Document

VILIAM FRIED APRIL 10, 1992

Q: Hello, Mr. Fried. Could you please give me your name, your date of birth and your place of birth.

A My name is Viliam Fried. I had been born in 1919, October 25th, in a small village, Lozin. It's in the East Slovakia, County Michalovce. In that village and around this village was living most people of my family until we can say "39, until the Slovak state.

After this time many moved from this place and according to all the sisters and brothers of my mother, my mother was leaving, after my father died, to a place near Cragovsky Hermits. It's a very small town in South Slovakia, but mostly Hungarian communities.

And she was there up to "38. Myself, I was living there by my grandfather up to "33 and in 1933 when I finished something like junior high school here in the States, I went to work to the Battah Company in Bohemia. And this was the first short part of my ride and the main things, but maybe it's necessary to say, that the community around was Slovak. And in the villages around there have been two, three, four, maybe five Jewish families, mostly working like farmers, except maybe they had their little shop or they, something else, a bar, selling cigarettes and so. Only in.the cities. In Michalovce or Koshitse, the Jewish community was stronger, more families and, of course, all what it means to be Jewish, was concentrated in these towns. My father died when I was five-and-a-half years old. My mother stayed with three children and she was working in a hospital in Ungrad, like a nurse. After she, I don't know how she came to this place, two villages, looking for a nurse who can deliver babies. So my mother went to work for these two villages. The name of the villages was Arcan. And my brother and my sister and my mother, they had to, they lived in this village up to 1938. Myself, I came home once or two times a year on vacations. Otherwise I was working in Zlene, it's the heart of the Battah concern. Maybe you heard about the Battahs, or not. I'm sure that yes. And working, going to school and living like all the other young people. All the other members of the family, I mean, my uncles and their children, my aunts and their children, were living all around me, (?). It was always so in Slovakia that they married to somebody from the next village because the communication wasn't so easy at this time.

Q: Can you tell me a little bit about your job in the Battah factory?

A: Pardon?

Q: Your job at the Battah factory. Can you tell me a little about it?

A: In the Battah factory I started to teach and to work in the Department of Chemistry. Tire and Rubber .. Department, and it was so that every day at six o'clock we went to make a little sport 15 minutes, then take a breakfast, went to the factory, working until two o'clock, take ahlunch, and at five o'clock it was finished with the work, and at six o'clock we went to school, every day up till ten o'clock at evening. And on Saturdays, the whole day, it was school.

Q: What kind of work did you do in the factory? .

A: I was learning how to build tires, how to build, it's a kind of, you have it in the engine, belts, rubber boots, and I was learning these professions and except of this in the school, I wanted to achieve, graduate, in chemistry. It was, I was very ambitious, I can say, when I was young and I have done everything to be a good scholar, a good worker. And I was saving money from my wages to help my mother. And except of this, if you are wanted by the company, after you have been half ready to move forwards, you must have money because you must show the bosses in these factories that you are able to make money and to spend money in a good way. I was working there up to "38.. In 1938 I have to go to the Army. I was 19. And so I came home to my mother, because I have to go to the Army November 1, 1938. But, if you remember, 1938 was a heavy year in Czechoslovakia.

Czechoslovakia was partly occupied by the Germans. Part of the South Slovakia was occupied by the Hungarians and so it came through that in 1939 I think it was in February or so, the country was divided in two parts. One part .. was fully occupied by the Germans. It was like a Gubernia. And Slovakia should be a self, a sovereign state.

But it was built under the parasol from Mr. Hitler. And it was very bad for us. Because, as I told you before, my mother was living with the two younger brother and sister in a Hungarian community. Each was occupied by the Hungarians in 1938, on the end. And because my brother and my sister, they went to Slovak schools. My mother had very near to some, the bureaucrats was in the village, it was mostly Slovak and Czech. So when the Hungarian come in, they gave us about 48 hours time. We could take 40 kilo luggage.

They took us on cars with horses to Cragovsky Hermits, concentrated with other groups of Slovaks and Czechs, and carried us by track, near to Ushahrot. Usharot was a bigger city on the, in Putkarpaskaros. It was a part of Czechoslovakia, but mostly the community was half Ruttish and half Ukraine. And then we came at night to the border and they told us, "You have to go in this direction." We had been more hundred people, we have to go in this direction. And so we came to Slovakia. It takes about maybe three hours or so. It was a terrible night for us because it was the first step to the Holocaust. I will explain you why. For example, my brother, he's younger than I am, now he is living in Florida. He was a professor of chemistry here in the United States. And my sister, she is living here, mother of my nephew. My brother became sick. And so my mother put him on her . . [ shoulders and she was carrying him. He was about maybe 100 | pounds or more. The whole night, through a land which was frozen and falling down and so. My sister, she went by mother and [ taking her skirt, and I was getting the luggage, what we had. We .

1 came on the other side of the border. We didn't know if we are in Hungary or in Slovakia, but we saw lights, we came to a village and it was a village called Vishna Yametskayorso. And there we find people who were in the same situation as we. Many, many, many, many of them. And so we get some help. And the next day we move by a bus to the city Michalovce. And why to Michalovce? Because it was the first place where we have some relatives. And of course we wanted to come to somebody who was able for a short time to give us help. So it happened that our family, from all the families belonging to our big family, as it was so, wanted to help us. But we had divided. Mother went to one brother. My brother went to another uncle. My sister went to another.

Because nobody was able to take the whole family. And I, in a short time, about in, I was living by my friend, Mr. Klein, he was the last years in Canada, and from this time in about 10 weeks or so, I went into the Slovak Army. I became a soldier. After two weeks I went to officer's school. And I was in the Army like a normal soldier maybe up to September. But it's not exactly, nearly so. Then it came, in Slovakia, the Nuremburg tules, made by Mr. Gerbers and his friends. The Slovakian government take it over. And tpey .. started to write in the newspapers, "We will make better rules than Hitler made.

