DUNCAN, Adam, Lord Viscount, an illustrious naval commander, the second son of Alexander Duncan, of Lundie, in the county of Angus, Scotland, by Helen, daughter of Haldane of Gleneagles, in the county of Perth, was born in the month of July 1731. He received the rudiments of his education at Dundee, which is only about four miles distant from the family residence; and as his elder brother Alexander was designed for the army (in which he died lieutenant-colonel in 1771), Adam appears to have been early intended for the naval service. Accordingly, about the year 1746, he was placed under Captain Haldane, who then commanded the Shoreham frigate, and he remained two or three years with that officer. In 1749 he was entered as midshipman on board the Centurion of fifty guns, which then bore the broad pendant of Commodore Keppel, commander-in-chief on the Mediterranean station. In the beginning of 1755 he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant, and appointed to the Norwich, a fourth rate, one of the squadron under Keppel, destined to convoy to America the transports having on board the land forces commanded by General Braddock. After the debarkation of this armament he was transferred to the Centurion, where he continued until that ship returned to England; when Captain Keppel, who had for a short time commanded the Swiftsure, procured his appointment as second lieutenant of the Torbay seventy-four, to which he himself had just been appointed. Having remained on the home station for three years, he proceeded with the expedition sent against-the French settlement of Goree, on the coast of Africa, and was slightly wounded in the attack of the fort, after which he became first lieutenant of the Torbay, and in this capacity returned to England. His promotion was now rapid. In September 1759 he was raised to the rank of commander; in February 1761 he was advanced to that of post-captain; and having been appointed to the Vaillant, of seventy-four guns, he again became connected in service with his original friend and patron Keppel, who, having received the command of the naval part of the expedition against Belleisle, now hoisted his broad pendant on board the Vaillant. After this affair Captain Duncan accompanied the commodore in the same ship to the attack of the Havanna, and commanded the boats in which the troops were landed, the commodore covering the disembarkation. He was afterwards very actively employed in the siege, during which he greatly distinguished himself; and when the town surrendered, he was dispatched to take possession of the Spanish ships in the harbour, being five of seventy and four of sixty guns.
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After the capture of the Havanna, he, in the same capacity ’ as formerly, accompanied Admiral Keppel, who had been appointed to the command on the Jamaica station, and continued with him as captain of the flag-ship until the conclusion of the war, when he returned to England.

On the recommencement of war with France in the year 1778, Captain Duncan was appointed to the Suffolk, of seventy-four guns; but before the end of the year he was removed into the Monarch, of the same rate, which, during the summer of 1779, was employed in the Channel fleet under Sir Charles Hardy, who, owing to the junction of the French and Spanish fleets, was now acting upon the defensive. Towards the close of the same year, the Monarch was one of the ships placed under the orders of Sir George Bridges Rodney, who had received instructions to force his way through all impediments into Gibraltar, and to relieve that fortress, then closely invested by a Spanish army on the land side, whilst it was blockaded on the seaward face by a flotilla sufficiently powerful to oppose the entrance of any ordinary force. In the beginning of 1780, the British fleet, when off Cape St Vincent, fell in with a Spanish squadron under Don Juan de Langara, which had been stationed there to intercept Sir George Rodney, who was supposed to have only a squadron of four sail of the line. On this occasion Captain Duncan carried the Monarch into action before any other ship of the fleet; and the St Augustin, of seventy guns, struck to him, after · having been so much disabled that he was obliged to abandon her. In this action the disparity of force was great; the British fleet consisting of nineteen ships of the line, and the Spanish of only eleven ships and two frigates. Of the latter, four were taken, one was blown up, three surrendered, but afterwards got away much damaged, one was reduced almost to a wreck, and two others, together with the frigates, made their escape. Soon after his arrival in England Captain Duncan quitted the Monarch, and remained without employment until the beginning of 1780, when he was appointed to the Blenheim, of ninety guns, and continued in command of this ship during nearly the whole remainder of the war. He was constantly employed with the Channel fleet, then under the command of Earl Howe; and in September 1780, having accompanied his lordship to Gibraltar, he was appointed to lead the larboard division of the centre, or squadron of the commander-in-chief, and greatly distinguished himself in the encounter with the combined fleets of France and Spain, which took place off the entrance of the Straits. Soon after the return of the fleet to England Captain Duncan was removed into the Foudroyant, of eighty-four guns; and on the conclusion of the peace in the spring ensuing he passed into the Edgar, of seventy-four guns, one of the guard ships at Portsmouth, where, as is customary in such cases, he continued in command during the three succeeding years.

