia; the Atyadae, the Heraclidae, and the 1 VIermnadae/ The Atyadae were so called from Atys the )on of Cotys, and grandson of Manes the first Lydian king. I lut the history of this family is obscure and fabulous. The ítyadae were succeeded by the Heraclidae, or the descen-lants of Hercules. This hero having, by the direction i >f the oracle, been sold as a slave to Omphale, queen of Lydia, in order to expiate the murder of Iphitus, had, by me of her slaves, during his captivity, a son named Cleo-aus, whose grandson Argon was the first of the Heraclidae vho ascended the throne of Lydia. This race is said to ιave reigned 505 years, the son succeeding the father for wenty-two generations. They began to reign about the ime of the Trojan war. The last of the family was the unhappy Candaules, who lost both his life and kingdom by his imprudence. Of this event an account is given by Herodotus. Candaules had a wife whom he passionately loved, and believed to be the most beautiful of her sex. He extolled her charms to Gyges his favourite, whom he used to intrust with his most important affairs; and, to convince him the more of her beauty, resolved to show her to him quite undressed. He accordingly placed Gyges in the porch of the chamber where the queen used to undress when she went to bed, ordering him to retire after he should have seen her, and take the utmost possible care not to be observed. But notwithstanding all the caution he employed, she plainly discovered him going out; and though she did not doubt that it was her husband’s contrivance, yet she passed that night in seeming tranquillity, suppressing her resentment till next morning, when she sent for Gyges, and resolutely told him that he must either by his death atone for the criminal action he had been guilty of, or put to death Candaules, the contriver of it, and receive both her and the kingdom of Lydia as his reward. Gyges at first earnestly begged of her that she would not drive him to the necessity of such a choice; but finding that he could not prevail with her, and that he must either kill his master or be killed himself, he chose the former part of the alternative. Being led by the queen to the same place where her husband had posted him the night before, he stabbed the king whilst he was asleep, marrièd the queen, and took possession of the kingdom, in which he was confirmed by the response of the oracle of Delphi. But the Lydians having taken up arms to revenge the death of their prince, an agreement was made between them and the followers of Gyges, that if the oracle should declare him to be lawful king of Lydia, he would be permitted to reign; if not, that he should resign the crown to the Heraclidae. The answer of the oracle proved favourable to Gyges, and he was universally acknowledged as lawful king of Lydia. Candaules is said to have purchased, for its weight in gold, a picture painted by Bularchas, representing a battle of the Magnetes; a circumstance which shows how early the art of painting had begun to be appreciated in that country, Candaules having been contemporary with Romulus.

Gyges, having thus possessed himself of the kingdom of Lydia, sent many rich and valuable presents to the oracle of Delphos, amongst which were six cups of gold, weighing thirty talents, and greatly esteemed for the workmanship. He made war upon Miletus and Smyrna, took the city of Colophon, and subdued the whole country of Troas. In his reign, and by his permission, the city of Abydus was built by the Milesians. Plutarch and other writers give a different account of his accession to the crown of Lydia, and inform us, without making any mention of the queen, that Gyges rebelled against Candaules, and slew him in an engagement. In Gyges commenced the third race called Mermnadae, who were also, properly speaking, Heraclidae, being descended from a son of Hercules by Omphale.

Gyges reigned thirty-eight years, and was succeeded on the throne by his son Ardyes. This prince carried on the war against the Milesians which his father had begun, and possessed himself of Priene, which in those days was a strong city. In his reign the Cimmerians invaded and overran all Asia Minor; but what battles were fought between the Lydians and these invaders, and with what success, we find nowhere mentioned. Herodotus only informs us, that in the time of Ardyes they possessed themselves of Sardis, the metropolis of Lydia, but that they failed to reduce the castle. Ardyes reigned forty-nine years, and was succeeded by his son Sadyattes, who reigned twelve years, during most part of which he carried on war with the Milesians.

After him came his son Alyattes, who for the space of five years continued the war which his father had begun [7:13:608]against the Milesians, ravaging their country, and about harvest· time carrying away all their corn yearly, in order to oblige them, from want of provisions, to surrender their city, which he knew he could not reduce in any other way, the Milesians being at that time masters of the sea. In the twelfth year of this war the Lydians having set fire to the corn in the fields, the flames were carried by a violent wind, which happened at that time to blow, to the temple of Minerva at Assesus, and burned it down to the ground. Not long afterwards, Alyattes falling sick, sent to consult the oracle at Delphos; but the god refused to return any answer until the king should rebuild the temple of Minerva at Assesus. Alyattes, thus warned, despatched ambassadors to Miletus, enjoining them to conclude a truce with the Milesians until the temple should be rebuilt. On the arrival of the ambassadors, Thrasybulus, then king of Miletus, having commanded all the corn which was at that time in the city to be brought into the market-place, ordered the citizens to banquet in public, and to revel as if the city were plentifully stored with all manner of provisions. This stratagem Thrasybulus practised, that the ambassadors, seeing such quantities of corn, and the people everywhere diverting themselves, might acquaint their master with his affluence, and thus divert him from pursuing the war. As Thrasybulus had intended, so it happened. Alyattes, who believed the Milesians greatly distressed for provisions, receiving a different account from his ambassadors, changed the truce into a lasting peace, and ever afterwards lived in amity and friendship with Thrasybulus and the Milesians.