No Jew can stay in Slovakia. He cannot longer stay here because the land belongs to our Christian people." And the effect of this was, for example, that all the Jewish 6 soldiers, they take away from the Army and put in a, um, in working groups. I But it's very interesting that, for example, me, I was S in the so-called labor camp, but I stay in the same office as I | was before in the Army. I was handling the same (?) papers as | before, see? Because I don't know why, but it was so. And it was until 1940. So I went from the Army. It came a new rule | that all the young men have to go to civil labor camps. And so I [ went to work on a railway building camp. It was a railway | between Stratski and Preshov. And I stayed there a longer time. [ I had luck, because some of the engineers, they had been my | friends, school friends, for the first years, since I was 12, 13, | 14. And so I worked there, I get money, I could make a normal living. It was until 1941 or so and between, as I was a soldier, 11 so the Germans had partly occupied Slovakia before they started F the war against Poland. And not far from Michalovce, where I was | a soldier, it was a place where it was an airport for the Army F only, a field airport. And you know how it is, if you are young | you sometimes get in troubles. And we get once in troubles with such soldiers. And so I get a big help from my commandant. I | told him early in the morning what happened, and he was helping .. me, but it's not important. | And from this time, as I went from the Army, it doesn't take too many times, you could hear that something will be done with the Jews. Nobody, one said that we have to go to Poland to 71, build a new life in Poland. Somebody thought we stayed in Slovakia, but in some labor camps. And on the beginning of 1942 one of my friends in a village, I don't remember exactly, Lustotsi or so, it was. They told me, "Viliam, you have to be prepared that they will take all the young boys and girls to Poland." I ask him from where you have the news, so he told me, "I have connections, I know it." So I was contacting my mother and told her that maybe I will go to Hungary and maybe even to Yugoslavia to try to go to the Middle East because many of young people went this time from Czechoslovakia to Palestina, and to, it was Egypt, on the front, between Egypt and Libya.

It was a place where they have concentrated soldiers, officers, people who would run away from the Nazis. My mother started to cry, "What shall I do here with the kids?" They were not kids. My brother was about 19 and my sister 16, yeah, 16. So I told my mother, "I don't know exactly, but it will be very bad." I will take my sister, Rose, with me, and she will stay in Hungary. Maybe she could make a normal life in Budapest or Asven. And, really, it came very soon. They took the young people who was not married to a town Popravitz in the high Tatras. From this place they make, they organize transports .. and send them to Midonic. It was in Poland, and to Denbrin. The place, Midonic, according to what I, as I heard, they killed there about 250,000 young people during the half a year. They was not really killed. They must work, and they didn't get | | nothing. They couldn't sleep even in a barrack. Outside, only. And you know how it is, it comes typhus, and then you lose every | night a hundred souls. | When I heard that it happened, I have a girlfriend, I W went to her parents and I told them I am moving to Hungary and if you want I can take Edith and the same day I went to my mother, I told her I take Rose with me. So it happened this, my friend, | made me a meeting with the police and they told me between 10 and 11 o'clock you can pass the fronchar from here up to here, kilometer, this and this, because nobody will be there. So we passed the fronchar, we went to the next village in the Hungarian territory before it was Slovakia, Czechoslovakia. It was a family, we came in, they knew about such transportations because they used the people, the young people used this channel very often. The girls stayed by this family. I came back to Czechoslovakia. I came to my mother. She was living in Sejose, and told her that Rose is in Hungarian. And the next night I moved again to Hungarian and take her to do something else. And you know what the first question from my mother was? It was Saturday, and, "How do you came here?" I told her, "By a train." And she told me, "Today is Sabbath." It was very, very heavy for me, but it was, as I told you, the next night, with the help of my friends, I passed again the fronchar, came to Michalani, we had some Hungarian money, and the next day we went with a bus to a town, Shatarajawihe, and by a bus to Koshitse. Koshitse, it was a bigger town in the East Slovakia, about 60,000 inhabitants, and to stay there and to decide what to do further. It's, maybe it is a question of why I went so around and not straight with the train.

Because the village where the girls have been, in Koshitse, the train went through Hungarian territory that used to be before Czechoslovak territory. And custom officers went together. So it was a danger that we would be detained, "What are you doing here?" So we went by bus to Koshitse. We stayed there about three or four days in Koshitse. The girls have been by the grandmother of my girlfriend. And me and the old friend of mine, an older gentlemen, Mr. Greenstein, he helped me to get some money. So we went to the synagogue and during one hour we had money for a taxi. Because for the same reasons, we have to go to Usharot where we had a very large family. My mother, cousins and adult children and we wanted that one of them should go to the village where we used to live before we must go to Slovakia. Do you remember? To get some papers that we were living in this place from 1927 until 1938. It was true. But he couldn't arrange it, Mr.

Greenstein. He died here in the States. We arranged the next route to Budapest. We were very good in Hungarian. We could speak Hungarian like all other people. But sometimes it, the police made controls in the trains. We came from the front, from the towns from the fronchar. And we heard the people talk about the problems in Slovakia, what they are doing with Jewish 10 people, and that many are running to Hungaria, so we have been afraid. But we came through, and in Budapest I have a halfsister. We had the same father but not the same mother. The mother of my half-sister died. We came there and we asked her to help us. So my sister stayed on this place, and I went with my girlfriend, she had an uncle there. He was a very good situated man and she went to visit him. I went with her. I was sitting outside and she was talking inside, and she told my uncle don't want to help her. He's afraid. "Why is he afraid?" "Because he belongs to the over 10,000." You know what I mean. It's the highest, in Hungary it means the highest shift of the socialty.

The lords and the groves (?) and I don't know. So she told me that he promised he would give me some money. But we didn't need money. We needed a place where we can sleep, and maybe some papers to find a job. So she wanted to travel to another place where she had a friend. The village was Silakovo. We came there, she stayed, my girlfriend, she stayed by her friend. She was a teacher in this village. And I moved about 20 kilometers, it's about 12 miles, to another place where I had an aunt and a cousin. I came to them, and my aunt went to the same place as my .. family from Usharot to take the papers. And they have women who came in every morning to help in the kitchen or some things. And she saw me there. And maybe she heard that we were talking about our problems. I don't know, but maybe, and the next day my aunt 11 went to this Tarkan, and my uncle went to the city, to the town, Luchanets, and the house was on such a small hill, I was looking out, and I saw that three policemen are coming to the house. So I have to decide what I can do. I can escape through the windows in the back. But I wasn't afraid, but I would do some problems, maybe I will make some problems to my aunt and to my cousins. So I opened them the door. They came. "Are you from Slovakia?" "Yes, I am." "So you come with me." And so they take me to a prison, and that evening they take me to the frontchard and they tell me again, "You have to go in this direction." I came to a small town in Slovakia. I know the names very well because I, many times I was in these places after, no, not late. And a patrol of border soldiers came. "Your papers, please." I didn't have any papers, so they took me and they sent me from one county to the other county.