This was the last commission which he ever held as captain of a ship. In September 1789 he was promoted to the rank of rear-admiral of the blue, and in September 1790 he was made rear-admiral of the white; in February 1793 lie was raised to be vice-admiral of the blue, and in April 1794 he became vice-admiral of the white; in June 1795 he was appointed admiral of the blue; and lastly, in February 1799 he received the rank of admiral of the white. But during all these periods, excepting the two last, the merit of Admiral Duncan, which was never of an obtrusive, bustling, or forward kind, seemed to have been wholly overlooked; and though he frequently solicited employment, his applications proved unavailing; in consequence of which he had it in contemplation to retire altogether from the service. This period of obscuration, however, at length passed away. In February 1795 he received an appointment, constituting him commander-in-chief of the North Seas, that is, from the North Foreland to the Ultima Thule; and he accordingly hoisted his flag on board the Prince George, of ninety-eight guns, at Chatham, but afterwards shifted it to the Venerable, of seventy-four guns, the Prince George being considered as too large for the particular quarter in which he was destined to act. Having thus attained the object of his wishes, Admiral Duncan lost no time in proceeding to carry into execution the important trust which had been confided to him; and during the whole time he held the command, he exhibited that inexhaustible patience and unwearied constancy, which, with cool judgment and determined gallantry, formed the great attributes of his professional character. In the midst of many discouragements, and on a station exposed to peculiar dangers from the shoals ar.d sand-banks which cover the coasts of the United Provinces, and the storms with which the North Sea is frequently visited, he never shrunk from the duty which had been assigned him, or failed at any season, however tempestuous, to show his squadron off the coast which it domineered over and insulted.