After a reign of fifty-seven years, he was succeeded by his son Croesus, whose uninterrupted prosperity, in the first years of his reign, far eclipsed the glory of his predecessors. He was the first who made war on the Ephesians, whose city he besieged and took, notwithstanding their consecrating it to Diana, and fastening the walls by a rope to her temple, which was seven stadia distant from the city. After the reduction of Ephesus, he under various pretences attacked the Ionians and Aeolians, obliging them, and all the other Greek states of Asia, to pay him an annual tribute. Having met with such extraordinary success by land, the Lydian prince determined to render his power equally conspicuous by sea. For this purpose he had serious thoughts of equipping a fleet, with which he purposed to invade and conquer the Grecian islands directly opposite to his dominions. But this design, which, considering the slow progress of maritime power amongst the nations most diligent in attaining it, would probably have failed of success, was prevented by the advice of a philosophical traveller, conveyed in such a lively turn of wit as easily changed the resolution of the king. Bias of Priene in Ionia (some say Pittacus of Mitylene in the isle of Lesbos), whilst he travelled, after the Grecian custom, from curiosity and a love of knowledge, was presented to Croesus at the Lydian court; and being asked by that prince what news he brought from Greece, answered, with a republican freedom, that the islanders had collected powerful squadrons of cavalry with an intention of invading Lydia. “May the gods grant,” said Croesus, “that the Greeks, who are unacquainted with horsemanship, should attack the disciplined valour of the Lydian cavalry; there would speedily be an end to the contest.” “In the same manner,” replied Bias, “as if the Lydians, who are totally unexperienced in naval affairs, should invade the Grecians by sea.” Struck by the acuteness of this unexpected observation, Croesus desisted from his intended expedition against the islands; and, instead of employing new means for extending his conquests, detennined peaceably to enjoy the laurels he had won, and to display the grandeur he had attained. But his happiness was soon afterwards allayed by the death of his favourite son Atys, who was unfortunately killed in the chase of a wild boar. This loss rendered him disconsolate for two years, and reduced him to a state of inaction, till the conquests of Cyrus, and the growing power of the Persians, roused up his martial spirit, and diverted his mind to other thoughts.

Croesus apprehending that the success which had attended Cyrus in all his undertakings might at last prove dangerous to himself, resolved if possible to put a stop to his progress. In adopting this resolution, which might probably be attended with the most important consequences, he was desirous to learn the will of heaven concerning the issue of the war. The principal oracles which he consulted were those of Branchis in Ionia, of Ammon in Libya, and of Delphi in Greece. But, amongst these respected shrines, the oracle of Delphi maintained its ascendant, as the most faithful interpreter of fate. Croesus was fully persuaded of its veracity; and, generously desirous to compensate the priests of Apollo for the trouble which he had already given, and still meant to give, he sacrificed three thousand oxen to the god, and adorned his shrine with gifts equally valuable for the workmanship and for the materials, viz. precious vessels of silver, ewers of iron beautifully inlaid and enamelled; various ornaments of pure gold, particularly a golden lion weighing ten talents, and a female figure three cubits or near five feet in height. In return for these magnificent presents, the oracle, in equivocal and ambiguous language, flattered Croesus with obtaining an easy victory over his enemies, and with enjoying a long life and a prosperous reign. The god at the same time enjoined him to contract an alliance with the most powerful of the Grecian states.