And so I came again to Michalovce, but not on free legs, but in prison. So this is what happened with me until I was removed to Poland with the regulary transport to the concentration camp. Now, what's happened there, I send, from Trebishov, I send the phone message to my mother that I am again here. And the time moving from Trebishov to Michalovce she came to Michalovce to the .. prison and my mother wasn't looking like a Jewish lady, so she was moving also without the (?) like me. And I ask what is with my brother. She told me he is in the school because they are concentrating people from the county preparing a transport, too. 121 | E And, as I was in the prison, we went, we had been there, maybe 20 or 25, mostly Jewish, the same faith as I was. And one old man was there. I knew him. He was a lawyer from the next town. And the President of the Jewish association, from Michalovce, his name was, I think so, Mr. Lanc. He came, and he was interested only about Dr. Devie. All the other people, it was nothing. So I am getting very angry and I went to him and I told him, "I asked you to help my brother. He is at school.

He is not learning, but he is prepared for transportation to take him out." When not, I will escape from here, and I don't recommend you to meet me. Really, I was very unfriendly.

The next day my mother came and she told me that my brother Baila is out. So it was, I was, I had an opinion that it is a child's play to escape from here. It really was. But as we came to the same school from where they take my brother out, I find there the brother of my father with his family, two old people, and two old other people, Greenfeld, and Mrs.

Greenfeld, also very good friends of our family. So they were very happy that somebody young is coming with them. And I was foolish, or I don't know what happened with me, so I went with the transport to Poland. I could escape even in Chilina. We can move free on the railway station. I don't know what happened. I was, maybe I was too much trusting in my ability. And I had the opinion that if I want I can escape when I want. 13 And from there we went, we passed the fronchar. We saw that we are in Poland. But the wagons, they are not wagons for a personal train, but for goods, for transportation for different kind of goods.

Q: What year, what time is this now?

A: It is exactly the 4th May, 1942, as we moved from Michalovee, this transport. And it takes about two days, as we arrived to Milingihed Sporlavski. It was a small Jewish town where they concentrated some people from Roge. It was a big town in Poland. The Jewish people from Indirhed. And then about 1,000 people from our transport. It was exactly 1,000 people. 25 wagons per 40 persons. We arrived in the station and we fell in German hands. The S.S., dogs, schnell, schnell, schnell, and before you could see what's happened somebody kicked you in your leg or in your ass and we saw that it's not a joke.

And so we went in such a group to the synagogue. It was a big building. We came in.

Some old people were sitting in. And I saw the first time fully digressed people sick, full with this, I don't know how you call it, but you have in your head, if you are not clean enough.

Q: Lice. ..

A: Lice. And not only in their head, but even inside the skin. I was sick when I saw this. So I was sure that it will not be a joke to stay here. Then we moved on different places to different codes, in houses. And as I saw what kind of 14 VILI~ FRIED accommodation we get, I was sure it was only for summer. That we have not make any questions how it will be in winter, because I was sure that in winter nobody will exist from these people.

The next day came the president of the Udenterat. It was also the Jewish, uh...

Q: Council.

A: Yes. He spoke very good Czech because he was in Prague like a student. He had a big drugstore in Minziret. He was a nice man. And they take everybody who was able to work, men. We had been about 310 girls and we went to a place called Rogosnetchka and Visokov where it was only one big barrack. And near to this place was beginning the big forests and the river. And we started to work in these forests making wood. I don't know for whom. And the part of us were working to building a bridge for this river from wood.

It was in the middle of May, 1942. Nearly to the end of July we get information that the families left in Milingihed Sporlavski was taken away to, away. Meanwhile, we could go to Milingihed to take what was left from ours, and so. You know why it's crazy to tell it, but the only way to come through the first month in Poland was to sell everything what you have on you. First the jacket, then a shirt, then the shoes. Because the people, I mean, the Polish people was all so poor. And if you want to have a little milk or you want to have maybe five kilo potatoes, you have to give up a pair of socks. No money. 15 So we take some things and went to, back, and then sometimes we can go to this town, to Milingihed Sporlavski. It was not permitted, but not on the main road, through the forest you can achieve it. And we went, we had some connections to a family, they had a small factory for landscape matins. We met, his name was about Yaborchek or Yaborsky or so.

And they explained to us what is Treblinki. Because two brothers who went with the same transport as our families in July, they came back. We wouldn't believe that all is true what they told us. We asked if it is so that they have there so many S.S., so many Ukraine policemen, so many Lithuanian killers. How could you escape? And so the younger told me it was very easy, but others, Jewish members help us out. We are working in a group which was loading shoes, clothes and other things what the people bring to Treblinki. And in the last wagon, it was evening, we stay in the wagon, but they didn't close the wagon. And so when we moved from Treblinki we could open the wagon to jump from the wagon and came home. But in a few days I heard that somebody was telling that they escaped from Treblinki and the German S.S., they take them. So we have been sure, and so we have very good contact to the Polish people around. So, for example, in this forest was a man, his name was Hijuc, he was very sympathy. He has a big sympathy to us. And he allowed us to make a bunker in the forest and my cousin and two other men and one boy from a village, I 16 don't remember exactly, but the name of this boy was Edek. He was about, say, 17, 18 years. He helped us to make the bunker, to buy some food, I mean, potatoes and such things. And we are expecting when they came to take us. And I came not very often but once, two times a week, but in connection with a German and Polish administration of the camp. So if I would go away, so maybe it wouldn't be so good. But these three boys, they went away and they stay in the bunker.

And the next day, I don't remember, it was maybe a week or ten days or so, really one day afternoon came trucks, Latvanian and German S.S. men, and they started to shut and take us away. They took us on the tracks and they brought us, on each track, to soldiers with guns. They took us to Milingihed Sporlavski and we stayed on the square sitting on the stones and waiting. I have seen there very many awful things. I saw how they killed small children one year or so only, take by the foots and broken their heads. It was awful.

I knew that it is the beginning of the end. At evening we went to a big barrack and put, we spoke about that we destroy the barrack. It was only from wood, and we try to escape.

But then somebody from the Germans and we saw that machine guns had been around, five, six machine guns, we .. could do it, but the percentage of success, maybe five, maybe ten percent, not more. The next day we went on the railway station. They put us in wagons. We came then to Lukof. .In Lukof they connected more wagons. And the train went slowly, slowly, 17 slowly. We saw that we are passing railway stations Cherletz.

And we knew that from Cherletz is a railway station, the next railway station on the right side, not the railway station; but the railway road, is to Markeniza. And before Markeniza was the next station Treblinka. And we knew what Treblinka means. So everybody started, we was thinking how to, what to do. And on the windows on the wagons they have been not covered already, but only wires with nails. So we tried to lock them.