For more than two years, however, nothing occurred beyond the ordinary routine of such a service; namely, occasional captures, and smart affairs with the coast batteries and the craft which took shelter under their guns. The Dutch trade, however, was nearly annihilated; their merchant-vessels were frequently captured in sight of their own ports; and the whole coast was so completely blockaded that few vessels could venture out to sea, and escape the vigilance of the British fleet or its cruisers. The Batavian fleet, though consisting of five sail of the line, six frigates, and five sloops, was also obliged to remain quietly in port, or to confine itself to short cruises, at times when want of water or provisions compelled the British ships to repair for a few days to their own coasts; and in the beginning of June 1797, it even suffered itself to be blocked up in port, although for several days Admiral Duncan’s force was limited to his own ship the Venerable, of seventy-four guns, and the Adamant, of fifty. This was owing to the unhappy and dangerous spirit of mutiny which at that period had infected in succession almost every portion of the British navy. It first broke out amongst the ships at Portsmouth, then extended itself to the fleet at the Nore, and afterwards reached the North-Sea fleet, in which almost every ship hoisted the flag of defiance. At this alarming and unprecedented crisis, the conduct of Admiral Duncan proved him to be equal to the fearful exigencies of the occasion, and perhaps contributed more to the safety and true glory of the country than even his subsequent victory. Although by the secession of the disaffected ships his fleet had been so thinned that, towards the end of May 1797, he found himself at sea with only his own ship and another, he nevertheless proceeded to his usual station off the Texel,^[1. On the 3d of June 1797, Admiral Duncan having assembled the officers, seamen, and marines of his own ship (the Venerable), addressed them from the quarter-deck as follows :—“My lads, I once more call you together with a sorrowful heart, from what I have lately seen of the disaffection of the fleets; I call it disaffection, for the crews have no grievances. To be deserted by my fleet in the face of an enemy, is a disgrace which I believe never before happened to a British admiral; nor could I have supposed it. My greatest comfort, under God, is, that I have been supported by the officers, seamen, and marines of this ship; for which, with a heart overflowing with gratitude, I request you to accept my sincere thanks. I flatter myself, much good may result from your example, by bringing those deluded people to a sense of the duty which they owe, not only to their king and country, but to themselves. The British navy has ever been the support of that liberty which has been handed down to us by our ancestors, and which, I trust, we shall maintain to the latest posterity, and that can only be done by unanimity and obedience. The ship’s company, and others who have distinguished themselves by their loyalty and good order, deserve to be, and doubtless will be, the favourites of a grateful country; they will also have, from their individual feelings, a comfort which must be lasting, and not like the fleeting and false confidence of those who have swerved from their duty. It has often been my pride with you to look into the Texel, and see a foe which dreaded coming out to meet us. My pride is now humble indeed. My feelings are not easily to be expressed. Our cup has overflowed, and made us wanton. The all-wise Providence has given us this check as a warning, and I hope we shall improve by it. On Him, then, let us trust, where our only security can be found. I find there are many good men among us: for my own part, I have had full confidence of all in this ship, and once more beg to express my admiration of your conduct. May God, who has thus far conducted you, continue to do so; and may the British navy, the glory and support of our country, be restored to its wonted splendour, and be not only the bulwark of Britain, but the terror of the world. But this can only be effected by a strict adherence to our duty and obedience; and let us pray that the Almighty God may keep us in the right way of thinking. God bless you all.” If this speech has but little to recommend it on the score of rhetoric, it has qualities of a nobler kind to compensate for the want of the graces of diction or oratory: it is indeed affecting and impressive in a very high degree; and it is recorded that, among the crew of the Venerable who listened to it, there was not a dry eye when the good admiral had concluded his address. ] where [7:8:277]there lay at anchor the Dutch fleet of fifteen sail of the line, under the command of Vice-Admiral de Winter; and in order to detain the latter in port until a reinforcement should arrive, he caused repeated signals to be made, as if to the main body of his fleet in the offing; a stratagem which, it was supposed, had the desired effect. At length, about the middle of June, several line-of-battle ships, in detached portions, joined the British admiral, and in a short time thereafter the two fleets were again placed on an equal footing.

But the Venerable having been upwards of eighteen weeks at sea, and during part of that time exposed to boisterous weather, was now in want of almost every description of stores; whilst others of the ships had also suffered by the recent gales, and were besides short of provisions. In these circumstances, the admiral, on the 3d of October, put into Yarmouth roads in order to refit and revictual; having left off the Dutch coast a small squadron of observation under the orders of Captain Trollope of the Russell. But early on the morning of the 9th, the Black Joke hired armed lugger showed herself at the back of Yarmouth sands with the signal for an enemy flying at her mast-head. Immediately all was bustle and preparation, and, by incredible exertions, Admiral Duncan, with eleven sail of the line, was enabled, a little before noon, to weigh and put to sea; directing his course with a fair wind right across to his old station. On the following day, the Powerful, Agincourt, and Isis joined, and on the afternoon of the llt’n the advanced ships were near enough to count twenty-two sail of square-rigged vessels at anchor in the Texel. Meanwhile the admiral having received from Captain Trollope information of the course the enemy’s fleet was steering, now stood along shore to the southward. At about seven on the morning of the 12th, the Russell, Adamant, and Beaulieu were descried in the south-west, bearing at their mast-heads the signal of an enemy in sight to the leeward; and about half-past eight, a strange fleet, consisting of twenty-one ships and four brigs, made its appearance in the quarter pointed out by the signal.