Elevated with these favourable predictions of Apollo, Croesus prepared to yield a ready obedience to the only condition required on his part for the accomplishment of his aspiring design. Not deeming himself sufficiently acquainted with the affairs of Greece to know what particular republic was meant by the oracle, he made especial inquiry of those who were best informed concerning the state of Europe, and discovered, that amongst all the members of the Grecian confederacy, the Athenians and Lacedaemonians were justly entitled to the pre-eminence. But in order .to learn which of these communities deserved the epithet of “most powerful,” it was necessary to send ambassadors into Greece. The Lydians despatched on this important commission soon discovered that the Athenians, having been long harassed by internal dissensions, were actually governed by the tyrant Pisistratus. The Spartans, on the other hand, though anciently the worst regulated of all the Grecian communities, had enjoyed domestic peace and foreign prosperity ever since they had adopted the wise institutions of Lycurgus. After that memorable period, they had repeatedly conquered the warlike Argives, triumphed over the hardy Arcadians, and, notwithstanding the heroic exploits of Aristomenes, subdued and enslaved their unfortunate rivals of Messene. To the Lydian ambassadors, therefore, the Spartan republic appeared to be pointed out by the oracle as the community whose alliance they were enjoined to solicit. Having accordingly repaired to Sparta, they were introduced not only to the kings and senate, but, as the importance of the negociation required, to the general assembly of the Lacedaemonians, to whom they, in few words, declared the object of their commission. “Lacedaemonians, we are sent by Croesus, king of the Lydians and of many other nations, who being commanded by the oracle of Apollo to seek the friendship of the most powerful people of Greece, now summon you, who justly merit that epithet, to become his faithful allies, in obedience to the will of the god whose authority you acknowledge.” The Lacedaemonians, pleased with the alliance of a warlike king, and still more with the fame of their valour, readily accepted the proposal. To the strict connection of an offensive and defensive league they joined the more re-φected[7:13:609] ties of sacred hospitality. A few years before this ransaction they had sent to Sardis to purchase gold for naking a statue of Apollo, and on that occasion Croesus ιad gratuitously supplied their wants. Remembering this generosity, they gave the Lydian ambassadors at their de- )arture, as a present for their master, a vessel of brass containing three hundred amphoras (above twelve hogsheads), and beautifully carved on the outside with various òrms of animals.

Croesus, having thus happily accomplished the design ecommended by the oracle, was eager to set out upon his n.tended expedition. He had formerly entered into alli-ιnces with Amasis king of Egypt, and Labynetus king of 3abylon; and he had now obtained the friendship of the nost warlike nation of Europe. The newly-raised power ∙f Cyrus and the Persians seemed incapable of resisting uch a formidable confederacy. Elevated with these flat-ering ideas of his own invincible greatness, Croesus wait-d not to attack the Persian dominions until he had col-ected the strength of his allies. The sanguine impetuosi-y of his temper, unexperienced in adversity, unfortunately ∣recipitated him into measures no less daring than ruinous. Attended only by the arms of Lydia, and a numerous band f mercenaries, whom his immense wealth enabled him at ny time to call into his service, he marched towards the liver Halys, and, having with much difficulty crossed that eep and broad stream, entered the province of Cappado- ∣ia, which formed the western frontier of the Median do-hinions. That unfortunate country soon experienced all pe calamities of invasion. The Pterian plain, the most cautiful and fertile district of Cappadocia, was laid waste; He ports of the Euxine, as well as several inland cities, ere plundered, and the inoffensive inhabitants were either ut to the sword or dragged into captivity. Encouraged y the unresisting softness of the natives of those parts, I'roesus was eager to push forwards; and if Cyrus did not reviously meet him in the field, he bad determined to probed in triumph to the mountains of Persia. Against this angerous resolution he was in vain exhorted by a prudent lydian named Sandanis, who, when asked his opinion of he war, declared it with that freedom which the princes ∣f the East have in every age permitted, amidst all the ride and caprices of despotic power, to men distinguished y the gifts of nature or education. “You are preparing,” ⅛id he, “to march against a people who lead a laborious E∣d a miserable life; whose daily subsistence is often deed them, and is always scanty and precarious; who drink nly water, and who are clothed with nothing but the skins if wild beasts. What can the Lydians gain by the conquest If Persia; the Lydians, who enjoy all the advantages of! mich the Persians are destitute? For my part, I deem it ìblessing of the gods that they have not excited the war-ke poverty of these miserable barbarians to invade and ∣⅛under the luxurious wealth of Lydia.” The moderation f this advice was rejected by the fatal presumption of 'roesus; confounding the dictates of experienced wisdom ∙ith the mean suggestions of pusillanimity, he dismissed ιe prudent counsellor with contempt, and prepared to prolocute his fatal enterprise.