Maybe we could do it. But after Cherletz we passed a main station. As we came out you feel it because when you are going through this crossingways. So the train made a stop.

And somebody opened the door from outside and a German soldier came in and asking, "Schnell, schnell, schnell." And somebody gave him 500 Latien. So it was not enough for him, so he was always urging, "More, more money, more (?)." And between we heard that the train is moving, "Whoo," that it wants to move. I don't know what happened, but it happened. I was there, very near. Somebody took a wire on his neck, we called it a Satirian tie, and the German was ready, he couldn't make a noise or something, and the wagon was open. So it was the way for us to escape. And so the people, the boys and the older people, started to jump. And of course I have done the same. I was lying a short time until the train passed away, and then I stand up and near to me a second man that came to me, "Where we go?" I told him, "I don't know. I don't know where I 18 am." But I told him, or he told me, first, far, we have to go from the railway road because it's dangerous to stay here. So... that, doggies.

Q: Dogs barking.

A: Yes. So I said, "Where is the dog?" So they leave people. So we went in this direction and we came to a farmer house. And we didn't go inside, into the house, into the code.

We went to the place where he had the horses or a cow and on the top, on the stable, was what the cows are eating, hay, yes. And we went in, waiting, because it was cold outside.

And maybe we had been there two or three hours, I don't know exactly. Somebody came.

And it was the son of the owner. He was a young boy. He was asking, "Who are you?

What are you doing here?" I told him, "We are from the transport. We are from Czechoslovakia." So he told us, "You have to stay here, not to move, because if my father would see you, he is calling the Germans." So we stayed there. In the morning he brought us soup, potato soup, and the whole day we were sitting, not sitting, but being like in a hole. At evening he came in. It was afternoon, towards four o'clock or so, he told me, "I have, I know a family in the next village and I know the man, he will certainly help 19 you. He belongs to a political group. He is working on the railway road, and we know that he is helping for such people as you are." The other man, he was from Poland, he doesn't came with me. I went alone. We came to a house. He went in, he came out with a man, he was only about 40, 42 years old, dressed in the uniform of the people who are working on the railway roads. And he took us to the stable, took me to the stable, I was sleeping there. He has a full house of girls there making from linen, homemade linen. And the next day I get a good breakfast, and he gave me something which we call, if you are putting out potatoes from there on this old style, you need a, it's what you are doing, it's something, you see it by the constructors, they are working with such things. : A shovel.

A: A shovel, yeah. And I put it on my, and went like a Polish man. I meet some people. I say, "Gendobre, gendobre." It's Polish. And I went from village to village, but not on the main roads. And so I went so maybe four, five, six hours. I don't know exactly. I have to pass the main, to cross the main road. I was, and I saw that it came so long, about maybe seven or eight racks of German gendarmarie, (?) . gendarmarie. So I was standing near to the road and saying, "Gendobre, gendobre," like a Polish slave, and one of the men, "Come here." And so I came near to the guard. "What are you doing here?" "Oh, I was working," I said, in Polish, not in 20 German. "I am going home." "Where?" "Oh, here, not far." "So come with us." So I jump on the place where the driver was. I said, "I am not going in car because it's not far." And you can imagine what is going on in my head, but it takes about maybe, I don't know how many minutes. They went to Tresk. It was a village where they have their camp. I jumped down and say, "Thank you very much." "Danka, danka, danka." (He sighs.) made so, and went to the other side of the road and straight to the forest. I came to a village, I don't know what the village it was, but I don't went into the village. I went to the first house which was a little bit isolated from the village. I came in. So I wanted to buy a little milk and a piece of bread. I explained that I'm working there and there and I'm going home. And the lady told me, "Oh, you are not going in a good direction." I told her, "Why not? am living there. I don't know another direction where I should go." "So take care because in the forests around the last night went many transports from France and from Greece to the camp, to..." She doesn't tell me to the camp. "In this direction. And many of the people jump from the train." From France and from Greece, but mostly from France, they brought the Jews not in wagons like us, but in regular coaches for, like for civil people, for civilians. And so it was easy for them to leave the train. And she told me, "And the gendarmarie is in this forest and they are shooting a lot of people." "Oh, it doesn't connect 21 me. What have I to do with the transportations or so?" Maybe she believed me or not. So I take the milk and the bread, I was going away. And the next night, I stay in the free. I didn't went to a house, only between wood, it was cold, but I, the next day I went in the direction of Minziret.

And I knew that on this part, I mean, Minziret, in direction to Shedletz, to Warsaw. And our camp was Minziret in direction to Breslitoks, to the former Russian (?). So I knew that there were working a big group of Jewish, Polish, some Polish prisoners, especially Jews. They were working by a company which was building roads. The name was Stuach. Strass und (?). And I want to achieve them before they finish the work. And together with this group of two or three hundred people, to go in Minziret, because I was afraid to go alone. And it was good. I came there and I started to, not to work but to do as I would work, and I came between them and told them, Polish and Jew and Yiddish, that, who I am. And I went with them. So I came to Minziret, and in Minziret I went to the boss, who was, he was a Polish engineer and he was the boss of the camps in Visokov in Rogosnetchka. I sold him some things and he doesn't give me money. So I was so naive I went to him to ask him if he will give me the money because I need the money. I came in, he was very surprised, his wife and children were home, he told me yes, "(?)" I am going, I will take the money. He went away. It was 15 minutes, 20 minutes, 30 minutes. I told 22 his wife, "He maybe will be a long time in the city, in the town. I am going to have a look, and coming back." Tape #2

Q: Would you continue your story.

A: And, as I mentioned before, I was not sure if Mr. Borlinsky, or what was his name? He will come back with the money or not. So I decided to go away without money but with my, on my legs and healthy. And the next way, my way was to go to the forest where Mr.

Hichug was the boss and where we had the bunk, to my friends, and to arrive there and to try to jump on a plane, not on a plane, but on a train, to try to come backeto, not to Czechoslovakia, but to Slovakia. I was sure that if I will come back I could stay alive in Slovakia because I had some good friends and I could have Christian papers and it would be not a problem for me to stay there. But as I came in the bunker to Mr. Hichug, and to this bunker, to my cousin and two other boys, they told me they tried, it's impossible because on some places where the train is breaking and going slower that you can jump on the train, it's impossible to go in, because the Germans are very, they are, they have special guards on these places. .. So I talked to this Mr. Hichug and he told me that maybe it would be good for you and for Edek, it was these Polish people, to make some contacts here in this part, in direction Grodava in this big forest. I heard that there are some Soviet 23 soldiers and they are living in these forests and maybe you could go to them. So why only me and this Edek? Because the other people, they're too, I would say, too Jewish. And so I decided with Edek that we will go.