This was the Dutch fleet, under Vice-Admiral de Winter, consisting of four seventy-fours, seven sixty-fours, four fifty gun ships, two forty-four gun frigates, two of thirty-two guns, two corvettes, four brigs, sloops, and two adviceboats, all which had quitted the Texel at ten o’clock in the morning of the 10th, with a light breeze at east and by north. As soon as Admiral de Winter had learned that the British fleet was approaching, he recalled some ships which he had previously detached, and edged away with the wind at north-west, towards Camperdown, the appointed place of rendezvous. At daylight on the 11 th, the Dutch fleet was about nine leagues off the village of Schevenningen, in loose order; but on receiving additional information, Admiral de Winter ordered his captains to their respective stations, and, to facilitate the junction of the ships to leeward, stood towards the land. On the Wy-kerdens bearing east, distant about four leagues, the Dutch fleet hauled to the wind on the starboard tack, and shortly afterwards discovered the British fleet in the north-north-west; upon which it put about, and as soon as a close line was formed, with frigates and other smaller vessels opposite the openings, the Dutch ships throwing their main-top-sails aback, resolutely awaited the approach of the British.

When the Dutch appeared in sight, the British fleet was, owing to the inequality of the ships in point of sailing, in very loose order. To connect the squadron, therefore, and enable the heavy-sailing ships to take their allotted stations, the admiral made the signal to shorten sail, and bring to on the starboard tack; but observing, soon afterwards, that the Dutch ships were drawing fast in shore, and finding there was no time to be lost in making the attack, he made the signals to bear up, break the enemy’s line, and engage them to leeward, each ship her opponent, and also for the van to attack the enemy’s rear. In his dispatch the admiral states that his signals were obeyed with the greatest promptitude; but it has been asserted that, owing to the thickness of the weather, the signal to pass through the enemy’s line and engage him to leeward was not generally understood during the short time it was displayed, and that hence some uncertainty prevailed in the fleet as to the precise mode of attack. In fact, the admiral perceived that if he waited to form line, there would be no action; and, with equal judgment and boldness, he dispensed with this preliminary arrangement, and notwithstanding the still disunited state of the ships, he hurried them into action as fast as possible. The signal above mentioned was replaced by that for close action, which continued flying for an hour and a half, until it was shot away by the enemy. This signal could not possibly be mistaken.^[2. The following anecdote, which is told by Admiral Sir Charles Ekins (Naval Battles, p. 236), shows that the instinct of true valour sometimes supplies the place of knowledge, if not of genius. Captain Inglis of the Belliqueux, sixty-four guns, owing either to long absence from active service, or an inaptitude for the subject sometimes apparent in naval officers, had neglected to make himself competently master of the signal-book; and hence, on the morning of the day of battle, when it became necessary to act with promptitude, in obedience to the signals, he found himself more puzzled than enlightened by it; so, throwing it -with contempt upon the deck, he exclaimed in broad Scotch, “Damn me, up wi’ the hellem, an’ into the middle o’t.” In this manner he bravely anticipated the remedy in such cases provided by the illustrious Nelson, who, in his celebrated Memorandum on the eve of the battle of Trafalgar, observed, that “if a captain should be at a loss, he would not do very wrong if he laid his ship alongside of the enemy.” In strict conformity with this doctrine, the Belliqueux was carried by her brave and honest captain into the very thickest of the fight, and got very roughly handled by the van of the enemy. ]