I Meanwhile, the approach of Cyrus, who was not of a ∣ t mper to permit his dominions to be ravished with impurity, afforded the Lydian king an opportunity of bringing fie war to a more speedy issue than by his intended ex-edition into Persia. The army of Cyrus gradually augmented as he advanced; the tributary princes cheerfully mtributing with their united strength towards the assis-; nee of a master whose valour and generosity they ad-fired, and who now took arms to protect the safety of his objects, as well as to support the grandeur of his throne, inch was the rapidity of his movement, especially after ting informed of the destructive ravages of the enemy in Cappadocia, that he marched from the shores of the Caspian to those of the Euxine Sea before the army of Croesus had provided the necessaries for their advance. That prince,’ when apprized of the neighbourhood of the Persians, encamped on the Pterian plain; Cyrus likewise took up a position at no great distance; frequent skirmishes occurred between the light troops; and at length a general engagement was fought with equal fury and perseverance, and only terminated by the darkness of night. The loss on both sides prevented a renewal of the battle. But the numbers as well as the courage of the Persians much exceeded the expectation of Croesus; and as they discovered no intention of harassing his retreat, he determined to fall back towards Sardis, in order to spend the winter in the amusements of his palace, and, after summoning his numerous allies to his standard, to take the field early in the spring with such increase of force as would be sufficient to overpower the Persians.

But this design was defeated by the watchful vigilance of Cyrus. That experienced leader allowed the enemy to retire without molestation, carefully informing himself of every movement they made, and of every measure they seemed determined to pursue. Patiently watching the opportunity of a just revenge, he waited until Croesus had re-entered his capital, and disbanded the foreign mercenaries, who composed the most numerous division of his army. Cyrus then put his Persians in motion; and such was his celerity, that he brought the first intelligence of his own arrival in the plain of Sardis. Croesus, whose firmness might well have been shaken by the imminence of this unforeseen danger, was not wanting on the present occasion to the duties which he owed to his fame and the lustre of the Lydian throne. Though his mercenaries were disbanded, his own subjects, who served him from attachment, who had been long accustomed to victory, and who were animated with a high sense of national honour, burned with a desire to check the daring insolence of the invaders. Croesus indulged and encouraged this generous ardour. The Lydians in that age fought on horseback, armed with long spears; the strength of the Persians consisted in their infantry. The latter were so little accustomed to the use of horses, that camels were almost the only animals which they employed as beasts of burden. This circumstance suggested to a Mede, by name Harpagus, a stratagem, which, being communicated to Cyrus, was immediately adopted with the approbation of that prince. Harpagus, having observed that horses had a strong aversion to the shape and smell of camels, advised that the Persian army should be drawn up in the following order: All the camels which had been employed to carry baggage and provisions were collected into one body, and arranged in a line fronting the Lydian cavalry. The foot soldiers of the Persians were posted immediately behind this line, and placed at a due distance; and the Median horse, a few squadrons of which followed the standard of Cyrus, formed the rear of the army. As the troops on both sides approached to join battle, the Lydian cavalry, terrified at the unusual appearance of the camels, mounted with men in arms, were thrown into disorder, and the horses, turning their heads, endeavoured to escape from the field. Croesus, who perceived the confusion, was ready to despair of his fortune; but the Lydians, abandoning their horses, prepared with uncommon bravery to attack the enemy on foot. Their courage deserved a better fate; but, unaccustomed as they were to this mode of fighting, they were received and repelled by the experienced valour of the Persian infantry, and obliged to take refuge within the fortified strength of Sardis, where they imagined themselves secure. The walls of that city bade defiance to the rude art of attack, as then practised by the most warlike nations. If the Persian army should invest it, the Lydians [7:13:610] were provided with provisions for several years; and there was reason to expect that in a few months, nay even weeks, they would receive such assistance from Egypt, Babylonia, and Greece, to which countries they had already sent ambassadors, as would oblige the Persians to raise the siege.

The Lydian ministers despatched into Greece met with great sympathy from the Spartans. That people were particularly observant of the faith of treaties; and whilst they punished their enemies with unexampled severity, they behaved with generous compassion towards those whom they had once accepted as allies. They immediately resolved therefore to send speedy and effectual relief to Croesus; and for this purpose they assembled their troops, made ready their vessels, and prepared every thing necessary for the expedition. The valour of the Spartans might perhaps have upheld the sinking empire of Lydia; but before their armament set sail, Croesus was no longer a sovereign. Notwithstanding the strength of Sardis, that city had been taken by storm on the twentieth day of the siege; the walls having been scaled in a quarter which, appearing altogether inaccessible, was too carelessly guarded. This was effected by the enterprise of Hyreades, a Mede, who accidentally observed a sentinel descend part of the rock in order to recover his helmet. Hyreades was a native of the mountainous province of Mardia, and, being accustomed to clamber over the dangerous precipices of his native country, resolved to try his activity in passing the rock upon which he had discovered the Lydian. The design was more easily accomplished than he had reason to expect; emulation and success encouraged the bravest of the Persians to follow his example; these were supported by great numbers of their countrymen; the garrison of Sardis was surprised, the citadel stormed, and the rich capital of Lower Asia subjected to the vengeful rapacity of an indignant conqueror. Thus ended the ancient kingdom of Lydia, which continued subject to the Persians until they in their turn were conquered by the Macedonians.