Q: What do you mean by "too Jewish"?

A: You have to know that the Polish people, and even some Ukraine people, they don't like Jews. They have been, I would not say the whole nation, but many of them have been very big anti-Semites. And by the word Jew, sometimes they wouldn't help you, and not only help you, but even they, it has been many cases. I could speak about the actual cases. That a family, take a Jewish family, and in the first 100 meters of the forest they lull them and took away what they have. It happens, such things. So I went with Edek and we came to Gerotine, and to a family. And the next night we met two Russian soldiers, not partisan this time, and we spoke to them. Ah, so and so, but have you weapon, have you this? No, we haven't. "Have you been a soldier?" I told yes, I was a soldier. I was in an officer's school. "So come with me, come with us." And so they took us to their group. It wasn't a real group of organized partisans. I say it was a group of people who want to live, and the only one .. way how to come through was to have a gun and to fight. And because my situation was the same I didn't went to them for a reason that I will fight again Germans, becauss it, what can do I alone against the Germans. But I wanted to live. And to stay in 24 2 this bunk in the wintertime, it was not very good because first of all the snow on the bunk wasn't so constant-like around. The second, if you are going here and there you will leave, yes. So I saw that even Mr. Hichug wasn't happy that we are on his territory. I mean, this Mr. Hichug, he was the boss about the forest. So I decided to stay with them. I told them that I am from Czechoslovakia and so, but only the truth, because I knew that they have been so afraid, as I was, because their life was not guaranteed. So we went together. They have certain places in the forest where they have their bunkers and what they have done, they have built some good connections with certain families.

Q: Did these soldiers know you were Jewish at this time?

A: I didn't tell them, they didn't ask. They didn't know. I, maybe that, yes. But according what I spoke to them it was about 20 people or so, I know that in name only, not in the family name, but only on Peorta, Avon, Volodya, Rishar, and so. One man, I mean, Peorta Dugi. He was a very tall.man. He was working like a commandant. But he was not in a shot that he was a lieutenant or something like this. He was the strongest and he was maybe clever enough. He knew something about how to move irregular. And he was quite good in preparing, preparing material for destructions. And this was very important.

And then, as I told, as I mentioned, they had to many families very 25 good connections to Polish people and Togram people. And these connections was made on the fact that if they had something from the Germans so they divided it with the people around, because they had been very poor. And except of this, they need weapons. The Poles, I know why, but this time I couldn't understand, because it was a big danger for them. And so, if this group decided to do something it was not because they get some orders from higher commandant oW so. Only to get everything what they need for their, for our living and then to show the Germans that somebody is there, is here, who can do something against them. It was very good. I personally had very good, also very good connections to some Polish families. I, from the day as we came to Poland I learned Polish. I read newspapers.

I read books to learn the language. Because I know that the language can help me very much if I have to live between them, because such a possibility was here. But this winter was really a very, very strong winter, "42, "43. Outside it was sometimes 25, 30 degree celsius. I don't know how much, but it's more, it's hundred, I don't know...

Q: Below zero.

A: Below zero, yes. And we have been unable .. to live so. So some of this group went to Polish families and they have been hidden and so I told them that even I have the possibility to move and promised that in the Spring we will come back. And I come back to this bunker, to Mr. Hichug, but my 26 friends haven't been there. They have been in another bunker, in a stable. In such a house where in the summertime the horses have been, the horses which were working in the woods. And so, as I came there, we decided to go back to the ghetto. It was not a decision, but I thought, "I am going back." And we send, Mr. Hichug arranged us, that somebody went to Minziret and was going around the ghetto to look if there is alive, or who is there, and so, and he came back and told us yes, he saw people in the ghetto and the gates were not closed, so that the Jewish people who stay in the ghetto can move free. So I decided to go back. I came into the ghetto, but it was the end of February, middle of February. And I met some people who I knew, even from our transport. It was a boy from the next village, Freddie. I don't remember his other name. And then the second one, Joseph. And later came my cousin, and to this ghetto, Victor. It was good, because we hadn't been outside, but we haven't a place where to live because all these barracks have been full with people sick, and typhus was very strong.

And my cousin died on typhus on this place. After the Spring, it was coming. So, and we were working in the houses where before have been Jewish houses, and some bring all what it was in the houses left. The commandant of this works was a German gendarme.

He was, I wouldn't say that he was good, but he was very correct. A very simple man, very correct and I wouldn't say that he was very lucky, what happened to part of people like 27 we are. And he was also every evening collecting from us all the things. Some money, what we found, or some rubles in gold, or some Polish money or some jewelry.

Because we have to go through all the pieces of cloth. And, of course, we were working something, even of our own invoice, but not very much. And in the middle of, it could be spring. It was spring, it was warm. Maybe April or so. One of our Czechoslovak, from our transport, was in, he was a tailor. And, you know, "Kraviats, kraviats." It means a tailor in Polish. He was working by the farmers and if we had in the forest not 200, only 185 people, nobody knows. So he was working and getting food and so bringing for us, and he send a lady, she was a widow, a farmer. I think her name was Stefaniska. She has a son, he was nearly the same age as I am. I was sometimes, as we worked in the forest, maybe two or three times in their house. She came in near to the ghetto, and she asked for me. They called me Panvilek, Vilek. So somebody told me, "Here is a Polish lady. She wants to talk to you." A Polish lady, to me. So I went to her, I talked to her, and she told me that Kraviats is very, very (?). Yes. That he wants that I come to him. So I told her, "I don't know, I talk to my friends, if yes or not." But later, in a few days, I decided to go.

.. Mrs. Stefaniska came. I told her that I will go, but I will move alone. And so one night I packed my things, what I have and went at night on the other, on the other, on the (?).part of the road to Brest, to Rogosnetchka, to the house of Mrs. Stefaniska. We 28 called her, "Mamousha." And then I talked to her son and he didn't tell me directly, but I could understand that he had some connection to real partisan groups. So I mentioned I had an opinion that he is on the side of the so-called Army Algudobrit. It's the People front, the army of the people. And it was, really. So he told me yes, if you want, we can go. So we went the next day or night or afternoon and in two days, not even in two days, but about before 36 hours we arrived in a certain place, and I met the first time two men from a regular partisan group. I told them that I am from Czechoslovakia, how I came, I came with the transport. "What kind of transport?" I explained what the transport, it was.