About forty minutes past twelve o’clock (12th October) [7:8:278]the action commenced, when Vice-Admiral Onslow in the Monarch, which led the advanced or larboard division of the British fleet, cut through the Dutch line between the Haerlem and Jupiter, pouring into each in passing a well-directed broadside; and then leaving the Haerlem to the Powerful, luffed up alongside of the Jupiter, upon which the two ships became warmly engaged. In rounding, the Monarch received the raking fire of the Monnikendam frigate and the Atalanta brig, stationed in the rear or second line. The remaining ships of the larboard division, particularly the Monmouth and Russell, were soon in action with those of the enemy’s rear; amongst which the last to surrender was the Jupiter, which had been first engaged. About twenty minutes after the Monarch had passed through the Dutch line, the Venerable, frustrated in her attempt to pass astern of the Vryheid, by the promptness of the States-General in closing up the interval, ran under the stern of the latter, and soon compelled her to bear up; whilst the Triumph, theVenerable’s second astern, found immediate employment for the Wassemaer, the second astern of the States-General. In the meanwhile the Venerable had ranged up close on the lee-side of the Vryheid, with which, on the opposite side, the Ardent was also warmly engaged, and, in front, the Bedford, as she cut through the enemy’s line astern of the Gelykheid. The Brutus, Leyden, and Mars, not being pressed by opponents, advanced to the assistance of their admiral, and did considerable damage to the Venerable, Ardent, and other ships of the British van. At this time the Hercules, having caught fire on the poop, bore up out of the line, and came drifting near the Venerable to leeward; but although the Dutch crew contrived to extinguish the flames, yet having thrown their powder overboard, they were compelled to surrender their ship to the nearest opponent. The Venerable, which had sustained serious damage, was now obliged to haul off, and to wear round on the starboard tack. As soon as this was observed, the Triumph, which had compelled the Wassemaer to strike her colours, approached to give the finishing blow to the Vryheid, which still persisted in defending herself. At length, from the united fire of the Venerable, Triumph, Ardent, and Director, the three masts of the gallant ship fell over her side, and disabled her starboard guns; upon which the Vryheid dropped out of the line an ungovernable hulk, and then struck her colours. With the surrender of De Winter’s ship the action ceased, and the British found themselves in possession of the Vryheid and Jupiter, seventy-fours; Devries, Gelykheid, Haerlem, Hercules, and Wassemaer, sixty-fours; Alkmaar and Delft, fifties; and the frigates Monnikendam and Ambuscade. The victors then hastened to secure their prizes, in order that, before night-fall, they might get clear of the shore.

This battle presented on both sides the singular spectacle of heroic courage and determined perseverance, contrasted with conduct little, if at all, short of downright cowardice or disaffection; and from first to last the opposing forces were, from various causes, pretty nearly equal. Seven Dutch line-of-battle ships quitted the action in order to return home, and nearly as many British seem scarcely to have entered it. The actual combatants, however, maintained the strife with fierce, unflinching valour; and hence the loss on both sides was proportionally severe. That of the British amounted to 203 killed and 622 wounded, while the Dutch had 540 killed and 620 wounded. During the action the latter directed their shot solely at the hulls of their adversaries, and this not until they were so near that scarcely any aim could miss; which accounts for the unusual severity of the loss sustained. On the other hand, the captured ships were all either dismasted outright, or so injured in their masts that most of these fell in the passage hotne; whilst as to their hulls, they were completely riddled, and only worth bringing into port as trophies of the victory.

If any proof were wanting of the superior efficacy of Admiral Duncan’s mode of attack, it would be found, first, in a manly declaration made by the gallant Dutchman, and, secondly, in the practical testimony to its excellence borne by Lord Nelson. “Your not waiting to form a line,” said De Winter to Admiral Duncan, “ruined me; if I had got nearer the shore, and you had attacked, I should probably have drawn both fleets on it, and it would have been a victory to me, being on my own coast.” And after the battle of the Nile, Nelson, although unacquainted with Lord Duncan, wrote his lordship to tell him how he, Nelson, “had profited by his example.” Besides, the British squadron was composed of very indifferent and inadequate ships; many of them having been intended for Indiamen, and otherwise ill conditioned and deficient. Had Lord Duncan’s fleet been composed of the same materials as Lord St Vincent’s, every Dutch ship would have been taken; and had all the ships imitated the example of their chief, the same result must have followed. Few people are aware of the merits of the chief on that memorable day. When the action ceased, the ships were in nine fathoms water, within five miles of a lee shore, with every appearance of the gale which followed; a situation as critical as it is possible to imagine. And it should also be recollected, that when the Dutch put to sea, the admiral had only been two days in port, after a blockade of nineteen weeks. It was the opinion of Lord Duncan that, upon such occasions, the commander-in-chief should hoist his flag on board of a frigate; and he stated that, if he should ever fight another battle, he would certainly do so. He was often heard to declare that, if his flag had been flying on board of a frigate in this action, not one of the Dutch fleet would have escaped.