"Where did you live the last weeks?" I told them in the ghetto, and former I was here, and I was in connection, and I worked together with your friends on this part. They told me, "Okay." We went in, in the forest, and after three, four or five hours, I don't know how exactly, we came to a place where there have been bunks, and I was waiting. And the next day I spoke to a man, according to his, I don't know how to explain, he was, I saw that he was an intelligent man. He knows something about Czechoslovakia and about different things. I know because he was asking me. And he told me, "Okay." .. And so I didn't get any weapon. I started to work first near the kitchen and so. And then I don't know, I cannot remember exactly how it happened, he came to me.and he told me, "You speak German?" I told him, "Yes." "You speak German?" 29 "Yes, but I am not a German. I speak German because I went to school, and except of this I came with the transport. I am Jewish." I told it to this commandant, but not in that way as I am telling it to you. So he was looking at me, told me, "Okay."

Q: What were the other people like in the woods. What was the environment in the woods?

Was it...

A: In that part of the Vitrosher, and I think so it was even so in Ukraine, the Germans didn't make any difference between a friend of Germany and an enemy of Germany. For them it was only a Ukraine or a white Russian, you see. They don't like them, they hate them.

And they don't, they don't act with the people like with human beings. The horse had a bigger value for them like a man. And so it happened that the whole territory was a hell to the Germans. They have been, they have occupied the whole territories. But they have been the bosses on the roads only until the night. When the night came, no German could move alone. Even if he could, he was afraid to move. Because everybody was his enemy, every tree, every ten years old boy was his enemy. Not because they hate the Germans, because they are Germans, but they hate them, what they have done. For example, if we made an attack on a German group. The village which was near to this place, the people was killed and they burned up the houses. Because their mind was that if somebody has done here, has made here an attack against us he must have connection with the people.

They have been right. But 30 the connection was only with few people, not with the whole people in the village. And so it happened that families with children came in the forest because they haven't got other choice. They couldn't live alone outside. And, of course, who was able to fight, he was a partisan who not the boys, 10, 12 years, they have been very good spies. You could send them here and there to have a look what's happened here, how many soltdiers are on this bridge, how it looks there. And this, my commandant, later, I don't know if it was at the same time as I came, he should be in his hands. Many of the intelligence things, what have been done. If in the first time the program of the partisans was, it's only my combination. I have no documents to, if in the first time was to fight the Germans, at this time, when the Germans came, they have been bitten by Moscow and by, I don't know, and different other places to (?). So the Soviet army was more active. So the main, uh, the main, I can say it in this way. The main thing that the partisans have to do to protect the people which was living around, and to enable for the enemy, I mean, for the Germans, to send troops to the East, to enable them to send ammunition, food and everything. It means to spoil the roads, to spoil the bridges, to spoil the railroads. And by this .. Mr. Gulevich, our group was about 12, 13 in this 100, 120 group, was to, if they catch the German or two Germans or more, to press them to get information from which battalion they are, what they are doing here, if they are expecting reserves. Everything what, 31 || if you have been a soldier you know what it is to assemble information about your enemy. And to translate it, if we get a | map. If we get some other documents to make translations, yes. g If we, we had a radio station and they always try, they was try | to catch something in German. And then from this small 0 information, to translate it, and to do something with this. So it was very good for me that I didn't, I never asked nothing. I get . . . Pardon?

Q: Let me take you back just a little bit to your group. What nationality, do you know the nationalities of the group?

A: Yes. It was, the normal soldiers had been partly from Russian prisoners who run away.

From young men and some girls from the counties around. But the top organizatorsf they came by parachute, paradesance. It was mostly the commandant and the professional soldiers. They came, the professional officers, they came from, with parachutes. But the commissar, you know what the commissar means? The political leading came mostly from the place where we have been working because they knew everybody and I think that the organization of the communistic party was nearly the same as it was in the pre ..

.. War time, but not with the same people. Somebody was the president of the communist party in a county. When the Germans came in, when the invasion was, when the war was, so he was still the boss, and his word was the last word.

Q: Most of the civilians were Poles?

A: Not most. It was mostly white Russian and Ukraine people.

Q: Let me, can you pinpoint the geographic area now?

A: The geographic area was if you take the map you see the city Breslitoks. It's on the river bank on the other side. And it's main traffic point where the roads and the railway roads are dividing in different places. If you are looking directly to the east there are the roads and other communications through Pinsk, on the southern border of white Russia. In the northwest direction the roads and rails to Vitepsk, to the middle of white Russia, and more to the left to Pinsk. It was the capital of white Russia. Between Pinsk and this road to Vitepsk, this was the place where we moved. kll the groups, even, it means our group has more places. It is to explain so, that you have to build a part of our soldiers, of our members, they were mostly working on a replace basis. It means that if you want to move from this place to another place you must know where, and you must have a depot with food, with ammunition, because you, sometimes you haven't time, if you are running away from this place, to take everything with you. So we .. had maybe sometimes 50, 60 kilometers, it's about 30, 40 miles, an area, and we had three, four reserve places where we could move only with our, with a gun, and with the necessary personal things. All other was on these places. So that the part was building these bunkers under there and taking there ammunition reserves, what we need. This was one. So that if we want to move from village, Kopanitse to a village, I don't know where. We knew that we have to move to this place. And the exact place where it was, we knew from the, not we knew, but the information, we get the information from the people living around in villages or in isolated places. And then we have to do something. I'm in an action to operate. It was impossible to do something, the same thing on the same place two times, or three times.

So if we, at evening we went out and prepared action to catch one or three German trucks which went alone on the road. So we went to a certain place. We have a certain style how to do it. Mostly it was made so that in the forest, in the middle of the road, here was trees on this side and on this side, and you take a very strong wire, you take it on a tree and when it was late evening, late afternoon, and you saw something, so somebody run on the other side and take the wire on the other, and the truck was maybe 50, 60 or more kilometers he came to this wire and, you know, it was like a knife. And then the 20 people from one side, 20 from other side, but not everybody, if somebody was officer it was a very good fish for us, or if somebody has this, well, he .. has the maps, it was also very good. So mostly we take these people and we don't need nothing from them. Maybe some food or some weapons or some 34 ammunition. Nothing. And you have to run away. Where? Not to the nearest base, but somewhere else.

Q: Can you tell me a little bit about the leader of your group and some of the other missions that you participated in?

A: So my leader, he was an officer. They called him Coroner. If he was a real coroner or not, I don't know. He was about 35 years old, a nice man, educated. And he knows very well about radio and this connections what you use in a rod if you have to give through information. And he was the owner of the code.

Q: What was his name?

A: Gurevich. If it was his real name or not, everyone called him Tovaish Comrade Gurevich.

Thad a friend, he was, I think so, he was Jewish. He didn't tell me. He was a Czech. His name was Schlezinger. We had been together, he came from Burno. It's a town in Bohemia, a big town. And we had been together, but after a certain time they take him away to another group. And we met after nearly eight months, again, in the Czechoslovak army. And meanwhile it was so that the Germans have moved too many men and ammunition and weapons to the east, and from the information we saw that they prepare something in these parts. And I don't know exactly when it was, the date, but it was a very, very hard fight in which the Russians take about 50, 60,000 prisoners. If you know more about the second World War, it was the group which Stalin decided that, it was 11 generals, third marshals, high officers, a lot of them, and soldiers, and it was the group which usually has been the nearest to Moscow. And Stalin in his big speech, he told, "You are the generals and the marshalls who want to see Moscow. So I will enable you to see Moscow." And they took them and they was 24 hours marching through Moscow like prisoners. You know how it was for such gentlemen like these Marshalls were, have been, not were. And the, you know what they had already done, when they went through so many cars which are in towns washing the streets. I don't know how you, they are spraying water to clean the streets, went after them because nothing can stay in the air.

Must be cleaned when the Germans went through Moscow. So after this big fight more of the groups, we have neighbors on the right side and on the left side, but I will tell you the truth. I didn't, I mentioned it, I didn't want to ask very much, because it was not good, especially for me. And, because I wasn't Soviet and it was, I wanted, I don't know what I wanted, I wanted to came over the war. So we passed through the rest of the German groups. They have been totally destroyed. The morale and everything. We came to, it was near, I think so, it was near to Orsha. It's a town in white Russia. And we passed through the Soviet side, all, mostly all, I mean, our group. And then we went to the next commandatura. It was the institution which was collecting, not soldiers, and prepare them

36 to take them into the army. And the partisans was not really real soldiers. And there I said that I'm from Czechoslovakia. They asked me if I wanted to be a soldier. I told them yes. I couldn't say no, because otherwise they would take me to forced labor, I don't know where.

Q: What time frame are we talking about?

A: Oh, it's beginning "44. Meanwhile I was, I had typhus and I came back. I was hidden by this Mrs. Stefanska, and she helped me to come through. I lost my hairs, and it was very, very complicated. And as we have been by the reserve regiment for training, one of my commandant was Lieutenant Schufman. He was such a very nice, intelligent boy. He was talking to me, and so and so and so. And he told me once, "Tell me, Viliam, why you didn't go to the Czechoslovak army?" I told him I heard that in the Soviet Union we have, has to be a Czechoslovak army, but I didn't know it until yet, if it is true, I know that our army is in the Middle East, in Palestina, and then near to Tobrouk. It was mostly Czech and Slovak people who have been abroad, and some Jewish people from Israel who left Czechoslovakia in "37, "38, "39. They went to Israel. -I told him if it was possible I would like to go. And after a few days, I don't remember how it happened exactly, they called me on the commander tour, why you want to leave our Army? I don't want to leave our Army, but if it is a Czechoslovak army it would be much better for me to go there. So in a few days I get a 37 .~ commandirovka, papers to go to Novokopesk. It was on Ukraine, it is a river Hobersk, and on that river is such a typical Ukraine town. It's not big, but it's like a big village. And there was prepared the so-called Second Brigade of the Czechoslovak army. It was a parachute group. It was mostly from Slovak soldiers which have been getting in prison, because the Slovak army was fighting against the Soviet Union on the side of the Germans. And then one group, about 600 men, they escaped from the Slovak army to the Soviet Union. And I will tell you the truth, that I was not very happy when I arrived there, because I met some officers who I knew from the year "38 and so, from Slovakia. And then it was in the, it was once a day the soldiers get an order, they are reading what you have to do the next day, and so. It was, if somebody's artilleries, he was working with artillery, has to go to this and this department. I was in artilleries, I went there and they sent me to come in Expodorsk, in Ukraine. From there, in the other place, to Rvono, they made a very strong proof my person. I don't know how they have done it. I told you the same as I told today to you that I worked in Zlene by Battah and there I told that I am Jewish, and they found people who was working .. also by Battah, and they came to light me through. They were not asking what I was doing, but if I knew these people, this man, and this boss, and with whom I was working. And then I went to my, to the place where the regiment was. It was Mogilef Bodosk, 38 and when the front moved a little bit south to Sadagoura. Sadagoura, it was a place near to Chernovitza. It's in Basarabia. Today it's Ukraine, it is the state where they are fighting.

Basarabia and Bokovina. And there I became a regular man of the Czechoslovak army. They gave me something here and my commandant in this place was a Major Vochek. He came from England. He was a very nice man. And so I was one of the first members of this regiment. And we made very well, and after a short time we went into the fight against the Germans and we had not very much success. We had been beaten in one place where we lost a lot of people. And at this time have been made some changes in the army and we get about 15 new officers to my regiment. They came from England and from the, how do you call this territory, near Ost. Where is Rialis and Turkey?

Q: Remia?

A: Near east. Many of them have been Jewish officers. It was mostly higher educated people and the reserve officers. And there in our regiment we had also many officers from Slovaki, from the Slovak army. And once we have been starting over there, and it was the first time as I noted it, .. one, a lieutenant told me, "Tell me, Viliam, how it is possible that we have so many Jews?" So I was very angry. I told him, "What are you asking me?

You have to ask your father, that so many Jews still, from Slovakia, are here. He was not a good killer. Maybe he could kill more." So, "You are also a Jew?" I told him, "Yes, I am, but I am a soldier first and not a Jew. Secondly I am a Jew." And I was very angry. I went to the commandant, to the Major Vochek and I told him. I told him, "Look, if it has to be so, I don't want to be more a member Of this army. Why should I fight with such a man? I must be afraid that he could kill me, not the Germans." And it was a little bit, a big discussion between the officers and some of them has been, they lose their officer arrange (?). And it was getting better when these people came from England, and they have been more...