No victory was ever more seasonable, none more gratifying to the nation, than that of Camperdown. Politicians beheld in it the annihilation of the marine of Holland, long our most formidable rival on the seas; naval men admired the promptitude, decision, and address displayed by the admiral in approaching to the attack, in circumstances altogether unprecedented; and the people at large were transported with admiration and delight, though they did not very well know why. Hence the honours which were immediately conferred on the admiral received the approbation of all parties. On the 21st of October he was created Lord Viscount Duncan of Camperdown, and Baron Duncan of Lundie, in the county of Angus; his second in command, Vice-Admiral Onslow, was made a baronet;gold medals were struck and presented to the flag officers and captains; and the thanks of parliament were voted to the fleet. A pension of L.2000 per annum was likewise granted to Lord Duncan for his own life, with remainder to the two next heirs of the peerage.

After the victory of Camperdown, Lord Duncan continued to hold the same command until the commencement of 1800, when, being advanced in years, he withdrew from the service, and passed the remainder of his life in retirement, chiefly at his patrimonial residence. At the period of his death, however, which happened on the 4th August 1804, he was, we believe, about to be recalled into active service; and he had signified his determination to obey the call of his country at a season of unexampled difficulty and danger, when his career was terminated for ever by a sudden and fatal illness. In June 1777 he had married Henrietta, daughter of the Right Honourable Robert Dundas, lord president of the Court of Session in Scotland, and father of Lord Viscount Melville; and by this lady he had a large family. Lord Duncan was sueceeded[7:8:279] in his titles and estate by his second son, Robert, now Earl of Camperdown.

Lord Duncan was a man as remarkable in appearance as he was distinguished for character and worth. In person he was of a colossal and athletic form, six feet four inches in height, erect in his carriage, and, notwithstanding his great size, graceful in his movements, with a countenance strongly expressive of intelligence and benevolence. In him, singular meekness of disposition, extreme modesty in all that concerned himself, and the most unaffected dignity of mind, were blended with genuine spirit, high professional genius, vigorous and active wisdom, singular alacrity and ability for performing great achievements, and a decided indifference about success, excepting in as far as it might contribute to advance the good of his country. His private character was that of a man most exemplary in all the social relations of life; an affectionate relative, a steady friend, and a pattern of virtue and true piety. Lord Duncan was a most sincere and devout Christian, nor did he ever lose sight of the duties belonging to that character. He encouraged religion by his own practice, and, wherever he held a command, caused the public observance of it to be maintained. Immediately after the victory, which has immortalized his name, was decided, he ordered the crew of his ship to be called together, and, at their head, upon his bended knees, in the presence of the Dutch admiral, who was greatly affected with the scene, he solemnly offered up praise and thanksgiving to the God of battles for having crowned with success the arms of his country. In like manner, when all eyes were upon him, in the cathedral of St Paul’s, on the day of general thanksgiving, in December following, his demeanour was so humble and devout, as not only to increase the admiration which his services had otherwise gained him, but to impress on all present a sense of the real dignity as well as importance of religion. In a word, Lord Duncan afforded a conspicuous instance of the truth of the remark, that piety and true courage are naturally allied, and that death loses its terrors to those who have placed their hope beyond it. (Collins’s Peerage·, by Sir E. Brydes; Naval Chronicle, vol. iv.; Charnock’s Biographia Navalis ; Chalmers’s Biographical Dictionary, art. Duncan; James’s Naval History of Great Britain, vol. ii.; Ekins’s Naval Battles, p. 231.) (a.)