A: Because in the mountains of Slovakia it was very hard to fight with the Germans. But I met one cousin in Poprat. He was a partisan in Slovakia. He wants to go to the Army. I told him no, you have to go home. Because maybe you'll be the only one who came back from your family. He's now living in Israel. He's 70 years old. Carmal Letko is his name.

And then I came also to Zlene where I should work by the Battah factories, like a soldier.

. . But I forget one thing. When we have been on the Slovak border and we have occupied the eastern part of Slovakia, so I went to this Major, he was a Colonel at this time. I ask him for three or four days vacation. He gave me, and so I went to the villages in County Michalovce to have a look if somebody is from the family. I was in three or four families, nobody was there. Everybody told me, the neighbors, "Oh, we are so sorry that they are away." You know, they have been so good people. They have been good people, but in the same minute that they left their houses the neighbors come in and took away everything. And I was visiting the commissar of the village, of one village. The commissar, it was like a mayor. And I came in, he was working on corn. And it fell down from his hands as he saw me. "Hey; come in! Are you hungry? Do you want to sleep or to eat something?" "No, no, no. I don't want. I want only you have come with me to the house of my uncle and you have to arrange that after tomorrow morning it will be empty because they are coming." It was not true that they are coming, but he came. And I saw this man who was in, he was a big (?) S.S. man, in Slovaki. And I told him, "Look, now it's six o'clock afternoon. At five o'clock in the morning it must be empty." It will be. I think the whole night they were moving out. And when I went back to the Army, then we came to Prague. I ended the war in a village Dornyemchitse-onMoravia. And I was just three days on a bunk where you have to look. It's a point, an observation point. And I was that time the chief of the intelligence, of the regiment. And then I, after three days I come back, I was very tired. I went to sleep in a house. And so at, later it was night. It was every, from each window I heard the people were shouting. I was afraid, what's happened. The Germans came in back. So I went down and across the street was our radio location center. And the commandant was a very good friend of me. Lovenschtein was his name. He was Jewish, but a very clever boy. I ask him, "What's happened?" "You don't know? It's one hour we have peace." Of course, I was very happy. I took vodka. (He laughs.) It was a very nice feeling. It was the first or the second nice feeling. And after 14 days we had a big parade in Prague and we moved to a place, it was an army camp, and we stayed in Prague. After a week or so the chief of the, the boss of the administrative, in the army, in our regiment. His name was, he was a second lieutenant Wolfe. He was an attorney, he was.a very clever boy. We spoke often together. He was calling me on the regiment. I came here, he told me, "Viliam, have you some information about your family?" I told him, "How can I have information here from Prague?" "Why you didn't come earlier?" "Why should I come to you? What's happened?" So, "Give me the name of your family, of your mother, your father, your sisters and brothers." "Why you need it now?" "Yes, because we have an agreement with the broadcast that every day two hours or so they will send messages to families according to the notice what we ..

get from you." So I gave him, and maybe in 10, 14 days he called me again, and he told me, "So, I have good news. Your mother is living in Koshitse. Here you have an address and here you have commandeer of car. You can go for 14 days to go." It was not easy to travel after the war because the railroads have been destroyed. I came to Koshitse. (He pauses.) I met my mother. She couldn't believe. The time, the first one she met from her children after the war. She told me, "Your sister is living. She's now on this and this place. Your brother is living. We expect him, that he will come also to Koshitse. Of course they came after a short time. I went back to Prague, then I came back to Koshitse with a group because we have been and the newest location was Koshitse. I get a new, not a new, but I get an apartment. I get furniture, I get everything, and my family, mother, sister and brother, we met and lived a short time together. Then I was, I left the army.

Even they wanted that I would stay in the army, I didn't want to stay in the army. I went back to Zlene. I started again to work by the Battah Company. My sister, in a short time she married a boy from East Slovakia who was an American soldier. And after a short time she moved here. Mother stayed in Koshitse, my brother went to the school. He finished his abator. And he went to the university. He finished the College of Chemical Research. He was working like a professor in Prague. In 1964 he moved illegally to the United States with his family. In a short time he was professor at Brooklyn College. Later on the other place, I don't know exactly, I know he's retired, living in Sarasota, in Florida, teaching at the University of Sarasota. He is very sick, and this is one of the reasons that I came. My sister is living in New York, near to New York. Her children are living, Jerry is living here and the second brother in California. And my mother passed away, it's about 21 years, here in the states.

Q: Thank you very much, Mr. Fried. (Break in tape.) We have about one more minute. Holly would like to know a little bit about your life since. .

A: My life in Czechoslovakia, I decided to stay there. I could, I had an affidavit to come to the States. But my mother was old, my brother went to school there. It was in 1948 or so.

And I couldn't leave my girlfriend because it wouldn't be, I am a little bit conservative in these ways. If we are living together I cannot say one day, "It's finished. Everything went well. But it came the years 1951. It was, I went back to the Army. They took me again to the Army. And maybe this was my luck. Otherwise, maybe you know about Slantsky and all them things. I wasn't Slantsky. But very many smaller people like Slanstky ended up in jail, and maybe . . . So. It was very heavy days, we came through. The second problem was when my brother left .. Czechoslovakia illegally because he was in a high position, not in a position that he was a boss, but he was a leading person in the Chemistry, especially in the thermo-dynamic. And as he left Czechoslovakia, so there had been maybe a threat that he would talk about something, and so. And because they couldn't nothing do for him. So I was, (he laughs), the man whom they had in their hands. But I came through because I have, I have had, I explained it, I told it that I had very, they don't need Viliam Fried like a person, but many of them need Viliam Fried like a chemist, an economist and maybe for some other things. So that I came through. We are living in a normal way, have two children, four grandchildren. The son is also working in chemistry. He is today working for an Italian company. He is specialized in organic chemistry. My daughter is deputy principal in a senior high school teaching English and Latin. The grandchildren are going to school, very good. Of course, yesterday I said we are talking about my wife is not Jewish, but she's a better Jew like many Jewish. These are the words of my mother. It's not mine. She is satisfied she is here with me. She is writing books for children, making for television grammar, books for television. And so we are living. And we are very close to our family here. WE have nobody else. Nobody from our family, 87 percent of our family doesn't come back from the concentration camp. It was a big family. My mother had three sisters and four brothers. Everybody had children. I was, it's finished or not? I was with my wife four years ago in Poland. I was visiting these places. I was in Treblinki. And when I stood on the bottom by this big statute in Treblinki, in my head was that my aunts should be here. But I had luck. How many times.

Q: Thank you very much, Mr. Fried.